A Message Of Peace At Christmas

Previous posts eg. ‘The Vermin Club’ and ‘Captain Swing And His Crew’ discussed the enormous circle of radicals, political activists, high profile literary figures, psychoanalysts etc who spent much time in south Gwynedd –  or who were friends with those who did – during the middle decades of the 20th century, as a result of the presence of Sir Clough Williams-Ellis who married into the Bloomsbury Group and Bertrand Russell taking up residence in nearby Penthyndeudraeth. The Welsh Bloomsbury Group knew about the presence of Dafydd’s gang in the area – and pre-Dafydd, Gwynne the lobotomist’s gang – but Dafydd and Gwynne provided a service for them, not the local people, so they weren’t in the least bit worried.

One strong link between with current politicians wielding power and Croesor is via the Hobsbawm family. Eric Hobsbawm kept a second home at Croesor for many years. He left the area in the late 1970s, but connections remained. Eric’s daughter Julia spent much of her young life at Croesor, although the family’s main home was in Hampstead. Julia’s best mate from Camden High School for Girls was Sarah, with whom Hobsbawm established a PR company that worked for the Labour Party and trade unions. While working for Hobsbawm Macaulay Communications, Sarah met Gordon, just when Gordon was in need of a wife, him wanting to be PM one day and they married. For a long time the Hobsbawms had a family friend who was the wife of the Chancellor of the Exchequer but they hit the jackpot in 2007 when they found that they were mates with the PM and his wife! It was good news for the Hobsbawms but disastrous for the public services in north Wales because the Hobsbawms were right behind a group of people who had caused very great suffering in north Wales…

 

Croesor was a place of many tales of derring-do because of the numerous very well-known radicals and bohemians who lived there at some point throughout the middle decades of the 20th century. The Croesor-related story that impresses some people the most is of course The Croesor-George Blake Link, which I briefly mentioned in my post ‘O Jones, O Jones’. It was Michael Randle and Pat Pottle, who lived in Croesor for many years, who helped the spy George Blake escape from prison in 1966. In 1991 Randle and Pottle finally stood trial at the Old Bailey for their role in springing Blake from Wormwood Scrubs and smuggling him out of the UK and into the Soviet Union.

George Blake (born George Behar on 11 November 1922) worked as a double agent for the KGB. Blake became a Communist and decided to work for the KGB while a prisoner during the Korean War. Blake’s espionage was discovered in 1961 and after a great deal of ‘How Very Dare You’ from the British establishment, he was sentenced to 42 years in prison after it was alleged that his activities had led to the deaths of many, many agents. George Blake escaped from Wormwood Scrubs in 1966 and fled to the Soviet Union. Blake was not one of the Cambridge Five – or at least the received wisdom states that he wasn’t – although he associated with Donald Maclean and Kim Philby after he  arrived in the Soviet Union.

Blake was born in the Netherlands in 1922, the son of a Protestant Dutch mother and an Egyptian Jewish father who was a naturalised British subject. The family lived a comfortable existence in the Netherlands until Blake’s father’s death in 1936. The 13 year old Blake was sent to live with relatives in Egypt, where he continued his education at the English School in Cairo. When WW II broke out, Blake was back in the Netherlands. In 1940, Germany invaded and quickly defeated the Dutch military. Blake was interned but released because he was only 17. He joined the Dutch resistance as a courier. In 1942, Blake escaped from the Netherlands and he reached London in January 1943. There, he was reunited with his mother and his sisters, who had fled at the start of the war. It was in 1943 that his mother decided to change the family name from Behar to Blake.

Blake joined the Royal Navy as a sub-lieutenant before being recruited by the Secret Intelligence Service, MI6, in 1944. For the rest of the war, Blake was employed in the Dutch Section. In 1946 Blake was posted to Hamburg and put in charge of the interrogation of German U-boat captains. In 1947 the Navy sent Blake to study at Downing College, Cambridge, where his fellow students included Michael MccGwire.

With a biography like this, George Blake would have been party to huge quantities of sensitive information that the British state are still desperately refusing to come clean about, such as whatever it was that Lord Louis Mountbatten did for so long that sent everyone into a blind funk and caused state agents to do anything at all to ensure that it was never openly admitted, even years after his death. See post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’.

MccGwire was a Royal Navy commander who in 1952 joined GCHQ to develop naval intelligence on the Soviet Navy. In 1956-58 MccGwire became a British assistant naval attache in Moscow where he provided military intelligence. As a ‘war planner’, MccGwire worked in the Supreme Allied Commander Atlantic (SACLANT) in the US. MccGwire retired from the Navy in 1967 aged 42 and became a student in International Politics and Economics at Aberystwyth University. While at Aber, MccGwire started and ran the Interstate Journal of International Affairs and published on the Soviet Navy for the UK’s Institute of Strategic Studies. MccGwire spent a year at Aber teaching postgrads.

For much of the 20th century, Abersytwyth churned out law graduates who spent the rest of their professional lives colluding with the organised abuse and criminality in Wales and elsewhere. The institution was also managed by deeply corrupt people who perpetuated this situation. Goronwy Rees, Principal of Aber, 1953-56, was a friend of Guy Burgess and was named as a double agent himself, although Goronwy’s fan club hotly denied that. Goronwy’s brother Geraint was a High Court judge in Wales who knew Ronnie Waterhouse and the gang. MccGwire was at Aberystwyth when Carlo was a student there for a brief time learning Welsh. For further details of corrupt people in high places as Aberystwyth University, see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’.

 

In 1970 MccGowrie became Professor of Maritime and Strategic Studies at Dalhousie University, Canada, staying there until 1979. He then became a Senior Fellow of the think tank in Washington DC, the Brookings Institute. MccGwire semi-retired in 1990, joining Cambridge University as a visiting Professor for three years on their Global Security Programme. At Cambridge, he continued to argue for an end to nuclear deterrents. In 2006 MccGwire participated in the national debate re the replacement of Trident and after that continued publishing and commenting on world affairs. He died in 2016.

Michael MccGwire was married to Helen, formerly an occupational therapist and author of a children’s storybook. They lived in Dorset and had five children: the writer and adviser to Labour Party figures, Scarlett MccGwire; author/communication consultant Lucinda Neall; CAB adviser Katrina Higham; business publisher Rory MccGwire; and corporate financier Paddy MccGwire. Scarlett has featured in a previous post on this blog and Lucille Hughes has been involved in the senior management of the CAB for a long while.

 

After Cambridge University, George Blake was posted to Seoul, South Korea, arriving in November 1948. Under cover as a Vice-Consul, Blake’s mission was to gather intelligence on Communist North Korea, Communist China and the Soviet Far East. Blake and the other British diplomats were taken prisoner after the Korean War broke out in 1950. While in Korea, Blake became a Communist and volunteered to work for the KGB.

When Blake was asked, “Is there one incident that triggered your decision to effectively change sides?”, he responded, “It was the relentless bombing of small Korean villages by enormous American Flying Fortresses. Women and children and old people, because the young men were in the army. We might have been victims ourselves. It made me feel ashamed of belonging to these overpowering, technically superior countries fighting against what seemed to me defenceless people. I felt I was on the wrong side … that it would be better for humanity if the Communist system prevailed, that it would put an end to war”.

Following his release in 1953, Blake returned to Britain as a hero, landing at RAF Abingdon.

Blake returning from Korea in 1953

In October 1954, Blake married MI6 secretary Gillian Allan in London. In 1955, he was sent by MI6 to work as a case officer in Berlin, where his task was to recruit Soviet officers as double agents. He informed his KGB contacts of the details of British and American operations, including Operation Gold, in which a tunnel into East Berlin was used to tap telephone lines used by the Soviet military. Until Blake’s treachery was discovered, this operation had been hailed as a resounding success. It is claimed that in the course of nine years Blake betrayed details of some forty MI6 agents to the KGB, destroying most of MI6’s operations in Eastern Europe, although this remains unsubstantiated. Blake later said of this, “I don’t know what I handed over because it was so much”. In 1959 Blake became aware of a CIA mole inside GRU, the foreign military intelligence agency of the Soviet Army and was thus instrumental in exposing P.S. Popov, who was executed in 1960.

In 1961, Blake fell under suspicion after revelations by Polish defector Michael Goleniewski and others. Blake was summoned back to London from Lebanon where he was enrolled at the Middle East Centre for Aranic Studies (MECAS) and arrested on arrival in London. Blake denied that he was ever tortured or blackmailed by the North Koreans and gave his MI6 interrogators a full confession.

The maximum sentence for any one offence under section 1 of the Official Secrets Act 1911 is 14 years, but Blake’s activities were divided into five time periods charged as five offences and, in May 1961 after an in camera trial at the Old Bailey, he was sentenced to a total of 42 years imprisonment by the Lord Chief Justice, Lord Parker. It was the longest sentence (excluding life terms) ever handed down by a British court until in 1986 Nezar Hindawi was sentenced to 45 years for the attempted bombing of an El Al jet.

Hubert Lister Parker, Baron Parker of Waddington (28 May 1900 – 15 September 1972) served as Lord Chief Justice, 1958-71. He went to Rugby (in later years he was Chairman of the Governors) and Trinity College, Cambridge. Following that, Parker was called to the Bar at Lincoln’s Inn in 1924. He became a High Court judge in 1950 and by 1954 was promoted to the Court of Appeal, in which Parker served until 1958. Harold Macmillan appointed Parker as Lord Chief Justice in 1958 and Parker remained in the post until 1971. 

Parker was criticised when he imprisoned the journalists who refused to reveal their sources during the Vassall Tribunal of 1963, the Public Inquiry undertaken by the British Gov’t in the wake of the John Vassall Scandal. Vassall, a civil servant working in the Admiralty, had been revealed in 1962 to be a Soviet spy and considerable criticism had been levelled at the security arrangements that were in place. The Tribunal was established to investigate these claims and determine whether any blame could be laid on officials or ministers. At first, the Inquiry was to be conducted by three senior civil servants. However, before it could begin, letters were discovered in Vassall’s possession from Tam Galbraith, who had been Civil Lord of the Admiralty. See previous posts. Vassall had been Galbraith’s junior Private Secretary; nevertheless some people suggested that it was odd that a minister would communicate by post with an official of his own department and there was considerable speculation of impropriety in the press. Given Vassall’s homosexuality, which had now become known, there were rumours that he and Galbraith were involved with each other and that Galbraith might have shielded him from discovery. The committee of civil servants investigated the correspondence and declared it innocent, but this verdict was not universally accepted. Eventually, the PM, Harold Macmillan, was compelled to open a wider Inquiry, conducted by three jurists. The Inquiry determined that Vassall had not been helped or favoured by any of his seniors.

Like so many other people, John Vassall will have known whatever it was going on in the Royal Navy and the Admiralty at the time that Gov’t was so desperate to keep quiet. Vassall was arrested in 1962 and was subsequently sentenced to 18 years’ imprisonment; he was released in 1972 after 10 years. Vassall was befriended in prison by the social reformer, Lord Longford, who during all that prison visiting and reforming gathered a great deal of information regarding who was witness to Naughtiness In High Places (see post ‘Comedies Of Menace’). Vassall subsequently changed his surname to Phillips, settled in St John’s Wood, London and worked as an administrator at the British Records Association and for a firm of solicitors in Gray’s Inn. He died after suffering a heart attack on a London bus in November 1996, two months before the Waterhouse Inquiry opened: it was not until nearly three weeks later that the press became aware of Vassall’s death. Ronnie Waterhouse lived in St John’s Wood, as did a great many lawyers, judges and politicians who were keeping the lid on the Westminster Paedophile Ring.

Lord Parker’s judgement with regard to the Vassall Tribunal stated in part that “the citizen’s highest duty is to the State”. Unfortunately for people like John Vassall who began dropping like flies as the Waterhouse Inquiry loomed and then got underway, the State was complicit with a bunch of vicious gangsters who were forcing kids and vulnerable people into sex work and bumping them off if they told people what was happening to them. Parker was quoted as saying that the Courts “have a positive responsibility to be the handmaiden of administration rather than its governor”. So who WAS/IS the Guvnor?

However, Lord Parker was popular among the legal profession as he secured improvements in judicial salaries and pensions. Which was an effective way of ensuring a tame judiciary that is the handmaiden of administration rather than its governor.

 

    • Lord Parker was a ‘mild reformer’ who supported legal aid, tried to modernise some judicial procedures and took an active part in Lords debates. He supported moves to abolish the death penalty.

 

On 22 October 1966, George Blake escaped from Wormwood Scrubs with the assistance of three men whom he had met in jail: Sean Bourke, Pat Pottle and Michael Randle, the escape being masterminded by Bourke. Sean Bourke was a petty Irish criminal, Pat and Michael were two anti-nuclear activists who had spent years living in Croesor.

In 1989, Michael Randle and Pat Pottle published their book giving an account of Blake’s escape, along with their rationale for helping him, ‘The Blake Escape: How We Freed George Blake And Why’. When in June 1991 Randle and Pottle stood trial at the Old Bailey for their part in the escape they were no longer living at Croesor. They defended themselves in court, arguing that while they in no way condoned Blake’s espionage activities for either side, they were right to help him because the 42 year sentence that he received was inhuman and hypocritical. Despite a virtual direction from the judge to convict, the jury found them not guilty on all counts.

Their trial attracted a great deal of publicity partly because there was such a high degree of farce involved. The crime had taken place many years before and it was unclear why it was suddenly deemed so important for Randle and Pottle to stand trial. What really attracted attention though were the allegations that the security services themselves had helped Bourke, Randle and Pottle spring Blake. It was also claimed by some that CND had been behind the escape. Randle and Pottle were CND activists but always denied that the escape was a CND act and they also denied that they had been assisted by the security services.

 

Randle and Pottle both served as Secretaries of the Committee of 100,  an anti-war group that was set up in 1960 by Bertrand Russell, Ralph Schoenman and the Rev Michael Scott. Pat Pottle was always referred to by people in north Wales as ‘Bertrand Russell’s Secretary’ rather than the ‘Secretary of the Committee of 100’. Randle was appointed as Secretary when the Committee of 100 was created, but Pottle took over the following year after Randle was jailed for his involvement in an anti-nuclear demonstration; Pottle himself had recently been released from prison after being jailed for his part in organising the demonstration at Wethersfield, of which more details will be provided later in this post. In 1955, Russell leased Plas Penrhyn in Penrhyndeudraeth, some four or five miles from Croesor and in the following year it became his principal residence.

People around Croesor talked to me about Russell, Pottle, Randle and Schoenman, but no-one ever mentioned Michael Scott. A lot of people involved with the activism took a rather dim view of Schoenman, but never explained why.

 

The Rev Guthrie Michael Scott, (30 July 1907 – 14 September 1983), was an Anglican priest and an anti-apartheid activist, who became active in anti-apartheid in South Africa in the 1940s. Scott was born in Sussex on 30 July 1907 and educated at King’s College, Taunton, Chichester Theological College and St Paul’s College, Grahamstown. Scott was ordained by George Bell in 1932, the George Bell who in recent years has been at the centre of a huge row in the Anglican Church regarding allegations that he was a child molester. Scott’s career began with curacies in Slaugham and Kensington. He was Domestic Chaplain to the Bishop of Bombay, 1935-37 and then served at St Paul’s Cathedral, Calcutta. In 1943 Scott moved to Johannesburg where he was Chaplain to the St Alban’s Mission. In 1952, Scott co-founded the Africa Bureau, “an organisation to advise and support Africans who wished to oppose by constitutional means political decisions affecting their lives and futures imposed by alien governments.” He was a leading international promoter of Namibian independence along with Chief Hosea Kutako and Captain Hendrik Samuel Witbooi. For his efforts in the Namibian War of Independence, Scott has a street named after him in Windhoek. He met with Martin Luther King Jr. during Ghana’s celebration of independence.

 

The Committee of 100 was committed to a campaign against nuclear weapons based on non-violent mass civil disobedience. The idea emerged early in 1960 in discussions between Ralph Schoenman, Hugh Brock, April Carter, Uncle Harry’s brother-in-law Ralph Miliband and Stuart Hall, some 23 years before Uncle Harry’s brother-in-law and Stuart Hall began a campaign of mass civil disobedience with the aim of hampering Brown’s career (see previous posts ‘eg. Life In Cold Blood’).

When Bertrand Russell established the Committee of 100, Dafydd and John Allen hadn’t yet gone into business big-style, but there had been organised abuse in north Wales for years; Gwynne the lobotomist ruled supreme and locals who crossed the path of powerful people were destroyed. Bertrand Russell and his mates had nothing to fear, Gwynne and subsequently Dafydd were there to serve the needs of posh powerful people.

 

Schoenman approached Bertrand Russell, the President of CND, with the idea which led to the Committee of 100. Russell resigned from the Presidency of CND in order to form the Committee of 100, which was launched at a meeting in London on 22 October 1960 with a hundred signatures. Russell was elected as President and Michael Randle was appointed Secretary. Russell explained his reasons for setting up the Committee of 100 in an article in the ‘New Statesman’ in February 1961.

Many in CND, including some of its founders, supported the Committee of 100’s campaign of civil disobedience. In 1958 CND had cautiously accepted direct action as a possible method of campaigning; but, largely under the influence of Canon John Collins, CND Chairman, CND’s leadership opposed any sort of unlawful protest. The Committee of 100 was created as a separate organisation partly for that reason and partly because of personal animosity between Collins and Russell. It has been suggested that this separation weakened the campaign against nuclear weapons and research also suggested that during the activities of the Committee of 100, public support for unilateral disarmament decreased, so Bertrand Russell’s campaign seemed to be counter-productive. About as effective as Uncle Harry’s brother-in-law’s and Stuart Hall’s efforts to stop Brown getting a PhD and publishing…

DUH!!! Rethink needed!

Ralph Miliband in 1958.jpg

 

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The Crisis being that from the mid- 1980s onwards, Brown and his friends refused to shut up about the vile old lobotomist and his gang who had for years been supplying kids and young people to provide sexual services for Bertrand’s circle…

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

Bertrand was long dead but there was his legacy and his many friends and family to think about and of course CND and the other Radical Causes with which so many of those who had been and still were involved were also linked to the sexual exploitation of kids and young people, as well as the associated serious organised crime.

Many of the ageing and recently retired social workers of Gwynedd turned out for the Feb 2003 anti-Iraq War march. Never mind the gangsters and the murders of witnesses, there’s the world to save, an organic wholefood diet to follow and an angry letter to ‘The Guardian’ to be written.

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Lessons Have Been Learned!

Which is why this happened a few weeks later:

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Prof Stuart Hall and his mates found themselves with an even greater Crisis to police in 2003 when Merfyn Jones, the then acting VC of Bangor University, gave me a place to do a PhD. The Crisis worsened when Merfyn’s appointment as VC was confirmed in 2004 and then race riots broke out in 2005 when I acquired my PhD. The solution to the serious civil disorder was to Get Merfyn (see post ‘Lest We Forget’). As well as Brown and me of course. I mean Merfyn was from Llanfrothen but his dad wasn’t Bertrand Russell!!!

 

‘The Brondanw Arms’, the pub that Merfyn’s parents ran in Llanfrothen as tenants of Eric Hobsbawm’s friend Sir Clough Williams-Ellis:
17 of the best dog-friendly pubs in North Wales - Daily Post

Plas Penrhyn, the humble cott in which Bertrand Russell dwelt:ラッセル紀行写真(ラッセルが晩年を過ごした Plas Penrhyn の自宅) - Bertrand Russell ...

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Information about Plas Penrhyn can be found on the website of ‘Humanist Heritage’. Among other things we are told:

Plas Penrhyn was Bertrand Russell’s home in Penrhyndeudraeth, Wales. Russell had a fondness for Wales and would live there for most of his later years.  The original idea to move to Wales was to provide a suitable place for his grandson’s family to live comfortably.  John, Russell’s grandson, wanted to be a writer and there was little way to support his wife and three children in this manner. Plas Penrhyn was near Duedraeth castle where Russell had stayed before and was near the sea (Penrhyndeudraeth means peninsula with two beaches in Welsh).  Percy Bysshe Shelley also had maintained a cottage in the local area.

It was from this regency manor that Russell would telegram both Khrushchev and Kennedy during the Cuban Missile Crisis, write his biography and live out his later years. In one passage of his biography he describes his first impressions of the house:

We stopped in North Wales where our friends Rupert and Elizabeth Crawshay-Williams had found a house, Plas Penrhyn, that they thought would make a pleasant holiday house for us and the children. It was small and unpretentious, but had a delightful garden and little orchard and a number of fine beech trees. Above all, it had a most lovely view, south to the sea, west to Portmadoc and the Caernarvon hills, and north up the valley of the Glasslyn to Snowdon. I was captivated by it, and particularly pleased that across the valley could be seen the house where Shelley lived. The owner of Plas Penrhyn agreed to let it to us largely, I think, because he, too, is a lover of Shelley and was much taken by my desire to write an essay on ‘Shelley the Tough’ (as opposed to the ‘ineffectual angel’). Later, I met a man at Tan-y-Ralt, Shelley’s house, who said he had been a cannibal…

 

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

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Nye’s humble cott in Belgravia, the Nye who’s World Envying Achievement provided 100% protection to ineffectual Angels as well as to downright abusive Angels who were running the trafficking gang in north Wales:

‘The greatest ever lion and lioness of Labour’: the Windbag on Nye Bevan and Jennie Lee. The Windbag who was a personal friend of some of those in the trafficking gang as were both of his parents-in-law in the previous generation.

Brown and Baker are Damaging The NHS With Their Publications!

Merfyn Jones is destroying my university, my language and my culture‘: the phrase spat at me by two other associates of the trafficking gang. Er, was this little slogan possibly doing the rounds amidst the Get Merfyn campaign? Since when did Miranda, Gordon and David Cameron give a damn about Bangor University, the Welsh language or indeed any putative Welsh culture, suckers???

Yma O Hyd!

Nye and Jennie on their way back to their humble cott in Belgravia from Harrods:

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The parents of Brown and Baker weren’t Bertrand Russell either, indeed our parents weren’t even members of the New Left, which must have been why Col Brown was found suddenly and unexpectedly dead during the Waterhouse Inquiry and Mrs Brown was found suddenly and unexpectedly dead just after I finished my PhD, when the SPG were brought in to police the Crisis.

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The SPG came into their own after Merfyn was appointed the Chairman of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board and the combined forces of the gwerin, the Top Docs et al and the descendants and friends of the New Left organised to allow numerous NHS patients to die in order to cause a scandal and thus force Merfyn to resign and leave public life (see post ‘The Point Is To Change It’). Added extras were guns being waved at me as well as someone who provided a witness statement, attempts to run Brown and I off the road at high speed and me being wrongfully arrested repeatedly and unlawfully refused all medical care. Let’s hear it for Radical Action!

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The Committee of 100’s campaign tactic was to organise sit-down demonstrations, which were not to be undertaken without at least 2,000 volunteers pledging to take part. Many eminent people participated in the sit-downs but few of the 100 signatories took part in the Committee’s activities. Demonstrators were required to adopt a discipline of non-violence and were recommended to remain limp if arrested and to refuse to co-operate in any way until inside the police station.

While I lived in north Wales I met a few people who had been part of the Committee of 100’s demonstrations, some of whom had joined the Committee of 100 at a young age. Merfyn joined while he was still at school and I knew another person who had joined as a school girl who had been arrested and imprisoned as a result of one demo, although she was only 15 yrs old. There was quite a fuss when Holloway discovered that one of their prisoners was a school girl.

I got to know this person better as a result of Brown and me publishing about the problems in the NHS in north Wales. She knew people who were going to England for mental health care because they just could not get any in north Wales and her own father was treated appallingly as a patient in Ysbyty Glan Clwyd. She raised her concerns and was subjected to insults and ridicule from the Angels. This was not a family who could be pathologised as plebs Ignoring Public Health Messages, the elderly man who had the Ysbyty Glan Clwyd Experience was a retired senior Army officer and his daughter was an academic who also worked as a journalist. The family did not publicise what had happened because it was all just so distressing that they wanted to retain their privacy and dignity, which was often why so much gross abuse of patients does not become public. Mark Drakeford knows that most of the families involved in the Tawel Fan scandal at Ysbyty Glan Clwyd never went public on just how bad it all was for the same reason.

The care of the elderly in Ysbyty Glan Clwyd was known to be atrocious and had been for years. It was ignored, even when Prof Clare Wenger, a retired academic from Bangor University and a specialist in the well-being of older people, wrote a report about her own experiences as a patient there and went to the media in 2007. Clare Wenger was denounced by Ysbyty Glan Clwyd as a stuck up old cow and not one person came to her defence in public, although every health and social care specialist at Bangor University, every politician in north Wales and every Top Doctor knew that Clare Wenger was not exaggerating with regard to just how bad the ‘care’ of elderly patients in that hospital was. See previous posts. Sadly, even Clare herself did not flag it up until she got in the neck…

First they came for the socialists, and I did not speak out –
     Because I was not a socialist.

Then they came for the trade unionists, and I did not speak out –
     Because I was not a trade unionist.

Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out –
     Because I was not a Jew.

Then they came for me – and there was no one left to speak for me.

 

Look around. There is no-one left to speak out. No-one.

Sound of Silence - Law Officer

The NHS is the envy of the world and the Top Doctors need more funding. Universal Credit will be Rolled Out to all Empowered Service Users because It Makes Work Pay and makes them Take Responsibility.

 

Meanwhile in Hampstead:

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Roll your sleeves up and get to work or it’s Pol Pot for the lot of you…
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At first, the Committee of 100 differed from CND only in its methods. Within the Committee, however, there were different ideas about civil disobedience, direct action and non-violence. Bertrand Russell saw mass civil disobedience merely as a way of getting publicity for the unilateralist cause. Some members followed Gandhi and they regarded direct action as a way of creating a non-violent society. Ralph Schoenman and others, including the anarchists who later led the organisation, saw direct action as a sort of insurrection that could force the state to give up nuclear weapons. Once that had been achieved, perhaps they could have done the world an even bigger favour and dealt with Gwynne the lobotomist and Dafydd. Nicolas Walter, a prominent member of the Committee, said later that it had been an anarchist organisation from its inception and that the hundred signatories were, in effect, a front.

The Committee’s first act of civil disobedience on 18 February 1961 was a sit-down demonstration at the MoD in Whitehall, London, to coincide with the expected arrival of USS Proteus on the River Clyde. Between 1,000 and 6,000 people took part; there were no arrests. At the next sit-down demonstration, on 29 April 1961 in Parliament Square, the police arrested 826 people. There were also marches and sit-downs against nuclear testing and demonstrations at the US and Soviet embassies in London and at the Polaris submarine base. 

On 17 September 1961, Battle of Britain Day, supporters blocked the pierheads at Holy Loch and the approaches to Trafalgar Square. The September demonstration is regarded as the high-water mark of the Committee of 100. A week before the demonstration, the hundred committee members were summoned to court without charge under the Justices of the Peace Act of 1361, because they “incited members of the public to commit breaches of the peace” and were likely to continue to do so. The court bound them to a promise of good behaviour for 12 months; 32, including Bertrand Russell, then aged 89, refused to be bound over and chose to go to prison instead. It is estimated that 12,000 to 15,000 people attended the demonstration despite the invocation of the Public Order Act, which effectively made it illegal to be in the vicinity of central London that day. Several thousand sat down and there were 1,314 arrests, but no violence from demonstrators despite allegations of police brutality.

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Can’t See Any Protesters Here:

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The success of the September demonstration encouraged the Committee to move from symbolic sit-down demonstrations in London to mass direct action at the places where nuclear weapons would be deployed and they planned simultaneous demonstrations on 9 December 1961 to walk on to RAF bases at Wethersfield, Ruislip, Brize Norton and Cardiff to sit on the runways and to prevent planes from taking off and street sit-downs in Bristol, Manchester and York.

The official response to the Committee of 100 had escalated from prosecution for incitement to breach of the peace to prosecution for the much more serious offences of conspiracy and incitement to breach the Official Secrets Act. Six organisers, the “Wethersfield Six”, were charged with these offences and five later imprisoned for eighteen months: Ian Dixon, Terry Chandler, Trevor Hatton, Michael Randle, Pat Pottle; and the sixth, Helen Allegranza, to twelve months. Bertrand Russell said that he was equally responsible, but the authorities ignored him and concentrated on the six young, unknown Committee of 100 officers. 3,000 military and civilian police were mobilised at Wethersfield. 5,000 demonstrated there and 850 were arrested. The Wethersfield demonstration was the Committee’s last act of large-scale civil disobedience. There were recriminations within the Committee, one internal memorandum saying that its policies had turned it into “a public spectacle, a group isolated from the general body of public opinion and feeling.” Herbert Read resigned from the Committee, saying that the action was “strategically foolish”. The Committee was weakened by the imprisonment of its officers.

The force used by the police at sit-down demonstrations surprised many of the demonstrators, which, with the Committee’s insistence on nonviolence and the use of pre-emptive arrests for conspiracy, discouraged many and support dwindled. The Committee’s plan to “fill the jails” by means of mass civil disobedience and thus compel the Gov’t to respond to their demands, was frustrated by the authorities imprisoning a few important members and ignoring the rest. Ralph’s brother-in-law Uncle Harry and his colleagues subsequently did ensure that the jails were indeed filled, but with Empowered Service Users rather than anti-nuclear activists. The harsh sentences on the Wethersfield Six “brought home to the Committee its inadequacy when faced with the might of the State,” and some of the Committee’s leaders were not willing to “fill the jails”, mounting strenuous appeals against conviction or, in the case of Pat Pottle, going on the run. Pottle went into hiding in December 1961, when he was wanted by the police after the occupation at Wethersfield. It was only in February 1962, when he appeared at a press conference at Kingsway Hall in London, that Pottle was arrested by Special Branch. He defended himself at his trial and attempted to use the trial as a platform for his political beliefs. Pottle, Randle and  the four other Wethersfield Six defendants were jailed for 18 months.

These days jails are not for peace activists or even serious criminals, they are for Empowered Service Users, who, should they say one word in protest, even when having been obviously framed, will be told by Caring Angels and Top Doctors that they Should Have Thought Of That Before. Fortunately, when Professor Oliver Brooke of St George’s Hospital Medical School Didn’t Think before he assisted in the organisation of a pan-European paedophile ring, his Eminent Colleagues realised that a prison sentence caused Great Suffering for a man like Ollie and at Ollie’s appeal in May 1987, five months after he was imprisoned, Lord Chief Justice Geoffrey Lane received many testimonials and letters of support for Ollie, declared Ollie’s enthusiasm for child porn to be the equivalent of a collection of ‘cigarette cards’ – did packets of fags still come with cigarette cards in 1987??? – and ordered Ollie’s release, although Ollie’s conviction was not overturned. See post ‘Oliver!’.

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  • By 1962, half of the original 100 signatories to the Committee of 100 had resigned. The Committee was in debt, faced the failure of its mass civil-disobedience campaign and was dissolved. The campaign was decentralised and thirteen regional committees, each with a hundred members, became responsible for organising demonstrations, with a co-ordinating National Committee. Of the regional committees, the London Committee of 100 was the most active and influential. A national magazine was launched by the London Committee in April 1963. Like CND, the Committee of 100 had begun with a self-appointed and unelected leadership and like CND, it faced pressure for greater participation by supporters. This re-organisation was intended to involve more people in decision making and to spread demonstrations throughout the country; Bertrand Russell opposed this. Well of course he did, because they weren’t Earl Russell, the Nobel Laureate and Very Clever Philosopher.

    Bertrand Russell

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In March 1962, Russell addressed a sit-down demonstration in Parliament Square against the sentences on the Wethersfield Six. All the 1,172 protesters were arrested, but there was a growing feeling that such demonstrations were becoming an end in themselves and would not now create a mass movement against nuclear weapons. A sit-down of 7,000 outside the Air Ministry planned for the following September had to be called off because of lack of support.

To underline its opposition to Russian nuclear weapons as well as those of the West, the Committee held a demonstration in Red Square, Moscow, at an international congress of the World Peace Council in the summer of 1962, calling for the abolition of all nuclear weapons and attacking the Soviet system.

From 1962 onwards, the Committee became increasingly radical and extended its campaigns to issues other than nuclear weapons. Peter Cardogan, an officer of the Committee, said that it was “trying to go in 12 directions at once”, including campaigning for civil liberties in Greece, against Harold Wilson’s failure to produce a promised Vietnam peace initiative and against siting London’s third airport at Stansted. In 1963 Russell resigned, although he was careful not to denigrate it publicly. Following Russell’s departure, the public image of the Committee deteriorated, many signatories also resigned and “the Committee of 100 ventured even further into the wilderness of libertarian politics”.

Members of the Committee of 100 doubled up as the Spies for Peace and were responsible for the revelations in 1963 regarding the Regional Seats of Gov’t, a network of secret Gov’t bunkers.

The Committee’s interest in Greek politics was sparked by the banning of a march by the Greek “Bertrand Russell Committee of 100” in Easter 1963, by the expulsion of some of the British Committee of 100’s members when they attempted to join the march and by the murder of Grigoris Lambrakis, a Greek MP and peace activist. Plans to protest against the London visit by King Paul and Queen Frederika in July 1963 were met by official attempts to prevent the demonstrations and draconian prison sentences on demonstrators. Macmillan’s Gov’t was criticised in the press for the severity of its treatment of the demonstrators and eventually there were embarrassing climb-downs. Some of the sentences were overturned on appeal and the Home Secretary, Henry Brooke, had to offer financial compensation.

Henry Brooke, as well as members of his family were directly responsible for concealing successive generations of the Westminster Paedophile Ring and of course the crimes of Dafydd’s gang. Brooke was married to Barbara Brooke, the daughter of a Welsh Nonconformist Minister, who became Baroness Barbara Brooke and ruled over swathes of the NHS in London; their son was Peter Brooke, the Cabinet Minister in Thatch’s and then John Major’s Gov’ts. Another son was Sir Henry Brooke, a Lord Justice of Appeal and there were also two daughters who married Top Doctors. See previous posts for details of this unpleasant dynasty.

 

One of the demonstrators criminalised by Henry Brooke et al proved that an offensive weapon had been planted on him and forced a public inquiry that criticised the police and led to the eventual imprisonment of three officers. However, a nine month sentence on Terry Chandler, Secretary of the London Committee, was upheld on appeal. Diana Shelley said that the imprisonment of Chandler, “the force which had driven” the Committee throughout the summer, had a profoundly damaging effect. Four years after these events, following the 1967 military coup in Greece, a “non-violent invasion” of the Greek embassy resulted in prison sentences of up to fifteen months for Committee of 100 demonstrators.

Previous posts have discussed Patient F who was targeted by Dafydd and the gang repeatedly. Their biggest immediate problem with F was that he found out about the abuse of kids in one of the children’s homes in Bangor and challenged the gang about it; he also knew plenty about police corruption and the abuse of psych patients. When younger, F had been a fixture of the art and rock scene in the south east of England and Dafydd was fully aware that F seemed to have info about the deaths of Jimi Hendrix and Brian Jones. F also had a great deal of information on David Hockney, Francis Bacon and Mick Jagger. Dafydd and the gang probably won’t have known this, but MI5 would: when F was young, he and his mates travelled extensively, through Afghanistan, Turkey, Morocco etc and they also went to Greece, where they were held at gun point by soldiers. F and his friends had found an empty building to kip in and there were flags rolled up in there, so they unrolled them and hung them up outside. They were the flags of the previous regime in Greece and the Colonels nearly shot F et al for flying the wrong flag…

The Committee of 100 was wound up in October 1968.

 

Ralph Schoenman (born 1935) is an American left-wing activist who was Personal Secretary to Bertrand Russell and became General Secretary of the Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation. He was involved in a number of projects supported by Russell, but shortly before Russell’s death in 1970, Russell publicly broke with Schoenman.

Born in New York, Schoenman was educated at Princeton University, but left the U.S. for Britain in 1958. He became active in the CND after arriving in Britain, which brought him into contact with Russell, for whom Schoenman began working in 1960. Bernard Levin wrote critically of Schoenman’s influence on the aged Russell, painting Schoenman as partly responsible for Russell’s virulent anti-Americanism, in contrast to his earlier pronouncements against communism. Russell said of Schoenman, “You know he is a rather rash young man, and I have to restrain him.”

In 1963, Schoenman participated as Russell’s Secretary in attempts to mediate a solution for the Sino-Indian border conflict, after China declared a ceasefire the previous year. Schoenman was an organiser and member of the Russell Tribunal, an International War Crimes Tribunal which visited North Vietnam and Cambodia, 1966-67. After making these visits, Schoenman argued in a hearing of the tribunal that the U.S. had committed genocide in Vietnam. During the course of the tribunal, the U.S. Govt revoked Schoenman’s passport because of unauthorised visits to North Vietnam. In November 1967, Schoenman was deported back to the U.S. by Bolivian authorities when he travelled there to attend the trial of Regis Debray. As a result, he was prevented from attending the tribunal’s proceedings in Copenhagen later that month because Danish authorities refused to allow him to enter without a passport. This led to a sequence in which Schoenman shuttled between several European countries, none of which would admit him, before illegally entering Britain, where he remained for 10 days until being deported in June 1968.

Russell publicly repudiated his relationship with Schoenman in December 1969 and had him removed from the Board of the Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation. Schoenman then renamed the American branch of the foundation the American Foundation for Social Justice and continued to promote hearings into alleged US atrocities in Vietnam. Later, Schoenman settled in Princeton, but was again able to travel, visiting Iran during the waning days of the Shah’s Gov’t to raise awareness of the human rights violations of the U.S. backed Gov’t. The new Provisional Revolutionary Gov’t expelled him in March 1979.

Meanwhile, back at the ranch in Wales:

Jim Callaghan was PM

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Sir Peter Morrison was the Tory MP for Chester
Peter Morrison

George Thomas was Speaker of the House
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Ron Davies was leader of Rhymney Valley District Council
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Since 2002 Ralph Schoenman has worked with documentary filmmaker, Mya Shone, providing commentary for radio stations in many parts of the United States and Canada and produces the “Taking Aim” radio show, billed as “Uncompromising, fact intensive exposés of the hidden workings of a capitalist system addicted to permanent war”.

Ralph, once you have brought down global capitalism and put an end to permanent war, how about a documentary exposing Dafydd et al, whom you knew all about when you were knocking around north Wales for all that time? My friend wanted to do it in the late 1980s, which is why she was driven out of her job at the Royal Television Society and her husband was forced out of the BBC. Part of your expose could include the activities of Dafydd’s pals at the Walton Centre, in who’s care Merfyn’s wife Nerys died in 2008. After Nerys had divorced Orlando Patterson, the US answer to Stuart Hall she returned from the US and married Merfyn.

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Ralph Schoenman got busy with those documentaries in the wake of the Waterhouse Report when people just wouldn’t stop alleging that there had been a huge cover up, the year before Merfyn Jones was appointed acting VC of Bangor University; Merfyn had been effectively performing that role for a while before it was confirmed.

In 2002 I wasn’t an acting VC or anything else, I had been unlawfully forced out of my teaching job by the gwerin and the gang and had been charged with ‘threatening to kill Alun Davies’ on the basis of the perjury of at least eight people, most of them NHS employees. The charges were withdrawn on the first day of the trial, which was repeatedly adjourned so I was on bail until 2004. I then received a letter from the DES telling me that I was under investigation with a view to striking me off the teaching register as a ‘dangerous teacher’. My name was cleared by a junior Minister who was a friend of Merfyn’s; he was then named in the media as a Minister who had let a paedophile remain on the teaching register. See previous posts.

Ralph knows the identities of some real paedophiles don’t you Ralph?

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Julia gave an interview to ‘The Guardian’ in 2014 and afterwards it was reported that she ‘believes in’ social mobility. As well as no doubt Father Christmas, or in Wales, Sion Corn.

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Julia: Your dad was of course working for MI5, so I have no way of knowing if he wasn’t quietly working hard to undermine the gang of child abusers with whom he associated for so many years, but if he was, he wasn’t very effective. It doesn’t take a great deal of Editorial Intelligence to work that out.

 

 

Michael Randle and Pat Pottle met George Blake in Wormwood Scrubs after they had been sentenced to 18 months imprisonment in 1962 for their part in organising the Committee of 100 demo at the USAF base in Wethersfield. Michael Randle also got to chat with John Vassall while he was in the Scrubs.

Michael Randle (second from left) with Bertrand Russell (centre) leading an anti-nuclear march in London, Feb 1961

Born in England in 1933, Michael Randle spent WW II with relatives in Ireland. Active in the peace movement since registering as a conscientious objector to military service in 1951, Randle was a member of the Aldermaston March Committee which organised the first Aldermaston March against British nuclear weapons at Easter 1958. He was Chairman of the Direct Action Committee Against Nuclear War, 1958–61; Secretary of the Committee of 100, 1960–61; and a Council and Executive member of War Resisters’ International, 1960–88, including the Chairman, 1966–73.

In 1959–60, Randle spent a year in Ghana, participating in the Sahara Protest Team against French atomic bomb tests in the Algerian Sahara and helping to organise a pan-African conference in Accra which took place in April 1960. In 1962, he was sentenced for his part in the Wethersfield demo; while Randle was serving that sentence his first son, Sean, was born. In October 1967, Randle was sentenced to 12 months’ imprisonment for participating in an occupation of the Greek Embassy in London following the Colonels’ coup in April of that year.

During his time in the Scrubs, 1962–3, Randle became friends with George Blake. After he escaped from prison, Blake then stayed at ‘safe’ houses around London which were mostly friends of Randle’s and Pottle’s, before he was hidden in a secret compartment in a camper van and Michael Randle drove him to Eastern Europe, with Randle’s children sitting on top of the seat that Blake was hidden underneath to put off any customs officers who might look into the van.

Michael Randle took a keen interest in developments in Eastern Europe. In 1956, he undertook a march from Vienna to Budapest with leaflets expressing support for Hungarian passive resistance to the Soviet occupation, though he was prevented from entering Hungary by Austrian border guards. In 1968, Randle jointly co-ordinated for War Resisters’ International protests in Moscow, Budapest, Sofia and Warsaw against the Soviet-led invasion of Czechoslovakia. In the 1970s and 1980s, he collaborated with the Czech dissident, Jan Kavan, then living in London, smuggling literature and equipment to the democratic opposition in Czechoslovakia.

In 1966, Randle graduated from London University and in 1981 completed an M.Phil in Peace Studies at Bradford University and then a PhD in Peace Studies at Bradford in 1994. There was a trafficking gang operating in the Bradford region with links to Dafydd’s gang, the guest star of which was of course Jimmy Savile, who by 1994 was the manager of Broadmoor Hospital and sexually assaulting patients there. Previous posts eg. ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’, ‘The Banality of Evil’ and ‘Now Then…’ have detailed how from the early summer of 1994, Dafydd and the gang were working very hard to have me constructed as ‘dangerous’ and transferred to an institution like Broadmoor. Their efforts began in earnest immediately after I and Patient F met with two members of the Mental Health Act Commission and raised our concerns about Dafydd sexually exploiting patients and serious complaints about Dafydd and his colleagues not being investigated.

The shenanigans in north Wales were accompanied by a major research fraud committed by two Top Docs at St George’s Hospital Medical School in London, Professor Geoffrey Chamberlain and Malcolm Pearce, for whom I had previously worked as a research assistant, which, had they not been caught, would have seen them established as making medical history and any attempt on my part to publish anything about their wrongdoing or their collusion with Dafydd and the gang in north Wales would have resulted in me being cast as a nutter telling porkies about World Famous Top Docs. There was further wriggling after Chamberlain and Pearce were exposed. Chamberlain, the more senior of the two and a man who was friends with Sir George Pinker, the Royal Gynaecologist who delivered William and Harry, as well as celebs such as Cilla Black, blamed everything on Malcolm and later gave evidence against Malcolm at the GMC hearing in 1995. Malcolm was struck off but what wasn’t made public was that Malcolm was then given a job as a medical negligence expert no less. When I worked at St George’s, 1989-91, I was officially Malcolm’s research assistant, although Chamberlain was Head of Dept. So even after it all blew up in their faces, had I gone public, I would have been known as the research assistant of that terrible man who faked his own research and no doubt Chamberlain would have been happy to confirm that I was a wrong ‘un, not having been publicly disgraced himself. Malcolm wouldn’t have come forward because he had that nice little number as a negligence expert and there’d have been one hell of a row if it had been known.

I don’t know who cooked all this up, but it was well beyond the ken of the St George’s crowd or indeed the Health Secretaries at the time, Virginia Bottomley, a former psychiatric social worker and then Stephen Dorrell, both of whom concealed the criminality at St George’s and in north Wales. See previous posts. The arrangements with regard to Chamberlain and Malcolm involved people at the highest levels of Gov’t as well as the security services. However it did all save the face of the man who since 1976 had been Chancellor of Bangor University and who also had a few other links to this heap of crap.

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On 9 June 1994, Matt Arnold, the Head of Bryn Estyn, died of an ‘unspecified blood disease’. On 13 June, the trial of Peter Howarth, Arnold’s long time friend and colleague, for the sexual abuse of boys in his care, opened at Chester Crown Court. Howarth went on trial with Paul Wilson. On 8 July, Howarth was found guilty and sentenced to 10 years in prison; Wilson was acquitted on all charges. Howarth maintained that he’d taken the rap for other abusers who were protected by their Friends in High Places. In April 1997, just after Waterhouse Inquiry had opened, it was briefly suspended because Sir Ronnie suddenly felt like a holiday in Hong Kong, during which time he met up with Derry Irvine, who was either the man who within days would be Lord Chancellor or he was the Lord Chancellor, depending upon the day that Ronnie and Derry bumped into each other. While Ronnie was in Hong Kong, Peter Howarth died in HMP Wakefield from a heart attack. Ronnie had previously worked with Derry and Derry’s two junior barristers, Tony and Cherie!

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The Courts, lawyers and judges of the Chester and Wales Circuit were and still are endemically corrupt and have colluded with organised abuse on Wales for decades. In 1990 three Gwynedd County Council social workers and their colleague, an Angel, perjured themselves in Chester Court in an attempt to have me imprisoned for breaching a High Court injunction. It became obvious that they had lied on oath and the case fell apart. There was no investigation. I now have copies of documentation relating to that case and the granting of the injunction just weeks previously. Perjury had been involved in obtaining the injunction. The injunction had been applied for and granted by the High Court in Leeds, although I lived in Bethesda in Gwynedd. Sir John Kay granted the injunction. Leeds falls within the Northern Circuit; barristers and judges on the Northern Circuit were colluding with Jimmy Savile and the Yorkshire gang. Until he made his name by acting for Jeremy Thorpe when Thorpe was tried for conspiracy and threats to kill at the Old Bailey in 1979, George Carman QC worked on the Northern Circuit. Carman was a grade A crook who spent years concealing the Westminster Paedophile Ring and the constituent gangs. Cherie Booth worked in Carman’s Chambers until 1988 and Miranda had been his pupil. Jimmy Savile was said to have ‘held’ Carman in reserve lest any media outlet ever named him as an abuser. Greville Janner retained George Carman when he was interviewed by the police re the abuse of children in care in the early 1990s. In his later years, Carman lived in Wimbledon, as did Geoffrey Chamberlain and many other Top Doctors and staff of St George’s. John Moore, Thatch’s Secretary of State for Social Services, 1987-88 and Secretary of State for Social Security, 1988-89, also lived at Wimbledon and interestingly enough refused to risk his own neck at St George’s in Nov 1987 when he became ill himself. Moore was a instead a patient at the private Parkside Hospital in Wimbledon. This was not surprising; Moore was at the top of the DHSS and knew that the Dept itself and the NHS was in chaos; he also knew that serious organised crime had permeated St George’s Hospital and that a huge trafficking ring was being facilitated by the staff. Ollie Brooke had been released from prison early in the summer of 1987…

When I first arrived to work at St George’s myself in 1989, Parkside Hospital were advertising for part-time lab staff and I showed interest in doing a few hours for them at weekends. When I mentioned this to my new colleagues at St George’s, they became incredibly nasty. The senior technician David Hole started shouting at me and stated that he wouldn’t give me a reference if I applied for a job at Parkside and I gained the impression that Hole was going to ensure that no-one else did either. I was baffled by the complete hostility but I now know that by that time Hole was fully aware that I was refusing to drop my complaints about Dafydd et al who were linked to the ring that Hole’s own colleagues were involved with. Hole was the MSF rep, he was corrupt and he was using his knowledge of the criminal Top Docs to personally benefit. Hole couched his aggression in ‘I hate private medicine’ – well he was an SDP Councillor – but he was working with NHS consultants who were also running Harley Street practices and raking in the dosh. When I found out about John Moore recently I wondered whether Hole and co had been desperate to keep my away from Parkside lest I bumped into a few of the Rich N Famous in Gov’t who were providing the umbrellas for Ollie Brooke et al.

 

Documents in my possession show that the perjury and even much of the rigging of the court cases involving me, including the perjury at Leeds High Court and subsequently in Chester, was organised by Ron Evans, a lawyer employed by Gwynedd County Council, who was communicating directly with Lucille Hughes and NHS managers and staff in north Wales. Ron forged and altered documents in the process. See previous posts eg. ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’. Ron’s wife taught history at Bangor University and also serves as a magistrate in north Wales and their daughter is a lawyer who entered the civil service and by 2011 was employed as Peter Mandelson’s aide.

Gwynedd Social Services came after me – and F – again in 1993. Jackie Brandt, one of the Gwynedd social workers who had perjured herself in 1990, made a statement to the North Wales Police maintaining that I had screamed and yelled at her in Safeways in Bangor, such that she feared imminent attack. I was prosecuted and subsequently tried at Bangor Magistrates Court in the summer of 1993. Brandt got her own name wrong in the witness box, admitted that she had lied to the police and that I hadn’t even spoken to her in Safeways and then started crying, after she had explained to the magistrates that she had Plenty Of Experience In Dealing With Dangerous Clients but I was even worse than all the others. I had to cough up £60 for causing Brandt ‘alarm and distress’. I subsequently wrote to Michael Mansfield QC about this and the abuse of the law by Gwynedd Social Services to harass and silence complainants; I had previously complained about Brandt when she broke the law and unlawfully detained me in Ysbyty Gwynedd. Michael Mansfield wrote a one line reply in response, although he had just published his book ‘Presumed Guilty’ about corruption and abuse within the criminal justice system. Mansfield’s former Chambers colleague is St Helena Kennedy, who was a guest at a do held by Julia Hobsbawm at the Portmeirion Hotel in Gwynedd some years ago; St Helena is a Wimmin’s Champ, but not of those Wimmin who have challenged Dafydd and the gang, probably because she spent years working with Professor Nigel Eastman of St George’s Hospital Medical School, who when he ‘assessed’ me in 1991, just told me to go back to north Wales ‘because they know you there’. Eastman’s colleague Dr Robin Jacobson had told Eastman in writing that Dafydd was sexually abusing patients and that he suspected Dr Tony Francis was as well. Tony’s wife Sadie was a Top Doctor who was also part of the gang in north Wales. Sadie grew up in Yorkshire, where her mum was a Top Doctor – although she preferred to work as an artist – and herself was the daughter of one of the first Wimmin Doctors in Britain.

Here’s another daughter of another Early Feminist Hero:

Regius Professorship Lecture (15648721150).jpg

 

Shirl and the rest of the Gang Of Four colluded with Dafydd and the Westminster Paedophile Ring for their whole careers and used their knowledge of who was doing what in that ring of traffickers to develop their electoral strategy after the SDP was formed and I suspect may even have established the SDP with a view to doing that. See post ‘We’ve Been Expecting You…’

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I’ll probably find out soon that Dafydd is the secret love child of Mrs Pankhurst. Or Jenni Murray.

While Gwynedd Social Services were in hot pursuit of me throughout much of 1993 – Brandt made her complaint to the North Wales Police in early spring and the trial wasn’t held until late summer – two other people deeply involved with the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal died, which will have been a relief to many, what with that police investigation into a possible paedophile ring drawing to an end and the hundreds of complaints that had been made about the abuse of kids but were never acted on by the DPP. The deceased were Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon and his dad Lord Lloyd Kenyon. Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon was known to be sexually abusing at least one boy in the care of the Social Services in north Wales and used the boy for indecent photos. It was recorded upon the boy’s social work file that he was in a ‘homosexual relationship’ with Thomas. In 1978 the two of them spent the night together and Thomas subsequently made a complaint of theft against the boy, stating quite clearly why they had been together all night. The ‘theft’ was of a number of items including Polaroid porn pics of them both. The boy was sent to a detention centre. Thomas was not charged with any offence.

Lord Kenyon was President of UCNW for nearly 30 years but was deposed in 1982 when the gwerin began fighting in the wake of Jeremy Thorpe and Mary Wynch. See post ‘Meet The Gwerin!’ Lord Kenyon was a Tory who held numerous public positions, including that of Chair of Clwyd Health Authority; he was a member of the North Wales Health Authority, the most senior Freemason in north Wales, a magistrate, a Flintshire County Councillor, a Director of Lloyd’s Bank… See previous posts for full details of the Kenyons.

Lord Kenyon died on 16 May 1993, ‘after a long illness’. Jackie Brandt made her statement of lies to the police about me several weeks before the North Wales Police arrived at my house and told me that she had complained. I didn’t find out about Brandt’s allegations until well into April. I was charged a few days later. Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon died from HIV/AIDS in 1993. Lord Kenyon was a Tory. Those we know and love will have been fully aware that Thomas and his father were on the way out when Brandt’s idiocy took place.

 

On 21 July 1994 after Matt Arnold was safely dead and Peter Howarth had been sent to prison for 10 years, Miranda became Leader of the Labour Party. His predecessor John Smith had died on 12 May 1994 after the Top Docs at Bart’s were unable to revive him following a heart attack; Bart’s was choc full of Top Docs who had links with Dafydd and the gang and had been protecting them for many years. See previous posts…

After John Smith died, an acting Leader of the Labour Party was appointed, a lady who famously enjoys caravanning – just like Jimmy Savile – who served as the Deputy Leader under John Smith, 1992-94:

Dame Margaret Beckett
Official portrait of Margaret Beckett crop 2.jpg

Margaret has been the Labour MP for Derby South since 1983 and before that she was the Labour MP for Lincoln, 1974-79. So Margaret reaches back to Harold Wilson’s era. There was a paedophile ring in Derbyshire who were on excellent terms with Dafydd’s gang; care staff from Derbyshire arrived to work in children’s homes in north Wales and north Wales’s child abusers popped over to Derbyshire. John Jillings, who Chaired the Jillings Investigation, admitted that very serious abuse of kids in care in north Wales had gone on for many years but refused to give his opinion as to whether a paedophile ring was in operation. Despite his harsh words, it was widely believed that Jillings was playing down the severity of the problem in north Wales. John Jillings was the former Director of Derbyshire Social Services.

The Jillings Report was completely suppressed and made available to no-one except Clwyd County Council’s insurers lawyers on the advice of Michael Beloff QC, the legal adviser for the  insurers of the Council, Municipal Mutual. Michael Beloff QC is, like St Helena,  a member of the Mansfield community and was a colleague of Cherie’s. After Miranda got through the door of No 10, Michael Beloff was a visitor to Chequers. Michael Beloff is the son of Lord Max Beloff, who was a pal of Ioan Bowen Rees, the Chief Executive of Gwynedd County Council when kids and psych patients were being abused and his staff were busy perjuring themselves and forging documents in their efforts to have me imprisoned.

 

Among her other positions, Margaret Beckett was a junior Minister in the Dept of Education and Science, 1976-79, in Callaghan’s Gov’t under Secretaries of State Fred Mullay and then Shirl. So she knew about the abuse in schools, especially of SEN children and in the schools attached to children’s homes, in north Wales and elsewhere. Beckett also knew about the chaos presiding at UCNW and Shirl refusing Dafydd Wigley’s 1979 demand for a Public Inquiry into Sir Charles Evans’s management of UCNW. Beckett had a go at being Shadow Heath Secretary, serving as yet another safe pair of lame ineffective hands in that role.

Beckett topped off her collusion with serious organised crime when she served as Lord President of the Council and therefore was the visitor for Bangor University, 27 July 1998 – 8 June 2001. Which was during the years of the Waterhouse Inquiry and the publication of the subsequent Report. While Beckett was serving as the University visitor, the Windbags’ friend of many decades, Lord Cledwyn, who had been concealing Dafydd’s et al crimes since the early 1950s when Cledwyn was elected the Labour MP for Anglesey, was President of UCNW. See previous posts.

 

Malcolm Pearce was struck off by the GMC in June 1995. On 9 July 1995 Bing Spear, the corrupt Home Office Drugs Branch mandarin who did Dafydd so many favours, died. On 13 July 1995 Sir Peter Morrison was found dead. Brown was forced out of his job at Aston University in July 1995. See previous posts.

 

Michael Randle was coordinator of the Alternative Defence Committee, 1980-87, contributing to its publications, Defence Without the Bomb (Taylor and Francis, 1983) and The Politics of Alternative Defence (Paladin 1987). He has contributed articles and reviews to ‘Peace News’, ‘New Society’ and ‘The Guardian’, as well as to other newspapers and journals.

‘New Society’ steadfastly ignored the widespread abuse of children and vulnerable people in the care system throughout its many years of existence. This was hardly surprising as it was a magazine aimed at social workers and its classified’s pages carried job adverts for social work managers for local authorities which had been infiltrated by paedophile gangs. John Allen advertised for staff in ‘New Society’.

 

Randle was also the author of several books, including Alternatives in European Security. Randle was coordinator of the Bradford-based Social Defence Project, 1988-90 and later coordinated the Nonviolent Action Research Project, also based in Bradford, the proceedings of which were edited into a book Challenge to NonviolenceHe remains an honorary visiting research fellow at the Department of Peace Studies, Bradford University. In 2005, he co-edited with April Carter and Howard Clark People Power and Protest since 1945: a bibliography on nonviolent action.

For most of the life of the Committee for Conflict Transformation Support (1992–2009, previously Coordinating Committee for Conflict Resolution Training in Europe), Michael Randle was minutes Secretary and also Editor of its bulletin, ultimately titled CCTS ReviewHe is a long-serving Trustee of the Commonwealth Collection at the J.B. Priestley Library at Bradford University. In March 2003, Randle made an extended appearance on the TV discussion programme ‘After Dark’. 

Randle married his wife, Anne, in 1962; they have two sons, Sean and Gavin and are grandparents.

 

Patrick Pottle (8 August 1938 – 1 October 2000) was a founding member of the Committe of 100. He was born in Maida Vale, north London. His mother was from an Irish Catholic family: his father was a Protestant trades union official and a socialist. Pat went to the London College of Printing and during national service, he worked in the hospital at RAF Uxbridge.

Pottle organised his first anti-war demonstration in 1959 and participated in a number of demonstrations, including a sit-in at the Soviet embassy in London. In 1964 Pottle was put on trial in China and deported for “inciting the Chinese people to overthrow the state”. Later the same year he was deported from Greece after joining anti-nuclear demonstrations. Months later he was deported from Malta for organising an anti-nuclear demonstration there.

A few months after Blake had escaped in Oct 1966, Pottle met and married Susan Abrahams, the daughter of the Olympic champion Harold Abrahams and his wife, the opera singer Sybil Evers. See post ‘O Jones, O Jones’. In 1967, Pottle co-founded the Vietnam Information Group to help US deserters and draft dodgers reach Sweden. A year later, he was arrested in London while demonstrating against the Greek colonels’ coup, but escaped from a police van after noticing that the back doors were unlocked. Pottle also organised demonstrations against the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia. The Pottles moved to Croesor in 1969, moving back to London in 1979. They were living in London when Pottle and Randle stood trial for springing George Blake. The Pottles then moved back to Gwynedd to retire in 2000.

For most of his working life Pottle was a printer, running his own Stanhope Press in the 1960s, working as printer for the Peace Pledge Union in the early 1990s and running his own Pottle Press in the late 1990s. Most of the printing that Pat did was for anti-nuclear or peace groups.

My previous post ‘Captain Swing And His Crew’ discussed how I got to know some of those involved in the anti-nuclear and peace groups in Gwynedd during the 1980s – although I didn’t meet Pat Pottle – who knew about Dafydd and the gang but would not touch them. Furthermore some of those activists later trained as social workers; their campaigning groups received huge support from people employed in the health and welfare services across north Wales. It was why I became so disillusioned with leftist politics and ‘radical’ activism, the whole lot of them were complicit. It wasn’t just north Wales; it was the same story in Leicester and London. I now know why: the Westminster Paedophile Ring. Their links were everywhere and the Labour-run Councils during the 1970s and 80s were sending hundreds of kids to children’s homes in north Wales. Virtually all the Councils, whoever was running the local authority, had a major problem with the abuse of children in care and the gangs were linked up across the UK and into Europe…

If the Brave Campaigners for Peace had said one word, the funding for their campaigns would have been terminated, there’d be no more support from the liberal media or indeed any political party or politician and furthermore the individuals who did speak up would have found that they were hounded out of every job that they ever obtained. As I was and the friends who supported me. One of my mates was murdered and attempts were made to murder Brown and his brother.

Greenham doesn’t look quite so heroic now does it Strong Wimmin?

greenham-common | Çatlak Zemin

Lying in the road? Er, you’d have brought Thatch down if you’d have piped up about the Westminster Paedophile Ring because she was a personal friend of Sir Peter Morrison and Jimmy Savile, who was procuring the kids… Ooh, I forgot. You needed the Pot of Money and the Funding For The Co-ordinator Of This Project and We Really Can’t Criticise A Doctor. I remember it well Strong Wimmin!

Official portrait of Ann Clwyd crop 2.jpg
Jane Hutt AM (28136581466).jpg
Julie Morgan AM (28066509352).jpg

The Waverers:

Neil Kinnock Stock Photos & Neil Kinnock Stock Images - Alamy

 

 

 

It was Sean Bourke who originated the idea of springing George Blake from the Scrubs. George Blake’s escape took place in 1966, three years after Randle and Pottle had been released from Wormwood Scrubs. Sean Bourke originally approached Michael Randle only for financial help with the escape, but Randle became more involved and suggested that they bring Pottle in on the plan as well, as he had suggested springing Blake to Randle in 1962 when they were both still in prison. It was in May 1966 when Bourke approached Randle and Pottle about springing Blake and it was in October 1966 that Blake was helped over the wall using a ladder made of rope and knitting needles. Blake was then hidden in various London flats by Pottle and Randle. In December Blake was smuggled to Berlin in a compartment hidden under the bunk of a camper van driven by Randle; Blake later surfaced in Moscow.

Randle and Pottle’s motives for helping Blake to escape were their belief that the 42-year sentence was “inhuman” and their personal liking of Blake.

The outline of the escape which appeared in media reports:

Bourke had smuggled a walkie-talkie into Blake to communicate with him whilst in jail. It was decided that Blake would break a window at the end of the corridor where his cell was located. Then between 6 and 7 pm, whilst most of the other inmates and guards were at the weekly film showing, Blake could climb through the window, slide down a porch and get to the perimeter wall, where Bourke would throw a rope ladder made of knitting needles over the wall so that Blake could climb over and they would then drive off to the safe house. During the escape, Blake fractured his wrist jumping from the perimeter wall, but apart from that it all went according to plan.

After the escape, it became apparent that the safe house Bourke had organised was not suitable, as it was a bedsit that was cleaned by the landlady once a week. Blake then spent several days moving between Randle and Pottle’s friends’ houses in north London; after this, Blake and Bourke moved in with Pottle, staying with him while preparing to get through customs and escape to East Germany.

Pottle and Randle’s book provided further details of the plans made before the escape, the escape itself and events after the escape. For years it was assumed that Blake’s escape had been masterminded by the KGB, but in the run-up to their trial Pottle and Randle secured the disclosure of MI5 papers which showed they had been suspected from the beginning. While it was fiercely denied by Pottle and Randle that MI5 themselves had assisted the escape, from the information provided in Pottle and Randle’s book, I would suggest that they must have done. Even in 1966, security in the prison system could not have been so lax that no-one would have noticed what went on; it was almost a Laurel and Hardy prison break-out. Or something worthy of Big Vern.

 

As for events after George Blake had actually got out of the prison via the ladder made of stringy bits and knitting needles which was thrown over the wall, new heights of slapstick were reached, some of which were provided by Top Doctors. Randle and Pottle noticeably didn’t name the Top Docs in their book or anywhere else or even provide the slightest clue as to the Top Docs’ identity or place of employment. A Top Doctor treated George Blake’s fractured wrist. Blake didn’t go to A&E, he received home visits and there was a bit of inconvenience and discomfort but it was rather less than the kidney stones and cluster headaches experienced by people who dared complain about the Top Docs and been unlawfully refused all medical care. Or indeed experienced by Labour politicians who keeled over with heart-attacks whom the Top Docs just couldn’t revive or the wives of Vice Chancellors who developed brain tumours that proved beyond the powers of the Excellence of the Walton Centre.

Randle and Pottle decided that George Blake needed to be Disguised for the period of time that he was knocking around in safe houses and on his way to East Germany and furthermore they decided that the best disguise would be that of a Foreigner. A real Foreigner, George was already a Foreigner in that he wasn’t British, but after getting over the wall, George had to be disguised as a Darkie. So the skills of a Top Doctor were once more enlisted and according to the book, treatment was supplied which affected George’s pigmentation and turned him into a Darkie. I imagine that Blake must have resembled Al Jolson, he cannot have really constituted a passable Darkie of the sort that Enoch Powell would demand be refused entry to Britain. Vote Bertrand Russell if you want a Highly Implausible Nigger For A Neighbour. Turning George Blake into a Darkie probably simply have made him even more noticeable, in the way that I reminded F would only highlight the presence of Dafydd when F one day suggested that Dafydd could disguise himself to gain entry to women-only spaces by wearing a burqa.

Not only did Top Doctors treat Blake for a fractured wrist and then turn him into a Darkie, but because the crowd who were concealing Blake were networked into the Radicals of North London, one of the women who lived in one of the safe houses in which Blake stayed was Sharing with her psychiatrist (or analyst) and shared the fact that they were harbouring George Blake. This appeared in media reports years later as well as in Randle and Pottle’s book and it was presented as one of those ‘The Things Nutters Say’ anecdotes but ooh they were telling the truth there and the Doc didn’t believe them. Readers I will enlighten you; Nutters usually tell the truth, Nutters are the best people watchers that you will ever encounter, Nutters notice everything and everyone and Nutters have excellent memories. Nutters don’t always realise the significance of what they have witnessed, they need to refer to Brown for that, but Nutters have the lowdown. Furthermore, Top Docs know this, or at least Top Docs like Dafydd who need to cover their arses do.

The psychiatrist and analyst circles of north London were, even back in 1966 when George Blake escaped, concealing organised abuse and many of them had links with Dafydd and the gang in north Wales. Dafydd had ‘trained’ at the Maudsley before taking up a senior role at the North Wales Hospital in 1964 and he worked with Dr Bob Hobson at the Maudsley, who was running an abuse ring in London; the whole of the London medical establishment as well as psychoanalysts were protecting Hobson and they protected Dafydd for the rest of his career as well. See post ‘The Mentor’.

Sir Clough Williams-Ellis and Bertrand Russell were friends with many psychoanalysts and Clough’s wife Amabel was a member of Strachey family at the centre of the Bloomsbury Group. James Strachey was a huge figure in analysis, as was his wife Alix; they were friends with Freud and translated his works, providing the definitive translation which is still used today (see post ‘The Vermin Club’). There were close links between Welsh psychiatrists and analysts such as Wilfred Abse who were directly involved in facilitating organised abuse and the London Big Names (see post ‘O Jones, O Jones’) and Welsh psychiatrist Ernest Jones was one of Freud’s disciples who introduced analysis to the UK (see eg. posts ‘The Wind Of No Change’ and ‘The Vermin Club’). In turn this lot were friends with and often related to Gov’t Ministers, politicians, civil servants, diplomats, people close to the Royal Family and writers, journalists, people in theatre and the arts and of course lawyers. See post ‘The Vermin Club’. Ernest Jones alone had a son Mervyn who was a good friend of Michael Foot and who wrote Foot’s biography. The Croesor crowd contained numerous lefties and radicals with friends in north London and people like Eric Hobsbawm even had their main homes in north London. See post ‘Captain Swing And His Crew’.

By 1966 Dafydd was a leading light in MIND. MIND was facilitating organised abuse, including Dafydd’s gang. At one point, the Church of Scientology infiltrated MIND – then known as the National Association for Mental Health – maintaining that psychiatrists were committing crimes against children and experimenting on patients. This was completely true, but sadly because the Church of Scientology were a bit bonkers themselves, no-one at all would give them the time of day. The Scientologists and MIND were involved with a libel case which followed from the Church’s claims re Dafydd et al; the case was rigged at Gov’t level and the Scientologists lost. One of the lawyers who represented those who made the allegations against psychiatry later disappeared off the face of the earth. Ronnie Waterhouse was one of the lawyers who worked to uphold psychiatry’s good name.

The National Association for Mental Health and dear old Dafydd and his colleagues were considerably assisted by Sir Kenneth Robinson, Harold Wilson’s Minister of Health, 1964-68. The Top Docs loved Robinson, they absolutely loved him. He was the Mark Drakeford of Wilson’s Gov’t, Robinson gave the Top Docs lots of money, allowed them to do whatever they wanted, he failed to challenge the ‘pay beds’ scam in the NHS and he sat in a corner and wet himself in the face of the activities of Dafydd and Gwynne. Kenneth was President of the National Association of Mental Health in the 1960s when Dafydd was a high profile figure in the organisation as well. Even today, literature published by To Doc regarding the history of the NHS remembers Robinson’s time as Minister of Health fondly and the medical establishment is agreed that Sir Kenneth was the Best Minister Of Health that there has ever been. After pandering to the paedophiles in medicine, Sir Kenneth became the Chair of the Arts Council, distributing Gov’t cash to some of those who were using the services of the young sex workers procured by Dafydd et al. See previous posts for details re Sir Kenneth and the dust-up between the Church of Scientology and MIND.

 

That analyst who’s analysand was living in the same house as George Blake knew that George Blake was kipping at his analysand’s house and he/she will have known that the trail led to Bertrand Russell and his friends on Dafydd’s doorstep. He/she wasn’t going to blow the gaffe. There were so many others to think about…

James Strachey in 1952

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Now shut up and get in that dungeon at Denbigh. Rich horrible people want to have sex with you and no-one else will ever agree to shag them. Someone wants to be PM!

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As for putative help from the security services with regard to George Blake’s escape, some of those involved were the security services. I don’t know for certain about Randle and Pottle, but some of their closest friends were definitely working for the security services.

Pottle and his co-conspirator Michael Randle were suspected of helping Blake escape just weeks after it had happened in Oct 1966, but it was alleged that at the time Special Branch advised MI5 not to prosecute on the grounds that it might be seen as “persecution – that the big fish had got away so they were taking it out on the little fish”. The failure to prosecute was also attributed to the escape being highly embarrassing for the authorities.
Throughout the early accounts of Randle’s and Pottle’s lives of being prosecuted – or indeed not prosecuted – for political activism, I noted some very familiar names, names of people who concealed the criminal activities of Dafydd and the gang and the wider Westminster Paedophile Ring. The presiding judge over the 1962 trial of the six members of the Committee of 100 who organised the Wethersfield protest was Mr Justice Havers, ie. Sir Cecil Havers.

Sir Cecil Robert Havers (12 November 1889 – 5 May 1977) was born in Norwich, where his father was a solicitor. He was educated at Norwich Grammar School and then at Corpus Christie College, Cambridge, graduating with an LLB in 1913. Havers fought in WW I and continued to serve in the British Army well beyond that time as well.

Cecil Havers was called to the Bar at Inner Temple in 1920 and took silk to become a KC in 1939. Havers served as recorder of Chichester, 1939-51, as a judge in the Gold Coast, 1944-45 and as a Commissioner of Assize in the midlands in 1949. He became a bencher at Inner Temple in 1946 and served as Treasurer in 1971. Havers was elected as an honorary fellow of Corpus Christi in 1975. Havers was appointed as a High Court judge in 1951, being assigned to the Probate, Divorce and Admiralty Division. He was transferred to the King’s Bench Division in 1952.

Havers presided over the conviction of Ruth Ellis for murder in 1955, the last woman to be sentenced to death and executed in the UK. In a 2010 television interview his grandson, the actor Nigel Havers, revealed that his grandfather had written to the Home Secretary recommending a reprieve as he regarded it as a crime passionnel, but received a curt refusal. Havers subsequently sent money annually for the upkeep of Ellis’s son. I don’t know whether it was representations such as this from Cecil Havers which caused Lord Chief Justice Parker to give judges lots of money and stress that their duty was to be handmaidens of the state. Whether Havers was the precipitating factor for Lord Parker’s new Terms & Conditions for judges I don’t know, but the plan worked a treat. Just in my own case, judge after judge after judge, all the way up to the High Court over many years, doing favours for Dafydd.

Havers retired as a full-time judge in 1967 and became Deputy Dean of the Arches in 1970. He will not have been under those Arches, that is a delight experienced by the Empowered Service Users who have been Helped By Dafydd et al. In fact both Justice Roch and Huw Daniel made a point of telling the Court that Gwynedd Social Services ‘were helping people’ while I was leading the crime wave up in north Wales.

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  • Cecil Havers married Enid Snelling in 1916. They had one daughter, Elizabeth Butler-Sloss and three sons, Tony, David, and Michael Havers. Butler-Sloss and Michael Havers have been regulars on this blog. Michael Havers was Solicitor General, 1972-74; Attorney General, 1979-87 and then briefly Lord Chancellor. Michael Havers was the Tory MP for Wimbledon, 1970-87.

In the 1980s, it was revealed that Michael Havers, in his capacity as Attorney General, had blocked the prosecution of the diplomat and former DG of MI6 Sir Peter Hayman for child porn offences. Sir Peter was a member of PIE. See previous posts. This was one of the first storms regarding the failure to prosecute high profile Gov’t figures for child sex offences. Havers was AG throughout the years of serious criminality in north Wales, when complaints of the abuse of children or vulnerable people by Dafydd’s gang were ignored yet victims and witnesses were framed or prosecuted for trivial or ludicrous reasons. Havers was AG when Dafydd had me unlawfully arrested and imprisoned in the North Wales Hospital in Dec 1986 after Dafydd did a ‘deal’ with the corrupt Superintendent Roberts at Bangor Police Station which involved having me arrested for ‘attempting to strangle’ a junior doctor. After I had been incarcerated in Denbigh the junior doctor withdrew his complaint and the charge was dropped. I was however not released from Denbigh.

Havers was AG throughout the months of 1987 when Dafydd and the gang, in cahoots with the Home Office, Risley Remand Centre and the Mental Health Act Commission, planned to frame me for a serious offence in order to have me imprisoned. Havers stepped down as AG on 13 June 1987 to take up the post of Lord Chancellor. Some three weeks later Dafydd, Tony Francis and the gang tried to fit me up for ‘attempting to stab a junior doctor’. The plan fell apart when Sergeant Morgan at Bangor Police Station and Jeff Crowther, a nursing officer at Ysbyty Gwynedd, did not tell as many lies as required. See previous posts eg. ‘Workers’ Play Time’. Havers was succeeded as AG by Patrick Mayhew, who, while in that role, in 1990 and 1991 authorised three prosecutions against me for contempt of court, my imprisonment being requested on each occasion, on the basis of members of the gang committing perjury. Documentation in my possession demonstrates that the MDU, Hempsons and the barristers acting in the cases knew that perjury was being committed, as did the presiding judges. See eg. posts ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’, ‘The Sordid Role Of Sir Robert Francis QC’. So did Mayhew and Havers.

Michael Havers served in the Royal Navy, 1943-47 and then in the RNVR. As did Geoffrey Chamberlain. Gwynne the lobotomist was in the Royal Navy at that time as well. That generation of Naval officers knew about the shenanigans of Lord Louis Mountbatten, John Vassall, the gay spies in the Admiralty and the other events described in my post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’. It was the basis of Jim Callaghan’s rise to the top as well.

‘We’re the paedophiles’ friends and you can’t get us. Lobotomised because you complained about a groper? Illegally imprisoned in a dungeon for refusing to shag Dafydd?? Call Lord Havers for the definitive and final judgement on the matter.’

The Judge’s summing up: Ah the doctors they were wonderful!

 

Cecil Havers’ daughter Elizabeth also made a valuable contribution to the protection of Dafydd et al. Butler-Sloss became the first female Lord Justice of Appeal in 1988 and in that year she Chaired the Public Inquiry into the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal, which had resulted from Dafydd’s colleagues in the north east of England, who were linked to the gang in north Wales, taking hundreds of children into care after carrying out the notorious Bottom Inspections and accusing many innocent people -usually family members – of having buggered them. Two of the accused men committed suicide and after their deaths it was admitted by everyone that one of them at least had definitely been wrongly accused. No staff were dismissed or prosecuted as a result of the scandal and the Director of the Area Health Authority, Liam Donaldson was subsequently appointed Chief Medical Officer for England by Miranda in 1998, where he remained until 2010. See previous posts, including ‘Twas The Night Before Christmas And the Culprits Were Named’. Butler-Sloss never clarified in her Report how many children she believed really had been abused.

At the time of Cleveland, ‘The Guardian’ in particular waxed lyrical about the feminine charms of Butler-Sloss, who simply by possessing ovaries was kind, compassionate yet firm, good with children and sympathetic to distressed and even wrongly accused people. A rather different sort of publicity came Butler-Sloss’s way years later in July 2014 when she was forced to step down six days after being appointed as Chair of IICSA, after it was revealed that her brother Michael had been AG when many of the offences that would be the subject of IICSA had been committed. It was then revealed that Butler-Sloss, a big wig in the Anglican Church, had tried to ensure that the Anglican Church was excluded from IICSA. Which would have been a major omission in the light of what has now become public.

What has received less publicity is that Butler-Sloss was a bit dim when she was at school and although she came from a family where nearly everyone went to Oxbridge, even those without testicles, poor old Butler-Sloss was never going to be accepted for such institutions. So she became a secretary. I have absolutely no problem with people working as secretaries, I have been friends with secretaries, but I have yet to meet, in the flesh, a secretary who then became a High Court judge, let alone a Lord Justice of Appeal, because while working as a secretary she was spotted as High Court judge material and doors were magically opened. Without having to even do a law degree at university like virtually every other High Court judge. Not that this points to a Fiddle and Nepotism Of The Highest Order of course; it is yet another example of the Marvellousness of Lord Butler-Sloss and living proof that Women Are Amazing. In fact Butler-Sloss is so Amazing that her womanly hormones even projected her into Inner Temple, the same Inn of which her father was a member.

Butler-Sloss was rewarded for allowing the Westminster Paedophile Ring to continue business by being appointed the first female President of the Family Division of the High Court in 1999. But then Lizzie B-S had already bagged the job of Lord Justice of Appeal by keeping her mouth shut about Dafydd and the gang and I understand, about me.

 

Spot The Difference; Clue: One has had a shampoo and set (and one is really a secretary):

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Lord Michael Havers’ sons are Philip Havers QC – I wonder if he got into the family business via working in a wet fish shop after leaving school at 16 with no GCSEs? – and Nigel Havers, the posh actor who appears on TV talking in cut glass tones about how he isn’t at all posh, he just always plays roles in which he is cast as a Posh Man, while the women on TV with him swoon and bang on about him having gone to Eton and his dad being a Lord.

Nigel Havers:

  • Lady Butler-Sloss to lead child abuse inquiry | Society ...

 

Lord Justice Butler-Sloss:

 

This lot presided over terrorist trials and legislation which results in some people being locked up for years in solitary confinement. Doesn’t it warm the cockles of one’s heart?

The big guns were certainly brought out to blast away at Pottle, Randle and the other four members of the Committee of 100 who stood trial in 1962. The AG himself, Sir Reginald Manningham-Buller aka Lord Dilhorne, led for the prosecution. Reginald Edward Manningham-Buller, 1st Viscount Dilhorne (1 August 1905 – 7 September 1980), known as Sir Reginald Manningham-Buller, 1954-62 and as The Lord Dilhorne, served as Solicitor-General, 1951-54, AG, 1954-62, then as Lord Chancellor, 1962-64, so someone was obviously pleased with him jailing the Wethersfield Six.

In 1957 Manningham-Buller prosecuted suspected serial killer Dr John Bodkin Adams for the murder of two elderly widows. The case was highly controversial with allegations of inappropriate contact between Manningham-Buller and the BMA and GMC, political interference from the Gov’t of which Manningham-Buller was a member and evidence disappearing from the DPP’s files and then reappearing in the hands of the defence after the trial had begun. Mr Justice Patrick Devlin, the Presiding judge, in his post-trial book accused Manningham-Buller of “an abuse of process”. Detective Superintendent Herbert Hannam of Scotland Yard, the chief investigator, suspected political interference from a Gov’t which didn’t want to see a Top Doctor hang. It was widely believed that Manningham-Buller had deliberately presented a weak case against Bodkin Adams, who was suspected by Home Office pathologist Francis Camps of having killed 163 patients. Harriet Harman’s dad Dr John Harman gave expert evidence for the defence, on a matter of which Harman had no first hand clinical experience. But not knowing one’s arse from one’s elbow has never been a barrier for expert medical witnesses and just look at what Dafydd and Gwynne were doing at the time…See previous posts for more info on the John Bodkin Adams case.

Manningham-Buller as AG also made the decision to mount the prosecution against Penguin Books under the new Obscene Publications Act after the company republished Lady Chatterley’s Lover in 1960. Bernard Levin criticised the decision in ‘The Spectator’ which caused Manningham-Buller to suggested prosecuting “the proprietors of The Spectator, the editor and Mr Bernard Levin” once the Chatterley trial itself was over. The Solicitor General Sir Jocelyn Simon convinced him to reconsider.

Manningham-Buller’s mother was the granddaughter of Hugh Grosvenor, 1st Duke of Westminster. The Duke of Westminster has an historical link with St George’s Hospital Medical School. When the St George’s Hyde Park Corner site was vacated after the institution relocated to the new development in Tooting in 1980, the 6th Duke of Westminster, Gerald Cavendish Grosvenor, a close friend of Carlo’s, demanded that the Gov’t give him the Hyde Park Corner site as a freebie – it was worth millions, being a Posh Expansive Bit of Knightsbridge – because his ancestors had donated the site and founded St George’s in the 18th century. Ken Clarke pretended that he and Thatch told Gerald to take a running jump. They didn’t, they let him buy the Hyde Park Corner site for £6,000 and it is now the Lanesborough Hotel, about as posh as you can get.

The gift to Gerald was in no way linked to the pan-European trafficking ring which involved Prof Ollie Brooke of St George’s, Sir Peter Morrison, Dafydd et al and huge swathes of UCNW, of which Carlo was Chancellor and St George’s. Or Gerald being President of the City of Chester Conservative Association when Peter Morrison was the Tory MP for Chester. Or Peter Morrison’s sister Dame Mary being Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Carlo’s mum.

 

Manningham-Buller’s daughter, Eliza Manningham-Buller, was Director General of MI5, 2002-07. She was in post when all those NHS staff lied to the police in a desperate attempt to have me convicted of ‘threats to kill’… Eliza was awarded a peerage in 2008. Eliza Manningham-Buller was appointed to the Court and Council of Imperial College, London in 2009, becoming Deputy Chairman later that year and named Chairman in July 2011. She became a Governor of the Wellcome Trust in 2008 and the first female Chair of the Trust on 1 October 2015.

Eliza: Next time that you are on duty when Ysbyty Gwynedd’s solicitor sends a memo around to the staff requesting ‘more nurses down the police station to complain about Sally Baker please’ and eight of the Angels then lie to the police about having heard me threaten to kill Alun Davies when at the time I was sitting in a locked ward sporting injuries after having been assaulted by four members of staff, could you please put a stop to it immediately, rather than hanging around for two years while I remain on bail, losing my job and my home in the process, only to find that the charges are withdrawn on the first day of the trial? Then when you hear that the DES have then placed me under investigation anyway for being a ‘danger to pupils’, perhaps you could investigate immediately and ensure that absolutely everybody involved is dismissed from their jobs, rather than leaving it to Merfyn’s friend to clear my name, which causes a backlash from the Top Doctors and the death of Merfyn’s wife while she’s in their care? Furthermore Eliza, when you are held over a barrel because of the St George’s Link, at least avoid being held over a barrel by a bunch of corrupt MSF reps and an insane vindictive lab technician called Deb Everard who doubles up as a Tory Councillor for Edmonton. Thanks Eliza! 

PS. There is large scale research fraud taking place at Imperial and by researchers funded by the Wellcome Trust and it has been going on for a good 30 years. Don’t move too quickly on this one will you Eliza, it is after all only the reason why the Treatments and Interventions don’t work and why the clinical outcomes for patients in the UK are now some of the worst in Europe. Oh and next time that two postgrads use all possible official channels to raise their concerns that a group of Top Docs are running some sort of sex abuse ring, targeting patients and are fitting up and imprisoning those who complain, perhaps you could investigate instead of allowing your workforce to send a thug after Brown and smash his head on a pavement repeatedly. Don’t worry about an apology, it will make no difference. You knew that this was happening and you chose to let it continue. You aren’t sorry and you never will be.

The Baroness ‘Fuck You’ Manningham-Buller
Eliza Manningham-Buller at Chatham House 2016.jpg

 

Reginald Manningham-Buller died in September 1980, aged 75, and was in turd in the village of Deene, East Northamptonshire. Northamptonshire contains St Andrew’s Hospital which was an asylum specialising in the abuse of patients and the accusation of innocent people, but in recent years it has become a Private Unit which houses hundreds of learning disabled people who’s placements there are funded by the NHS and social services. There have been numerous allegations of ill-treatment and some patients have died. Complainants have been subjected to Court Orders to prevent them speaking to the media.

 

At the trial of the Committee of 100, the second prosecutor to Reggie was Mervyn Griffith-Jones, who famously led the prosecution at the Lady Chatterley’s Lover trial. His much quoted remark in his opening statement as to whether the novel was something “you would even wish your wife or servants to read” is often cited as representing the extent to which the British ‘Establishment’ had fallen out of touch with popular opinion at the time. It hadn’t, it was just a heap of horse manure for the Court and the press, Mervyn Griffith-Jones knew what Dafydd et al were doing at the time and it was a lot worse than publishing Lady Chatterley’s Lover.

Griffith-Jones failed to convince the jury at the Chatterley trial and the publishers were acquitted. Griffith-Jones lived until July 1979, which gave him plenty of time to blow the whistle on Dafydd who was undoubtedly doing things that you wouldn’t wish your wife or servants to read about, but he never did.

I note that Bertrand Russell wasn’t prosecuted along with the Wethersfield Six; Bertrand the ringleader was ignored. I wonder why?

Griffith-Jones was a member of Middle Temple, as was Ronnie Waterhouse. Their time there overlapped, with Griffith-Jones being an old lag when Ronnie was a whipper snapper. After WW II, Griffith-Jones was one of the British prosecuting Counsel at the Nuremberg Trials, as was Lord of the Rings, Lord Elwyn-Jones, who served as the conduit between Dafydd et al, the East End part of the business and the Gov’t, Lord Elwyn-Jones being Attorney General.

In 1955, Griffith-Jones was junior Counsel for the prosecution of Ruth Ellis and in 1963 he was the prosecuting Counsel in the trial of Stephen Ward, the fall guy for the Profumo Affair. Ward killed himself with an overdose on the last day of the trial and died after being convicted in his absence. What received less publicity was the big helping hand that Ward received from the Top Doctors with regard to his suicide. See previous posts. No wonder no-one was going to see John Bodkin Adams convicted and executed, wherever would fiends in high places be without the Top Doctors?

Previous posts eg. ‘Those Who Are Ready To Serve’ have described how Dafydd found out about Naughtiness in High Places before he went to Liverpool Medical School, how he knew that a trade in young people from Wales as sex workers to those in High Society was in existence and he therefore made plans to vastly expand the business and has spent his entire existence since then blackmailing the idiots who did such dreadful things to conceal wrongdoing as long ago as the years of Harold Macmillan’s Gov’t.

Mervyn Griffith-Jones was a Councillor in Westminster City Council, 1948-54, when the Council was complicit with organised abuse. His son, Robin Griffith-Jones, is the current Reverend and Valiant Master of the Temple.

 

Pat Pottle defended himself at the 1962 trial of the Wethersfield Six, but his five co-defendants were defended by Jeremy Hutchinson, the famously high camp celebrity barrister who was a member of the Bloomsbury Group. Hutchinson had been the defence barrister for George Blake in 1961. Jeremy Hutchinson was entertaining in Court and had everyone rolling in the aisles, but it came at a price. He robustly defended people whom he knew to be guilty including child sex offenders and used anything, anything at all, to win a case; he took the piss, made obscene gestures, anything went if it could put a witness off their stride, particularly an honest one. Hutchison had a rather complicated life outside of the law, indeed literally outside of the law and a network of friends and associates who were involved with sexual exploitation and crime, including people linked to Dafydd and north Wales (see previous posts).

Hutchinson was called to the Bar in the Middle Temple in 1939 – Ronnie Waterhouse arrived in the Middle Temple some years later – and served in the RNVR during WW II. Well, what else would he have done but spent a few years among Royal sailors and gay spies with a taste for boys? Jeremy was a member of the defence team in the Lady Chatterley trial and the year after became a QC. He was a Recorder of Bath and the Crown Court, 1963-88.

There was an elite paedophile ring in the Bath area which involved celebs and Arty people. The Brotherhood of Ruralists were busy in the west country while Jeremy Hutchison was on the turf down there and one of them, Graham Ovenden, was eventually convicted of child sex offences. Ovenden had been controversial for years with concerns expressed regarding the nature of some of his art, which, had it been photography, would definitely have been deemed to be child porn. Ovenden fiercely defended his art in a way that sounded rather like an artist or reviewer dreamt up by a satirist and when his work was seized, former child models of Ovenden spoke in defence of him. I accept their point that they had never felt, or been, abused by Ovenden and neither should we see a sex offender in every artist who draws nudes. However, Ovenden was abusing some children, he did so for a long while and although he was convicted alone, someone knew about it and was helping him. Jeremy Hutchison was one of those who robustly defended Graham Ovenden.

Hutchinson was a member of the Committee on Immigration Appeals and of the Committee on Identification Procedures. Hutchinson was Vice-Chairman of the Arts Council of Great Britain and a Professor of Law at the Royal Academy of Arts. He was a Trustee and then Chairman of the Tate Gallery. On 16 May 1978, Hutchinson was created a life peer. Just as Jeremy Thorpe was charged…

Hutchinson was married to the actress Peggy Ashcroft, 1940-1965, with whom he had two children. He had many friends in the world of luvvies as well as law, true Garrick Club stuff. Hutchison later married June Osborn, who died on 26 September 2006. June Osborn and her friend when younger had entertained themselves by each trying to persuade the other one that marrying Ted Heath would be an excellent idea. Why Ted Heath was ever seen as remotely desirable by either of them I cannot fathom.

 

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See previous posts for the escapades of Jeremy and his posh wives, posh friends and the criminals by whom Jeremy was so charmed.

Jeremy Hutchison only died in Nov of last year, so Dafydd had a good friend in the latter day Oscar Wilde until very recently.

 

Another link between the Croesor crowd and gay swinging spies in higher echelons was Rab Butler serving as the Home Secretary when George Blake was jailed; Butler was followed as Home Secretary by Henry Brooke, who continued concealing the wrongdoing of the same people with whom Rab so ably colluded. Rab Butler was Mr Tory Party for decades and then spent a long incumbency as Master of Trinity College, Cambridge. In Gov’t, Rab concealed mountains of doings on which Dafydd and Gwynne capitalised and he was out to grass at Trinity College in time for Carlo’s arrival. Rab was appointed Carlo’s personal mentor and counsellor for Carlo’s time at Cambridge. Trumpers was running Cambridge at the time and was a friend of Rab. There was an elite abuse ring based at Cambridge and in particular Trinity, decades after the flurry of gay Cambridge double agents in the 1930s.

Rab established and then held influence over the Home Office Research Unit which remained in existence long after Rab had left Gov’t, that funded research carried out by academics who were working with young people who had been abused while in various care contexts or in approved schools. Rab’s loyal servants did everything they could not to mention what they knew had happened to and in some cases was still happening to the witnesses and victims. Many of those who in their early careers received commissions and funding from Rab’s Research Unit later became some of the biggest names in criminology and social work, particularly those who had concealed the crap when Woy’s star was in the ascendant. See post ‘Rab, High Table and the Founding Fathers’.

When Mr Justice Havers sentenced the Wethersfield Six – I can recommend that everyone quickly reads some of the transcript of the trial, Havers sounds remarkably like Justice Cocklecarrot of ‘Private Eye’ fame – Harold Macmillan was PM, people known to Captain Swing and his mates were swinging at Cliveden and Henry Brooke was Home Secretary.
At the time of George Blake’s escape, Harold Wilson was PM and Woy Jenkins was Home Secretary. Both of them would have been completely compromised when dealing with any case involving people who were at the heart of the Welsh Bloomsbury Group, because Wilson was the first PM who, like Miranda years later, rearranged the entire furniture of Gov’t to conceal the Westminster Paedophile Ring and the associated serious crime.
Wilson’s proud creation, the Open University, was the plaything of Lord Goodman – Wilson’s crooked lawyer friend who got Wilson out of many a hole and was brought back into service when Jeremy Thorpe was arrested and charged – as well as Jennie Lee, Nye Bevan’s widow. The advisory committee re the establishment of the OU was jammed with people colluding with organised abuse, including Lord Asa Briggs, the VC of Sussex University, 1967-76, the man who used his links with MI5 to wreak revenge on Merfyn after Merfyn was involved in an anti-Vietnam protest as an undergrad which involved throwing red paint on a visiting US official. See post ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’.
Wilson knew that St George’s Hospital, when it was located at Hyde Park Corner in Knightsbridge, was doing favours for very serious criminals who were rich and powerful; they even provided a helping hand to Lord Lucan (see previous posts). Wilson also knew that St George’s had established a Dept of Psychiatry which was facilitating organised abuse; that Springfield Hospital in Tooting was also facilitating organised abuse and that a paedophile/trafficking ring was operating from Wandsworth Borough Council. So Wilson decided that London’s big flagship teaching hospital and medical school to ‘bring healthcare to the people’ would be sited at Tooting and that it would involve the relocation of St George’s from Hyde Park Corner, with Springfield as the associated psychiatric hospital, the  new development being within the Borough of Wandsworth. The result was the most dishonest elitist Top Docs in London who had spent their lives serving titled criminals, dripping with contempt for their patients in downtown Tooting while the existing paedophile ring expanded rapidly and linked up with gangs right across the UK and Europe. Neither was there any shortage of funding, the investment was enormous. See post ‘Meet The Gwerin!’.

Woy was himself a bisexual swinger, which as far as consenting adults are concerned is a matter for him and them, but Woy’s tentacles spread rather further than consenting adults, which might be why he did nothing to stop the appalling abuse of young people in approved schools and other institutions run by the Home Office or the rampant corruption in the criminal justice system, the police, the prison service etc. He was a member of the Gang Of Four who so clearly based their entire electoral strategy on colluding with the gangs supplying the Westminster Paedophile Ring. See post ‘We’ve Been Expecting You’.

Wilson’s Minister of Health, 1964-68, was the superstar Sir Kenneth Robinson.

The degree of fuckwittery on the part of those making decision at the time was clearly illustrated by Home Secretary Woy, in Oct 1966, appointing Lord Louis Mountbatten to lead an Inquiry into prison security in the wake of George Blake’s escape. Mountbatten had no pretences at all to knowing anything about prisons or security, he had vast experience as a senior officer in the Royal Navy, but I’m not sure that the notion of ‘transferable skills’ would apply in that case. What was salient was that Mountbatten was the person who was involved in something that enabled so many people to get away with so much and Woy was one of those who knew the full story.

Brown has reassured me that Dafydd will, like his crooked mate Robert Bluglass, have been appointed to sit on bodies concerned with advising and regulating and of course Dafydd has given Expert Evidence to Parliament. It is only by such strategies that wrongdoing of such proportions can be kept from the general public. The spies who know about Mountbatten are breaking out of prison with the help of MI5! Who will lead the Inquiry? Er, how about Mountbatten, because Dafydd’s tied up. So to speak, along with a few friends from the Chester and Wales Circuit.

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When Mountbatten’s Report was completed, it was ‘welcomed’ as ‘humane’ by Tony Smythe, the then General Secretary of the NCCL. Tony Smythe was an anarchist who was described to me as being ‘very paedophile friendly’. Smythe had a lot of doings with arty and radical things that liked to believe they were Edgy but were in some cases just worrying. Smythe had links with groups campaigning for paedophiles’ rights – the NCCL being one such group – and was CEO of MIND, 1974-82, when Dafydd was rapidly expanding his empire of crime with MIND fully on board. See previous posts for further information on Smythe. Mountbatten’s activities were known about by senior figures in MIND, because Lady Juliet Bingley who Chaired MIND for years, was married to Admiral Sir Alec Bingley who served with Mountbatten. The Bingley’s son William was Legal Director of MIND, then became CEO of the Mental Health Act Commission, Chaired lethal and scandal ridden NHS Trusts in the North West of England and was given the Chair in Mental Health Law and Ethics at the University of Central Lancashire. See previous posts. William was with Dafydd all the way…

 

Ted Heath was the Leader of the Opposition at the time of Blake’s escape. I stress that I do not have documentary evidence of Ted Heath’s involvement with Dafydd et al, but Heath’s time as Leader of the Opposition and as PM saw him surrounded by people who by the time that I was doing battle with Dafydd’s gang were undoubtedly colluding with Dafydd. Mary Wynch’s problems began when Heath was PM, his Gov’t was completely flouting the law in every regard in relation to Mary. Keith Joseph, as Heath’s Secretary of State for Social Services, appointed Barbara Kahan as his adviser on children’s social work; Kahan had been colluding with the abuse of children in her care for years (see post ‘Always On The Side Of The Children’). People like Lord Hailsham, Willie Whitelaw, Norman St John Stevas and others were all around Heath and had degrees of involvement in the Westminster Paedophile Ring as well as with Dafydd et al. Charles Morrison, Peter Morrison’s brother, was as close to Heath as Peter Morrison was to Thatch. So all shades of the Tory spectrum were covered. One Nation!

In 1970, the year in which Heath became PM, Sean Bourke wrote a book about the George Blake escape in which he thinly disguised the names of Pat and Michael as “Pat Porter” and “Michael Reynolds”. There was still no action taken against them. Of course there wasn’t, the Captain’s Crew and Dafydd were swinging like never before, Bertrand Russell was going and then gone, but there was his Towering Reputation and Legacy to protect.

The event which sparked off further events which eventually led to Randle and Pottle’s June 1991 trial occurred in Nov 1986. ‘The Observer’ published an extract from a book by Philip Knightley’s about the George Blake escape. The article prompted letters which appeared in ‘The Observer’ the following week, including one from Montgomery Hyde, stating that he was working on a biography of George Blake. In spring 1987, Michael Randle, then living in Bradford, received a phone call from someone who had seen the publishers blurb about Hyde’s book  and told Randle that the book would reveal that the Committee of 100 had been involved in Blake’s escape. Randle began worrying about a piece that he wrote in 1967 about the escape, which constituted concrete evidence of his and Pat’s role, so he burnt it.

In Aug 1987 Randle received a call from journo friend and Randle said he’d consider reviewing Hyde’s book for ‘The Guardian’ and phoned Pat Pottle in London. Randle reviewed the book but instead the’The Guardian’ published a piece by Richard Norton-Taylor which said that the Committee of 100 sprang Blake. An article had also appeared in the ‘Irish Independent’ in Sept 1987.

In the autumn of 1987, I was living in Leicester with Brown and friends, having narrowly escaped the attempt by Dafydd et al to fit me up for trying to stab a junior doctor. We were under surveillance at the time from MI5 but had no idea. We were on Greville Janner’s turf and Uncle Harry’s brother-in-law, Stuart Hall and others from the New Left were trying to shaft Brown. The gang in north Wales were in pursuit of me… Being Brown and me, in Leicester we just uncovered more examples of vulnerable people being shafted by professionals paid to help them. I had also been to see William Bingley at MIND, not having any idea that he was mates with Dafydd. Tony Francis acquired a High Court injunction against me on the basis of his perjury. The MDU and their solicitors, Hempsons, knew that Francis had lied in his statement.

 

The story about George Blake, Randle and Pottle appeared as the lead article in ‘The Sunday Times’ in Oct 1987. Just before that article appeared, Brown had appeared on Channel 4 criticising the decision of the BBC to screen an offensive contribution to the world by Bernard Manning. I have recently been told that those we know and love saw Brown on TV and panicked.

It was just before all this that that Dafydd told me that if I dropped my complaint about him he’d get me a place at Liverpool Medical School. Brown was listening to the call and subsequently wrote to Gwynedd Health Authority. He did not receive a reply. MI5 had tapped our phone and heard everything.

Substantial media coverage re the George Blake escape followed…

In Sept and Oct 1988, Randle and Pottle were interviewed by officers from Scotland Yard,  Randle in the presence of his solicitor Ben Birnberg.

On Nov 8 1988, ‘The Sunday Times’ alleged that Vanessa Redgrave had put up the money for Blake’s escape; Redgrave had been a member of the Committee of 100. Redgrave, Randle and Pottle all denied Redgrave’s involvement. Randle and Pottle began writing their book about Blake’s escape. In Nov 1988, Michael Randle resigned from his research fellowship in Bradford University’s Dept of Peace Studies.

I spent April 1988-April 1989 working in the Cancer Research Campaign team at Surrey University. The team was led by Prof Vincent Marks, the brother of the then President of the BMA, Dr John Marks. I have now been given evidence that John and Vincent were working really hard to screw me over; my work was, without my knowledge, given to another cancer researcher in Newcastle Medical School, Nicola Curtin, of whom I had never heard and Curtin published it with her name on it as well and used it to gain funding; I was told that funding for my post had expired and was made redundant. One of Tony Francis’s psychiatrist friends from Manchester, Dr Peter Mcguire, had suddenly decided that he was going to work for the Cancer Research Campaign as well and hey presto he received funding. Sadly for Mcguire, he and his colleagues used the funding to commit a massive research fraud which was exposed in 1990 and resulted in the suicide of their colleague Prof Tim McElwain. Not that it stopped them, they went on to be leaders in cancer research and one took up mental health research. See previous posts…

In Dec 1988, the Tory MP Graham Riddick demanded the prosecution of Randle and Pottle and within days the campaign for their prosecution had escalated. Norris McWhirter, of the far right Freedom Association, threatened to bring a private prosecution against Randle and Pottle. Graham Riddick’s Early Day Motion was signed by more than 110 Tory MPs.

On 3 Jan 1989, Randle heard that Sir Allan Green, the DPP, had ordered Scotland Yard to reopen the investigation into George Blake’s escape.

 

In May 1989, after being made redundant by Surrey University, I began a new job at St George’s. I have been told that it was a trap, planned well in advance, to wreck my career in medical research and ensure that I would not work in a professional job again…

By this time, a major police investigation was underway in Leicestershire into a child abuse ring which was thought to involve Greville Janner and there were allegations that a VIP paedophile ring was operating in north Wales/Cheshire and demands were being made for a police investigation into that as well.

In July-Aug 1988, Lord Butler-Sloss had concealed the crimes of Dafydd’s mates in Cleveland and in July-Aug 1989 Dafydd’s mate Bluglass would cover-up Dafydd and the gang’s criminality in my own case. Dr James Earp in Leicester had already performed a minor effort in the autumn of 1987 and early spring of 1988, but what with me not going away, Bluglass was called upon… See previous posts.

 

Throughout their trial, Pottle and Randle insisted that their action was morally justified, and, ignoring a clear direction from the judge to convict, the jury unanimously acquitted them. Pottle and Randle stated that they published their book about the George Blake escape following ‘a whispering campaign against them’ prompted by Montgomery Hyde’s book. “We didn’t want needlessly to invite prosecution, but there were stories naming others who weren’t involved, accusing us of being communist agents, trying to discredit the anti-nuclear campaign,” Pottle said at the time.

The following are extracts from Pat Pottle’s address to the jury before his acquittal on June 26 1991:

This prosecution has come about because 110 MPs signed a motion calling for our prosecution, and because of a threat of a private prosecution from the inaptly named Freedom Association . . .

Your task would be a lot easier if this were a simple case of guilt or innocence, but it is not. It is a case of right and wrong. It is a case of politics, a case of how governments lie, cheat and manipulate, and then cover their tracks in a smokescreen of official secrecy…

This is a political trial. A political decision was taken in 1970 not to prosecute. When we were publicly named in 1987, it came as no surprise to the police: they had known since 1970…

The accepted theory about George’s escape was that it was organised and carried out by agents at the KGB. That was embarrassing to British intelligence, but at least they could argue that the KGB was a worldwide organisation with limitless resources. What would the revelation that a petty criminal and two peace activists had carried out the escape do to our relations with our allies? It was better that the world continued to believe that the whole thing was organised by the KGB rather than the Lavender Hill Mob.

It was indeed a political trial, but it wasn’t nearly so political as the trials that I repeatedly found myself in. Pat and Randle knew people involved with a huge international paedophile/trafficking ring which ran profitable side-lines in class A drugs and porn. Senior politicians and members of the Royal Family were linked with it, as was Bertrand Russell. It was why there was such a reluctance to prosecute anyone for helping Blake escape. They all Knew About Dafydd and the security services were helping Dafydd run his gang.
I didn’t help a KGB spy escape from prison, I complained about a fucking lobotomist who was running a paedophile gang. So my friends were targeted for assassination. I REALLY don’t get this!! And neither do I understand why anyone ever thought that Brown and me were going to be intimidated into keeping quiet. We had absolutely no respect for a bunch of sex offenders driving Volvos, reading the ‘Daily Mail’ and propositioning students, when they were in their 70s and wearing trousers with the crotch down by their knees. I took the piss out of them when I was 21 and I’m still doing it. Because they are idiots.
I have been told that Randle and Pottle’s prosecution was definitely something to do with me, but I haven’t worked out what the rationale might have been yet, there are a few more people involved whom I need to investigate…

I briefly discussed in a previous post ‘O Jones, O Jones’ how Randle and Pottle stood trial at the Old Bailey for springing George Blake in June 1991, just after the episode in the spring of 1991 when Dafydd’s gang made yet another attempt to have me imprisoned for contempt of court, as usual on the basis of perjury that was known to everyone involved in the case. Not only that, but the case was heard at the Royal Courts of Justice in The Strand. I was down from Bethesda for the hearing. It was so ludicrous, especially as once more the case against me fell apart, that it must have been noticed by numerous people. No-one said anything or asked any questions, although the North Wales Police had just begun an investigation into a possible paedophile ring operating in north Wales/Chester. Then just weeks after the saga involving me at the Royal Courts of Justice, another bizarre and ridiculous case with strong links to Gwynedd took place at the Old Bailey, but gaining very much more publicity than my case did…

The hierarchy of people involved in the case against Pottle and Randle and in  my case were the same: the Attorney General was the corrupt Sir Patrick Mayhew and the Solicitor-General was Sir Nicholas Lyell. Lyell subsequently became AG and in that capacity drew up the ground rules for the Waterhouse inquiry. It was Lyell who granted immunity from prosecution for people who gave evidence at the Waterhouse Inquiry. It is why people like Glanville Owen, Rob Evans and Lucille Hughes who were responsible for managing the children’s homes in Gwynedd while the kids inside them were being abused and trafficked, turned up at the Inquiry, gave evidence that clearly demonstrated that they knew what was happening to the kids and just left the kids at the mercy of the gang and can now never be prosecuted for child abuse. Waterhouse even managed to say in his Report that Lucille knew that a paedophile gang was active within the children’s homes but she ‘failed to respond’. Lucille can never be prosecuted thanks to Sir Nicholas Lyell. See previous posts.

The DPP who at the end of 1988/the beginning of 1989 ordered the prosecution of Randle and Pat Pottle was Sir Allan Green QC. Green, like everybody else, ignored complaints of very serious offences against children and vulnerable adults in north Wales. It didn’t matter what evidence people had or how they tried to raise concerns, the police would not even record complaints. The nicer police officers just made excuse after excuse as to why they couldn’t do anything, but the notorious ones swore and shouted at the complainants and if they still didn’t go away they would arrest them for ridiculous things like breach of the peace or harassment. The Sergeant at Menai Bridge Police Station watched Tony Francis pursue me down a main road yelling insults at me and commenting on my bum. I walked into the Station and said ‘have you seen what is going on here?’ only to be told to get out or I would be arrested for breach of the peace. Dafydd hit me in front of witnesses. No action. I witnessed the Doberman that Dafydd kept which he used to set on people trap two police officers in their car; the Doberman was going apeshit, the officers locked themselves in and didn’t dare come out. This was after all the fuss about Dangerous Dogs. When Dafydd’s minions finally hauled the dog off of the police car, I started taking the piss and saying to the police ‘there’s a dangerous dog here, aren’t you going to seize it’, one of the officers replied ‘we know the law on dangerous dogs thank you very much’ and Dafydd told the police officers that this snarling bastard was ‘my puppy’. Anyone else would have found themselves in Court.

As for the kids in care, there were hundreds of episodes of them running away, there were serious injuries, there were complaints to the North Wales Police and to the Councils which had placed the kids in the homes and there was still no action. One boy from Southwark was forced to have sex with men at gunpoint in the Bryn Alyn Community yet Southwark Borough Council continued to send kids to Bryn Alyn. See eg. post ‘The Battle For the Labour Party’s Soul’. Kids in care were sometimes found dead in north Wales, as were psych patients constantly.

The police were deflecting so many complaints that Sir Allan Green will not have known about them, but it was Green who was authorising ludicrous prosecutions against people like me; he knew that something untoward was happening in north Wales.

Allan Green QC was forced to resign as DPP after he was ‘caught kerb crawling’ but by his own account he ‘was talking to some prostitutes’ after he’d been to a meeting. No-one reported what the prostitutes said that Sir Allan had been saying to them. Green’s wife was then found dead after ‘committing suicide’, but the circumstances of that suicide were so worrying that it was worthy of one of the suicides that the witnesses to Dafydd’s crimes committed. See post ‘A Future Leader Of The Labour Party?’

 

The solicitor who acted for Michael Randle was Ben Birnberg. Birnberg had acted for Mary Wynch when she sued Dafydd and the gang after she was unlawfully arrested and detained for a year. Mary won the case, but the gang simply refused to pay her the agreed compensation unless she enforced payment. Mary won other parts of her case as well, against the Public Trustee. Again, the Home Office just refused to settle. Michael Howard finally completely shafted Mary when he was Home Secretary; she had proven her case, it had taken her years and cost her everything. Howard handed over a bit of loose change as ‘full and final settlement’ without admitting anything and told her to fuck off. Ben Birnberg knew that this was happening to people in north Wales.

I didn’t get as far down the road as Mary, but if I had, the same thing would have happened to me I’m sure. Again and again a tosspot when cornered would admit to me that yes, the ‘services’ had broken the law; yes, I’d been wrongfully arrested and imprisoned; yes there had been a complete failure to provide care; yes confidence had been breached. On the occasions when such admissions were made to my lawyers, they be followed by a mad letter screaming at us that if we wanted to take this further the NHS would ask for a judicial review or something ridiculous. It was very clear what the thinking was: ‘We’re the NHS, we have a bottomless pit, we are so fucking bad that people are dying and there’ll be no end to this if someone wins a case against us. So fuck off, because we’re going to do this until the day that you expire at our hands’.

 

At their trial at the Old Bailey, Pottle and Randle argued that their motives had been humanitarian and that since the security services had known of their involvement but had done nothing until MPs demanded their prosecution, the trial was political. They were unanimously acquitted by the jury.

Pat and Sue Pottle moved back to Gwynedd from London in 2000 to retire. Pat died very soon after they returned to Wales; he was only 62. No-one expected Pat to die, he was diagnosed with pancreatic cancer and died in Oct 2001 very soon after the diagnosis. Pancreatic cancer is not a nice cancer to have, it can kill very quickly after diagnosis. Particularly if Top Doctors somehow don’t notice if someone has pancreatic cancer. Someone who worked as Bertrand Russell’s Secretary and who knew many of those people involved in the gang in north Wales as well as big wigs in the UK and elsewhere who were never ever named in connection with the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal.

The Waterhouse Report was published in Feb 2001. By Oct 2001, Dafydd’s gang were once more embarking on yet another massive conspiracy to lead me into yet another trap and wreck the career in teaching on which I had just embarked, having finished teacher training at Bangor University in May 2001. The crap didn’t begin to fly in my direction for another few months, but I have received information that the gwerin were busy from the minute that I began teacher training…

 

When he was on trial at the Old Bailey in 1991 for helping George Blake escape, Pat Pottle addressed the jury directly and he summed up by saying:

Yes, I helped George Blake escape. I did it for purely humanitarian reasons. I think we were right to do so. I would do it again. I have no apologies to make and no regrets. I will finish by quoting Bertrand Russell: ‘Remember your humanity; forget the rest.’

That will have been all the humanity shown by Russell and so many others as they ignored everything that was happening to less privileged people at the hands of Dafydd and the gang.

First they came for the socialists, and I did not speak out –
     Because I was not a socialist.

Then they came for the trade unionists, and I did not speak out –
     Because I was not a trade unionist.

Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out –
     Because I was not a Jew.

Then they came for me – and there was no one left to speak for me.

 

There’s no-one left to speak for any of you suckers…

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Comedies of Menace

Here’s someone who really should have featured on this blog before now, but then the Corrupt Incestuous Shithouse is so big that I keep finding new residents. Introducing:

Francis Aungier Pakenham, 7th Earl of Longford, 1st Baron Pakenham (5 December 1905 – 3 August 2001), known to his family as Frank Longford and styled Lord Pakenham, 1945-61, was a member of the Labour Party and one of its longest serving politicians. He held a number of Cabinet positions between 1947 and 1968. Longford was politically active up until his death in 2001. A member of a landed Anglo-Irish family, Frank Longford was one of the few aristocratic hereditary peers to have ever served in senior capacity within a Labour government. Longford was known best for his devout Christianity and work as a penal reformer.

Longford was widely unpopular among Labour leaders, was criticised for his lack of Ministerial ability, yet was moved from Cabinet post to Cabinet post. Harold Wilson stated that Longford had the ‘mental capacity of a 12 yr old’. Yet people kept giving him yet more senior jobs. Even after Longford resigned from the Gov’t in 1968, he was invited onto committee after committee after committee. By the 1970s Lord Longford was a standing joke and continually attacked by journos and media outlets across the political spectrum. Yet he wasn’t ever blown out of public life or even simply ignored. I think that I know why…

 

Pakenham went to Eton, then to New College, Oxford, where he was a member of the Bullingdon Club. He spent a short time working for the ‘Daily Mail’, as a don at Christ Church, Oxford and he also worked as a stockbroker with disastrous results. Pakenham and his wife Elizabeth worked for the WEA at Stoke after they graduated and then in 1931 he joined the Conservative Research Dept, developing education policy for the Tories. By the early 1970s, the Conservative Research Dept was known to be a hotbed of predatory gay men, some of them targeting under-aged boys. As with the hubs of child abuse in certain locations such as north Wales and Lambeth, there are indications that the shenanigans at the Conservative Research Dept had been going on for a very long time. For years, new staff were employed who would ‘fit in’ and were of the same nature as the staff already there…

Frank Pakenham’s conservatism could not have been very deep because his wife Elizabeth ‘persuaded’ him to become a socialist. Elizabeth was from a socialist family – her brother was Harriet Harman’s father, John. The Harmans were a family with a good supply of Top Docs. Elizabeth’s father was the opthalmic surgeon Nathanial Bishop Harman, who also had a Harley Street practice. Nathanial Harman trained at the Middlesex Hospital, where Gwynne the lobotomist trained. Gwynne was afforded lifelong protection by the alumni network of the Middlesex. Harman became the Dean of West London Postgraduate College, an institution which disappeared a long time ago, I think because the Royal Postgraduate Medical School at Hammersmith Hospital squeezed it out of existence and took over its functions. My post ‘Interesting Facts’ detailed some of the shocking abuses and frauds which have taken place at RPMS in recent decades which have not received wide publicity. It seems that malpractice was the order of the day at that institution over decades. An article entitled ‘Human Guinea Pigs: A Warning’, published in 1962 in the journal Twentieth Century by Maurice Papworth, highlighted many unethical practices regarding human experimentation at RPMS. According to Papworth, experiments had been carried out without valid consent on vulnerable patients, such as children and the mentally ill.

Most of the people whom I witnessed participating in misconduct and research fraud when I was at RPMS (1986-87) are still working in research or medicine.

Nathanial Harman held a number of offices in the BMA and was a generous benefactor to that organisation. He was also a member of the GMC.

Harriet’s dad John Harman worked at Tommy’s as well as at his Harley Street practice and gave evidence for the defence during the trial of Dr John Bodkin Adams, the Top Doc who was almost certainly a serial killer and one on a bigger scale than Harold Shipman. Furthermore John Harman gave evidence on matters of which he had no experience. See post ‘An Appalling Vista’.

As well as having a general practice, Bodkin Adams worked at All Saints Hospital. The chaplain of All Saints Hospital, Eastbourne, at the time of Bodkin Adams’ arrest in 1956 was the Rev Hubert Brasier, the father of Theresa May. Before Theresa May was elected to the Commons, she was a Councillor for Merton, 1986-94. Merton was on the patch of St George’s Hospital Medical School, many of who’s staff when Theresa was a Councillor there were concealing the crimes of Dafydd and his gang in north Wales and a related gang in south London (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’).

 

Here’s a Socialist Feminist Who Supports the NHS who also sounds off on matters of which she has no experience:

Harriet HarmanHarriet HarmanHarriet HarmanHarriet Harman

Nanny Harriet wasn’t able to do the jobs in Gov’t to which she was repeatedly appointed, so eventually a Spad was sent to do her jobs for her, one Ed Miliband, who’s Uncle Harry was a consultant at er, Tommy’s.

Dafydd’s mate and umbrella Professor Jim Watson worked at Tommy’s as a ‘sex therapist’, after having worked as a ‘sex therapist’ at St George’s and the Maudsley (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’).

 

As well as being Harriet’s auntie, Lady Elizabeth Longford was a great-niece of the Tory radical Jospeh Chamberlain and a first cousin once removed of the British PM Neville Chamberlain. Elizabeth Longford made several unsuccessful attempts at becoming a Labour MP. She was an historian, a member of the Royal Society for Literature and a Trustee of the National Portrait Gallery.

Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon, the 5th Baron Kenyon, was a Trustee of the National Portrait Gallery, 1953-88. Lord Kenyon was one of the biggest umbrellas for Dafydd and the gang in north Wales and Kenyon’s son Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon was known to be sexually exploiting at least one boy in care in north Wales in the late 1970s. Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon faced no charges at any point, although the boy was sent to a detention centre after Thomas made a complaint that the boy had stolen off him after they had spent the night together. Part of Thomas’s complaint was that the boy had stolen pornographic photos of the two of them together which Thomas had taken using a Polaroid. The boy in question later gave evidence to the Waterhouse Inquiry stating that Thomas had ‘used him for sex’ on numerous occasions. Thomas was not available to give evidence, having died of an HIV-related condition in 1993. See post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’.

 

Both Elizabeth and Frank Pakenham were devout Roman Catholic converts, although Elizabeth found Frank’s embracing of the RC Church very difficult at first, having been brought up as a Unitarian.

Frank Pakenham joined the British Army but his career as a soldier proved to be a spectacular failure. He was completely unable to cope with life in the Army and the consequent psychological strain soon manifested itself in physical symptoms and in the spring of 1940 Frank was invalided out of the Army as a result of what was then referred to as a nervous breakdown. Subsequently however, Pakenham, together with Maurice Bowra, raised and commanded the South Company of the Oxford City Battalion of the Home Guard. The ridiculous supervened; Pakenham was shot in the foot by the only member of his company to possess any ammunition.

Sir Cecil Maurice Bowra was an English scholar who studied at New College, Oxford and was Warden of Wadham College, Oxford, 1938-70 and VC of Oxford University, 1951-54. Bowra was gay and as an undergraduate was known to cruise for sex. Quotes for which Bowra is well-known include: ‘Buggers can’t be choosers’ (explaining his engagement, later called off, to Audrey Beecham); ‘Buggery was invented to fill that awkward hour between Evensong and cocktails’ or was ‘useful for filling that awkward time between tea and cocktails’; and ‘Splendid couple — slept with both of them’ (on hearing of the engagement of a well-known literary pair).

As an undergrad Bowra was very sociable and his circle included the Tory politician Lord Bob Boothby, who was bisexual and managed to have affairs with Harold Macmillan’s wife Dorothy as well as with a great many others including a range of rent boys and, it is alleged, Ronnie Kray (see previous posts). Bowra was a friend of and shared lodgings with Viscount Cyril Radcliffe, the Law Lord who was the first Chancellor of the University of Warwick, 1965-77.

After being called to the Bar, Cyril Radcliffe joined the chambers of Wilfred Greene, later the Master Of The Rolls. During WWII Radcliffe joined the Ministry of Information, becoming DG by 1941. There he worked closely with Minister Brendan Bracken, who was Minister of Information, 1941-45. Viscount Bracken is best remembered for opposing the Bank of England’s co-operation with Hitler and for subsequently supporting Churchill’s prosecution of WWII against Hitler.

Bracken’s first career was as a newspaper publisher and magazine editor. Many of Bracken’s early magazine stories included a political flavour and he commissioned articles from a wide range of politicians such as Churchill and Mussolini. Business and politics permanently overlapped in his life, in a similar way to the career of his occasional friend Lord Beaverbrook. He needed politicians for stories and they needed the publicity given by his publications.

Bracken was PPS to PM Churchill, 1940-41 and then he was First Lord of the Admiralty, 25 May 1945-26 July 1945. Lord Louis Mountbatten was First Sea Lord, 1955-59 and had reached a senior level at the Admiralty by the time that Bracken was First Lord, so Bracken will have known about the allegations that Mountbatten was a molester of under-aged boys, as well as the other sex and spy scandals at the Admiralty of that era (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’).

Bracken’s friend Cyril Radcliffe was involved in the Partition of India. Radcliffe was a man who had never been east of Paris, but nonetheless he was given the Chairmanship of the two boundary committees set up with the passing of the Indian Independence Act. Radcliffe was faced with the task of drawing the borders for the new nations of Pakistan and India in a way that would leave as many Hindus and Sikhs in India and Muslims in Pakistan as possible. Radcliffe submitted his partition map on 9 August 1947, which split Punjab and Bengal almost in half. The new boundaries were formally announced on 14 August 1947 – the day of Pakistan’s independence and the day before India became independent of the UK. Louis Mountbatten in his capacity as Viceroy and Governor-General of India was also involved in the Partition (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’).

Radcliffe was born in Llanychan, Denbighshire. My post ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’ details how in 1968 three students from Sussex University caused a sensation when they threw red paint over a visiting US official in a protest related to the Vietnam War. One of the students was Merfyn Jones, who later became VC of Bangor University and who grew up in Gwynedd. Asa Briggs, the VC of Sussex University at the time, was one of those with links to the security services who concealed the early organised abuse of those associated with Dafydd’s gang. Briggs bore a lifelong grudge against the three student protestors and contributed to the serious fire from Dafydd’s gang that was aimed at Merfyn when he became VC of Bangor University in 2003. After he graduated from Sussex, Merfyn undertook postgraduate work at Warwick University where he was involved in the student activism which revealed that Warwick was doing a few things that it probably should not have been doing. Radcliffe was Chancellor at the time. I had not realised that Radcliffe came from Denbighshire. The paedophiles’ friends being what they are, Radcliffe’s links to north Wales will have been used to maximum advantage.

Peeling Oniontown - VICE

In 1992 Wadham College named its Bowra Building in Maurice Bowra’s honour.

I know someone who studied at Wadham College while Bowra was Warden who always cheerily referred to his old college as ‘Wadham and Gomorrah’. I just thought that it was a nice little quip but I wonder if he was joking about matters of which I knew nothing.

Other high profile alumni of Wadham and Gomorrah include the former Archbishop of Canterbury who originated from Swansea, Rowan Williams, Melvyn Bragg the MIND Ambassador and Michael Foot. Not only was Michael Foot the Leader of the Labour Party while everyone in that Party sat on the barrel of crap which included George Thomas as well as Dafydd et al in north Wales (Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks…’), but Footie was Lord President of The Council, 1976-79. The Lord President of the Council doubles up as the visitor for Bangor University (UCNW). While Foot was Lord President of the Council, Shirl was asked by Dafydd Wigley if she would, in her capacity as Education Secretary, hold a public inquiry into the running of UCNW by Sir Charles Evans, such was the chaos and dysfunction within that institution. Shirl refused. The chaos and dysfunction were a result of Charles Evans allowing Dafydd et al to use the College to run their sex trafficking ring as Footie and Shirl were well aware. See post ‘We’ve Been Expecting You…’.

One other distinguished alumnus of Wadham and Gomorrah is Lord John Dyson who was a High Court judge, 1993-01; Lord Justice of Appeal, 2001-10; Justice of the Supreme Court, 2010-12; and Master of the Rolls, 2012-16. John Dyson was called to Bar at Middle Temple, as was Sir Ronnie Waterhouse. Dyson and Waterhouse knew each other well.

 

1940 was the year that Frank Pakenham became a Catholic as well as being invalided out of the Army because of his nervous breakdown. Elizabeth Pakenham joined the Church of Rome six years later. 

Frank Pakenham embarked upon a career in politics which had begun with his election as an Oxford City Councillor in the 1930s. Oxfordshire had a major problem with the abuse of kids in its children’s homes by the 1950s, which probably stretched much further back than that. This was concealed by Top Doc Dr Vladimir Kahan and his social worker wife Barbara, who became a social work adviser on children in care to successive Gov’ts from the early 1970s onward (see post ‘Always On The Side Of The Children’).

In 1945 Pakenham stood for election in Oxford as the Labour candidate but was beaten by the Tory Quintin Hogg, who later became Lord Hailsham and who performed a valuable service himself concealing the crimes of Dafydd et al for decades. Pakenham’s obituaries maintained that Clement Attlee ‘admired’ Pakenham’s ‘passion for social outcasts and tried to harness it’. Pakenham himself stated that his nervous breakdown in 1940 gave him an understanding of people who had been rejected by society. Pakenham experienced a breakdown at a time when such an event was heavily stigmatised – I get the impression that it was particularly so among men, women were expected to go a bit mad at times by Top Docs and certain others – and I’d be interested to know how this was negotiated when Frank Pakenham entered politics, because a ‘nervous breakdown’ was quite a career-killer in 1940 and people were not allowed to forget that they’d had the temerity to have one.

Pakenham’s obituaries tell us that Attlee was ‘persuaded’ to give Pakenham a peerage, to bring a ‘youthful thinker’ to the sparsely populated Labour Lords benches. Pakenham had really only done one thing until he bagged that peerage, which was to act as William Beveridge’s right hand man when Beveridge compiled his report on the welfare state. Upon receiving a peerage, Longford was immediately appointed a Lords Whip by Attlee, which suggests that Attlee had confidence that Pakenham would be able to twist the arms of other Labour peers. I doubt that Pakenham would have built up sufficient muscle to do that as a result of his short stint working for the ‘Daily Mail’, his time as a stockbroker which resulted in him losing a great deal of money, him being the most hopeless soldier that the British Army had ever seen, having a nervous breakdown or even by his assistance with the Beveridge Report.

However, by the time that Attlee gave Frank Pakenham a peerage, Frank had been visiting prisons two to three times/week for more than 10 years, holding in-depth conversations with those inside. He will have learnt that some inside prison were innocent and that a great many others had knowledge of wrongdoing in high places rather more serious than the wrongdoing for which they had been sentenced. The language that is used to discuss sexual abuse has changed since the 1940s but many aspects of the problem have not changed. As at the present time, people in dominant positions in society were having sex with people in far more vulnerable positions and some of those people will have been having sex with children, including children of the same sex as them. The stakes were considerably higher for people doing this in the 1940s, because homosexuality was illegal and a prison sentence and total social ruin for one and even one’s family a la Oscar Wilde was still the order of the day. What if Frank had learnt a bit about such matters during all that prison visiting?

In 1947, Frank was appointed Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster aka Deputy Foreign Secretary with special responsibility for the British zone in occupied Germany. He made headlines by telling German audiences that the British people forgave them for what had happened during WWII and was later credited by the first West German Chancellor with being among his country’s founding fathers. In May 1948, Pakenham was moved to the lower-profile role of Minister of Civil Aviation and became a Privy Councillor. He continued in this post until May 1951. From May 1951 until the fall of Attlee’s administration in October 1951, Longford was First Lord of the Admiralty. We’re back to Mountbatten and his pals again…

After Labour lost the 1951 General Election, Pakenham became Chairman of the Society for the Mentally Handicapped. At the time the mentally handicapped were usually institutionalised – the parents of such children were nearly always advised to do this by Top Docs – and were frequently treated appallingly in long-stay hospitals whose staff were completely unaccountable. Sexual exploitation, as well as physical assault, was common. Pakenham will have been well-aware of that.

During the period of time that Labour was out of office between Attlee and Wilson, Hugh Gaitskell kept Pakenham  at the centre of Labour Party affairs. Gaitskell and Pakenham had shared rooms at Oxford and Gaitskell used to refer to Pakenham as his ‘oldest friend’. Pakenham remained at the centre of things even when he became Chairman of a City clearing bank, the Anglo-Irish Bank, in 1955, which caused a rumpus in the City because Pakenham had been blackballed from at least one financiers’ club. However during Pakenham’s nine years as Chairman, the Ango-Irish Bank grew more quickly than any other London clearing bank.

During this time, Pakenham also contributed to a series of ‘learned reports’ on penal reform. He Chaired a special Labour Party Committee – Harold Wilson appointed him – which in 1963 published its Report, ‘Crime – A Challenge’. It recommended the abolition of capital punishment, after-care for prisoners and was the basis for the introduction of the parole system in 1965 that remains substantially unchanged today.

In 1961, Pakenham inherited from his older brother Edward the earldom of Longford and from then onward was generally known to the public as Lord Longford.

When Labour returned to power in October 1964 under Harold Wilson, Longford was appointed Lord Privy Seal and Leader of the Lords, despite the fact that Wilson had little respect for him. It was presumed that these Cabinet positions were simply a sop to Gaitskellites. In December 1965 Longford became Secretary of State for the Colonies, continuing as Leader of the House of Lords. After four months at the Colonial Office, he was removed from the post for failing to master his brief and again became Lord Privy Seal in April 1966.

Longford spoke against the 1967 Bill to facilitate abortions which did not endear him to many on the left of the Labour Party.

Wilson often talked about sacking Longford from his Gov’t, which is believed to have led to Longford’s resignation as Lord Privy Seal and Leader of the House of Lords in January 1968, although Longford’s stated reason for resigning from the Gov’t was because of the abandonment of the commitment to increase the school leaving age. Tony Benn, Richard Crossman and Barbara Castle all recorded their relief at Longford’s departure from Gov’t in their diaries. However HM Queen Lilibet continued to hold Longford in high esteem.

After 1968, Lord Longford concentrated on his campaigns and publishing. In the Lords his two main interests were Ireland and prisons policy. Longford thought of Ireland as his home, although he didn’t live there. He was an old friend of Eamon de Valera, who was a Commandant in the 1916 Easter Uprising and later became Taoiseach, 1957-59 and President of Ireland, 1959-73. When in Wilson’s Cabinet, Longford caused a stir by attending the 50th anniversary celebrations of the Easter Rising and being  photographed next to de Valera.

In 1970 Longford became Chairman of Sidgwick and Jackson the publishers. As with his Chairmanship of the Anglo-Irish Bank, business boomed under this utter incompetent who had dirt on a great many in high places. Longford Chaired Sidgwick and Jackson for 10 years and the company benefited in particular from Ted Heath’s books on sailing.

In 1955/56, Longford set up New Bridge Foundation, an organisation that aimed to help prisoners stay in touch with society and integrate them back into it. New Bridge was the first organisation concerned with prisoners’ welfare. In 1990 New Bridge set up ‘Inside Time’ magazine, the only national newspaper for the UK’s prison population. Journalist Rachel Billington, Longford’s daughter, is involved with the title. Longford organised many debates on prison reform in the House of Lords from the 1950s onward.

In 1970, Longford established New Horizon, the first drop-in centre for homeless teenagers. Longford was a regular at New Horizon, dropping in until his death in 2002, chatting to the teenagers who were often rather confused by Longford’s interest in them. Longford could not have failed to have noticed that huge numbers of those homeless teenagers had run away from the care system because they were being grossly abused.

Longford was a leading figure in the National Festival Of Light of 1971, which protested against the commercial exploitation of sex and violence, while advocating the teaching of Christ as the key to recovering moral stability in the nation. Longford was advised against involvement with the National Festival Of Light by his friends, but was said to have been influenced by Mary Whitehouse.

Whitehouse was a ‘morality campaigner’, a former teacher from the West Midlands. Whitehouse was quite preoccupied with the sort of sex education that kids in schools were receiving and the alleged deleterious effects on them as a result of the ‘filth’ that Whitehouse believed that she was watching the BBC screen at the time. Whitehouse was keen on quoting the views of Top Docs and psychiatrists on such matters. These will of course have been those who were colluding with Dafydd and the gang. Whitehouse launched a one-woman campaign against Dr Martin Cole, a sex therapist who produced a sex education film for schools called ‘Growing Up’ (see post ‘The White Heat Of This Revolution’). Whitehouse alleged that Martin Cole’s clinic was a front for prostitution. Cole worked with Dr Philip Cauthery, a sexologist who was also the students’ doctor at Aston University. Cauthery was uncaring and lethal and was felt by many to be one of the key reasons for the high suicide rate among students at Aston. Cauthery sat on the Editorial Board of ‘Forum’ magazine, the small ads of which were being used by paedophiles. Cauthery was never placed under the spotlight in the way that Martin Cole was, almost certainly because Cauthery was a Top Doctor who enjoyed the protection of the medical establishment, whereas Cole was a non-clinical academic.

The National Festival Of Light was co-founded by the journalist and author Malcolm Muggeridge, who was named as a dreadful old groper after he died (see post ‘The Creme de la Creme’) and Evangelical Christian missionaries Peter and Janet Hill were also involved. Cliff Richard was a key supporter of the NFOL from its onset and Archbishop Trevor Huddleston was also a supporter. Cliff was a close friend of Cilla, who was a personal friend of Professor Geoffrey Chamberlain of St George’s Hospital Medical School, during the years when Chamberlain and his colleagues were perpetrating research fraud as well as colluding with organised child abuse, including the crimes of Dafydd’s gang (see post ‘Now Then…’). Trevor Huddleston was the subject of allegations that he indecently assaulted children. Huddleston didn’t deny the allegations but simply packaged his behaviour as being harmless and ‘innocent’. See post ‘Radical Leicester And Some Other Free Radicals’.

Grassroots support for the NFOL came from Anglicans, Baptists, Plymouth Brethren and Pentecostal Church denominations. Dafydd has longstanding links with the Anglican Church (see post ‘Amber Rudd, The Miners’ Strike And A Memory Jogged’) and the Welsh Baptist Church (see post ‘A Serious Moral Collapse’).

A working committee was established with Colonel Orde Dobbie (a Social Services administrator), Eddie Stride (a former shop steward and trade unionist, later the Rector of Christ Church Spitalfields), Gordon Landreth (General Secretary of the Evangelical Alliance), Rev. Jean Darnall (Pentecostal Evangelist), Nigel Goodwin (a professional Christian actor) and Steve Stevens (a missionary aviator). Additional input was received from a larger Council of Reference which included well-known politicians, lawyers, doctors, trades unionists, bishops, ministers and other public figures such as actors Dora Bryan and David Kossoff.

Dora Bryan hobnobbed with all the best luvvies who ended up in disgrace, including the cast of the Carry On films and when she was older, Michael Barrymore. David Kossoff became involved with the NFOL as a result of his anti-drugs campaigning which he took up when his son Paul developed drug problems. Paul Kossoff played with the rock band ‘Free’ and died from complications resulting from his drug use in 1976.

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On 25 September, approximately 45,000 people assembled in Trafalgar Square for the NFOL rally. A number of statements and proclamations were read out and received with applause by the crowd. Some called for a halt to the commercial exploitation of sex and violence. They warned that the ‘positive values’ of love and respect for the individual and the family were under serious threat. At the conclusion of the speeches, the crowd began to wind through the streets to Hyde Park, singing Christian songs as they went. In Hyde Park they joined those unable to get into Trafalgar Square. The Hyde Park rally started at 4 pm, where a number of Christian music groups proclaimed the same message. Among the performers were Cliff Richard, Dana and Graham Kendrick. Rev. Jean Darnall led the rally. The main speaker in the park was Hollywood street evangelist Arthur Blessitt.

In the days that followed perhaps the warmest support came from Roman Catholic periodicals.

After 1971 the NFL committee continued to meet and gradually evolved into the Christian organisation Christian Action Research and Education (CARE), changing its name in 1983.

Longford’s anti-porn campaigning made him the subject of derision and he was labelled by the press as Lord Porn when he and former prison doctor Christine Temple-Saville set out on a wide-ranging tour of sex industry establishments in the early 1970s to compile a self-funded report, published in 1972.

Like Longford, Christine Temple-Saville will have known exactly who was sitting in prisons and how many of them had been framed with the assistance of her Top Doc colleagues (and possibly her as well) after they were witnesses to the abuse rings operating within children’s homes/other care settings. Temple-Saville will have known about Dafydd, if she didn’t actually know him personally. The press made much of Longford’s visits to strip clubs in Copenhagen and he was accused of enormous hypocrisy.

Despite the hilarity which Longford’s Report caused in so many quarters, in 1972 Lilibet made him a Knight of the Garter. That’s the Lilibet who’s Woman-of-the-Bedchamber Dame Mary Morrison was the sister of Sir Peter Morrison, who spent a lifetime molesting kids in care.

It was Lord Longford’s support for Myra Hindley to be released from prison on parole which made him a household name and led to the soubriquet Lord Wrongford from the tabloid press, which largely opposed Hindley being released. Longford’s contact with Hindley became public knowledge in 1972 and allegations of hypocrisy were frequently made against him. In 1977, 11 years after Hindley was convicted of two murders and being an accessory to a third murder, Longford appeared on television and spoke openly of his belief that Hindley should now be considered for parole as she had shown clear signs of progress in prison and now served long enough for the Parole Board to assess her suitability for release from prison. He also supported Hindley’s claims that her role in the Moors Murders was merely that of an accomplice and that she had only taken part due to Brady’s abuse and threats. There is considerable evidence to suggest that this was true but the facts concerning Hindley’s case were lost among the hysteria, the downright lies, the corrupt practices of the police officers and lawyers involved and of course the extreme distress of the parents of the dead children who were never given the support that they should have had.

In 1985, Longford condemned the Parole Board’s decision not to consider Hindley’s release for another five years as ‘barbaric’ and his campaign for Hindley continued even after ‘she admitted to two more murders in 1986’. Hindley’s ‘admission’ to two more murders in 1986 has become part of the mythology of Hindley. I don’t think that she did ‘admit’ to two more murders in 1986. The detectives who had worked on the case originally – some of whom were corrupt – visited Hindley out of the blue in prison at the end of 1986, told her that they ‘knew’ that Brady had murdered more children and asked her if she knew where those children were buried. Hindley explained that she did not, neither had she witnessed the further two alleged murders. However she agreed to accompany a police team onto  Saddleworth Moor to show the police the places that Brady used to enjoy visiting lest the police wanted to excavate.

Myra Hindley accompanied the police to Saddleworth Moor in appalling winter weather, in conditions that were  not conducive to a search for human remains. She told the police that it was so long since she was there that she did not recognise the landscape. The police ‘search’ was accompanied by full media coverage. At the same time, TV journos approached the father of one of the children murdered/thought to be murdered by Brady and/or Hindley and asked him if he wanted to kill Hindley. The distressed father obediently produced a kitchen knife from his bag for the cameras while the journos purchased him pints.

The sudden interest of Peter Topping, a clapped-out dodgy Greater Manchester policeman, in Myra Hindley and Ian Brady once more at the very end of 1986 has never been explained. Neither has it ever been explained why Topping had an overwhelming urge to conduct a police search of Saddleworth Moor at the one time of year when a search should not be conducted. No-one explained why the media were told what was happening and invited to the scene, particularly as much was made of the risk to Hindley’s life from well-wishers while she was on the moor.

The year before Topping had the overwhelming urge to visit Hindley in prison, tell her that she had helped Brady commit two more murders and ask her if she would agree to visit Saddleworth Moor in a blizzard, in front of TV cameras while people were asked to describe to journos how they were going to murder her, Brady had been transferred from Gartree Prison in Leicester to Ashworth Hospital on Merseyside. Dafydd’s mates were running Ashworth at the time and the place was full of witnesses to/victims of the wrongdoing of Dafydd and his accomplices (see post ‘Security, Security’). Dafydd’s mates also ran Gartree Prison and after many years spontaneously declared Brady insane rather than ‘wicked’ and had him transferred to Dafydd’s inner sanctum at Ashworth.

I can remember events very well at the time because Dafydd et al were fully engaged in their efforts to deal with another Evil Young Woman  – me. The very people who were busy ‘treating’ Ian Brady in Ashworth were fabricating evidence, perjuring themselves and holding ‘case conferences’ without my knowledge to which people whom I had never met were invited to tell the assembled company how dangerous I was. I had been illegally imprisoned in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh in Dec 1986, just days before  Myra was in the news once more…

When this saga was being played out on TV – with all us patients in Denbigh watching it – I dared proffer my opinion that this was an unedifying spectacle and I was a little fed up of hearing corrupt Top Docs denouncing people as evil and dangerous. An Angel called Ingrid shouted at me that Myra was ‘evil’, that as a student Angel Ingrid had watched the trial of Brady and Hindley at Chester Assizes and that everyone in the court was in tears, including Ingrid. I am sure that listening to murder trials take its toll, but Ingrid was at the time of her histrionics in my direction overseeing a group of patients illegally imprisoned by people who were running a paedophile/trafficking ring. Some of those patients were held in a dungeon.

The lawyers involved in the trial of the Moors Murderers included Attorney General Lord Elwyn-Jones, Lord Emlyn Hooson and Sir Ronald Waterhouse. All three of these people were bent, knew about Jeremy Thorpe’s shenanigans but kept quiet and also concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang in north Wales/Cheshire.

Why Brady and Hindley’s trial took place at Chester no-one has been able to explain. They didn’t live near Chester, neither did the murder victims and the murders were not committed near Chester. After the event Peter Topping maintained that it was to ensure that they received a ‘fair trial’. How that was supposed to happen when Topping and some of his colleagues were bent cops, when they were receiving and passing information on to people known to the accused before the trial and by the trial being held in a location known even then as being the hub of legal and judicial corruption as a result of a longstanding paedophile gang operating in the area was not clarified.

Dafydd and the gang had links with corrupt officers in Greater Manchester Police and other corrupt professionals in the Manchester region (see posts ‘Top Of The Cops’ and ‘A Stalker’s Network’.)

For the record: Ian Brady was a deeply unpleasant man. He freely admitted to a series of crimes, including the murders of three children but always denied any involvement in the murders of two others which were attributed to him. He expressed the view that the police and legal system were corrupt and that the Top Docs were a bunch of lying idiots who didn’t know their arses from their elbows. Myra Hindley was abused as a girl and experienced violence at Brady’s hands. Had her trial occurred these days, much would be made of Myra’s very difficult and abusive upbringing. Had I been Myra Hindley I don’t think that any of that would have caused me to assist in the abuse and murder of three children, but I’m not Myra Hindley, I don’t know what it was like to be her and because so many people involved in her ‘assessment’, the investigation of the crimes with which she was charged and the continued ‘assessment’ of her after she was convicted were corrupt as fuck and involved in serious crime as well as organised abuse themselves, I am not sure that much of what we read about Evil Myra was true.

I have in my possession 10,000 documents compiled by the associates of those involved with Brady and Hindley’s case which clearly demonstrate perjury, conspiracy and attempts to pervert the course of justice over a period of many years with regard to me because I had complained about Gwynne the lobotomist, Dafydd and Tony Francis. It was documented that I had stabbed people, strangled them, ‘served a prison sentence for attacking someone with a knife’, held an Angel hostage and sexually assaulted a psychiatrist. The documents are accompanied by other documents written by the same people admitting that none of these allegations are true but nonetheless contain detailed plans of how I will be framed for these offences. There are also letters to ‘witnesses’ instructing them with regard to what they need to say about me in court. There is even a letter signed by Patricia Gaskell, the former hospital solicitor for Ysbyty Gwynedd, asking for ‘more nurses down the police station to complain about [me] please’.

When Evil Myra was told that she had been involved in two more murders and was taken to Saddleworth Moor to identify the locations of the bodies, Alison Taylor had recently expressed repeated concerns about the abuse of kids in care in north Wales, Mary Wynch had made legal history by successfully suing Dafydd and the gang (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’) and I had begun complaining and was refusing to go away as well.

In July 1986 Iain Muir, Deputy Headmaster of the Bryn Alyn Community School, was convicted in the Crown Court at Mold of unlawful sexual intercourse with a female under the age of 16, for which he received a sentence of six months imprisonment. The victim was resident at the school for just over three years and was 15 years old when she left.

In October 1986 DCS Gwynne Owen’s report to the Crown Prosecution Service following concerns raised by Alison Taylor and complaints of abuse from children criticised Alison Taylor and accused her of ‘manipulating’ people to make complaints.

In Dec 1986, Gwynedd County Council informally suspended Alison from her job as a social worker, Dafydd abducted and illegally imprisoned me on 13 Dec 1986, Evil Myra was taken to Saddleworth Moor on Dec 16 and was suddenly all over the media once more.

On 18 December 1986, Professor Oliver Brooke, Prof of Paediatrics at St George’s Hospital Medical School, pleaded guilty to six counts of procuring and distributing child pornography at Kingston Crown Court and was sentenced to one year in prison. Brooke was only charged with a small number of offences but was in reality a key player in a pan-European child abuse ring of which Dafydd’s gang in north Wales were a part.

 

Now perhaps Dafydd would like to tell us all why Peter Topping decided that the world had to be reminded of Evil Myra once again just when Ollie Brooke was up in court.

 

Lord Longford will have known of Evil Myra’s abusive childhood and he will have known that those involved with her case and shouting about Evil Myra were running a paedophile gang themselves. Longford remained schtum.

Evil Myra’s public appearance on Dec 16 1986 further strengthened media and public opinion that any reports of progress by Hindley in prison were ‘nothing more than a ploy to boost her chances of gaining release from prison’. Well she was Evil Myra who Manipulated wasn’t she. Just like Alison Taylor and I Manipulated.

Whilst all this was going on, Douglas Hurd was Home Secretary.

In 1990, David Waddington the Home Secretary ruled that ‘life should mean life’ for Evil Myra, who had been told by earlier Home Secretaries and High Court judges that she would have to serve a minimum of 25 and then 30 years before being considered for parole. These were the Waddington and the previous Home Secretaries and High Court judges who colluded with Dafydd’s gang as well as the linked gangs across the UK/Europe, including the gang in south London of which Brooke was a leading light.

Hindley was not informed of Waddington’s decision until December 1994, and Longford later expressed his ‘disgust’ at this ruling. The next three Home Secretaries all agreed with Waddington’s ruling. They also all colluded with Dafydd et al. Hindley appealed against her whole life tariff in the High Court in December 1997, November 1998 and March 2000, but each appeal was rejected. In Dec 1997 and Nov 1998 the Waterhouse Inquiry was underway. The Waterhouse Report was published in Feb 2000, one month before Evil Myra had yet another appeal rejected. Longford maintained that Evil Myra was a changed woman who was no longer a threat to society and had qualified for parole. He regularly commented, along with several other supporters of Evil Myra, that she was a ‘political prisoner’ who was being kept in prison for votes, to serve the interests of a succession of Home Secretaries and their respective Gov’ts. This was true, although the general public would still have been utterly unsympathetic if they had known. But what would the general public have said if they had been made aware that scores of the lawyers, judges, Top Docs and police officers directly involved with decisions regarding Evil Myra were colluding with child abuse, including the murders of witnesses, themselves?

In March 1996, Longford backed up Evil Myra’s claim in an Oxford University magazine that she was still in prison so that the Conservative Gov’t – trailing in the opinion polls since the autumn of 1992 – would win more votes. This claim was met with anger by the mothers of two of the Moors Murders victims, including Ann West, who remained at the centre of the campaign to ensure that Evil Myra was never released and once again vowed to kill Evil Myra if she was set free. Longford regularly condemned the media for ‘manipulating’ West and feeding her desire for revenge and was particularly critical of ‘The Sun’ newspaper for its ‘exploitation’ of West – referring to her numerous television and newspaper interviews in which she argued against any suggestion of Evil Myra ever being paroled, often threatening to kill her if she was ever set free. In 1986, Longford reportedly told West that unless she forgave Evil Myra and Brady, she would not go to Heaven when she died. 

This is all deeply ironic. The tabloid press undoubtedly manipulated the parents of Brady’s and Hindley’s victims but then so did everyone involved in the cases, including Longford.  It would have been more sensible of Longford to have kept his thoughts to himself re the need for Ann West to forgive Hindley and Brady because his relationship with Ann West was nowhere near good enough for him to make such suggestions without causing great upset. Interestingly enough, for many years, staff of the mental health services stressed to me that I was in a bad way because I hadn’t ‘forgiven’ Dafydd et al for their oh so minor ‘misjudgements’ with regard to me. Not only were Dafydd et al guilty of a great deal more than a few ‘misjudgements’ but documents now in my possession show that while people were busy telling me that poor old Dafydd never meant any harm at all and gosh I really was over-reacting, those very people were at the time conspiring with Dafydd to lie and perjure themselves in order to have me banged up for a very long time because they were so worried at the prospect of Brown and me one day publishing all this. By that time, the main reason why I wasn’t ‘recovering’ was that I was constantly being arrested for ludicrous offences, I was being actively denied effective treatment for a mood disorder and my property (and occasionally me) was being attacked by meatheads who had been put up to this by Dafydd et al.

Every time that I was told that my ‘outbursts’ and ‘baseless accusations’ had ‘upset’ staff, I was happy to write and apologise. Those letters are among my documentation as well. Along with the documents detailing the lies that would then be told about me in Court, the gloating notes regarding which members of staff I ‘trusted’ and who could therefore be relied upon to persuade me or even people close to me to drop complaints about the ‘service’. I have seen the medical records of another mental health patient from north Wales who, like me, was repeatedly arrested after complaining about the ‘services’. He too wrote apologies to staff whom he was told were ‘terrified’ of him and whom he had ‘upset’. His letters of apology were attached to fabricated accounts of his ‘crimes’, giving the impression that he was apologising for committing serious offences. This man told me that one of his letters of apology was ‘virtually dictated’ to him by Dr Tony Francis.

Get over it world, these were not caring Top Docs and Angels who’s patience was being tried to the limits by dangerous patients, they were a criminal gang. Those in Gov’t throughout the many years that this criminal idiocy continued knew that.

Evil Myra died in November 2002, having never been paroled. Lord Longford had died the previous year.

 

Longford seemed to be very confused where homosexuality was concerned. In 1956, he launched the first Parliamentary debate in support of the Wolfenden Report, which recommended the decriminalisation of homosexuality. Longford had been a staunch public supporter of Lord Montagu and his lover Peter Wildeblood after the two were jailed for breaking anti-gay laws in the early 1950s and he visited them regularly in prison. In his later years however, Longford became a staunch opponent of gay rights and in the 1960s he stated that homosexuality was ‘nauseating’ and that, regardless of any change in the law, it was ‘utterly wrongful’.

But then Dafydd and Gwynne at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh were subjecting gay patients to ‘aversion therapy’ to cure them of their homosexuality years after homosexuality was decriminalised, while they ran a paedophile/trafficking ring targeting boys in particular.

In the mid-1980s, Longford was a vocal supporter of the introduction of Section 28 by Thatcher’s Conservative Gov’t – despite Thatcher’s close friends Sir Peter Morrison and George Thomas being homosexual paedophiles –  and, during the Parliamentary debates, Longford famously stated his opinion that homosexuals are ‘handicapped people’. Section 28 became law in 1988, but Longford continued to support it and fought against its repeal when New Labour came to power in 1997. Section 28 was repealed in 2003.

Longford also opposed the Labour Gov’ts plans to equalise the age of consent for gay men (at that time 18) with that of heterosexual men (16), and in a 1998 Lords debate Longford remarked that:

…if someone seduced my daughter, it would be damaging and horrifying but not fatal. She would recover, marry and have lots of children… On the other hand, if some elderly, or not so elderly, schoolmaster seduced one of my sons and taught him to be a homosexual, he would ruin him for life. That is the fundamental distinction.

Is it any wonder that with this sort of inconsistency and confusion, Longford colluded with the crimes of Dafydd et al?

The age of consent for gay men was equalised at 16 in 2000. In the years before that, there were TV debates regarding the matter. The subject was discussed on daytime shows such as ‘Kilroy’. I was watching those shows in the mid-1990s because Dafydd was regularly turning up on them being touted as an ‘expert’. I saw the ‘Kilroy’ programme which discussed reducing the age of consent for homosexuality and it was bizarre. A collection of the truly bigoted had been invited including one Top Doctor – not Dafydd amazingly enough – who reassured Kilroy and the assembled company that homosexuality was a ‘mental illness’ and was not found in the animal kingdom (it is). There was one Tory MP who argued against reducing the age of consent – a young Nigel Evans, the Tory MP for the Ribble Valley, who grew up in Swansea. Years later Nigel Evans came out as gay and then famously stood trial in 2014 after a number of young men alleged that he had sexually assaulted them.

There was only one guest on the ‘Kilroy’ programme who dared support the reduction of the age of consent for gays to 16 and who faced the most dreadful hostility for doing so and that was Edwina Currie. I was so impressed with Edwina’s performance on the show that I wrote to her. I received a letter back from Edwina so quickly that I have never worked out how it happened. I posted the letter to Edwina at her Commons address from Bethesda and I received a reply as far as I can remember the next day. It was a complete mystery to me as to how that could have happened. I am now even more intrigued because I now know that when I was living at that address at that time I and my friends were under surveillance by the security services because of our challenges to and interest in Dafydd and the gang.

When that episode of ‘Kilroy’ was screened, Edwina, Nigel Evans and indeed Kilroy himself knew about at least some of Dafydd’s criminal activities in relation to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, which was in the news at the time.

 

Longford’s highly publicised condemnation of homosexuality in the late 1980s made him a regular target of the comedian Julian Clary, who often satirised Longford. When Julian Clary was much younger and a new face on the comedy circuit, he used to joke about the homosexual bullying which he maintained was endemic at his school. In one media interview he described his school as a living nightmare but stated that he felt unable to tell his parents what was happening to him because it was a prestigious school and they’d made sacrifices to send him there. More recently that school has been named as being part of a child abuse ring. Julian Clary has now gone very quiet about that school and after it was named in the media simply observed that he didn’t like it there very much. Clary’s mum was a probation officer and his dad was a policeman.

 

 

Frank Pakenham’s extended family are as interesting as he was. His elder brother Edward, from whom Frank inherited his earldom, was the 6th Earl Longford. Edward went to Eton and Christ Church, Oxford. At Eton he became an Irish Nationalist, taking inspiration from the Easter Rising in 1916 and the Russian Revolution of 1917. Edward learned Irish and adopted the name Eamon de Longphort. His political views made him unpopular at both Eton and Christ Church. Edward was an Anglo-Catholic who never left the Church of Ireland.

On 13 November 1946 Edward was nominated by the Taoiseach, Eamon de Valera, as a member of 5th Seanad Eireann, although he was not re-appointed to the 6th Seanad.

Lord Edward Longford became Chairman of the Gate Theatre in Dublin in 1930 and continued to work for the theatre until 1936, when he founded the Longford Players. He often collaborated with his wife, Christine, with whom he was also responsible for redecorating Pakenham Hall, now Tullynally Castle, in Chinese style. Pakenham Hall was often the scene of gatherings of Oxford-educated intellectuals such as John Betjeman, Evelyn Waugh and Maurice Bowra.

 

Frank and Edward’s dad Thomas Packenham, 5th Earl of Longford and his wife Lady Mary, had other children including Lady Julia, later Lady Julia Mount. Lady Julia Mount was the mother of Sir Ferdinand Mount, one of Thatcher’s favourite ‘thinkers’. Ferdinand Mount attended Eton and then Christ Church, Oxford. Mount worked at Conservative Party HQ as Head of the Number 10 Policy Unit, 1982–83, under Thatch and played a significant part in devising the 1983 General Election manifesto.

Mount was Editor of the TLS, 1991–2002 and then became a regular contributor to ‘Standpoint’ magazine. He wrote for ‘The Sunday Times’ and in 2005 joined The Daily Torygraph as a commentator. Sir Ferdinand serves as Chairman of the Friends of the British Library and was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society of Literature in 1991.

Ferdinand’s books include: ‘The Subversive Family: An Alternative History of Love and Marriage’ (1982); ‘Umbrella: A Pacific Tale’ (199); and ‘The Liquidator’ (1995).

 

The ‘Daily Mail’ coverage of Frank Longford’s death told us that Cardinal Cormac Murphy-O’Connor, the Archbishop of Westminster, paid tribute to Lord Longford’s loyalty to his faith: ‘I remember Lord Longford as a great friend and a man not afraid to be different. He was an outstanding Christian witness who devoted his entire life to the Catholic faith…’ Tony Benn, who served in Harold Wilson’s Gov’t with Lord Longford, 1964-68, remembered the peer as a ‘kindly and thoughtful’ man who served the nation for many decades: ‘He had a very long and distinguished career as a Catholic socialist statesman and a minister. His concern for people, and for prisoners in particular, was genuine. He simply did not believe that people should be allowed to rot in jail….He was a very kind and thoughtful man. I think he will be remembered as a very respected and well thought of man with a great conscience. He was just a very decent guy’. Juliet Lyon, Director of the Prison Reform Trust, said Lord Longford was a ‘remarkable’ man who was not afraid to stand up for his beliefs: ‘Lord Longford had a rare belief in humanity and a determination to stand up for people who could not stand up for themselves. Essentially, he refused to see people who had done terrible things as terrible people.’ Frances Crook, Director of the Howard League for Penal Reform, said she would miss Lord Longford both professionally and personally: ‘Firstly, he was one of the bravest people I have ever met because he would stand up and challenge what everybody else was saying. Secondly, he was compassionate and reminded people that nobody is beyond redemption. And thirdly he was also a wonderful lunch companion and could drink anyone under the table’.

Tony Blair said of Lord Longford after his death: ‘He was a great man of passionate integrity and humanity, and a great reformer committed to modernising the law, while also caring deeply for individuals’.

 

Longford had a big family and many of his children – Harriet Harman’s cousins – became well-known/influential or married well-known/influential people.

Lady Antonia Fraser is probably the most famous of Longford’s children. From 1956 until 1977, Antonia was married to Sir Hugh Fraser, the Roman Catholic Conservative Unionist MP for Stafford, who was a friend of the American Kennedy family. They had six children: three sons, Benjamin, Damian and Orlando; and three daughters, Rebecca Fitzgerald, wife of barrister Edward Fitzgerald QC, Flora Fraser and Natasha Fraser-Cavassoni. Edward Fitzgerald QC is joint Head of Doughty Street Chambers. Doughty Street Chambers contains Theo Huckle QC, the former Counsel-General of Wales, who had sight of the 10,000 documents in my possession detailing serious crime on the part of every agency with which I was involved over 25 years but did not act (see post ‘Theo Huckle QC’). Another leading light at Doughty Street Chambers is Helena Kennedy, who during her many years of working with Wimmin In Prison and Secure Hospitals has never uttered a word regarding the organised abuse of people in care settings (see post ‘Close Your Eyes And Make A WISH’), not even when she worked with Professor Nigel Eastman of St George’s Hospital Medical School, who was concealing the crimes of Dafydd, Oliver Brooke et al (see post ‘Eve Was Framed – As Were A Lot Of Other People’).

Flora Fraser married Peter Soros, nephew of George Soros. Benjamin Fraser works for JP Morgan, Damian Fraser is the Managing Director of the investment banking firm UBS AG (formerly S.G. Warburg) in Mexico and Orlando Fraser is a barrister specialising in commercial law.

Lady Antonia’s husband Hugh Fraser was a younger son of the 14th Lord Lovat. He was educated at Ampleforth College – now the focus of a major abuse investigation – and Balliol College, Oxford, where he was President of the Oxford Union. He also attended the Sorbonne. Fraser was elected MP for Stone in 1945, which later became Stafford and Stone from 1950 until 1983 and then Stafford until his death. He served as an MP continuously from 1945 until 1984.

A paedophile ring operated in the Stafford area for many years and the abuse of children in care in that location finally became public in the 1980s as a result of the Pindown Scandal (see previous posts). At least one foster carer who had raised concerns about children in care in the Stafford area being abused by social work staff found himself arrested and framed for child abuse himself. Fraser had been a member of Harold Macmillans Gov’t at the time of the Profumo Affair (see post ‘In Memoriam – Bronwen, Lady Astor’).

Hugh Fraser was the presumed target of an IRA car bomb on 23 October 1975. The bomb had been fitted to one of Fraser’s cars outside his home at Holland Park. A noted cancer researcher, Professor Gordon Hamilton Fairley, a neighbour of the Frasers, was walking past the car when the bomb exploded prematurely, killing him instantly. Fraser’s wife, Lady Antonia, and Caroline Kennedy – the daughter of John F. Kennedy – who was a guest of the Frasers and visiting London to complete an art course at Sotheby’s, would have been in the car when the bomb detonated had it not done so prematurely.

An article about the bomb blast was published in ‘The New York Times’, Oct 24 1974. It stated that ‘Miss Kennedy…was described by Mr. Fraser as “very shaken”… “I am fine,” she said. “I am sure this has nothing to do with me.” Prof. Gordon Hamilton Fairley…was killed…The leukemia specialist, who lived in the square, was professor in the department of medical oncology at St. Bartholomew’s Hospital in London…Recent work by Professor Fairley included treatment of acute myeloid leukemia… The work was performed with Prof. Peter Alexander, an expert in tumor immunology at Royal Marsden Hospital in London. “I can think of no greater catastrophe for clinical research than his loss,” said Professor Alexander….It was evident that Miss Kennedy and Mr. Fraser barely escaped serious injury. The bomb was planted under the front wheel of Mr. Fraser’s red Jaguar and exploded at 8:53. The 57‐year‐old M.P…was about to drive Miss Kennedy to her art course at Sotheby’s. He had stopped to telephone another Member of Parliament, Jonathan Aitken, when the bomb went off. “Normally I would have been in the car when this happened but I was on the telephone,” he said. “I normally leave the house between 8:15 and 8:30 each day.”…It was not immediately clear why Mr. Fraser was singled out. He is a well‐known member of the Roman Catholic community but has not taken a prominent role in the Irish question, except to condemn terrorism at various times. Mr. Fraser is also a stanch supporter of Israel.

Scotland Yard’s Deputy Assistant Commissioner, Ernest Bond, said: “We are convinced that Mr. Fraser was the target, not Caroline Kennedy. It is more than likely that the views Mr. Fraser has expressed from time to time against terrorism was the reason for this attack.”

Later in the day, Mr. Fraser received a standing ovation at the House of Commons and said in a voice choking with emotion: “We can all agree that every politician in this house is at risk, from whatever party – and all parties are determined to extirpate terrorism whatever the cost.”

He paid a special tribute to Professor Fairley, saying he had “probably done more for cancer research in this country than any other man.”

“It might be borne in mind by the public that this innocent victim in this case was a most distinguished man and has contributed perhaps more to the saving of human life than perhaps anyone in this House or in the whole medical profession.” Mr. Fraser said….

Tonight there was widespread reaction to Professor Fairley’s death. Dr. Nigel Kemp, honorary scientific secretary of the Cancer Research Campaign, said that the professor, who was in his mid‐forties, was virtually irreplaceable….’

In recent years, it has been suggested that some of those allegedly targeted by the IRA and other terrorist groups may have been targeted because of their involvement in child abuse and that those behind the attacks may not have always been the terrorist cells to whom the attacks were attributed. Hugh Fraser will have known about the child abuse ring in Stafford, his father-in-law Lord Longford definitely knew about it and John F. Kennedy and his associates have also been accused of involvement in some rather sordid activities. David Ormsby-Gore aka Lord Harlech met a sticky end after he served as Ambassador to the US while JFK was President, as did many members of his family. The Ormsby-Gores didn’t seem to have a habit of dying young and in suspicious circumstances until then. See post ’95 Glorious Years’ for details.

As for the innocent Top Doc who was accidentally killed when the bomb detonated ‘prematurely’ – he worked at Barts, which was also involved in the facilitating of an abuse/trafficking ring thanks to the presence of Dafydd’s mate Professor Linford Rees in that institution (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’) and the previous presence of Lady Juliet Bingley (see previous posts’). Furthermore Gordon Fairley’s colleagues at the Cancer Research Campaign were involved in large scale research fraud (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’).

That bomb could have been targeting any number of people.

Sir Hugh Fraser remained in Parliament until his death in March 1984 and Bill Cash retained the seat for the Tories at the subsequent by-election.

 

In 1975, Lady Antonia began an affair with Top Swearer Harold Pinter, who was then married to the actress Vivien Merchant. In 1977, after Lady Antonia had been living with Pinter for two years, the Frasers’ union was legally dissolved. Merchant spoke about her distress publicly to the press, but she resisted divorcing Pinter. In 1980, after Merchant signed divorce papers, Lady Antonia and the Sweary One married.

Harold Pinter talked posh but famously originated from Hackney. He frequented leftie luvvie circles and the world was entertained when it became known back in the 1980s that Lady Antonia and Harold were planning the revolution over a series of dinner parties at their place in Holland Park. I wonder why that particular plan failed.Holland Park home | Holland Park Lifestyle | Pinterest

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Citizen Smith

Swearing Harold found time for an affair with Joan Bakewell in his busy timetable.

In a review published in 1958, borrowing from the subtitle of The Lunatic View: A Comedy of Menace, a play by David Crompton, critic Irving Wardle called Pinter’s early plays ‘comedy of menace’, a label that people have applied repeatedly to Pinter’s work. Such plays begin with an apparently innocent situation that becomes both threatening and ‘absurd’ as Pinter’s characters behave in ways often perceived as inexplicable by his audiences and one another.

The Earl of Longford
Lord Longford 4 Allan Warren.jpg

Harold Pinter was a friend of Tom Stoppard, who was married to Top Doctor Miriam Stoppard of ‘Dear Miriam’ fame, before Tom ran off with Felicity Kendal and then hit gold with Sabrina Guinness, Carlo’s old flame, whom it was alleged turned down Carlo’s offer of marriage. Probably because she was older and rather sharper than Lady Di and knew what she would be letting herself in for.

I always think of Miriam as being someone who answered the readers’ problems in the ‘TV Times’ magazine – I think that they took Miriam on when they got rid of Katie Boyle – and then the ‘Daily Mirror’ and who wrote owners’ manuals for menopausal women, dispensing bad advice in the process, but there are far more sinister aspects to Miriam’s CV.

Miriam was born in Newcastle-upon-Tyne. Her father Sidney was a nurse and her mother Jenny worked for the Newcastle school dinners service. Male nurses were a rare thing in those days, except for in psychiatric nursing, so it is probable that this was the field in which Miriam’s father was employed. Newcastle and the surrounding area was the location of the paedophile/trafficking gang which supplied Dafydd’s gang with staff and children and the psychiatric services in Newcastle were a key part of the gang (see post ‘The Newcastle-upon-Tyne Connection?’).

Miriam trained as a nurse at the Newcastle General Hospital (Royal Free Medical School) and went on to study medicine at King’s College Durham (which became Newcastle University in 1963). It is unusual for nurses to subsequently train as Top Doctors, although these days it does sometimes happen. When Miriam did that it was virtually unheard of, not least because of the dreadful attitudes that Top Docs held and often still hold toward Angels. There were only a very, very small number of examples and in every case the Angel and/or her family knew of enormous wrongdoing in high places and quietly used that as leverage.

So Miriam, how did you or your dad or one of your close friends get to know the monster of the medical establishment who was based in Newcastle, Lord John Walton, who spent his entire career concealing the crimes of Dafydd and his associates in Newcastle (see post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’)?

It just got better and better for Miriam. After qualifying as a Top Doc, Miriam worked at the Newcastle’s Royal Victoria Infirmary and then as a senior registrar in dermatology at Bristol Royal Infirmary. Where Miriam will have got to know the Bristol contingent who propped up Dafydd’s partner-in-crime Dr D.G.E. Wood.

Miriam became Research Director and then Managing Director for Syntex, the drug company most well-known for producing the oral contraceptive pill. Syntex’s submission of a fraudulent toxicology analysis of naproxen largely led to the Food and Drug Administration’s uncovering of extensive scientific misconduct by  Industrial Bio-Test Laboratories in 1976. They never mentioned that in the ‘TV Times’ on the ‘Dear Miriam’ page.

Miriam became well known during the 1970s and 1980s as a television presenter on scientific and medical programmes such as ‘Don’t Ask Me’ and ‘Where There’s Life’.

‘Don’t Ask Me’ was a science show made by Yorkshire Television which ran from 1974 to 1978. It attempted to answer science-based questions and contributors included Magnus Pyke, Rob Buckman and David Bellamy. Those behind the scenes included Adam Hart-Davis. Buckman was one of those Top Docs who was a member of ‘Footlights’ in the late 1960s and worked with John Cleese and Graham Chapman (who had a penchant for picking up teenaged boys for sex as discussed in previous posts) and who starred in things like ‘The Pink Medicine Show’ in the 1970s.

Rob Buckman emigrated to Toronto, Canada, in 1985 and initially stayed with his cousin, journalist Barbara Amiel, who was married to Conrad Black, the press baron who at one time owned the Daily Torygraph. Black went to prison for fraud in 2007. In 1994 Buckman was named Canada’s Humanist of the Year and he was President of the Humanist Association of Canada and Chair of the Advisory Board on Bioethics of the International Humanist and Ethical UnionBuckman was a founding member of the Centre for Inquiry Canada. Buckman practiced medical oncology at the Princess Margaret Hospital, held a Chair in the Department of Medicine at the University of Toronto and held an adjunct Chair at the M.D. Anderson Cancer Center in the US state of Texas. Buckman died in his sleep while flying from London to Toronto on 9 October 2011. The cause was unknown, he was 63 and remarkably few questions were asked about that death. Buckman pegged out just as Operation Pallial re-opened the investigation into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal and the Macur Review of the Waterhouse Inquiry approached.

Rob Buckman undoubtedly knew about much of the abuse and wrongdoing which has been discussed on this blog, but he kept quiet, which was just as well because his brother Laurence Buckman, a GP, was Chairman of the BMA’s GP’s Committee, 2007-13. Buckman was educated at University College School in Hampstead – Trumpers’ husband Alan Barker was Headmaster there. It was Trumpers who appointed Jimmy Savile to the management board of Broadmoor when she was a junior Health Minister (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’). Laurence Buckman studied medicine at UCH and is the London President of the Jewish Medical Association.

It was when Laurence Buckman was a ‘negotiator’ for the BMA that the GPs laughable contract leaving them far richer despite doing less work was ‘negotiated’. Buckman became very upset when it was alleged that it was he who had helped bag the GPs big bucks. Buckman sought to expel this notion in an interview with the ‘Jewish Chronicle’ in 2009. It was stated that ‘He is regarded as a tough negotiator at the Department of Health. It was no coincidence that he was once dubbed “Red Robbo in a white coat”, a description he did not enjoy any more than when the editor of ‘The Lancet ‘said his behaviour was “shameful” and that he was guilty of “insulting cynicism about politicians and their constituents”. To which he responds: “If you put your head above the parapet, you must expect to be shot at.” 

Well Laurence, I and my friends were threatened with guns and being shot at because we dared put our heads up above the parapet when we complained about your people-trafficking colleagues. I don’t like people threatening to kill me and then trying to do it, so now you’ve got this blog. Furthermore, you’ve been somewhat rash putting your own head above the parapet and mouthing off constantly about the nation’s hard-working and modestly paid GPs and stating in that interview with the ‘Jewish Chronicle’ that ‘there are 8000 fewer people dead’ as a result of that GPs contract. You had no evidence for such a statement and one look at what has happened to general practice since you gave that interview demonstrates that you are a lying bastard.Peeling Oniontown - VICE

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Laurence Buckman got his ‘first experience of NHS and Health Department bureaucracy in 1992 when he joined the BMA GPs committee’. In 1992, the Gov’t was doing all that it could to conceal Dafydd’s role in the Westminster Paedophile Ring. Dafydd’s gang included Dr D.G.E. Wood, who was a leading light in the Royal College of GPs. Buckman will know him.

So how did the turd Buckman ever find himself in a position where he was able to order about a Gov’t who loathed him?

Since Buckman gave that interview to the ‘Jewish Chronicle’ in 2009, his brother died for no good reason in an aeroplane mid-transit. Buckman must be a worried man by now.

 

David Bellamy, Rob Buckman’s co-presenter on ‘Don’t Ask Me’, was a botanist based at Durham University. Bellamy was friendly with one of his colleagues who lectured at Durham who was the mother of a particularly dreadful forestry student at Bangor University, Louis Standen. I and my friends had the Standen Experience when he moved into our house in 1984, just as we found ourselves surrounded by so many difficult people, a number of whom I have now been told were gifts from the security services. Standen was an absolute bloody nightmare, was highly abusive, had a record of sexually aggressive behaviour towards girls before he ever arrived at Bangor and freely told us that it was his mum and her connections that secured him the place on the forestry degree at Bangor. After graduation, Louis was involved in a series of events bizarre even by his standards and years later hit the headlines when he was part of a spectacularly ineffective anti-nuclear protest while dressed as an elf or some such character. It was reported in the press that Louis was employed as David Bellamy’s chauffeur at the time. The last that I heard of Louis he was living in Glastonbury predicting the end of the world and touring festivals to dispense his wisdom regarding this matter.

Louis Standen’s parents were both involved with Radical Causes – his dad was the novelist and literary figure Michael Standen – and they hobnobbed with many of the activists previously named on this blog as having colluded with or concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al, such as Tony Benn (see post ‘No Cuts’).

Durham University was stuffed with people who knew about the organised abuse ring in the north east and its links with the gang in north Wales. Professor Eric Sunderland was appointed Principal of UCNW/Bangor University in 1984, after the paedophile gang in north Wales sent up a distress flare. Eric had spent most of his career at Durham University and proved a remarkably loyal friend to Dafydd’s gang, although Eric was heavily camouflaged (see previous posts). Eric Sunderland took up his post at Bangor the same year that Louis arrived at the University.

David Bellamy was well-known for fostering/adopting children.

Adam Hart-Davis, the behind the scenes mover and shaker for ‘Don’t Ask Me’ is linked to people who have kept quiet about research fraud, dodgy practice and abuse (see post ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’).

 

Miriam has a company, Miriam Stoppard Lifetime, through which she flogs her books and health products. In August 2012, writing in the Daily Mirror, Stoppard supported UCL’s Institute of Child Health research which suggested reviewing the recommendation of exclusive breastfeeding until six months, adding that the appearance of teeth should signal the end of breastfeeding. I think that Miriam should probably stop telling other women what to do, it hasn’t been that helpful…

Nevertheless, Miriam was named Journalist of the Year at the Stonewall Awards on 6 November 2012.

Miriam was married to Tom Stoppard from 1972 to 1992; one of her sons is the actor Ed Stoppard and her sister is the ‘social justice activist’ Murreil Hazel Stern, mother of the Champion Of The Oppressed Baroness Oona King (see post ‘We’ve Been Expecting You…’). Oona’s dad is the academic and African-American civil rights activist Preston Theodore King. Preston King has taught at a number of universities within and outside of the UK, including Keele University. Keele had a problem at the time that Preston King taught there, in so far as some staff were concealing organised abuse.

In 1997, as the Waterhouse Inquiry got underway, Miriam married the industrialist Sir Christopher Hogg.

Hogg began his career with Philip Hill Higginson Erlangers Ltd (now Hill Samuel & Co Ltd); from 1963–66 and then worked for Courtaulds from 1968 onwards, which at the time was Europe’s largest textile company. He became a Director in 1973, was appointed Chief Executive in 1979 and became Executive Chairman on 1 January 1980. He retired as Chief Executive in 1991. 

Courtaulds owned the British Cellophane factory in Bridgwater which for many years was Bridgwater’s biggest employer. Cellophane closed down in 2005 which caused much grief in Bridgwater. People were perplexed as to why the factory had closed. By then the Cellophane factory was owned by Innovia, who decided to close one of its two plants at either Bridgwater or Tecumseh, Kansas. British economic development officials offered a $120,000 tax break over three years to Innovia to preserve the Bridgwater plant, while Kansas offered $2 million if it kept the plant at Tecumseh open. As a result, the profit-making Bridgwater factory closed in the summer of 2005, while the loss-making factory in Tecumseh remained open.

By the time that the Cellophane factory was closed, the dreadful Ian Liddell-Grainger had succeeded Tom King as the Tory MP for Bridgwater. Liddell-Grainger’s claim to fame is that he is a great-great-great grandson of Queen Victoria. Before becoming an MP, Liddell-Grainger was commissioned as a Major in the TA with the 6th Battalion of the Royal Regiment of Fusiliers, commanding the machine-gun Platoon and then X Company of the Battalion in Newcastle-upon-Tyne. Liddell-Grainger served on Tynedale District Council, 1989-95. So he knew about the trafficking gang in the north east linked to Dafydd’s gang.

Liddell-Grainger succeeded Tom King as MP in 2001, after King was given a peerage. King picked up his peerage the year after the Waterhouse Report concealed the barrel of crap in north Wales/Cheshire which King knew about and knew that some of his constituents knew about as well (see posts ‘Those Who Are Ready To Serve’ and ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’).

 

Christopher Hogg served as a member of the Dept of Industry’s Industrial Development Advisory Board from 1976-80. Hogg was a member of JP Morgan’s International Advisory Council, 1988-2003 and served as a Non-Executive Director of the Bank of England from March 1992 for a four-year term and as a Trustee of the Ford Foundation from 1987-99.

Hogg was appointed to the Bank of England when Robin Leigh-Pemberton was the Governor, 1983-93. My post ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’ describes how from the late 1980s onward, people known to me in Somerset who remained silent about what was happening to me in north Wales found themselves in possession of a great deal of money after their company was inexplicably cultivated by a bunch of over-privileged tossers who were members of the Dangerous Sports Club. A leading light in the DSC was Robin Leigh-Pemberton’s son Tommy. Tommy Leigh-Pemberton was shot dead in Nairobi when he was doing something that he should not have been, which would have resulted in much bad publicity for his father had it been widely known, so the circumstances of Tommy’s death were concealed (see post ‘The Village’).

Lord Kingsdown’s son – Tommy’s brother – the Hon. James Henry Leigh-Pemberton is a British banker and the incumbent Receiver-General for the Duchy of Cornwall. Robin Leigh-Pemberton was the Chancellor of the Duchy of Cornwall. James currently serves as the Executive Chairman of UK Financial Investments. James Leigh-Pemberton was educated at Eton and started his career at S.G. Warburg & Co before becoming a Managing Director at Credit Suisse Investment Banking in London. On 7 July 2008, James was appointed CEO of Credit Suisse’s businesses in the UK. He currently serves as the Executive Chairman of UK Financial Investments. James Leigh-Pemberton is also a Trustee of the Duke of Cornwall Benevolent fund and The Royal Collection Trust.

 

Christopher Hogg joined the board of Allied Domecq in 1995 and was Chairman, 1996-March 2002. He was a Non-Executive Director of Reuters Group from 1984 and its Chairman, 1985-2004 and later served as Chairman of the Financial Reporting Council, 2006-April 2010. Hogg was a Non-Executive Director of Air Liquide, 2000–05, and of SmithKline Beecham, 1993-2000. He was a Non-Executive Director of GlaxoSmithKline from 2000, and its Chairman, 2002-04. Hogg Chaired the National Theatre, 1995-2004.

Hogg attended Marlborough College and Trinity College, Oxford. He attended IMEDE Business School (Lausanne, 1962), before going to Harvard where he completed his MBA.

 

Frank Pakenham’s heir, Thomas Pakenham, the 8th Earl Longford, is a journo and historian. After graduating from Belvedere College and Magdalen College, Oxford in 1955, Thomas Pakenham travelled to Ethiopia. On returning to Britain, Thomas worked on the Editorial staff of ‘The Times’ and later for ‘The Sunday Telegraph’ and ‘The Observer’. He is the Chairman of the Irish Tree Society.

Patrick Pakenham, another of Frank Pakenham’s children, was a barrister who died in 2005. Patrick had a difficult life, particularly after he developed manic depression, which resulted in him being admitted to nursing homes on three occasions and prevented him from continuing his career. Even before Patrick became ill, he seemed to have had some very bad experiences. He was ‘treated badly’ – one presumes that it must have been very badly – as an Army cadet which resulted in him having a breakdown and then in 1963 he was involved in a boating accident in which two of his friends died. In 1982 Patrick and his father set up the Help Charitable Trust and Patrick began visiting mentally ill prisoners. So like his dad, Patrick knew just how grim the prevailing situation was/is. I presume that Patrick was admitted to ‘nursing homes’ during his periods of illness because no-one was going to risk his neck in NHS long term psychiatric care. Dafydd is of course for other people…

Patrick’s sister Judith is a poet. She formerly worked for Chelsea Labour Party but left the Party in 1999. Since 2001, Judith has helped campaign for Occupied Palestine. In 1963 she married Alexander John Kazantis; then in 1998 Judith married lawyer and writer Irving Weinman, who was active in Jews4Justice4Palestines. Judith and Irving lived in the Brighton area, but then Longford’s children – or at least some of them – were brought up in East Sussex.

John Allen owned brothels in Brighton and London to which he trafficked kids in care from north Wales. The firebomb which killed five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal in April 1992 was thrown into a building in Brighton (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

Another of Frank Longford’s daughters is Rachel Billington. She has written plays for BBC Television’s ‘Play for Today’ series and several radio plays and has contributed to film scripts. Rachel Billington also works as a journo for newspapers in both the UK and the US and worked for three years as a columnist for ‘The Sunday Telegraph’. Rachel Billington was President of English PEN, 1998-2001 and is now Honorary Vice-President. During her time as President Billington initiated PEN’s Readers & Writers programme which sends books and writers to meet readers in schools, prisons and other institutions which lack resources. Rachel is a Trustee of the Longford Trust which was set up in memory of her father. As well as being involved with the prisoners newspaper ‘Inside Time’, she is a Trustee of ‘The Tablet’ and of the Siobhan Dowd Trust, set up to encourage reading among disadvantaged children.

Rachel is married to the film, theatre and television director Kevin Billington. Kevin was educated at Bryanston School and Queen’s College, Cambridge. He worked for the BBC as a radio producer in Leeds, 1959–60 and then for television in Manchester, 1960–61, before working on the early evening ‘Tonight’ programme and on documentaries for the BBC and ATV until 1967. Billington’s theatre work includes several productions of plays by his brother-in-law Harold Pinter. His TV work includes ‘A Time to Dance’ (BBC 1992), adapted by Melvyn Bragg from his own work of fiction.

Another of Longford’s sons, Michael Aidan Pakenham, was educated at Ampleforth and Trinity College, Cambridge. Michael was briefly a reporter for the Washington Post before joining the Foreign Office to pursue a career as a diplomat in 1965. He served in Nairobi and Warsaw before being seconded to the Cabinet Office, 1971–74 as Assistant Private Secretary and then Private Secretary, to the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancashire, Geoffrey Rippon, then John Davies, who at that time had special responsibilities for the co-ordination of British policy towards the EC. Geoffrey Rippon was one of those who played a role in the unlawful arrest and imprisonment of Mary Wynch (see post ‘A Few Of The Relevant Politicians Re Mary Wynch’s Case’).

In 1974 Michael Pakenham was at the CSCE in Geneva, then was posted to New Delhi, 1974–78 and Washington DC, 1978–1983. He was Head of the Arms Control and Disarmament Department at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, 1983–87; Counsellor (External Relations) to the UK Permanent Representative to the EC, Brussels, 1987–91; Ambassador and Counsel-General to Luxembourg, 1991–94; and Minister in Paris, 1994–97.

Pakenham was then seconded to the Cabinet Office again as Deputy Secretary for Defence and Overseas Affairs 1997–99, then Chairman of the Joint Intelligence Committee, 1997–2000 (also Intelligence Co-ordinator 1999–2000). Finally he was posted to Warsaw as Ambassador to Poland, 2001–03.

Since retiring from the Diplomatic Service, Pakenham has been Chairman of Pakenvest International; senior adviser to Access Industries; non-executive Director of the Westminster Group; a Trustee of Chevening House; and a lay member of the governing Council of King’s College, London and its Vice-Chairman since 2009.

Pakenham married Mimi Lavine (born Meta Doak) in 1980; they have two daughters. They also have two step daughters, Dr Lisa Nagy of Martha’s Vineyard and Lindsay Lavine Webster of Spartanburg, South Carolina.

Longford’s daughter Catherine Pakenham was a journo who died in car crash in 1969.

There is another son, Kevin Pakenham, who is a banker.

 

Now for a brief news round-up:

On Saturday morning on Radio 4 an Angel from north Wales rang a phone-in programme to tell Radio 4 about her hard life as an advanced practitioner in north Wales, how the patients don’t appreciate her and how she is doing the job of a GP because of ‘the crisis’. This Angel mentioned that among her many patients, there are people with mental health problems. The Angel failed to mention that she works for a Health Board that is in special measures as a result of staff being filmed undercover seriously abusing elderly mentally ill patients and that the regional NHS has such an atrocious reputation that no GPs will relocate there, which is why the Angel has been given the responsibilities of a GP. From what the Angel said on the radio, it sounded as if she works near Wrexham. She forgot to tell Radio 4 that many of her colleagues facilitated one of the biggest paedophile rings in the UK. The journo asked the Angel what her salary was and commiserated with her being ‘low paid’. The Angel giggled and said that she didn’t want to reveal her salary on air. That will be because as an advanced practitioner the Angel be on at least £40k which is rather more than most people in Wrexham – which has one of the biggest homelessness problems in Wales – will be earning, even if they’re commuting to Chester every day in pursuit of a higher salary.

BBC News Wales Online reported that the Welsh Ambulance Service are having yet another trauma, this time regarding the number of their staff who are so stressed out that they are all off sick. I was interested to note that the rep who was angrily spinning the latest sob story demanding that the Welsh Gov’t Act Now was exactly the same man who in 2017 was brimming over with praise for the Welsh Gov’t after they had awarded the staff of the Welsh Ambulance Service a generous pay increase.

There was a very much more interesting interview on Dominic Lawson’s Sunday morning Radio 4 programme ‘Why I Changed My Mind’. Lawson interviewed the paediatrician Dr Waney Squire. Dr Squire has suffered very badly at the hands of the medical establishment because she dared to challenge the notion of ‘shaken baby syndrome’. Waney Squire’s work was thorough and based on very sound science but because she challenged her colleagues and defended parents who stood accused of murdering their children, she was investigated by the GMC and struck off. Lawson concentrated on Squire moving from a position of accepting the notion of shaken baby syndrome to believing that it did not exist. It was an interesting interview, but Lawson missed the worst aspect of Dr Squire being struck off, which was that once she was put out of action, there was not one Top Doc in the UK who dared question shaken baby syndrome and give evidence in defence of accused people protesting their innocence. So if Dafydd accuses any readers of this blog of shaking a baby and killing him/her and they are had up for murder, they will find that there is not one Top Doc in the UK who will dare speak in their defence, because if they do, that Top Doc will probably be struck off.

Dafydd is still practising.

It was reported that a ‘doctors union’, the HCSA, is demanding the resignation of Charlie Massey, the Chief Exec of the GMC, in the wake of the saga involving Dr Bawa-Garba, the junior doctor who won her appeal against being struck off after a little boy died in her care following a string of errors (see post ‘We’ve Been Expecting You…’). The HCSA is the Hospitals Consultants and Specialists Association, which represents senior doctors. It was made very clear that in the case of Dr Bawa-Garba, her patient died because there was no consultant for her to seek advice from, the consultant on call ‘not realising’ that he was on call and was therefore moonlighting at another hospital elsewhere. Dr Bawa-Garba’s nursing colleagues told the media that the hospital involved, the Leicester Royal Infirmary, had been dangerous for years because there were never consultants available from whom junior staff could seek advice.

No wonder the HCSA is after Charlie Massey’s blood – the blame for the sacrificing of Dr Bawa-Garba has been placed very firmly on them. Are any of them now going to fulfil their legal obligations and ensure that they are available for their junior staff when they are on-call?

Charlie Massey should of course resign, but not because of Dr Bawa-Garba. Charlie Massey should go because Dafydd is STILL on the medical register.

Perhaps the HCSA would like to consider the following scene from An Everyday Story Of North Wales Folk. Some years ago two people known to me set up a community charity and one of the other people involved in the charity was a Top Doctor, a paediatrician from Ysbyty Gwynedd. The two people whom I knew became increasingly worried about this paediatrician as it became clear that he was a serial liar and seemed very exploitative towards vulnerable people. One evening he was at a meeting with others from the charity to discuss matters relating to the charity and his bleeper went off. The others at the meeting said ‘ooh do you need to go?’ The paediatrician said ‘no its OK, I’m on call but I’ll just switch this off and ignore it or I’ll be disturbed all evening’. He was as good as his word. He switched his bleeper off and did not bother to even find out who was trying to get hold of him or why. He was the consultant on call that night.

The paediatrics dept at Ysbyty Gwynedd was known to be so unsafe that local Top Doctors had an agreement that if their own children were taken ill, they would not be admitted to Ysbyty Gwynedd.

Would the HCSA like to let us know whether they would be happy for their kids to be treated by Dr Ali Bates of Tregarth, who could not be arsed to answer his bleep when he was on call? Ali Bates switched that bleep off because he had better things to do back in about 2003. If anyone was harmed or died as a result, Ysbyty Gwynedd will have lied, in the way that they lied after all the other patients had suffered at the hands of their dangerous, negligent staff and the Welsh Gov’t will have backed them up all the way.

Keep screaming and stamping your feet Top Docs, just keep it up. I worked at Hammersmith and St George’s and lived in north Wales for decades. I have many more anecdotes that I have not yet blogged about and I’ve only touched the surface of my 10,000 documents so far on this blog…

The other news item that caused a stir recently was the report that Vince Cable was going to put the Lib Dems on a firm footing and would then resign as Leader. Only the next day Vince stated that he would not be resigning after all.

A Local Boy Made Good?

My post ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’ detailed the enormous quantity of money – some of it via a Coutts cheque – that fell into the hands of some people in Somerset in the late 1980s/1990s who knew what was happening to me at the hands of Dafydd and the trafficking gang. I have explained that the constituency MP of the Somerset contingent was Tom King, who was personally known to one of them. King was Secretary of State for Employment, Oct 1983-Sept 1985, overseeing his Minister for State, June 1983-Sept 1985, Sir Peter Morrison, who was a member of the paedophile gang who had opened fire on me, Brown and some of our friends. In Sept 1985, Thatch appointed King Secretary of State for N Ireland, a post that King retained until July 1989, when King was made Secretary of State for Defence.

It was when King was N Ireland Secretary that he concealed the horrors of the Kincora Boys’ Home, the associated serious crime and national security risks. The high society paedophiles using Kincora had links to Dafydd’s gang in north Wales and to the gang in south London which was facilitated by St George’s Hospital Medical School, Springfield Hospital and Wandsworth Social Services.

Previous posts have mentioned that some of the Somerset contingent also knew another of Thatcher’s Cabinet Ministers, John Biffen. John Biffen grew up on a farm near Combwich, about three miles away from where I lived before I left Somerset for university and he went to the village school at Combwich with one of the Somerset contingent. Biffen’s secondary school was Dr Morgan’s in Bridgwater, Biffen was there at the same time as my father.

I was always told that Biffen was a clever swotty kid who was horrifically bullied at school which didn’t do much for what would now be called his mental health. He won a scholarship to Jesus College, Cambridge from Dr Morgan’s, left Somerset and didn’t have any more contact with those who had made his life so miserable. However, Biffen did remain close to his mum and dad who carried on living at Combwich until I think they died. There were no doubt other people of whom Biffen had happier memories in Somerset with whom he did keep contact. His mum and dad knew many of the local farming families who knew me when I was a teenager.

After Cambridge, Biffen worked for Tube Investments Ltd and for a short time at the Economist Intelligence Unit.

In 1961 Biffen was elected as the Tory MP for Oswestry, later renamed Shropshire North. He succeeded David Ormsby-Gore aka Lord Harlech, who been appointed US ambassador. David Ormsby-Gore was US ambassador when JFK was assassinated and many of Ormsby-Gore’s family and descendants subsequently led difficult lives which ended in violent deaths. The family seat is in Oswestry but the Ormsby-Gores also own an estate in Gwynedd. The difficulties that the Ormsby-Gores have encountered in recent decades suggest to me that they were targeted by the paedophiles’ friends. See post ’95 Glorious Years!’ for further details.

 

Biffen was right wing and in the 1960s was a member of the Mont Pelerin Society, one of the monetarist think tanks on which Thatch based her policies. Unlike Thatch, Biffen was clever enough to actually understand the theories which were espoused. Biffen was a friend and disciple of Enoch Powell, but Biffen didn’t alienate people in the way that Powell did and was seen as the respectable embodiment of Powell’s ideas.

Before Thatch became PM, Biffen was in her Shadow Cabinet, along with Tom King and Michael Heseltine, who’s role in helping another person in Somerset who knew some of what was going on in north Wales was detailed in my post ‘Those Who Are Ready To Serve’.

Biffen was one of those who enthusiastically backed Thatch for Tory leader in 1975. Another keen supporter of Thatch in that leadership election was Sir Peter Morrison.

Biffen was only one of three of Thatcher’s Cabinet Ministers who had not been part of Heath’s Gov’t. The other two were Nicholas Edwards, whom Thatch appointed Welsh Secretary (see posts ‘The Cradle Of Filth’, ‘Corruption Bay’ and ‘Old Nick Bites The Dust’)  and Angus Maude. Thatch really liked John Biffen, Hugo Young’s book ‘One Of Us’ maintained that she viewed him as her guru.

As soon as Thatch became PM, Biffen was brought into the leadership circle out of nowhere. His first post in Thatcher’s Gov’t was as Chief Secretary to the Treasury. Hugo Young tells us that Thatch put Biffen in the Treasury to act as a restraining influence in the face of any dangerous tendencies towards Keynes’s theories that her Chancellor Geoffrey Howe might show. Young describes Biffen as being ‘the first authentic Thatcher political creation’. When Biffen was in the Treasury, Sir Peter Morrison was Lord Commissioner of HM Treasury.  Geoffrey Howe had been concealing the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles for years – Howe had worked as a barrister on the corrupt Chester and Wales Circuit. Geoffrey Howe was a longstanding friend of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse, they had first met at Cambridge.

In 1981, Thatch made Biffen Secretary of State for Trade and he remained there until April 1982, when Thatch appointed him Leader of the House and Lord President of the Council. At the time, George Thomas was Speaker and busied himself molesting boys.

The role of Lord President of the Council brought with it the role of visitor to UCNW (Bangor University). When Biffen was given that position, I was a student at UNCW. I hadn’t yet encountered the trafficking gang – that didn’t happen until early in 1983 – but Brown and I had already written to Sir Keith Joseph, the Secretary of State for Education, about student finance and received quite unpleasant replies. Our letters were written from our respective universities, but Joseph made mention of the fact that both of our ‘home addresses’ were near Bridgwater. He also seemed to know that Brown and I were friends, yet we had written to him separately, neither of us mentioning the other one. Joseph sent us a joint letter in reply.

I now know that UCNW was bugged by the security services at that time – I imagine because of the Irish Republican activity in the Students’ Union and the Welsh language activism in UCNW (see post ‘Just A Language Divide?’) and I have been told that I was filmed when I volunteered at the worrying SU creche at UCNW in early 1982 (see posts ‘Criminals Are Getting Away With It’ and ‘He Got On His Bike And Looked For Work’). So Thatcher’s Cabinet knew that the daughter of people personally known to two of her Cabinet ministers was at UCNW, was of a leftie inclination and had begun observing a few things that should not have been happening but which were happening because of UCNW’s role in facilitating the trafficking ring of which Peter Morrison was a member.

In the autumn of 1982 I lodged in a house in Port Dinowic with a man who had grown up in care and had been the victim of Dafydd and the paedophile gang. I have given information that demonstrates that I was already under surveillance by the security services by then. The paedophile gang had also clocked me because they wondered who the English girl living in their victim’s house was. That led to the security services placing Brown under surveillance. Brown was at Aston University in Birmingham, which was run by Thatcher’s mate Sir Freddie Crawford, a Freemason who was part of the corruption of civic life in Birmingham. It was in early 1983 that Brown received the first murder threat from the man who later tried to fracture his skull.

It was in early 1983 when ‘T’ moved into our shared house on Anglesey and I and my house mates witnessed the complete dereliction of their duty of care on the part of UCNW and the Manpower Services Commission towards a 17 yr old girl who could not cope with living independently (see post ‘He Got On His Bike And Looked For Work’).

John Biffen remained Lord President of the Council until June 1983. By which time I was in the clutches of Dr D.G.E. Wood, who was facilitating the trafficking gang.

Biffen became Lord Privy Seal in June 1983 and remained in that position, as well as Leader of the House, until June 1987. It was in June 1987 that Dafydd and the paedophiles, in collaboration with the Mental Health Act Commission and the Home Office – which was led by Douglas Hurd at the time – planned their co-ordinated attempt at fitting me up and imprisoning me for a serious crime, a plan which fell apart in July 1987 because of the refusal of a nursing officer and a police sergeant to not tell as many lies as were required (see posts ‘Workers’ Play Time’, ‘Security, Security’ and ‘He Got On His Bike And Looked For Work’).

Willie Whitelaw succeeded Biffen as Lord President of the Council in June 1983. Whitelaw was a paedophiles’ friend of many years standing and had protected Dafydd and the gang for decades, including of course by colluding with their criminality when Willie Whitelaw was busy giving young thugs a Short Sharp Shock in his capacity as Home Secretary, 1979-83. Well you can’t get much more of a shock than being gang raped in a children’s home, framed and incarcerated in Risley Remand Centre where you’re beaten up by the screws and if you’re not found hanging ‘by suicide’ in Risley’s ‘hospital wing’ (see post ‘Include Me Out’), then unlawfully transported to the North Wales Hospital Denbigh where you are never seen again.

Here is a particularly low form of life on earth:

The Viscount Whitelaw
William Whitelaw in 1963.jpg

 

In 1983, after his highly successful stint as Home Secretary, Thatch gave Willie an hereditary peerage. Very few of those were given out, although another lucky recipient was Thatcher’s friend George Thomas, again in 1983:

 

The Viscount Tonypandy
George Thomas, Commons Speaker.png

 

Willie’s hereditary peerage died out because he only had daughters, whereas George Thomas’s died out because, being a paedophile who was only interested in young boys, he didn’t have any sons either. So one wonders why either of them actually wanted an hereditary peerage.

 

In 1981, whilst Trade Secretary, Biffen allowed Murdoch to buy ‘The Times’ without reference to the Monopolies Commission. According to Woodrow Wyatt, who helped persuade Thatcher to ensure this, the Commission ‘almost certainly would have blocked it.’

As Leader of the House, Biffen used the guillotine to cut short debate on the  European Communities (Amendment) Act 1986. The paedophile gang which Biffen concealed preferred to use firebombs to achieve their aims (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

 

Biffen’s image as an economic dry mellowed during his time in Gov’t and he made blunt public calls for greater moderation in Gov’t policy. In 1980 Biffen warned the country to prepare for ‘three years of unparalleled austerity’. In 1981 Biffen gave a speech to a fringe meeting at that year’s Conservative Party Conference in which he claimed that far from cutting public spending, the Gov’t had increased it by two per cent since 1979 and that the Gov’t was part of an all-party consensus in favour of the welfare state and public spending: ‘We are all social democrats now’, Biffen concluded in his speech.

Biffen’s comments regarding public spending were of course correct. Despite all the rhetoric, Thatcher’s Gov’t did not cut public spending. The austerity discourse was used to promote other agendas and to reconfigure the economy. Britain was the neoliberal experiment in Europe.

On 9 Feb 1986 Biffen claimed that Toryism was ‘not a raucous political faction’ and after the Conservative Party’s losses in the 1986 local government elections and poor performances in the two parliamentary by-elections held simultaneously, Biffen was interviewed on ‘Weekend World’ by Brian Walden on 11 May as the Gov’ts spokesman. He called the results ‘Black Thursday’, said the Conservatives needed to fight the next general election on a ‘balanced ticket’ and that ‘no-one seriously supposes that the Prime Minister would be Prime Minister throughout the entire period of the next Parliament’. This alienated him from Thatcher and resulted in his being dropped from the Cabinet after the 1987 General Election. This was no surprise, in that Thatcher’s Press Secretary Bernard Ingham had already famously called Biffen a ‘semi-detached’ member of the Cabinet. Thatcher in her memoirs described Biffen’s desire for a balanced ticket as ‘foolish’ and ‘a recipe for paralysis.’ In the month after his sacking, Biffen criticised Thatcher’s Gov’t as a ‘Stalinist regime’.

In June 1997 Biffen was given a peerage. By which time the Waterhouse Inquiry was taking evidence from the victims of Dafydd and the gang. The accounts of the most horrific abuses led Dafydd’s targets to be denounced as liars who were only seeking financial compensation.

Biffen remained unmarried until he was 48 yrs old, when he married Sarah Wood. He had one stepson, Nicholas Wood, a correspondent with the ‘New York Times’ and ‘International Herald Tribune’, as well as a stepdaughter, Lucy.

John Biffen was an anxious man who suffered from a number of health problems, including severe depression, for which he was treated by Top Doctors. So as was so often the case, this leading light in a Cabinet of absolute bastards who were prepared to see people die rather than admit to what Morrison and others were doing, had major vulnerabilities himself. No wonder John Biffen couldn’t stand up to a bunch of gangsters being facilitated by the Top Doctors. Biffen died in 2007, after suffering from kidney failure for many years.

 

Brian Walden noted that Biffen was the ‘most honest’ politician that he had interviewed. Biffen must have fessed up to Walden about the Westminster Paedophile Ring then and the murder of the house mate of the daughter of someone with whom he went to school.

Biffen’s obituary in ‘The Guardian’ stated that Biffen ‘was one of the cleverest politicians of his generation and one of the nicest. He was probably the best leader of the house (1982-87) in living memory during the most contentious and abrasive years of Margaret Thatcher. He was increasingly in temperamental and intellectual disagreement with her, but he managed to get Thatcherism’s business done with a humour that half-consoled an opposition which grew very fond of him. When he, most famously, opposed Thatcher’s plans for a poll tax, it was the fatal end to a career that he never greatly cherished…as leader of the House from 1982 to 1987, he gave Thatcher outstanding service and provided the government with an urgently needed human face. He once described himself in that office as “an unashamed boss’s nark”, but it is doubtful if she thought of him in such a light’.

Oh I’m sure that Thatch knew that she was dealing with a complete jelly, even if he was a very much more intelligent jelly than the other jellies with whom she surrounded herself.

‘Bunch of murderous sex traffickers? Anything you say and would you like me to take a large Coutts cheque down to Biffen’s parents’ neighbours in Somerset?’

 

‘The Guardian’ also observed that Biffen ‘was cooler about repeated tax cuts than might have been expected, and found himself in alliance with Peter Walker (minister of agriculture 1979-83 and energy secretary 1983-87) in resisting the public spending axe.’

Walker was Secretary of State for Wales, 1987-90, where he did of course provide Dafydd and the paedophile gang with outstanding service (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). It was while Walker was Welsh Secretary that those who lived down the road from Biffen’s parents found themselves bumping into members of the Oxford Dangerous Sports Club, who then gave them lots of money (see post ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’).

Walker had been Minister for Agriculture when Dafydd unlawfully incarcerated Mary Wynch. Before Dafydd had her arrested and imprisoned, Mary had been working as a secretary in the Agriculture Dept at UCNW, which was run by Dafydd’s mates. Despite the laughably low academic standards in the Agri Dept, one of their staff, Richard Howarth, found himself as an advisor to Thatch. Howarth’s star dropped very suddenly out of the sky after Peter Morrison was found dead in 1995.

 

‘The Guardian’ believed that Biffen ‘had, indeed, considerable sympathy for working people, appropriate to a Baldwinian Tory. Indeed, as he grew older, he seemed at times to have more in common with middle-of-the-road Labour, at least in terms of ethics, than with the party whose radical rightwing roots he had watered. He had, interestingly, a high and affectionate regard for Neil Kinnock…’

Well as both Biffen and the Windbag were sitting in the corner wetting themselves in the face of the serious organised crime which had colonised the whole of Wales it is hardly surprising that they found so much in common.

My father was a high Tory who used to wonder why John Biffen went dangerously red. Gosh, if only I had known it was because Biffen was colluding with a bunch of paedophiles who were targeting Brown and me. Tom King knew that though. John Biffen is dead, but dear old Tom is still alive!

Baron King of Money Changing Hands In Return For Silence: as you gained your Commons seat partly on the back of the hard work that my grandpa – my HONEST grandpa who took the piss out of the Freemasons and told you that Edward Du Cann was a crook – put in on behalf of the Tories in Bridgwater, would you like to tell us all that you know, before you and the Lady Jane of One Sausage Roll To Last All Evening shuffle off this mortal coil?

When we were witnessing the extraordinary events involving ‘T’, King was Secretary of State for the Environment. So he will have had domain over many of the things which were central to the interests of the UCNW Depts of Zoology (who employed T) and Plant Biology (who ignored our pleas for help in the face of what she was doing).

I will do a bit more digging with regard to King’s responsibilities and decisions while he was in the Dept for the Environment and indeed why Tom King, who knew bugger all about the environment, was appointed to that post. King was appointed on Jan 6 1983. T moved into our house just weeks later.

I was told a few days ago that T was yet another gift to me and my friends from the security services, along with Leslie Gore, Naomi Grunfeld, Diane Foxhills, Donna Maria Morgan and Denise Baker-MacClearns (see previous posts), but I didn’t believe it. Looks like that once more, things were worse than I presumed.

Up until now I had believed that we encountered T, a crazy teenager who ran us ragged, stole from us and exhausted us just when we really didn’t need it, because we had a bit of bad luck. It seems not. So I won’t bother to protect her identity any longer. Patricia Margaret Edwards aka Trishles, you owe me your rent from many, many years ago. And the clothes of mine which you nicked. The Zoology Dept owes our house mate an apology for threatening to throw him out of the Dept because of Trishles’s crimes and Dr Adrian Bell is looking like a bigger and bigger dipstick with each day that passes. I told him about the chaos surrounding Trishles and aas ever my concerns were ignored. D.G.E. Wood knew about Trishles as well. When Adrian Bell seemed to think that it was fine that we were being robbed blind by a member of UCNW staff – Bell’s wife Alison was the rep on the UCNW Senate for the technical staff and Trishles was a trainee technician – I asked Wood for help. I didn’t realise that Wood was facilitating a sex trafficking gang, so it is hardly surprising that help or advice was not forthcoming.

So even in the wake of the security service’s own agent showing up the inadequacy of UCNW and the MSC, the paedophiles’ friends weren’t stopped. A house of students was just bled dry and subjected to much aggro.

‘We didn’t know.’

Oh for God’s sake MI5, what did you think that you were doing? Can I have all the money that you have screwed out of me over the last 30 yrs please? Only please don’t pay me with a Coutts cheque, I don’t want to be associated with them.

 

John Biffen might have believed that Bernard Ingham was ‘the sewer not the sewage’, but I conclude that everyone involved was a complete turd.

I note that Biffen was sacked by Thatch in the post-election reshuffle of June 1987. Well he had served his purpose, as had his friend, the foolish old Windbag. They had all kept schtum about Dafydd and the paedophiles in the hope that it would win them the election. Thatch was the one who benefited.

Thatch won the election on 11 June 1987. On 11 May 1987 the Lord Chief Justice Geoffrey Lane heard the appeal of Professor Oliver Brooke, the Professor of Paediatrics at St George’s Hospital Medical School, who in Dec 1986 had been imprisoned for the possession of child porn. Lane compared Brooke’s collection of child porn to a collection of cigarette cards and allowed his appeal. Brooke was released in June 1987. Brooke was a key figure in a pan-European paedophile ring.

 

18 Nov 1987, the King’s Cross Fire, which I missed by a few hours, having been delayed:

301 Moved Permanently

 

Biffen was ‘a quietly convinced high Anglican’.

The Guardian’s obituarist told us that ‘John Biffen was not temperamentally suited to leadership, dominance or bitter partisan fights…He was a very good thing and is remembered with gratitude.’

When the manager of the Hergest Unit Alun Davies refused to investigate my complaints about Dafydd, before Davies bellowed at me to ‘put up and shut up’, he told me that a lot of people thought that Dafydd was ‘a very good thing’. Well a gang of old paedophiles at Westminster did and no doubt they were very grateful to the fat idiot Alun Davies as well.

 

The Torygraph’s obituary of Biffen reminded us that Biffen ‘admitted possessing a “keenly developed sense of meanness”‘.

I haven’t had time to research the backgrounds of those who wrote Biffen’s obits, but they will have known about the Westminster Paedophile Ring, all the journos did.

 

John Biffen was at various times a director of Glynwed International, J Bibby & Sons, the Rockware Group and Barlow International. He was a Trustee of the London Clinic, 1994-02 and was appointed Deputy Lieutenant of Shropshire in 1993.

Those Who Are Ready To Serve

Some of my recent posts eg. ‘The Village’ and ‘The Turn Of The Screw’ and additions to my posts by the use of the ‘comments’ facility have mentioned how a number people in Somerset with links to the Tory Party who knew me before I went to UCNW (Bangor University) in 1981 found out about my battles with Dafydd and the sex trafficking gang and put this information to good use, receiving large quantities of dosh from persons unknown in return for their silence in the face of the horrific things which were happening to me and my friends as well as in return for their silence if I went to prison or was found dead.

I continue to receive information about – and yet more names of – those who knew me who decided to take advantage. I did notice at the time that a number of people whom I’d known in Somerset seemed to do spectacularly well for themselves, inexplicably so.  I have been told that less fortunate people who knew Brown and me who drifted into petty crime were paid to smear us and for info, but it was of course those who aspired and with influential connections whom I have been told really spotted the potential.

So let me introduce one of my playmates from when I was about six yrs old, along with some information regarding her later career – Janet Mitchell. Janet was Janet Sims when I knew her and most unusually for a girl in Somerset in those days, Janet became an engineer. Janet’s dad Fred Sims was a lecturer in mechanics at Bridgwater College. Janet wanted to follow in her dad’s footsteps, but had rather more academic aspirations so she aimed for an engineering degree. She didn’t do very well in her A levels, so she didn’t go to university after the sixth form, she took up an apprenticeship and completed academic qualifications when she was a bit older.

In 1982 Janet began working as an engineer at Westland Helicopters in Yeovil. Westland was a company which struggled all the way through the 1970s. It was a major news item on ‘Points West’ if somebody actually bought a helicopter, or even looked as though they might be reaching for their chequebook. In mid-1980s, by the time that Brown and I had begun writing to Ministers and the GMC about the Top Docs et al in north Wales, Westland became world famous as a result of the then Secretary of State for Defence Michael Heseltine’s robust support for the ailing company. People in Somerset thought it entirely reasonable that Heseltine seemed to be staking his career on the future of Westland, but the big wigs in politics and the London-based media ranted on about Heseltine’s inexplicable interest in a ‘small West Country company’.  It was a company which employed my former childhood playmate who’s mum and a few others knew what was happening to me at the hands of a branch of the Westminster Paedophile Ring and that had at some point been brought to Heseltine’s attention. Securing Heseltine’s backing was a real coup for Westland, it ailed no more and Janet’s career soon took off like a meteorite.

 

The Westland Affair involved Thatch and Heseltine going public over a Cabinet dispute with questions raised about whether the conventions of Cabinet Gov’t were being observed and about the integrity of senior politicians.

Westland was Britain’s last helicopter manufacturer and in 1985 was to be the subject of a rescue bid. Heseltine favoured a European solution, integrating Westland with a consortium including British Aerospace (BAe), Italian (Augusta) and French companies, but Thatch and the Trade and Industry Secretary, Leon Brittan, while ostensibly maintaining a neutral stance, wanted to see Westland merge with Sikorsky, an American company.

Heseltine refused to accept Thatcher’s choice and claimed that Thatcher was refusing to allow a free ministerial discussion about the matter, even suggesting she had lied about cancelling a scheduled meeting. When Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for his European consortium, he resigned and walked out of a Cabinet meeting in Jan 1986. Brittan was then forced to resign for having (on the orders of Thatcher’s aides, as he admitted some years later) previously ordered the leaking to the press of a confidential legal letter critical of Heseltine and for his lack of candour to the Commons about his efforts to persuade BAe to withdraw from Heseltine’s consortium. Thatcher’s survival as PM appeared to be in question, although she rode out the crisis. The episode was an embarrassment to Thatch’s Gov’t and undermined her reputation.

Now for the details of the scrap and those involved.

 

The rescue of Westland came as a great relief to the MPs in the area, Westland having previously been in deep trouble and an embarrassment. MPs with an interest included Tom King (Tory, Bridgwater), Paddy Ashdown (Lib Dem, Yeovil); Bob Boscawen (Tory, Somerton and Frome), David Heathcoat-Amory (Tory, Wells) and Jerry Wiggin (Tory, Weston-Super-Mare).

I have mentioned that Tom King was personally known to the people in Somerset who knew me and who received money in return for their silence, but at least one of them knew Jerry Wiggin as well and one of them aspired to get up close and personal with Paddy Ashdown, but I don’t know if that plan succeeded.

 

At the beginning of the Westland crisis Tom King was Secretary of State for Employment and his Minister of State was Sir Peter Morrison, who was abusing kids in north Wales, Cheshire as well as in other locations. On Sept 2, 1985, King was made N Ireland Secretary, where he was involved in concealing the scandal at the Kincora Boys’ Home, which was even worse than, but linked to, Dafydd and the gang in north Wales. On Sept 2, 1985, Peter Morrison was appointed Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan – who was involved in the decisions regarding Westland…

Tom King was given a peerage in 2001, the year after the Waterhouse Report was published, as the voices denouncing it as a whitewash began to fade.

 

Sir Jerry Wiggin was a farmer who was on the right of the Tory Party, a member of the Monday Club and a supporter of Ian Smith in Rhodesia. Wiggin was something of a bon viveur with his own ‘set’, usually high-living and right-wing Sir Bufton Tuftons. I remember well the Sir Buftons from my youth. Wiggin’s judgement was doubted by senior Tories and ‘Private Eye’ called him ‘Junket Jerry’ because of his frequent trips abroad. In 1981 Wiggin became a junior Minister at the Ministry of Defence, covering the armed forces; it was left to him to defend the withdrawal of the naval ice patrol ship Endurance from the South Atlantic, which is often seen as having been the trigger for the Argentine invasion of the Falklands in 1982. Wiggin was dismissed from the post a year later. On the eve of a Gov’t reshuffle in June 1983, Wiggin anticipated a promotion and was surprised to be sacked. Despite his pleading and invocation of his experience as a major in the TA, Thatch was unmoved. It was speculated that she may have heard rumours that Wiggin was something of a ‘chancer’ who had diverted an RAF helicopter to visit a girlfriend. At the time, he and his wife Rosemary Orr had recently divorced and Wiggin claimed massive trauma.

Wiggin’s son from his first marriage, William, the Conservative MP for Leominster from 2001, was a year ahead of David Cameron at Eton and married a former girlfriend of Cameron’s. Wiggin’s son Thomas is an asset manager and his daughter Audrey an ‘executive coach’. Wiggin married for a second time in 1991 when Morella Bulmer – who had previously married into the family of the cider group – became his wife.

After Wiggin’s sacking, he ‘seemed to nourish a grudge’ against Thatch. In 1989 he voted for Sir Anthony Meyer when Meyer made a token challenge for the leadership, an extraordinary step given Wiggin’s political views. I have no idea whether Wiggin was aware of this, but Anthony Meyer knew about the havoc that Dafydd and the gang were causing in north Wales and Meyer not only decided to wound Thatch, but also fought a battle to prevent the toxic Beata Brookes, Dafydd and Lucille’s partner in serious organised crime, from becoming the MP for Clwyd West (see post ‘The Celtic Iron Lady And Yet More Recent History’).

Wiggin frequently rebelled in the Commons. In 1996 he defied the Whips over the Firearms Bill, which tightened the use of guns after the massacre of children in Dunblane. His objection was that the proposed level of compensation for those affected by the banning of firearms was inadequate, adding, ‘I am deeply ashamed of my government’. As indeed should he have been, but not for that reason.

Wiggin was knighted in 1993, at about the time (or shortly after) the North Wales Police wound up their investigation into child abuse in north Wales and announced that there was no evidence of a VIP paedophile ring in the region subjected to a high level cover-up. Wiggin retired from Parliament in 1997. Just as the Waterhouse Inquiry got going.

William Rees-Mogg, a former Editor of ‘The Times’, described Wiggin as ‘a shrewd politician — though perhaps closer to the intellectual tone of the rugby XV than of All Souls’. Mystic Mogg lived in Somerset himself whilst all this was going on.

 

I note that Jerry Wiggin was a junior Minister in the MoD at the time of the Falklands conflict. The village in Somerset where the people who knew me and received thousands of pounds in hush money also contained a family with two sons who had both joined the Army after leaving school – they both went to school with me. The older boy joined the Army first and then two years later his younger brother followed. The younger boy alleged the most terrible experiences – what would now be described as very, very serious bullying from NCOs, the sort of thing that was alleged to be happening at Deepcut. This young man was rash enough to try and give back what he was receiving – or at least claimed to be – and he belted an NCO. He was subjected to MoD disciplinary measures, but everything just backfired. He went wild, absolutely beserk, was transferred to what I think must have been a military prison and then there was some sort of Top Doc’s intervention. According to him, he was ferociously beaten constantly, kept naked in cells for days on end, denied contact with anyone etc. Eventually he was discharged and went straight home to his family, which was the first that they knew about it all, because he had not been allowed to communicate with anyone.

This young man’s father was a trade union activist – he was a farm worker who had been involved with the union for years – and he hit the roof when he heard what had happened. He approached the union movement, numerous politicians, lawyers, he really was determined to elicit an investigation into what had happened. He fought for quite a few years and got absolutely nowhere. Meanwhile, his eldest son, who seemed to get on much better in the Army, had been sent to serve in the Falklands conflict. When he returned to Somerset, he was angry and disillusioned with the Army, claiming that the other ranks had been put at risk by the incompetence of the officers and that his mates had died as a result. No-one wanted to hear what he had to say – Somerset was True Blue and nearly everyone supported Thatcher’s adventure in the South Atlantic. This man was viewed not as a voice from the front line but as a wicked traitor.

I don’t know how much substance there was in the allegations made by the two sons of this family, but I imagine that the same politicians who spent years doing the most disgusting deals in order to keep a lid on Dafydd et al crushed these two young men and their family underfoot.

 

Jerry Wiggin was the MP for Weston-super-Mare. Jeffrey Archer grew up there and his mother used to write a column on the ‘Weston Mercury’. When Archer was given a peerage, he became Lord Archer of Weston-super-Mare. I imagine that he will have retained many links with the area, despite being based in Cambridgeshire and London. Archer and his wife had a number of connections with people known to Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘Tuppence And His Fragrant Wife’). Peter Morrison succeeded Tuppence as Deputy Chairman of the Tory Party.

 

Paddy Ashdown, the MP for Yeovil at the time, is a former Royal Marine who was in the SBS and worked as an intelligence officer with MI6. Yeovil was Paddy’s wife Jane’s home town and in 1976 when Paddy was selected as the Liberal Party’s prospective parliamentary candidate for Yeovil, he took a job with Normalair Garrett, then part of the Westland Group. Paddy wasn’t elected until 1983. In 1981 he became a youth worker with Dorset County Council’s Youth Service, working on initiatives to help the young unemployed.

In the early 1980s, Rob Evans, the senior manager in Gwynedd Social Services with responsibility for child protection when the children’s services in Gwynedd hosted a paedophile ring, had been a social work Team Manager in Dorset. In 1992 Evans was given responsibility for managing the community mental health services in Gwynedd. Patients were threatened, assaulted and fitted up for crimes by mental health staff. The area had one of the highest suicide rates in the UK. Complaints were never investigated and even when Evans condescended to meet patients who had the most terrible experiences, Evans simply talked around the subject and nothing was ever resolved (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’).

 

Paddy Ashdown knew about Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith and the numerous other Parliamentary molesters. He knew about the biggest, most dangerous bag of shit of all, Kincora Boys’ Home in Belfast, as well as much else because of his work with MI6. Paddy was living the high life in Geneva before he rocked up scratching a living in Yeovil. It wasn’t an obvious career move and it is highly probable that Paddy had been deployed to the West Country by the security services because of Thorpe’s shenanigans in north Devon at the time. At the time of Westland, David Steel was leader of the Liberal Party and the Liberals had formed their Alliance with Dr Death’s bunch. David Steel was told about Cyril Smith abusing boys and ignored it and Dr Death was mates with some of the Top Docs in north Wales with whom I was having such terrible problems. Paddy became leader of the newly merged party, the Lib Dems, in 1988 and was always a one for attempting back room deals with the paedophiles’ friends in a desperate attempt to get into Gov’t.

At the time of the Westland Affair, the brother of the former Liberal MP John Pardoe lived in the same village as those receiving the dosh to keep quiet about events in north Wales. John Pardoe had been the MP for North Cornwall who lost his seat in 1979, because, it was perceived, as a result of his strong support for Jeremy Thorpe, who was at the time standing trial at the Old Bailey for conspiracy and incitement to murder Norman Scott (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). In the 1987 General Election campaign, John Pardoe was campaign manager for the SDP-Liberal Alliance. When he was at Cambridge, John Pardoe was in Footlights with Top Tosser Jonathan Miller, who was called upon himself to come to the rescue of the paedophiles’ friends of north Wales (see post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’).

I have not been told that John Pardoe’s brother was involved with those we know and love – Brown and me knew him quite well and liked him, we spent a summer working on his farm, as did friends of ours – but this was such a heap of crap with the security services and others nobbling people who knew Brown and me and either bribing them to shaft us or wrecking the lives of those who stood by us, that I would be very surprised if Robin, John Pardoe’s brother, had not been approached. Furthermore, Robin Pardoe’s son Simon was an Aberystwyth graduate who at that time was working for ILEA, an organisation which was complicit with kids from inner London being sent to children’s homes in north Wales and his daughter Rachel had recently graduated from Sussex University. I really don’t think that Dafydd’s protectors will have been able to resist the opportunity.

 

At about this time, a company which could only be described being run by crooks and spivs, FPS (Financial Planning Services), arrived in Somerset. For a short while one of the Somerset contingent known to me took a job as a ‘financial consultant’ with FPS. She was told at the time that FPS were conmen and after she had spent a few weeks working for them, this became evident. She did eventually wave a fond farewell to them, but not before she found out that one of the leading lights in FPS was a former SBS action man of a Paddy-type. The SBS man was also a complete thug who terrorised everyone and sexually exploited young women. Was he known to you Paddy? Because you were all down there near Yeovil at the same time.

If you were sent to Somerset on Lilibet’s secret service Paddy, you did a bloody awful job. DAFYDD!!?? For God’s sake, was he really worth protecting??

 

Robert Boscawen, Tory MP for Wells, was the fourth son of Evelyn Hugh John Boscawen, 8th Viscount Falmouth. Boscawen’s ancestors included PM Charles Grey, 2nd Earl Grey.

After serving in the British Army during WWII, Boscawen served during 1947-48 in Hamburg, with the British Red Cross civilian relief teams organised by his mother, Lady Falmouth, a Vice-Chairman of the Tory Party. From 1948, Boscawen spent two years with Shell Petroleum before joining the family-owned Cornish china clay business, Goonveen. He became a Lloyd’s underwriter in 1952. Boscawen’s political career began in 1948 when he joined the Young Conservatives.

Boscawen was a member of the Monday Club and was MP for Wells, 1970-83 and then, as the result of boundary changes, he moved over to the nearby constituency Somerton and Frome. Boscawen supported the restoration of capital punishment, drastic cuts in the welfare state and student grants, but opposed abortion. He also became a leading supporter of Ian Smith after Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence.

Boscawen was interested in the NHS and sat on its London Executive Council, 1954-65. He was on the backbenchers’ Health Services Committee and Vice-Chairman, 1974-79. So it wouldn’t have been too difficult for leading Tories to lean on Boscawen if they thought that Dafydd et al were about to be exposed.

Boscawen served as a Lord Commissioner of the Treasury from 1981. Peter Morrison had been Lord Commissioner of the Treasury, 1979-81, during which time Boscawen had been an Assistant Gov’t Whip.

Boscawen was Vice-Chamberlain of Her Majesty’s Household 1983-86 and Comptroller of the Royal Household until 1988. Peter Morrison’s sister Dame Mary Morrison spent most of her life as Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Lilibet.

Boscawen became a member of the Privy Council in 1992, the same year that he retired from the Commons. Days after his retirement, the Brighton firebomb killed the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

Boscawen married Mary Codrington in 1949 and they had two daughters and one son, who followed him into the Coldstream Guards. Boscawen was a rower and yachtsman. He stroked the Trinity boat and rowed in the University trial eights. He was a member of the Royal Yacht Squadron and regularly sailed in international races, including the Fastnet.

 

Now here’s a funny thing. The MP who succeeded Boscawen in 1992, days before that firebomb did its best, was Mark Robinson. Mark Robinson was the man who wrote to me when I first raised concerns about Tony Francis, Dr D.G.E. Wood and Gwynne the lobotomist witholding my medical records from me and in the case of Gwynne, altering them. At the time, Robinson was the Tory MP for usually safe Labour seat of Newport West. He ended up writing to me because in 1985 Robinson was appointed a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, under Secretary of State Nicholas Edwards and it was Robinson who wrote to me after I paid a visit to Keith Best, the Tory MP for Ynys Mon, who was not only my constituency MP, but also a Minister in the Welsh Office (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). I had no idea at the time that Best was a crooked barrister who had previously lived in the Brighton area, had served as a Brighton Councillor when John Allen was trafficking kids in care in north Wales to brothels owned by Allen in Brighton and from the moment that Best arrived in north Wales concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang. Indeed I expect that’s why Best was sent to Ynys Mon as part of the reinforcements to assist the paedophiles’ friends.

Nicholas Edwards was still Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the Westland Affair (see posts ‘The Cradle Of Filth’ and ‘Old Nick Bites The Dust’).

Mark Robinson was born in Bristol to John Foster Robinson and Margaret, née Paterson. Mark Robinson’s father was High Sheriff of Avon in 1975, so he almost certainly knew Brown’s dad.

Dr D.G.E. Wood’s family came from Bristol, where his father worked as a Top Doctor. Wood went to medical school in Bristol. Lord David Hunt, who has spent most of his career concealing and colluding with Dafydd and the gang, did his degree in law at Bristol University and then in 1970 unsuccessfully contested Bristol South for the Tories. For some unfathomable reason, in the 1973 Birthday Honours Hunt was awarded an MBE for ‘political services in the west of England’. After unsuccessfully contesting Kingswood in 1974, Hunt was sent to contest the Wirral in a by-election in 1976 to provide back-up for Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Hunt subsequently provided the best of services to the paedophiles’ friends for decades, in his various roles at the Welsh Office and in his capacity as an international lawyer acting for the MDU and others.

By the mid-1970s, John Allen and others were flocking into north Wales purchasing isolated old buildings which were converted into children’s homes or residential schools. Nearly all of these establishments were part of the same paedophile ring. After the Children Act 1975, business really boomed. The Children Act 1975 was the work of Leo Abse who skilfully bullied and manipulated others into getting it onto the statute books. It was Dr Death who was roped into doing the crucial bit, introducing the private member’s bill that was necessary. See posts ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’ and ‘The History, Boys…’. Just before the Act was passed, Peter Morrison was selected as the Tory candidate for Chester, was then elected and a local authority reorganisation resulted in the creation of Gwynedd and Clwyd County Councils, which kicked off with Chief Executives David Alun Jones and T.M. Hadyn Rees respectively (see posts ‘I Know Nuzzing…’ and ‘Ain’t Nothing Clean – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists’). North Wales had opened for business as a production line for trafficked young people.

 

John Robinson’s family ran ES & A Robinson, the paper and packaging conglomerate that later became Dickinson Robinson Group. Apart from paper, the Robinsons were famous for cricket: Mark Robinson’s grandfather, Sir Foster Robinson, was captain of Gloucester; other members of the family played for, and captained, Gloucestershire. Mark Robinson was educated at Harrow and Christ Church, Oxford, where he read Modern History.

Mark Robinson spent six years at the UN: at the UN Relief Operation to Bangladesh; in the Office of the Under-Secretary General; and in the Office of the Secretary General, Kurt Waldheim. From 1977–83 Robinson was Assistant Director in the Office of the Commonwealth Secretary-General, who was then Sir Shridath Ramphal.

 

‘Sonny’ Ramphal was born in British Guiana. After attending schools in Georgetown, Ramphal studied law at King’s College London and was called to the bar at Gray’s Inn in 1951. So Sonny will have known Sir William Mars-Jones, who grew up in Denbighshire, a leading light at Gray’s Inn who was a mate of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse and President of UCNW. Mars-Jones and his family in north Wales provided years of protection for Dafydd et al.

As a pupil barrister Ramphal worked with the British politician and lawyer Dingle Foot. Sir Dingle Foot was born in Plymouth and was Liberal MP for Dundee, 1931-45. He joined the Labour Party in 1956 and was the Labour MP for Ipswich, 1957-70. John Allen came from Ipswich before arriving in north Wales in the late 1960s and opening the Bryn Alyn Community. Ipswich was also the base of Dr John W. Paulley and his wife. Paulley carried out harmful experimentation on his patients and Paulley’s wife ran a counselling and family therapy centre, which I suspect concealed organised abuse. Paulley was involved with the establishment of the University of Buckingham. See post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’ for further information on Paulley and his network.

Dingle Foot was Solicitor General, 1964-67, in Harold Wilson’s Gov’t. Wilson’s Gov’t concealed the abuse and criminality in north Wales and of course the sexual offences of George Thomas, who got on very well with Harold Wilson. Thomas was a junior Minister in the Welsh Office whilst Dingle was Solicitor General. The Secretary of State for Wales above Thomas was Lord Cledwyn, Labour MP for Anglesey, 1951-79 and friend of the Windbag and his extended family (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’).

Dingle Foot was the eldest son of Isaac Foot, solicitor and founder of the Plymouth law firm, Foot and Bowden. Isaac was Liberal MP for Bodmin, 1922-24 and again from 1929-35 and also a Lord Mayor of Plymouth. Dingle’s brother was Michael Foot, who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang and of course of George Thomas (see post ‘Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks…’). Another brother was Lord John Foot, a Liberal politician; another was Hugh, Lord Caradon, Governor of Cyprus and British Ambassador to the UN and yet another brother was Christopher, a solicitor who joined the family firm. Dingle also had two sisters. His nephew, Hugh’s son, was the journalist Paul Foot. Who campaigned on behalf of many people experiencing injustices but not anyone who was the victim of the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles or their friends.

Dingle Foot died on 18 June 1978 in a hotel in Hong Kong, after choking on a bone in a chicken sandwich. I don’t know if anyone actually witnessed his death. Peter Morrison, who had been the Tory MP for Chester since 1974 and who was looking forward to a Cabinet career when his mate Thatch became PM, must have been quite relieved when old Dingle pegged out. As must have been a great many other people, who weren’t Labour supporting paedophiles like George Thomas, but were paedophiles who supported the Tories. Croesor in north Wales was a village where many radicals and activists on the left spent the summer and they knew about Dafydd and the gang (see post ‘The Village’). Bertrand Russell, who lived in nearby Penrhyndeudraeth, was friends with some of this crowd and he knew about Dafydd et al as well. I suspect that Dafydd proved quite useful to Russell. Many of the Croesor contingent were lefties who knew Michael Foot and would have been delighted to bring Thatcher down, but the problem was that many people on the left were colluding with the sexual exploitation of young people as well.

 

Dingle’s pupil barrister Ramphal also studied law at Harvard. Ramphal started his legal career as a Crown Counsel in the Attorney-General’s Office in 1953, becoming Solicitor-General and then Assistant Attorney-General of the short-lived West Indies Federation. After a period in private practice in Jamaica he returned to Guyana in 1965 to be the Attorney General. Two years later Ramphal was also appointed Minister of State in the Ministry of External Affairs, later becoming Minister of Justice (from 1973) and Minister of Foreign Affairs (from 1972). In 1975 he left Guyana to be Commonwealth Secretary-General.

Ramphal served as the Chancellor of the University of Warwick, 1989-02, was at the University of the West Indies until 2003 and was then Chancellor of the University of Guyana. In 1995, along with Swedish PM Ingvar Carlsson – who became PM after the assassination of Olof Palme in 1986 – Ramphal was one of the co-chairs of the Commission on Global Governance. In the same year, the Commission on Global Governance produced a controversial report, ‘Our Global Neighbourhood’. The report was attacked because it calling for UN reforms that would increase the UN’s power. It was also criticised for the use of the term ‘global governance’ rather than ‘world federalism’.

The Commission on Global Governance was established in 1992 with the full support of the UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who oversaw the UN at a time when it dealt with several world crises, including the breakup of Yugoslavia and the Rwandan genocide. Neither of which were the UN’s finest hour.

 

Mark Robinson’s background at the UN and Commonwealth resulted in his appointment to the Foreign Affairs Select Committee after his election for Newport West in 1983, a position he held until in 1985 when Thatch transferred him to the Welsh Office. By 1985, I had already written to the GMC about Gwynne and raised concerns with UCNW (Bangor University) regarding his presence in the Student Health Centre. By that time Mary Wynch had been given leave by the Master of the Rolls Lord Donaldson to sue Dafydd et al after she was unlawfully arrested and imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and then in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and Alison Taylor had raised concerns about the abuse of children in care in north Wales.

At the time of the Westland Affair, Mark Robinson was still a Minister in the Welsh Office, colluding with Dafydd and the gang.

Robinson lost his seat at the 1987 General Election and was re-elected in 1992 for Somerton and Frome. By that time I and my two friends who worked in the media had been hounded out of our jobs (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). Robinson was appointed PPS to the Minister for Overseas Development, Baroness Lynda Chalker and the Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary, Douglas Hurd. Robinson has since served as a Commonwealth election observer.

 

Lynda Chalker was Tory MP for Wallasey, 1974-92. Wallasey is a constituency in Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Chalker was educated at Roedean, Heidelberg University, Queen Mary University of London and the Poly of Central London (now the University of Westminster). She worked as a statistician and market researcher, including a spell with Shell-Mex, before entering the Commons. Chalker held a number of Gov’t posts, including spell at the DHSS, 1979–82. Being a statistician, Chalker would have noticed the very high suicide rate in north Wales, the high number of deaths at Risley Remand Centre, the fact that Dafydd had more patients on 12 month sections than any other Top Doc in the UK and the enormous number of children in care from right across the UK who had been placed in the numerous children’s homes in north Wales. Chalker would have noticed the dire state of the finances at Gwynedd Health Authority and Clwyd County Council. She’d have known about Mary Wynch’s case as well because the shit hit the fan as a result of that in 1979-80.

Chalker served as a junior Minister at the Dept of Transport, 1982–83. In 1983 she became Minister of State at Transport and she was Minister for Europe, 1986-89. Professor Oliver Brooke of St George’s Hospital Medical School was jailed for the possession of child porn in Dec 1986. Brooke was a key figure in a pan-European paedophile ring and was involved in an international trade in child porn. Brooke’s colleagues at St George’s continued to facilitate and collude with Dafydd et al in north Wales and a paedophile ring in south London. John Allen owned a villa in the south of France where he took kids in care ‘for holidays’ and Dafydd ‘held clinics’ in France.

Chalker was Minister for Overseas Development and Africa, 1989-97.

In June 1974, Chalker was awarded an Honorary Citizenship from President Guebuza for services to Mozambique.

Chalker was given a peerage in 1992, after losing her seat in the General Election, days before that Brighton firebomb.

Chalker is the Founder and President of Africa Matters Limited, an ‘independent consultancy providing advice and assistance to companies initiating, developing or growing their activities in Africa’. She is a member of the international advisory board of Lafarge, a French company which produces cement, aggregates and concrete. The victims of Dafydd probably end up in their products as parts of flyovers. Chalker sits on the Board of Trustees of the Investment Climate Facility for Africa. She is a Consultant for Uganda’s Presidential Investors Roundtable (PIRT) that advises the President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, on ways to improve Uganda’s investment climate and competitiveness.

Chalker is a founding Member of the Global Leadership Foundation, an organisation which works to ‘support democratic leadership, prevent and resolve conflict through mediation and promote good governance’ in the form of democratic institutions, open markets, human rights and the rule of law. Chalker’s having great success on that front then. The Global Leadership Foundation achieves its aims ‘by making available, discreetly and in confidence, the experience of former leaders to today’s national leaders’. Is Blair involved? It sounds like the sort of thing that would appeal to him. The Global Leadership Foundation ‘is a not-for-profit organisation composed of former heads of government, senior governmental and international organisation officials who work closely with heads of government on governance-related issues of concern to them.’

Chalker is a Member of the Board of Trustees of Sentebale, a ‘charity set-up to reach Lesotho’s neediest children, many of whom are the victims of extreme poverty and the HIV/AIDS epidemic of that area’. Chalker founded the Chalker Foundation, which seeks to support the improvement of healthcare in Africa. Somehow I doubt that the needy children of Africa are going to benefit from Lynda’s largesse.

Chalker held the position of Non-Executive Director and Chairman of the Corporate Responsibility and Reputation Committee for Unilever, retiring in May 2007 having served three terms of three years. She joined the Board of Unilever as an Advisory Director in 1998, becoming a Non-Executive Director in 2004.

Professor Fergus Lowe’s empire at the School of Psychology at Bangor University was built on the back of huge grants from the ESRC and Unilever in 1992 (see post ‘Feet In Chains’). Fungus created his empire by overthrowing Dafydd’s influence in the School and then holding everyone who had colluded with or concealed Dafydd’s crimes over a barrel. Including Liverpool University, Dafydd’s alma mater, which employed – and continues to employ – many of Dafydd’s friends and associates. Philip Lever – Lord Leverhulme – was an advisory Director of Unilever  and was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1980-93 (see post ‘Heart of Darkness’).

Dr Death was MP for Plymouth Sutton and Plymouth Devonport, 1966-92 and was friends with some of the Top Docs associated with Dafydd and the north Wales gang. The Foot family were still very much a presence in Plymouth when Dr Death was the MP down there. Dr Death was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1996-09.

 

Lynda Chalker has served on the Africa Advisory Board of Renaissance Capital. She is a former Chairman of the Medicines for Malaria Venture and a former Non-Executive Director of Group Five. Chalker was shortlisted for the Grassroot Diplomat Initiative Award in 2015 for her work with ‘Africa Matters’.

In 2018, it was announced that Chalker would take over as President of the Royal Geographical Society.

Here she is, lest any disadvantaged children encounter her and need to run for their lives:

Official portrait of Baroness Chalker of Wallasey crop 2.jpg

 

Lynda Chalker holds the 20th-century record for continuous Gov’t service, along with Kenneth Clarke, Malcolm Rifkind, Tony Newton and Patrick Mayhew, as she held office for the entire duration of the Conservatives’ 18 years in power. Clarke, Newton and Mayhew knew about the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales and elsewhere, saw mountains of documentary evidence and actively concealed everything for years.

 

Chalker succeeded Ernest Marples as MP for Wallasey. Ernest Marples was a Minister under Macmillan and Douglas-Home throughout the Tory Gov’t, 1957-64. Marples was embroiled in much controversy throughout his political career, as a result of allegations of conflict of interest and dodgy financial deals, often involving companies which had been given Gov’t contracts.

In the late 1940s Marples was a director of a company called Kirk & Kirk, which was a contractor in the construction of Brunswick Wharf Power Station. Marples met civil engineer Reginald Ridgway, who was working as a contractor for Kirk & Kirk. In 1948 the two men founded Marples Ridgway and Partners, a civil engineering company. The new partnership took over Kirk & Kirk’s contract at Brunswick Wharf and in 1950 Marples severed his links with Kirk & Kirk. Marples Ridgway’s subsequent contracts included building power stations in England, the Allt na Lairige dam in Scotland, roads in Ethiopia and (significantly) England as well as a port in Jamaica. The Bath and Portland Group took over Marples Ridgway in 1964. Brunswick Wharf Power Station (also known as Blackwall) was built by Poplar Borough Council after WW II. Poplar was a borough where the organised abuse of children had existed for generations – by the 1970s, those children were being sent to children’s homes in north Wales.  By the 1990s, the stench of the scandal was so bad that people in north Wales and very rich high places in London were busy scratching each others backs to ensure that the truth never emerged (see posts ‘Apocalypse Now’ and ‘The Bodies Beneath Canary Wharf’).

Blackwall Power Station was built for the BEC (British Electricity Company), the predecessor of the CEGB. Walter McLennan Citrine, 1st Baron Citrine was Chairman of BEC/CEB (Central Electricity Board), 1947-57. Citrine was a leading British and international trade unionist. He was General Secretary of the TUC, 1926-46 and helped transform the Labour Party into a substantial force for government from 1939. Citrine was also President of the then influential International Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU), 1928-45. He was joint Secretary of the key TUC/Labour Party National Joint Council from 1931 and a Director of the UK ‘Daily Herald’, 1929-46, a mass circulation Labour paper.

Citrine was highly influential in the Labour movement. His involvement helped secure its recovery after the crushing defeat which followed the fall of the British Labour Gov’t in 1931. Citrine played a key role from the mid-1930s in reshaping Labour’s foreign policy, especially as regards re-armament and through the all-party anti-Nazi Council in which he worked with Churchill.

Citrine strengthened the TUC’s influence over the Labour Party. After Ramsay MacDonald formed a coalition with the Tories to force his policies through, Citrine led the campaign to have MacDonald expelled from the party. Citrine later supported the Attlee Gov’ts policy of nationalisation and served on the National Coal Board as well as Chairman of the CEB.

Citrine was in Liverpool and left school at the age of 12. He was a member of the ILP from 1906 and joined the Electrical Trades Union (ETU) in 1911. He was soon the leading activist for the ETU in Merseyside, the first full-time District Secretary in 1914, a post he served in until 1920, gaining much experience negotiating with major employers all round Birkenhead docks, as well as with electrical contractors in the area. Citrine became Secretary of the regional Federation of Engineering and Shipbuilding Trades (FEST) in 1919 and was elected Assistant General Secretary of the ETU in 1920. In 1924, he was appointed Assistant General Secretary of the TUC. Citrine was an enthusiastic acting General Secretary of the TUC during the General Strike of 1926 and was confirmed in that position afterwards.

With other leading figures, such as Ernest Bevin, Citrine helped change the face of British trade unionism. They took the unions from class conflict rhetoric to co-operation with employers and Gov’t in return for union recognition and industrial advances, ie. ‘from Trafalgar Square to Whitehall’.

Citrine accepted the position of Privy Councillor and this gave him total access to Churchill, the then Prime Minister and considerable influence with all Ministers on behalf of the TUC throughout WW II. Who’d have thought that Walter Citrine, born into the working classes on Merseyside and who left school at 12 would be sitting there drinking Chateau de Chasselas…

Citrine acted as an envoy for Churchill with the U.S and Soviet trade unions. This strengthened the position of the Labour ministers in Churchill’s Gov’t of 1940-45 which greatly assisted Labour’s election in 1945.

Citrine’s battled with the Communist International (the Comintern) after the General Strike. The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) and its front organisation in the unions, the Red International of Labour Unions (RILU)/later the Minority Movement, blamed the TUC leadership for the defeat of the strike. Citrine exposed this attempt by the Comintern to subvert the leaders of the British trade unions and this helped isolate British communists in the trade unions and Labour Party.

Many of the summer visitors to Croesor in north Wales during the middle years of the 20th century and their friends and colleagues who knew what Dafydd et al were up to (see post ‘The Village’) were members of the Communist Party of Great Britain and will have known about Walter Citrine and his battles. Such as Ed and David’s dad Ralph Miliband.

Citrine had originally been a keen supporter of the Russian Revolution and trade with the Soviet Union. He was one of the first to visit the Soviet Union in 1925 and did so again in 1935, 1941, 1943 and 1956. However, as President of the IFTU, based in Berlin from 1931-6, Citrine saw the rise of Hitler and the destruction of the huge German trade union and labour movement as partly the fault of the communists’ divisive tactics. He and Bevin were determined to prevent such an occurrence in Britain and this perhaps gave them a heightened sense of communist conspiracy in their dealings with internal opposition within the unions and the Labour Party. This caused much hostility to him amongst minority Left forces, such as the Socialist League, which would colour the attitude of many on the Left to him thereafter. Michael Foot’s biography of Nye Bevan is indicative of this.

In April 1940 Citrine and his colleagues in the TUC sued the ‘Daily Worker’ (which later became the ‘Morning Star’) for libel. Mr Justice Stable found for Citrine and the TUC. Sir Ronnie Waterhouse was friends with Justice Owen Stable’s son Philip. Citrine and his colleagues were awarded substantial damages and costs, but these were never paid, as the ‘Daily Worker’ changed publishers two days after the judgement. The TUC subsequently published the full judgement in a pamphlet by Citrine entitled ‘Citrine and others v Pountney: The Daily Worker Libel Case 1940’.

Citrine visited Finland in Jan 1940, at the height of its Winter War against the Soviet Union. In Oct 1941, a TUC delegation under Citrine’s leadership travelled to the Soviet Union as part of Churchill’s diplomatic efforts following the German invasion of Russia to bring the Soviet Union into the alliance against Germany.

It was at the invitation of the Minister of Fuel and Power, Manny Shinwell MP, that in 1946 Citrine was invited to join the newly nationalised NCB and given a welfare role for its then 700,000 or so miners (pithead baths, Summer Schools and machinery for joint consultation). Citrine served for a year until Shinwell again recommended his appointment as Chairman of the BEC (from 1955 the Central Electricity Authority) and in 1947, PM Attlee confirmed this appointment. Citrine served in this capacity for ten years, then remaining on the Board until 1962 in a part-time capacity.

Walter Citrine was given a peerage in 1946 and was an active attender of debates in the Lords in the 1960s.

 

In his capacity as Chair of the BEC/CEA, Walter Citrine will have been involved with Windscale Power Station. It is possible that Windscale was built by Marples Ridgway, but I haven’t been able to confirm this. On 10 Oct 1957 a fire at Windscale led to Britain’s worst nuclear accident. The reactors at Windscale had been built as part of the British post-war atomic bomb project. Windscale Pile No. 1 was operational in Oct 1950 followed by Pile No. 2 in June 1951. The 1957 fire burned for three days and there was a release of radioactive contamination that spread across the UK and Europe. On the morning of 11 Oct 1957, when the fire was at its worst, eleven tons of uranium were ablaze. Temperatures became extreme (one thermocouple registered 1,300 °C) and the biological shield around the stricken reactor was in severe danger of collapse.

The fire released an estimated 740 terabecqueres (20,000 curies) of iodine -131, as well as 22 TBq (594 curies) of caesium-137 and 12,000 TBq (324,000 curies) of xenon-133, among other radionuclides. Later reworking of contamination data has shown national and international contamination may have been higher than previously estimated. The Three Mile Island accident in 1979 released 25 times more xenon-135 than Windscale, but much less iodine, caesium and strontium. Estimates by the Norwegian Institute of Air Research indicate that atmospheric releases of xenon-133 by the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster were broadly similar to those released at Chernobyl and thus well above the Windscale fire releases.

Radioactive releases compared (TBq)
Material Half life Windscale Three Mile Island (compared to Windscale) Chernobyl Fukushima Daiichi
(atmospheric)
Iodine-131 8.0197 days 740 much less 1,760,000 130,000
Caesium-137 30.17 years 22 much less 79,500 35,000
Xenon-133 5.243 days 12,000 6,500,000 17,000,000
Xenon-135 9.2 hours 25 × Windscale
Strontium-90 28.79 years much less 80,000
Plutonium 6,100

 

The presence of the chimney scrubbers at Windscale was credited with maintaining partial containment and thus minimising the radioactive content of the smoke that poured from the chimney during the fire. These scrubbers were installed at great expense on the insistence of John Cockcroft and were known as Cockcroft’s Folly until the 1957 fire.

In 2007, tapes released to the BBC revealed that there had been a major cover-up regarding the Windscale fire and the reasons why this was. Scientists had been warning about the dangers of an accident for some time and the safety margins of the radioactive materials inside the reactor were being further and further eroded. Physicists at the Nuclear Research Laboratory in Harwell, Oxfordshire, were among those highlighting the potential dangers. However politicians and the military ignored the warnings; instead they increased demands on Windscale to produce material for an H-bomb. A succession of British PMs since WW II had been determined to persuade the Americans to share the secrets of their nuclear weapons with Britain. Harold Macmillan believed that if Britain could develop an H-bomb on the scale of the Americans, Britain would be treated as a nuclear equal and an alliance would be formed. At the very time that the fire at Windscale was being fought, with everyone involved unsure of whether they’d be able to bring the incident under control, Macmillan was arranging a summit in Washington. It laid the foundation of Britain’s ‘special relationship’ with the US.

Macmillan realised that if the American Congress knew that the fire at Windscale had been the result of reckless decisions taken in an attempt to produce an H-bomb, they might veto Macmillan’s and Eisenhower’s plans. Thus Macmillan covered up the true cause of the fire and issued a report saying that the accident had been caused by an ‘error of judgement’ by the Windscale workers. For 50 yrs, the official record on the accident was that the men who had in fact averted a potentially devastating accident were to blame for causing it. A subsequent inquiry cleared the Windscale workers.

 

Gov’t lies about the cause of the fire at Windscale might explain the roots of one of the many mysteries in which I have taken an interest. It does of course concern Dafydd. Before Dafydd embarked upon his glorious career in medicine at Liverpool University, in the early 1950s, he had already been thrown out of another degree course – I think that it was chemistry – at another university. Dafydd had been given a prestigious scholarship and the world was very angry when the Bethesda boy who had been given such an opportunity screwed it up. I don’t know why Dafydd was kicked out, but I expect that the wrongdoing involved will have been substantial, Dafydd doesn’t do things by halves. Yet somehow, after this huge disgrace that was very well-known and on his record, Dafydd subsequently bagged a place to do medicine at Liverpool – and the money to support himself while he did it. Back in Dafydd’s day, places at medical school weren’t as precious as they are now and medicine was not such a prestigious subject academically, but if one had previously buggered up a university place, one did not get another chance.

So how did Dafydd get through the doors of Liverpool University? It will have been nepotism because Dafydd and Liverpool Medical School only operate on nepotism, but knowing Dafydd, it won’t have been based on the nepotistic kindness of someone thought that he was a lovely young man who would make a good doctor. Dafydd will have had shit on someone so great that arms were twisted.

Before Dafydd went to Liverpool University, he worked at Windscale. The Legend of Dr DA that has been handed down through the Welsh mists tells us that it was whilst he was working as ‘an atomic scientist at Windscale’ that Dafydd decided that his future lay in medicine. Dafydd won’t have been an atomic scientist, but he was doing something at Windscale. Being Dafydd, if he was just cleaning the loos he’d have been creeping around variously ingratiating himself to or threatening people. Dafydd found something out whilst he was working at Windscale, which must have been very soon after Windscale opened, that had people jumping when he told them to jump for the rest of his life…

Dafydd’s adventures at Windscale might also explain why Gov’ts of all hues appointed nuclear physicists to preside over Top Docs when the Top Docs became even more uncontrollable than usual. Nuclear physicist Sir Alec Merrison Chaired an Inquiry regarding the pay and conditions of the Top Docs set up by Keith Joseph in 1973 (which reported in 1975) as well as the Royal Commission on the NHS, set up in 1976 by Barbara Castle, which reported in 1979. Barbara Castle as Secretary of State, along with her Health Minister Dr Death, allegedly chose Merrison to Chair the Royal Commission because he was a supporter of the NHS (see post ‘The History, Boys…’). It was of course nuclear physicist Lord Brian Flowers of Imperial College who was given domain over the Top Docs of London University whilst they committed huge research frauds and colluded with Dafydd’s sex trafficking gang.

Merrison and Flowers both had years of experience in the nuclear industry. Merrison had worked at the Atomic Energy Research Establishment Harwell, 1946-51. It was the physicists at Harwell who raised concerns about the dangerous design of/practices at Windscale. Merrison left Harwell for a post at the University of Liverpool. He was in that post when Dafydd was given a place to study medicine at Liverpool. Sir Alec Merrison remained at Liverpool until 1969, when he became VC of Bristol University. Dr D.G.E. Wood studied medicine at Bristol in the late 1960s and of course David Hunt had an association with Bristol University. Somehow I don’t think that Merrison being a supporter of the NHS will have been the driver behind him Chairing Royal Commissions concerning that organisation.

Even if Dafydd didn’t find out about the cause of the fire at Windscale, he probably did know that there had been some sort of cover-up. Dafydd would have also known something else that would have given him great blackmailing potential and ideas for his future business. That Ernest Marples, the MP for Wallasey, Minister in Macmillan’s Gov’t and the Director of the company that was building power stations and many other major infrastructure projects for the Gov’t, was using prostitutes. As of course were Harold Macmillan’s friends and Ministers (see post ‘In Memoriam – Bronwen, Lady Astor’). Macmillan’s wife was enjoying herself with various people as well, including the Conservative politician Lord Bob Boothby, who was bisexual and hanging out with gangsters, including the Krays (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’).

 

When Lord Denning conducted his 1963 investigation into the security aspects of the Profumo Affair and the rumoured affair between the Minister of Defence Duncan Sandys and the Duchess of Argyll, Denning confirmed to Macmillan that the rumour that Marples regularly used prostitutes was true. The story was suppressed and did not appear in Denning’s final report. By that time, Dafydd was working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and had been put in charge of the women’s wing. Nine hundred women, virtually all of them banged up because they had pregnancies which were inconvenient to other people or were saying things that might cause embarrassment to other people. For example that certain people were having sex with them or others when those certain people really didn’t want anyone to know that. Furthermore, not so far away from Denbigh, in Croesor were Sir Clough Williams-Ellis and his wife Amabel, who was a member of the Strachey family of ‘Bloomsbury set’ fame. Then there were all Clough’s friends who visited him or rented cottages on his estate, an assortment of alternatives and radicals. Including Bertrand Russell, who was highly sexually exploitative and had a few members of his family banged up on the grounds that they were insane as evidenced by their outrageous allegations about him (see post ‘So Who Was Angry About What?’).

 

Ernest Marples was given a peerage in 1974, but then in early 1975 suddenly fled to Monte Carlo, just before the end of the tax year, fearing that he would otherwise be liable for a substantial tax bill.

The flight came at a time when Marples was facing problems on several fronts. Tenants of his block of flats in Harwood Court, Upper Richmond Road, Putney, were demanding that he repair serious structural faults and had threatened legal action. Marples was being sued for £145,000 by the Bankers Trust merchant bank in relation to an agreement made with the French company Ernest Marples et Cie. He was also being sued by John Holmes, the chartered surveyor and Director of Marples’ property company Ecclestone Enterprises, for wrongful dismissal and who was claiming £70,000 in damages. The Inland Revenue was demanding that he pay nearly 30 years back taxes on his residence in Eccleston Street, Belgravia, London, as well as capital gains tax on his properties in Kensington. In addition, in 1974, Marples had lost 130 cases of wine to a fire in a store he owned under a railway line in Brixton and he had been convicted of drinking and driving for which he received a one-year ban and a £45 fine.

Marples’s departure came in the wake of the failure of a plan to avoid paying tax on his properties by involving a Liechtenstein-based company with which he had been involved for more than ten years. He was to sell his Harwood Court block of flats for £500,000 to Vin International which would refurbish and sell them for between £2.25 million and £2.5 million. Marples would only be liable for capital gains tax at 30% on the transfer to Vin which, as an offshore company, would only be liable for stamp duty at 2%. The plan failed following the change of Gov’t in 1974. After reports of this plan were published in the ‘Daily Mirror’, the Treasury froze Marples’ assets in Britain. In Nov 1977, he paid £7,600 to the British government in settlement of his breach of exchange control regulations, following which Marples made a return to London.

Marples’ final years were spent on his 45-acre vineyard estate in Fleurie, France. He died in a Monte Carlo hospital on 6 July 1978.

 

It is only since researching for this blog post that I have found out who Marples was and the extent of his wrongdoing. But there is someone in north Wales who knew of Marples – the Hergest patient, F, whom I discussed in my posts ‘Killing Floor – I Know Cos I Was There!’ and ‘An Appalling Vista’.  F is the man who claimed to have detailed information about the death of Jimi Hendrix and F alleged medical negligence; it was F who was fitted up for drugs and violently assaulted by the North Wales Police and who then experienced a psychotic episode as a result and set fire to his house after being refused help by Til, the thuggish neighbour in Carneddi who worked for S4C; F who was then arrested by the officers who had fitted him up and was detained in Risley Remand Centre where he heard the other inmates screaming as the screws beat them up; F who was then sent into the care of Dafydd at Denbigh although by that time he was no longer psychotic, but was given amphetamines by one of Dafydd’s drugs patients and was then kept in Denbigh for a year. There was never any investigation into any part of this. F disappeared within the psychiatric system and was forever after dismissed as a ‘chronic schizophrenic’.

F however had a sense of humour and thought that Dafydd was ‘a bit of a twat’. F knew that Dafydd was sexually exploiting female patients and F also knew that Mary Wynch’s mother died in questionable circumstances in one of Dafydd’s ‘nursing homes’. So F used to take the piss out of Dafydd. It was F who said to Dafydd after Dafydd accused him of lying, ‘I lied, you murdered’.

F used to talk about the Minster for Transport Marples a great deal, although for some reason F confused Ernest Marples with his wife, Lady Marples. But the reason why F made frequent references to ‘Mrs Marples’ was that F’s mother, a middle class business woman in Surrey, took part in a campaign to have Marples removed as a Minister back in the 1950s. F’s mother had attended an angry meeting of concerned people who confronted Marples and she lost her temper and hit Marples with a placard that read ‘Marples Must Go’. F’s mum then rushed back to the family home and there was concern that she might be arrested, but she wasn’t. F told everyone he knew about the day that his mother ‘hit Mrs Marples over the head with a placard and nearly got arrested’.

The game that the Angels played in north Wales was to maintain that the patients were all completely mad and could not be believed. However, if a high profile name was mentioned, or a mention of an influential friend or relative, those Angels clocked it, noted it and it was conveyed back to Dafydd Central. On every occasion. Even if F had never mentioned ‘Mrs Marples’ in front of Dafydd or an Angel – which he almost certainly had – F sat in my house and told me about it, several times and he told Brown as well. We now know that the security services had us under surveillance and had been bugging us and just about everyone else back as far as at least the early 1980s. They will have known about F’s mum and Ernest Marples and they were using all info gathered to protect Dafydd and the paedophile gang, not us.

The mountain of manure which was being concealed became ever higher with every minute that passed.

 

Now to return to Mark Robinson, the junior Minister who was the first umbrella of Dafydd’s to write to me and who subsequently found himself as the MP for a constituency near many people from my days in Somerset who were paid to keep quiet about what was happening to me.

Mark Robinson’s boss after Lynda Chalker was Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd. Hurd’s stint as Foreign Secretary, 1989-95, followed his time as Home Secretary, 1985-89. It was while Hurd was Home Secretary that Dafydd and the paedophile gang fitted people – including me – up with the assistance of the Home Office and corrupt police officers. Kids in care and mental health patients in north Wales were the victims of serious crimes on the part of the paedophile gang and their associates, but there were no investigations. Documentation was forged and this was happening in the Home Office as well. Hurd was the nephew of the botanist Prof Edred Henry Corner, who was known to some of the botanists at Bangor University who were colluding with Dafydd and the gang, one of whom was Dr D.G.E. Wood’s wife. For further details see posts ‘Security, Security’ and ‘Additional Security Measures’.

Hurd had been a favourite pupil of Baroness Jean Trumpington’s husband Alan Barker when Hurd was at Eton and in her autobiography Trumpers boasts that it was Hurd who, at the request of Barker, in 1979 secured her the position of UK delegate to the UN Commission on the Status of Women, in which role Trumpers managed to cause a few diplomatic incidents. In 1980 Thatch made Trumpers a Baroness and before long a junior Health Minister and it was in this capacity that Trumpers appointed Jimmy Savile to the management of Broadmoor Hospital – where some of the victims of Dafydd and the gang were ending up (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’). Savile visited Bryn Estyn on one occasion and a former resident of Bryn Estyn alleged that Savile witnessed him being sexually assaulted by a group of men.

Hurd also knew that kids in care were being found dead in Risley Remand Centre and that a visiting clap clinic was deemed necessary for the ‘medical wing’ – which was full of Dafydd’s patients. It was Hurd who was Home Secretary when Risley finally erupted into an uncontrollable riot in 1989. For details of the shameful state of Risley under Home Secretary Hurd, see post ‘Include Me Out’.

 

David Heathcoat-Amory, the Tory MP for Wells, 1983-2010, was another Somerset MP who would have had an interest in Westland. Heathcoat-Amory is the son of Brigadier Roderick Heathcoat-Amory and the nephew of Harold Macmillan’s Chancellor of the Exchequer, Derick Heathcoat-Amory.

David Heathcoat-Amory was educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford. He was President of the Oxford University Conservative Association and was a contemporary of John Redwood, William Waldegrave, Edwina Currie and Gyles Brandreth. Redwood was Secretary of State for Wales, 1993-95, when Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends made repeated attempts to have me imprisoned on the basis of their perjury. By that time, the dosh was certainly rolling into the pockets of people in Somerset. Waldegrave was Health Secretary, 1990-92, so his term of office covered the stuffing over of me at St George’s Hospital Medical School and my friends at that the Royal Television Society and the BBC (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). It was in about 1990 that the fortunes of the Somerset contingent seemed to take an inexplicable upward turn. Edwina was a junior Minister in Health at the same time as Trumpers and Trumpers allowed Edwina to take the blame for Savile being let loose in Broadmoor. Edwina admitted in 1990 in her ‘Diaries’ that it was widely known that Peter Morrison was molesting children and such was the panic in the Tory Party that she feared what people would do to conceal this.

Well now you know Edwina, they tried to murder my friends and I and had already succeeded in killing one of us by the time that you wrote that entry.

Gyles Brandreth succeeded Morrison as the MP for Chester. He discusses in his autobiography how local people and members of the constituency association openly shuddered at the recent memories of Morrison molesting ‘little boys’. See posts ‘I Want Serious Money Now Please’ and ‘It’s The Sun Wot Won It’.

Heathcoat-Amory qualified as an accountant in 1974 and joined Price Waterhouse. In 1980, he was appointed as the assistant finance director of the British Technology Group (BTG) where he remained until he was elected as MP in 1983. He is also a farmer with employees. Heathcoat-Amory’s various positions in Parliament included PPS to John Moore in 1985, when Moore was Financial Secretary to the Treasury. Moore was Secretary of State for Social Services/Social Security, 1987-89, in which capacity he concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al. Heathcoat-Amory was PPS to Douglas Hurd, 1987-88, when Hurd was Home Secretary. Heathcoat-Amory was Minister of State for Europe, 1993-94.

Heathcoat-Amory’s younger son, Matthew, committed suicide in 2001. His nephew Edward Heathcoat-Amory used to write for the ‘Daily Mail’ and has written for ‘The Spectator’. Paul Johnson, who was a youthful Labour supporter and mates with Sir Ronnie Waterhouse but then evolved into a right wing journalist involved with ‘The Spectator’, purchased an estate at Over Stowey in Somerset in approx the late 1970s. Johnson’s son Cosmo was friendly with at least one of those known to me who found themselves in receipt of so much money. Johnson’s wife is psychotherapist and former Labour parliamentary candidate Marigold Hunt, daughter of Dr Thomas Hunt who was physician to Churchill, Attlee and Eden. Johnson’s son Luke is the former Chairman of Channel 4. Marigold’s niece is Celia Walden, who is married to Piers Morgan.

 

There was another politician whom I believe played a major role in the good fortune of some of those who knew what was happening to me in north Wales – in particular Janet Mitchell – and that was Graham Watson, the Lib Dem MEP for Somerset and North Devon, Somerset and North Devon, 1994-99 and for South West England, 1999-14. Graham Watson might not have been a player at the time of the Westland Affair, but he certainly proved useful a few years down the line.

Watson was born on the Isle of Bute. His father was an officer in the Royal Navy and his mother a teacher. Watson was educated at the City of Bath Boys’ School and attended Heriot-Watt University where he studied languages.  He worked as an administrator at Paisley College of Technology (1980-83). He now speaks four European languages.

Watson had begun his political activity in the National League of Young Liberals in 1972. As international officer of the Scottish Young Liberals he became involved in the International Federation of Liberal Youth, becoming a Vice-President (1977) then General Secretary (1979) of the organisation. Watson was a founder of the European Communities’ Youth Forum. He served as a Council member of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party, 1983-93. Between 1983-87 Watson also served as head of the private office of then leader of the Liberals, Sir David Steel. 

Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith, Paddy Pantsdown, Dr Death… I need not continue. Graham had accumulated dynamite on a great many people.

In 1988 Graham Watson began work for HSBC in London and Hong Kong. His work there included three months with the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and gave him an interest in the Far East. He is now an adviser to the Asia Pacific Public Affairs Forum and is learning Mandarin Chinese.

Watson was Leader of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party in the European Parliament, 2002-04. He was Leader of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe in the European Parliament, 2004-09 and President of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party, 2011-15. Watson is a supporter of the Campaign for the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly, an organisation which advocates for democratic reformation of the United Nations. Obviously, Watson will want to be their leader.

Watson and his wife lived in Langport for years, but they now live in Brussels and Edinburgh, having extracted every drop of capital possible from the victims of a vicious paedophile gang and having found that they have bled Somerset and its opportunities dry.

 

The Westland Affair originated with Alan Bristow’s £89 million bid for the company in April 1985. Thatcher’s Gov’t forced the Westland Board to accept the bid from Bristow Rotorcraft. By June, Bristow was threatened to pull out unless the Gov’t assured him that there would be future orders for the company from the MoD and that the repayment of over £40 million of launch aid for Westland’s newest helicopter from the DTI was waived.

 

Alan Bristow was born in south London and after serving in WW II, he joined Westland as its first helicopter test pilot but was sacked after attacking the company’s sales manager. Bristow worked as a freelance helicopter pilot and then started his own helicopter trading and operating company in 1949. Bristow then provided helicopter spotting services for Aristotle Onassis’s pirate whaling fleet in the Antarctic. Bristow started operating flights in aid of oil exploration in the Persian Gulf. Bristow Helicopters Ltd eventually expanded to cover most of the globe outside Russia and Alaska, with notable profit centres in the British North Sea, Nigeria, Iran, Australia, Malaysia and Indonesia.

In 1968, Bristow took over from Freddie Laker as the Chairman of British United Airways. After leading the 1970 merger with Caledonian Airways to form British Caledonia, Bristow then returned to Chair Bristow Helicopters.

 

Bristow’s reign over the British helicopter sector came to an end in 1985 after he fell out with Lord Cayzer, whose family holding company British & Commonwealth was one of the shareholders brought in by Freddie Laker. Bought out by the Cayzers, Bristow retired and the company’s fortunes declined with the North Sea oil industry.

A keen equestrian, Bristow represented Great Britain at four-in-hand carriage driving with Phil the Greek.

Bristow claimed to have been offered a knighthood if he would return to the negotiating table to help Thatcher’s Gov’t out of its embarrassment re Westland.

 

Defence Secretary Heseltine was uninterested in Westland helicopters when initially approached by Tebbit, the then Trade and Industry Secretary, because plenty of American helicopters were available to meet Britain’s defence requirements. Heseltine attended two meetings about Westland’s future in June 1985, Chaired by Thatch. It was decided that Tebbit should persuade the Bank of England to co-operate with the main creditors in the hope that a recovery plan and new management would end the threat of receivership.

Brown and I had raised serious concerns with the Top Docs and Bangor University about Gwynne the lobotomist in the summer of 1984, after which Brown and I were threatened several times by Dr D.G.E. Wood. I also wrote to the GMC. It was in approx June 1985 that I also raised concerns about Dr Tony Francis. Francis had lied to me, denied that he had lied and was unlawfully witholding my medical records. For a long time I thought that perhaps Francis had simply made a mistake, not felt able to admit to it and the situation escalated unnecessarily. It was only relatively recently that I have discovered that Francis was actually fully on board with Dafydd, Gwynne and the paedophiles, was doing some pretty terrible things to patients without their knowledge and was probably far more dangerous than Dafydd and Gwynne because he wasn’t obviously identifiably mad to anyone within five minutes of meeting him. However, everybody who worked with Tony Francis did know that he was a troubled and dangerous doctor. No-one was warned. Patients remained on his list, were told by Angels that he was doing his best for them and were urged to return for more appointments  if they said that they didn’t want any more ‘services’ and new patients were referred to Francis as well.

 

Bristow withdrew his bid and in late June Sir – later Lord – John Cuckney was brought in as Chairman of Westland. Cuckney was educated at Shrewsbury School and then read medicine at the University of St Andrews, returning to the University after service with the Royal Northumberland Fusiliers and the King’s African Rifles during WWII to study history and economics. He was recruited by MI5 ‘with whom he served until 1959’. Although I doubt if he stopped serving then. ‘No-one leaves the Mafia’ after all. Particularly if there are lefties and service users Who Know to be dealt with and a load of greedy bastards from Somerset.

 

Cuckney’s time in MI5 featured in Peter Wright’s book ‘Spycatcher’ where Wright described him as ‘a tough, no-nonsense’ officer. After leaving MI5, Cuckney worked in the City at stockbrokers Standard Industrial Group, before joining merchant bank Lazards, where he became the first Director to resign in over 100 years. Cuckney then established Anglo-Eastern Bank with Sir David Alliance, specialising in trade finance between Britain and the Middle East.

Cuckney was appointed Chairman of the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board in 1970. He left in 1972 to become the first Chief Executive of the Property Services Agency to set up to manage the Gov’ts property estate. In 1974 Cuckney moved to the Crown Agents, which was in financial difficulty. He joined as Chairman and separated out the military sales arm as International Military Services (an MoD company), which he also became Chairman of and served until 1985. He left the Crown Agents in 1978, and briefly joined the Port of London Authority.

Cuckney subsequently became Director and/or Chairman of various companies, including travel company Thomas Cook, Midland Bank, tea company Brooke Bond, engineering firm John Brown, Westland, Royal Insurance, Investors in Industry (later 3i), Glaxo and Orion Publishing Group.

Cuckney had gained a reputation as a ‘the company doctor who never lost a patient’ following his involvement with the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board, Crown Agents, and John Brown. As Chairman of Westland, Cuckney’s favoured option of Sikorsky merging with Westland prevailed. You might not have lost your patient Westland Lord Cuckney, but a great many patients in north Wales died.

Following the Westland Affair, in 1992 Cuckney was appointed as an adviser to Peter Lilley, Secretary of State for Social Services – who also concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang – following the death of Cap’n Bob and the discovery that the Cap’n had stolen hundreds of millions of pounds from his companies’ pension funds. Cuckney headed the Maxwell Pensioners’ Trust and in 1995, brokered a £276 million out-of-court settlement, known as the Major Settlement, between the pension schemes and those institutions against which the schemes had potential legal claims.

So Cuckney sorted out the mess left behind by Cap’n Bob, but Dafydd was too much for him. If your mates from MI5 had helped extract my medical records for me Lord Cuckney, I could have published an insider’s account of the Top Docs’ criminality for you all years ago. You wouldn’t have had to keep paying the BMA whatever they demanded and Blair would never have become PM on the basis of his knowledge of the sordid business involved in concealing the Westminster Paedophile Ring and then caused a few more hundred layers of problems.

John Cuckney was given a peerage in 1995. When the world was told lies about Dafydd retiring, about the North Wales Hospital closing down, about there being no paedophile ring in north Wales, oh you all get the picture. John Cuckney sleeps in the Lords as a Conservative. Don’t bother to wake him up, he couldn’t stop a firebomb being thrown into a building with five key witnesses in there when his MI5 colleagues had every hospital, docs surgery, university, phone line and even the houses of targets bugged, whatever would he be able to contribute to the the Lords.

 

Re Westland, Cuckney proposed that a new minority shareholder of 29.9% be introduced. No British firm was willing, but Sikorsky was interested. Cuckney proposed that Westland merge with United Technologies Corporation, of which the US company Sikorsky was a subsidiary. Heseltine opposed this plan after realising that Westland would probably become responsible for assembling the Sikorsky UH-60 Black Hawk, which the Ministry of Defence would then be under great pressure to buy, whereas he preferred Westland to go into receivership so that British companies GEC and BAe could buy the viable parts of the business.

In mid-Oct 1985 Heseltine suggested a European consortium which would include French Aerospatiale, German MBB and Italian Agusta (Sikorsky was now negotiating a strategic linkup with Italian Fiat). Leon Brittan, who had replaced Tebbit as Trade and Industry Secretary in Sept 1985, at first urged Thatcher to consider a European option (Heseltine later claimed Brittan preferred this option, although Brittan denied this).

By mid-Oct 1985 I had contacted MPs, Ministers and the GMC about the mental health services in north Wales. People in Somerset knew that I was encountering very serious problems in north Wales. The security services had placed Brown and me under surveillance and we had already had extraordinary and upsetting encounters with two people whom we now know were working for the security services, a man called Leslie Gore, who was a psychotherapist working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’ and ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’) and a Jewish teacher from Stoke Newington, Naomi Grunfeld (see post ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’).

Leon Brittan knew all about the criminality in north Wales, as well as about the other sex trafficking rings across the UK with which the north Wales gang was linked, because Brittan had been Home Secretary, 1983-85 and was one of those concealing what was happening. It was Leon Brittan who as Home Secretary ‘lost’ files naming Westminster figures who were alleged to be abusing children and it was on Brittan’s watch that the Home Office gave a grant to an organisation campaigning on behalf of paedophiles’ rights.

By mid-Oct 1985, Alison Taylor had told the North Wales Police about the abuse of children in care in north Wales which she had witnessed. She was accused of lying and malice.

On 2 Sep 1985, Peter Morrison was moved from his position as a Minister for Employment, where his boss had been Tom King, to the role of Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan, who was at the centre of the Westland Affair.

 

Two other people who played a major role in enabling the abuse and crime in north Wales to continue unchecked also lived in Somerset at the time of Westland. Clifford Graham, who in the late 1980s and the early 1990s was the Dept of Health’s mandarin responsible for mental health as well as much else, lived in Somerset. My post ‘The Old Devils’ discusses how Cliff Graham not only presided over a totally corrupt Dept, but how everything that Cliff Graham did ensured that the abuse of patients continued to be embedded deeper and deeper into the mental health system. Graham was at the highest level of the DoH when patients were murdered in Ashworth and Broadmoor and while Savile was dropping into secure hospitals raping whichever patient he felt like. Ian Dunlop, the tame Prison Service Governor whom Hurd appointed to conduct the Inquiry after the 1989 Risley Remand Centre riots, also lived in Somerset (see post ‘Include Me Out’).

 

The Gov’t was officially neutral regarding the deals involving Westland (ie. arguing that it was a matter for Westland directors and shareholders) but by Nov 1985, Heseltine was lobbying hard for the European option. In late November Peter Levene, Chief of Procurement at the Ministry of Defence, had a meeting at the Ministry with his French, West German and Italian counterparts (the National Armaments Directors or NADs) and the representatives of the consortium, and agreed to ‘buy European’ for certain classes of helicopters. If Westland went ahead with Sikorsky, then its helicopters, under this new agreement, would be unable to be bought by the four governments. The meeting was later praised by the House of Commons Defence Select Committee. Thatcher, who only learned of the meeting through Cuckney, was displeased, as were Brittan and the Treasury, who thought the US option might be cheaper, although Thatcher and Leon Brittan kept to their official pretence of neutrality.

In Nov 1985, Sikorsky made an offer which was favourable to Westland’s management.

On 5 and 6 Dec 1985 Thatcher had two ad hoc meetings with Heseltine, Brittan, Tebbit, Willie Whitelaw (Deputy PM), Geoffrey Howe (Foreign Secretary) and Nigel Lawson (Chancellor of the Exchequer).

All of the above people knew about the crimes of Dafydd et al in north Wales. Willie Whitelaw had concealed them in numerous different roles, most obviously as Home Secretary, 1979-83, but also in his capacity as Lord President of the Council, 1983-88, which gave Whitelaw the role of visitor for the University of Wales. At the time, Wood, Dafydd, Gwynne and many others in UCNW were facilitating the trafficking ring. Carlo was Chancellor of UCNW and the sister of Peter Morrison who was a member of the sex ring was of course Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Carlo’s mum.

Geoffrey Howe, a good friend of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse, had worked for years as a lawyer on the corrupt Chester and Wales circuit and was Solicitor General under Heath. Howe was Lord President of the Council, 1989-90. It was of course Geoffrey Howe who put the fatal boot into Thatcher towards the end of 1990 for which many people were grateful, but it really was too little too late, look at the scale of the problem.

Nigel Lawson also damaged Thatcher and got rid of the idiot Alan Walters, but again, huge damage had already been done. Lawson’s constituency was in Leicestershire, bang in the middle of the paedophile gang of which Frank Beck and Greville Janner were part, which was being concealed by Top Doctors who also colluded with Dafydd (see post ‘An Expert From England’), as well as scores of people in Leicester University (see posts ‘Radical Leicester And Some More Free Radicals’ and ‘Gwlad y Menig Gwynion’), local lawyers and judges as well as Leicester City Council. And Keith Vaz of course. After Beck was jailed, the Kirkwood Report admitted that the degree of negligence on the part of the police was inexplicable. Although Kirkwood himself forgot to mention a few salient facts regarding Greville Janner.

Nigel’s daughter Nigella had been friends with some of the members of the Dangerous Sports Club when she was at Oxford. Some members of the DSC were personal friends of one of those in Somerset who bagged all that dosh (see post ‘The Village’).

Tebbit, like Whitelaw, concealed the criminality in north Wales in every way that he could. Tebbit was Chairman of the Tory Party whilst Peter Morrison was Deputy Chairman, Sept 1986-June 87 and has latterly admitted that perhaps there was a little bit of a sort of cover-up of Morrison’s  crimes.

 

Regarding the possibilities for rescuing Westland. Brittan argued that the NADs’ opposition should be set aside, but Howe and Tebbit were not unsympathetic to Heseltine’s proposed consortium, and the decision was deferred to the Cabinet Economic Affairs Committee (E(A)) on Monday 9 Dec 1985. Cuckney and a Westland financial adviser were invited to attend the E(A) meeting. Cuckney said that it was the management’s view that the Sikorsky option was the best one. A majority of the E(A) meeting agreed to dismiss the NADs’ opposition. Thatcher, who complained that three hours had been spent discussing a company with a market capitalisation of only £30m (a tiny amount in Gov’t terms), allowed Heseltine until 4 pm on Friday 13 Dec to submit a viable proposal for a European deal. He did (with BAe and GEC now part of his consortium), but Westland’s Directors rejected it and chose Sikorsky.

Heseltine had expected that there would be a second meeting of E(A) to discuss his consortium, but no such meeting was called; Thatcher later claimed that the Monday meeting had agreed to leave the decision to Westland to take, but it later emerged that Nicholas Ridley and Lord Young had placed such a meeting in their diaries and had been told by No 10 that it had been cancelled. Heseltine threatened resignation for the first time.

At Cabinet on Thurs 12 Dec 1985 Heseltine had an angry exchange with Thatcher about the allegedly cancelled meeting (Thatcher claimed that no such meeting had ever been scheduled). Westland was not on the Cabinet agenda that day and Thatcher refused to permit a discussion on the matter, arguing that Cabinet could not do so without the necessary papers. Heseltine asked for his dissent to be minuted and this was not done, although Cabinet Secretary Robert Armstrong claimed that this had been an error and added it himself.

 

Robert Armstrong was Principal Private Secretary to Ted Heath, 1970-75. Between 1979-87 he was Secretary to the Cabinet under Margaret Thatcher. He was elevated to the peerage in 1988 and sits as a crossbencher. It was Robert Armstrong who, in 1986, coined the phrase ‘economical with the truth’ when he was giving evidence in the Spycatcher trial. Armstrong was a key witness for the British Gov’t, which sought to suppress the publication of the book written by Peter Wright, a former senior member of MI5. Wright’s lawyer at the time was Malcolm Turnbull, who later became the PM of Australia. The British Gov’t were ultimately unsuccessful and Spycatcher was published.

Armstrong was Chancellor of the University of Hull, 1994-2006 and until 2013, the Chairman of the Sir Edward Heath Charitable Fund.

Armstrong has admitted that he knew about the paedophilia of Sir Peter Hayman, the British diplomat who was a member of PIE. Armstrong stated: ‘I was aware of it at the time but I was not concerned with the personal aspect of it’. It was Armstrong who gave Thatcher a veiled warning not to give Jimmy Savile a knighthood because of the allegations of child sexual abuse swirling around him – advice that Thatcher ignored.

It July 2015, the ‘Mail Online’ reported that in 1986, the then head of MI5 Sir Antony Duff wrote to Armstrong and told him that an MP had a ‘penchant for small boys’. Armstrong’s response was that ‘at the present stage…the risks of political embarrassment to the Government is rather greater than the security danger’.

In 2015 Armstrong told the ‘Mail Online’ that ‘if there is evidence it would have been properly examined at the time. I don’t think this is a matter of important people being protected. You  can’t pursue inquiries unless you have evidence on which you can base the enquiry’.

See post ‘Lord Robert Armstrong’ for more background on Armstrong.

 

On Mon 16 Dec 1985 Brittan told the Commons that the decision was up to Westland; on Wed 18 Dec Heseltine won the backing of the Commons Defence Committee for the European Consortium’s latest bid. On Thurs 19 Dec the matter was discussed at Cabinet for ten minutes: Cabinet approved leaving the decision to Westland and Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for the European option.

Over Christmas, Thatcher discussed with close colleagues the option of sacking Heseltine, as Brittan had urged her to do so, but Chief Whip John Wakeham cautioned against. Thatch later admitted in her memoirs that she shrank from sacking Heseltine as he was too popular and weighty a political figure.

Wakeham would later become Lord President of the Council, 1988-89 and following that, he was Peter Morrison’s boss at the Dept for Energy, when Morrison served as Minister of State in that Dept (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’).

 

Thatcher and ministerial colleagues spent two and a half hours writing three successive drafts of a letter threatening Heseltine with the sack, but did not send it as her Press Adviser Bernard Ingham advised that Heseltine might use it an excuse to resign.

By now the political row was being discussed in the media, ‘partly because of the lack of other news in Dec 1985′. There was plenty of news worth reporting in north Wales but no-one actually gave a stuff because the victims of the serious organised crime prevailing were kids in care and psych patients.

John Cuckney wrote to Thatcher, at her behest, asking for reassurance that the Sikorsky deal would not damage Westland’s business prospects in Europe. Heseltine was not satisfied with Thatcher’s draft reply when he saw it and consulted Sir Patrick Mayhew (Solicitor-General and acting Attorney-General as Sir Michael Havers was ill) on the grounds that the Gov’t might be legally liable for any incorrect advice.

Patrick Mayhew, in his capacity as Attorney-General, 1987-92, authorised a number of prosecutions of me for contempt of court – my imprisonment was sought on each occasion – on the basis of the perjury of the Top Doctors and Gwynedd Social Services. Forged documents were also involved. The MDU lawyers acting from Tony and Sadie Francis admitted that there was not the evidence for the claims that were being made about me in Court. Andrew Park, the crooked lawyer who was employed by the Welsh Office, also admitted in writing that the evidence for claims being made about me on oath did not exist.

Mayhew was N Ireland Secretary, 1992-97. While in office, Sein Fenn accused Mayhew of using forged documents. Now there’s a surprise.

Mayhew’s assistance to Top Docs abusing vulnerable people went back a long way. It was Mayhew who was the QC at the 1970s GMC’s fitness to practice hearing involving Dr Morris Fraser, a Top Doctor (child psychiatrist) from Belfast who had been convicted of sexually abusing a child. Fraser was allowed to continue practising and subsequently worked at St George’s/Springfield and UCH. Fraser had been involved with the Kincora Boys’ Home.

 

Heseltine supplied extra material about the risk of Westland losing European business, which Thatcher did not include in her reply to Cuckney. Thatcher replied to Cuckney to the effect that the British Gov’t would continue to support Westland in gaining orders in Europe.

In early Jan 1986, Heseltine wrote to David Horne of Lloyds Merchant Bank, who was advising the European consortium (in reply to planted questions from Horne which had been dictated to him over the phone by one of Heseltine’s staff), giving him the advice which Thatcher had declined to include in her letter to Cuckney. Contradicting Thatcher’s reassurances to Cuckney, Heseltine claimed that the Sikorsky deal would be ‘incompatible with participation’ in European helicopter projects. Heseltine’s letter was leaked to ‘The Times’. This was a blatant challenge to Thatcher’s authority as Heseltine had not consulted Downing Street, the DTI or Mayhew before writing to Horne.

Heseltine’s letter to Horne, on Thatcher’s request, was referred to the Solicitor-General, Patrick Mayhew. Mayhew sent a reply to Heseltine, noting ‘material inaccuracies’ in Heseltine’s letter, and asking Heseltine to write to Horne again, correcting them. Mayhew’s letter of rebuke to Heseltine – marked ‘Confidential’ – reached Heseltine at lunchtime on Mon 6 Jan and was immediately and selectively leaked to the Press Association by Colette Bowe, Chief Information Officer at the DTI, at Brittan’s request.

Bowe’s leaked letter led to the resignations of both Heseltine and Brittan, for which someone must have been grateful because Colette Bowe is now Dame Colette.

Bowe was Chairman of Ofcom, 2009-14, Chairman of Electra Private Equity plc, 2010–14 and Chairman of the Council of Queen Mary University of London, 2004–09. She has also served on the boards of Thames Water Utilities, London and Continental Railways, Axa IM, Morgan Stanley and the Yorkshire Building Society. She founded and was first Chairman of the Telecoms Ombudsman Service (now Ombudsman Services) in 2002–3. She was the first Chairman of the Ofcom Consumer Panel (2003–08) and has worked as the Executive Chairman of the distribution arm of Fleming Asset Management.

Bowe is the Chairman of the Banking Standards Board and the Associated Board of the Royal Schools of Music. She is the President of the Voice of the Listener and Viewer, a Trustee of The Tablet and of the Nuffield Foundation. Bowe is also a visiting fellow of Nuffield College. She is also a Board member of the UK Statistics Authority and a non-executive Director of the Dept for Transport.

An extra safe pair of hands is clearly possessed by Colette.

There was controversy over whose orders Colette Bowe was following when she dropped the clanger. The Attorney-General, Sir Michael Havers, ‘took a stern view of leaks’, especially of confidential legal advice and threatened to resign if an official inquiry was not set up to look into it. Thatcher agreed to do this.

It was Michael Havers who in his capacity as Attorney-General blocked the prosecution of a number of VIP child sex offenders, including the diplomat Sir Peter Hayman. Michael Havers was the Tory MP for Winbledon, 1970-87. A lot of Top Doctors from St George’s lived at Wimbledon, including Prof Geoffrey Chamberlain. Chamberlain was a friend of Prof Oliver Brooke, who was jailed for child porn offences in Dec 1986. Havers was Lord Chancellor, 13 June 1987-26 Oct 1987. Oliver Brooke was released on appeal in June 1987, after Lord Chief Justice Geoffrey Lane heard the appeal in May 1987. Lane compared Brooke’s enormous collection of kiddie porn – Brooke was a major figure in a pan-European paedophile ring – to a collection of cigarette cards.

I was illegally arrested and imprisoned in Denbigh by Dafydd in the same month that Oliver Brooke was jailed. Alison Taylor was suspended from her job as a social worker by Gwynedd County Council in the same month.

Havers’s sister was Lord Elizabeth Butler-Sloss, who Chaired the Inquiry into the havoc that Dafydd’s mates caused which resulted in the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal and utterly failed to grasp the enormity of what was happening (see post ‘Twas The Night Before Christmas And The Culprits Were Named’).

Cabinet met on the morning of Thurs 9 Jan 1986, with Thatcher already having agreed her position with close colleagues at Chequers that weekend and arranged that Scottish Secretary George Younger should take over as Defence Secretary if Heseltine resigned. Westland was first on the agenda, and Heseltine and Brittan were permitted to put their cases. Heseltine had won the moral high ground over the leaking saga, but Nigel Lawson recorded that he seemed obsessive at Cabinet and attracted little sympathy. Thatcher reiterated her position, which had already been endorsed by the Cabinet, that Westland’s future was a matter for Westland to decide and announced that as this was a time of business negotiations, all answers to questions about Westland must be cleared through the Cabinet Office. Heseltine agreed. In response to a question by Nicholas Ridley, Thatch then confirmed that this also applied to statements which had already been made. Heseltine argued that he should be allowed to reaffirm statements he had already made but Thatcher disagreed, arguing that Cabinet collective responsibility should be observed. Heseltine protested that there had been no collective responsibility, gathered up his papers and left.

Although eyewitness accounts differ as to the exact details, Peter Jenkins claimed that Heseltine lost his cool and proclaimed ‘I can no longer be a member of this Cabinet’. Heseltine then walked out of Downing Street and announced his resignation to the assembled media.

Thatcher then adjourned the Cabinet for a brief break. George Younger was then offered and accepted the office of Secretary of State for Defence, which Heseltine had just relinquished. The Prime Minister’s office then requested Malcolm Rifkind to take up Younger’s previous job, Secretary of State for Scotland, which he accepted. Cabinet then resumed.

At 4 pm that day – 9 Jan 1986 – at the Ministry of Defence (rather than waiting to make a statement to the Commons when it resumed four days later) Heseltine delivered a 22 minute resignation statement detailing his grievances. He blamed Thatcher’s intransigence, saying his views were ignored. He may well have prepared this earlier, although his Private Secretary Richard Mottram says not. To Thatcher’s fury, Defence officials had helped him throughout the crisis and in preparing this document. Thatcher sent a letter to Heseltine, as is customary on these occasions.

Sir Richard Mottram  entered the civil service in 1968 aged 22 after graduating from Keele University. At that time -and indeed since – Keele employed a number of people who were either paedophiles’ themselves, such as social work academic Peter Righton, or concealed and colluded with organised abuse.

Mottram served in the Defence and Overseas Secretariat of the Cabinet Office, 1975-77. He was then the Secretary of two study groups on the rationale for and system options for a successor to the UK’s strategic nuclear deterrent which led subsequently to the decision to adopt Trident. Mottram was then appointed Private Secretary to the Permanent Under Secretary, of the MoD, Sir Frank Cooper. From 1982-1986, Mottram was Private Secretary to a succession of Secretaries of State for Defence – John Nott, Heseltine and George Younger.

In 1985, as Private Secretary to Heseltine as Secretary of State for Defence, Mottram was a witness for the prosecution in the trial of Clive Ponting who was later acquitted of an offence under the Official Secrets Act for passing information to Labour MP Tam Dalyell regarding the sinking of the Belgrano. When Mottram was asked whether answers to parliamentary questions should be truthful and not deliberately ambiguous or misleading, there was a long silence before he replied: ‘In highly charged political matters, one person’s ambiguity may be another person’s truth’.

Mottram: they were trying to kill us and they did kill other people. There is no ambiguity in that.

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From 1986-89, Sir Richard Mottram was the Under-Secretary responsible for the defence programme and from 1989-92, the Deputy Secretary with responsibilities for UK defence policy and strategy and defence relations with other countries at the time of the end of the Cold War.

Mottram retired in 2007 from his most recent senior post as Permanent Secretary, Intelligence, Security and Resilience in the Cabinet Office.

This lot were so resilient that they couldn’t even deal with Dafydd.

Mottram serves on the Board of a number of private and public sector organisations, including Chairing the board of Amey PLC. He is a Visiting Professor at the LSE and member of the Advisory Board of LSE IDEAS. Mottram is a Trustee of the Royal Anniversary Trust, which oversees The Queen’s Anniversary Prizes for Higher and Further Education.

 

As a fairly high ranking British Army officer who lived in Somerset at the time, Brown’s dad will have known a number of the people involved in all of this.

On 13 Jan 1986, Thatcher held a meeting with Whitelaw, Brittan, George Younger and John Wakeham to decide what should happen. The conclusion was that Brittan, rather than the PM, should reply to Heseltine’s statement on that day.

In his resignation statement in the House of Commons Heseltine accused Brittan of pressuring Sir Raymond Lygo, CEO of British Aerospace, to withdraw from the European Consortium. In response to questions in the House from Heseltine, Brittan denied that he had received a letter from Lygo, but later had to admit that he had received a letter from Sir Austin Pearce, Chairman of British Aerospace; he had not disclosed it, he claimed, because it was marked Private and Strictly Confidential. He was forced to return to the House a few hours later to apologise.

Admiral Sir Raymond Lygo joined the Royal Navy in 1942 during WW II. He was appointed the commanding officer of the frigate Lowestoft in 1961, the frigate Juno in 1967 and the aircraft carrier Ark Royal in 1969. Lygo was Director General, Naval Manpower and Training,  Feb 1974-June 1975. He went on to be Vice Chief if the Naval Staff in 1975 and retired in 1978.

After retirement, Lygo joined British Aerospace, becoming Chief Executive in 1986.

Lygo will have known Admiral Sir Alec Bingley and all the other senior figures in the Royal Navy and Admiralty who concealed the organised sexual abuse of young people or who were alleged to have been abusing underaged children themselves, such as Lord Louis Mountbatten (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’).

Sir Raymond Lygo
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Juno
Goddess of marriage and childbirth
So that is why there is so much child abuse, sexual exploitation and repressed homosexuality in this sorry tale!
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Raymond Lygo was also Chairman of the Rutland Trust in 1991, Chairman of TNT (Express) UK Ltd in 1992 and Chairman of the Liontrust First UK Investment Trust in 1997. He was Patron of the Fleet Air Arm Association.

 

Sir Austin Pearce, was Chairman of British Aerospace, 1980-87 and steered the company through its privatisation by Margaret Thatcher’s Gov’t. Although Pearce had spent his entire working life with Esso, of which he had been Chairman and Chief Executive for eight years, he had some experience of the aerospace industry: in 1976 he had been appointed to the organising committee for the nationalisation of the industry and the formation of British Aerospace.

The Gov’t sold 52 per cent of BAe in 1981. Four years later it decided to sell the remaining 48 per cent, Pearce arguing successfully for a price of 375p, rather than the 400p which the government originally wanted.

Known to his colleagues as ‘Tin’, Pearce faced a number of problems at BAe, including inefficiency and over-staffing. During his tenure there were unsuccessful attempts by Thorn EMI and GEC to take over the company. Also, the Nimrod Airborne Early Warning programme was running four years late and substantially over budget; eventually the Gov’t cancelled the programme.

Pearce also faced difficulties over BAe’s involvement in the project to build the Airbus. At first the British Gov’t refused to support the BAe application for aid for the A 320 aircraft. The other partners in Airbus – the French, Germans and Spanish – already had their Gov’ts’ approval and would be happy to take over BAe’s work on the wings. Without financial help, Pearce knew that BAe would be out of Airbus and would consequently be faced with massive redundancies. Without telling either his colleagues or the DTI, he asked for a personal meeting with Thatch. He got the money. During the Westland affair, because BAe hoped to become a partner in a European consortium it aligned itself with Heseltine against Thatch. At one stage, at a meeting with the MoD, Pearce was asked if BAe would take over Westland, but he refused on the ground that BAe had enough spare capacity to take on Westland’s entire workload without assimilating more than a few of its employees.

Austin Pearce was born in Plymouth in 1921. He was educated at Devonport High School for Boys and then went to Birmingham University. As a member of the University Senior Training Corps of Royal Engineers, Pearce was assigned to the Petroleum Warfare Department, working on flame-thrower fuels and incendiary bombs. At the same time he completed a PhD in Chemical Engineering.

In Sept 1945 Pearce joined the AGWI (later the Esso) refinery at Fawley as a junior engineer. In 1950 he was promoted to process superintendent, in charge of the running of all the refinery units. In 1956 Pearce became general manager (refining) for Esso in the UK. In 1963 he joined the Esso Board, with responsibility for the marine and pipelines systems; this included taking charge of the tanker fleet and overseeing the building of the pipeline from Milford Haven to the Midlands and Manchester. In 1968 he was appointed Managing Director and 1972 Chairman and Chief Executive of Esso UK.

Austin Pearce was the first President of the UK Petroleum Industry Association and as Esso’s representative, participated in the negotiations with the Department of Energy, British National Oil Company and Shell on the North Sea participation agreements.

In 1973 Pearce joined the board of Williams and Glyn’s Bank, becoming its last Chairman before it was incorporated into the Royal Bank of Scotland, of which he was appointed a Vice-Chairman.

In 1985 Austin Pearce was appointed Chairman of the Trustees of the Science Museum. He Chaired the meeting that introduced entrance charges; this helped the museum to improve and create new galleries and to rebuild the Railway Museum at York.

Pearce served on the Council of Surrey University, the site of so much skulduggery when I worked there in 1988. He was a Director of Jaguar, Smiths Industries, Pearl Assurance and was Chairman of Oxford Instruments.

Austin Pearce was married first to Maglona Twinn and then to Dr Patricia Grice.

On 15 Jan 1986 there was a debate on Westland in the Commons in which Thatcher replied to the Windbag. Thatcher listed all the ministerial, committee and Cabinet meetings on Westland. Heseltine then made a speech criticising the way collective responsibility had been damaged over Westland.

Sir Robert Armstrong, the Cabinet Secretary, held an inquiry into the leaking of Mayhew’s letter and reported his findings to Thatch on 21 Jan 1986. Armstrong concluded that Brittan had told Colette Bowe to leak Mayhew’s letter through a telephone conversation to Roger Mogg, Brittan’s Private Secretary. Thatcher is said to have asked Brittan four times: ‘Leon, why didn’t you tell me.’ Havers, who demanded the inquiry, later claimed: ‘Unless the PM is the most marvellous actress I’ve ever seen in my life she was as shocked as anybody that in fact it was on Leon Brittan’s instructions.’ At the time Brittan claimed he had misunderstood Thatcher’s wishes but later (on the TV programme The Thatcher Factor on 7 April 1989) admitted that he had acted on the ‘express’ instructions of Charles Powell and Bernard Ingham, Thatcher’s two senior advisers. On 23 Jan 1986, Thatcher had to make a speech to the Commons on Armstrong’s inquiry.

Brittan was being heavily criticised because of the fallout from the leak of the Mayhew letter and because of his lack of candour about the letter from British Aerospace. At a meeting of the 1922 Committee, Conservative back-benchers, demanded Brittan’s resignation. The Chairman of the 1922 Committee at the time was Cranley Onslow, a former MI6 agent who was forced to stand down as Chairman in 1992 by Thatcher’s old mates, who partly blamed him for her previous departure. On 24 Jan 1986 Brittan resigned, because ‘it has become clear to me that I no longer command the full confidence of my colleagues’.

On 27 Jan 1986, Labour set down an adjournment motion. Whitelaw, Howe, Wakeham, John Biffen and Douglas Hurd helped Thatcher draft her speech for this occasion.

In Jan 1986 John Biffen was Lord Privy Seal. John Biffen grew up on a farm about three miles away from where I lived in Somerset. Biffen went to Dr Morgan’s School in Bridgwater along with my father and many others who remained in Somerset. Biffen’s parents remained living at their farm in Combwich and occasionally made trips to London to marvel at their famous son and his associates. John Biffen was a swotty kid who was badly bullied by the locals and he didn’t waste his time with his former tormentors and he did fall out with Thatcher eventually. However, I can’t imagine that he will have resisted if pressurised over all this, there will just have been far too many careers of ruthless dangerous nutters at stake.

Biffen was MP for Oswestry and then North Shropshire. John Allen had a children’s home in Shropshire, there was an abuse ring in operation in the region and many children’s home staff migrated between Bryn Estyn and Shropshire. The family seat of the unfortunate Ormsby-Gores was at Oswestry and David Ormsby-Gore aka Lord Harlech preceded John Biffen as MP for Oswestry. Ever since Lord Harlech served at US Ambassador during JFK’s Presidency, the Ormsby-Gores have had a penchant for dying young and in unfortunate circumstances. The biography of Francis Ormsby-Gore, who farmed near Harlech and was found dead at his home relatively recently, had all the signs of one of someone who was under sustained attack by the paedophiles’ friends (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’).

Douglas Hurd was Home Secretary, presiding over the carnage in north Wales.

Ronald Miller, one of Thatch’s friends, was asked to help revise the speech and Thatcher remarked to him that she might not be PM by six o’clock that evening if things went badly.

The Windbag, who knew Tony Francis from their days as students in Cardiff, was generally thought to have made a poor opening speech.

Heseltine was frustrated at the Windbag’s failure to exploit the moment and claimed that Thatcher’s statement brought ‘the politics of the matter to an end’ and that he would support the Gov’t in the lobby.

Sikorsky then bought Westland, aided by mysterious prior purchases by mystery buyers, suspected by Cuckney and others, although without clear proof, of being an illegal concert party.

 

Westland damaged Thatcher’s credibility and made her look anti-European for the first time. It has been suggested that Thatcher’s keenness on American control of Westland may have been linked to the Al-Yamamah arms deal which was mired in allegations of corruption, or that the US might have wanted Westland to sell Black Hawk helicopters to Saudi Arabia in circumvention of Congressional rules which prevented US arms sales to that country at the time.

Leon Brittan’s behaviour was thought in part to have been motivated by resentment at his demotion from Home Secretary to the Secretary for DTI in Sept 1985. He also thought Heseltine’s mooted European consortium to be monopolistic and anti-competitive.

Apart from his clash of personalities with Thatcher, it was thought that Heseltine, concerned at having to take responsibility for Defence cuts which had been put back until 1986 and worried that Thatcher was unlikely to promote him further, was looking for an excuse to resign. Resigning would put him in good stead to be elected Party leader after, as seemed likely at the time, the Conservatives lost the next election, due by summer 1988.

Heseltine retired to the back benches and spent nearly five years conducting an undeclared campaign for the Party leadership. Although the Thatcher Gov’t was re-elected in 1987, Heseltine eventually challenged her in Nov 1990, polling well enough to hasten her resignation.

Three months after Heseltine ‘resigned from the Cabinet as a matter of honour’, my close friend and house mate on Anglesey was killed in a head-on collision with another car. Our friend Geoff Johnson was a passenger and was left severely brain-damaged. The young man who drove the TR7 straight into Anne somehow only walked away with a broken arm. It was acknowledged that Anne had not been at fault – the other car had been driving on Anne’s side of the road at high speed – but there was no investigation and no prosecution. Anne knew everything that was happening to me at the hands of the Top Docs. Weeks before she was killed, D.G.E. Wood remarked that he always knew when Anne drove past his house – he lived in the same village as us – because he could recognise her car.

Two days after Anne was killed, Liz Stables, the Angel who worked in the UCNW Student Health Centre, took Anne’s file out of a locker and wrote ‘DEAD’ in capital letters across it in front of me. Liz then said that I couldn’t hang around mourning, there were things to do. Some two weeks later Wood yelled at me to ‘forget about everything that has happened here and go away and make a new life for yourself’. Presumably so Wood’s accomplices could kill the rest of us off miles away from Bangor to avoid the fickle finger of suspicion ever being pointed at them.

Heseltine, the man who would do anything, anything at all to become PM, came from Swansea. Heseltine never became PM. Another procession of empty headed narcissistic oafs did instead.

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All together now -‘I’m ready to serve’.

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Now for a bit more info on the lady who worked in a junior capacity at Westland when the almighty ding dong broke out and who – along with a few others – did very nicely out of it all. This blog post is already quite long, so I won’t dissect Janet’s career bit by bit, highlighting who assisted her and when they did so, I’ll leave it up to readers to make the links to police investigations, the Waterhouse Inquiry etc. Regular readers will by now be familiar with the skulduggery and those involved.
 Janet Mitchell, CEng FRAeS:
Janet worked as a Stress Engineer, Westland Helicopters, Product Support Division, 1982-87.

Then Janet was Future Projects Engineer, Airbus, 1987-89: Reporting to Head of Future Projects for BAE Commercial Aircraft Division.

Janet was Stress Engineer, Stresswork Ltd, 1989-91.

supported the Aerospace, Automotive and Civil Engineering Industries. It also covered Nuclear Power, Engineering Design of a Composite Commercial Vehicle Chassis and engineering project management of the structural certification for the A340 Wing Composite Components.
From 1993-94, Janet was Senior Principal Engineer on the Future Large Aircraft Composite Wing Study for BAE Systems.
Between 1994-95, Janet worked on the Airbus Composite Wing Strategy for BAE Systems. She was:

‘Accountable for leading and delivering the BAE/AIRBUS Composite Wing Strategy, this was a significant business transformation programme, I successfully led all business functional specialists to deliver a Strategy for acquiring the Composite Capability for Airbus Wing Business including programme plans and costs of the Technology Development programme. This was delivered to the Airbus Senior Management Board at AUK and BAE SYSTEMS Head Quarters – Directorate for Engineering.’

From 1995-99, Janet was Project Manager of the Low Cost Composite Technology Research for the Airbus Group. She was: ‘Accountable for developing the capability in low cost, low weight Composite Technologies for Airbus UK Wing Technology including materials, manufacturing processes, design and analytical methods and assembly technology. Successfully delivering the bid content for the wing contribution to the 83 million euro EC Framework 5 “TANGO” programme, the DTI funded AMCAPSII programme, private venture, national collaborative projects with research institutes, universities and national industries. Development of specific research project management and financial management processes and the Composite Strategy in line with business objectives’.

Between 1999-02, Janet was Head of Research and Technology Programme, Airbus UK Airbus Group. She was the: ‘Executive accountable for all Airbus UK Research and Technology Projects in Composites, Metallic’s Systems and Advanced Wing Technologies ( including Aerodynamics,Structures, Manufacturing, Assembly Technology and Wing Integration). This team was in excess of 250 people and an annual budget in excess of 100 million euros. Accountabilities included the R & T Operational Business Plan for the UK, contribution to the Airbus Technology Strategy, Technology Plan for UK, Primary interface for Airbus UK into the DTI and European Commission (EC) and Academia for technology projects. Project management of the Airbus Composite Wing technology programme which was funded by the EC and called TANGO’.
Between Oct 2002-06, Janet was head of A400 Military Transport Aircraft Wing Programme for Airbus.

In Jan 2007 Janet Mitchell set up her own consultancy, McSquared Consultants Ltd, of which she has been the CEO since its foundation

When we were kids, everyone had great difficulties playing with Janet although she was a good laugh, because she used to cheat in all the games. Everybody’s mother used to say ‘ooh it’s because Janet’s an only child, she’s not used to playing with others or sharing’. That may well have been the case when we were seven Janet, but I’m not sure that’s an excuse for the last 30 years.

Janet’s family were unusual among the people whom I knew when I was young in that they were not from Somerset. They were from Chorley and Janet’s entire extended family, to whom she and her parents were still close, all lived in Chorley. She was also much doted upon by the Chorley clan because she was the only grandchild of a big family. Chorley is an area which suffered badly in the 20th century post-industrial decline. There were two main employers in the area until recently – Leyland Trucks and BAE Systems. BAE systems closed its doors in 2008. That was OK though, Janet had set up her own consultancy by then and all her elderly relatives whom I remember who always batted so hard for Janet will have died by 2008.

I receive more names every day of those in Somerset whom I am told maxed out on their knowledge of what happened to me. I’m not putting them all up here, because I’m loathe to do so without a degree of evidence, at least circumstantial. However I have been told to enquire into the means by which a farming family by the name of Hill near Fiddington transformed their farm into a premier equestrian centre, Stockland Lovell Manor. The Hills were never at all horsey, but at the height of my difficulties with those we known and love, they raised an enormous sum of money and came up with very flash equestrian centre. Neighbouring farmers could not work out how the Hills had persuaded an investor to part with so much money, even if the farm had been used as security. The Hills had a daughter whom they told everyone was ‘working in the financial services’ in Europe, but she wasn’t a trader or a banker, didn’t possess professional qualifications and from what I was told it sounded as though she was actually a PA. Another daughter was a midwife – in Nottingham. Where I used to work and where a big research fraud between the Cancer Research Campaign and an American drug company was taking place in labs located at Nottingham University (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’). The Hills also had a son, whom I am told now works for Somerset County Council Social Services, with disadvantaged youngsters.

The Hills used to give one of those who received money in return for their silence about what was happening to me a lift to Fiddington Church every Sunday. Mr Michael Hill was a churchwarden and a leading light in Somerset Cricket Club, so there’ll have been a few hobnobbing opportunities there. Ah the good old days, when stars like Ian Botham and Viv Richards played for Somerset, who would get pissed down the Anchor Inn in Combwich, in the company of the man who suddenly found himself with so many celebrity friends and so much money from about 1990 onward…

I think that Michael Hill and his wife Lavinia have both died now, so perhaps their offspring Diane, Jenny and Martin could explain how the family laid their hands on such a huge amount of dosh. Jenny Hill is probably the person to ask.

Series titles over a docklands terrace street

Two other Top Tossers who were tripping over themselves in the 1990s to make unlikely friendships with people in Somerset who knew what was happening in north Wales were Dangerous Sports Club members Ding Boston and Martin Lyster. Boston and Lyster are both veterans of pointless dangerous activities dressed up as ‘extreme sports’ in which people sustain injuries or even die (only a prosecution for manslaughter, not murder and even then that nice lady judge at Bristol Crown Court directed the jury to acquit!). The dear old Dangerous Sports Club had the wind taken out of its sails some years ago, what with its founder the conman David Kirke going to prison and then the death of that Bulgarian student, but I note that Ding now describes himself as ‘Co-Ordinator, Oxford Universities Motorsport’. Don’t ask me what Ding’s real name is, he refuses to give it, even in toadying media profiles. ‘Dickhead’ will suffice.

Ding’s mate Martin Lyster did a first degree and then a PhD in physics at Oxford in the 1980s and then years later a Masters at Loughborough University in Renewable Energy. His Linked In profile describes his present position as an R&D Project Manager for SSE Power Distribution.

So who with links to Thatcher/Major – apart from Tommy Leigh-Pemberton’s father obviously – was the source of all the dosh then Ding and Martin?

When I was discussing all this with Brown, he remarked that the emissaries of Thatcher’s and Major’s Gov’ts will have seen me as doubly dangerous. Not only had I gathered huge amounts of crap on Dafydd and related sex trafficking rings in other parts of the country with links to Tory Ministers, but coming from Tory stock myself I’ll have been seen as a renegade who really had to be stopped. Brown commented that while we were having our friends murdered and our careers destroyed, a lot of older people in Somerset would have been able to remember my grandfather, who was the leading campaigner for Sir Gerald Wills, the Tory MP for Bridgwater, 1950-69. Indeed. The vacuous shite Tom King built on the solid Tory support that had accumulated in Bridgwater.
I reminded Brown that I think that Tom et al will have seen me as far more than doubly dangerous. My grandpa was a high Tory who hung out with the Sir Bufton Tuftons, but he did a few things that pissed people like Tom King off. Such as: denouncing Edward du Cann as a crook (du Cann was later demonstrated to be, er, a crook); turning down a knighthood – Lord King and Lady Jane would never have found it within themselves to do that; refusing an invitation to a Buck House garden party; taking the piss out of the Freemasons and, I understand, the Water Buffaloes as well.
In 1979, one day at school I and my friends were in the library reading the ‘Bridgwater Mercury’ and we happened upon the ’25 years ago today’ column. Everyone howled with laughter, because the snippet chosen was a speech that my grandfather had made to the Somerset Tories, in which he had said that ‘the Conservative Party today is not what it used to be’. Well it certainly wasn’t by the late 1980s, it was trying to murder his granddaughter because she’d stumbled across the Westminster Paedophile Ring.
Anyone for a Buck House garden party?
Charles Prince of Wales.jpg

Events, Dear Boy, Events

I am not going to concern myself so much with media reports regarding the excesses of the ‘services’ on this blog any longer because the excesses are such that, as the NHS and other ‘services’ disintegrate to such an extent that it can no longer be concealed, paedophiles’ friends are popping up in the media from all directions screaming loudly that all that is needed is for them to be given many more millions of pounds and then everything will be OK.

The sociologist Loic Wacquant argued some years ago that because neoliberal capitalism had left politicians powerless, all that they could offer was ‘solutions’ in terms of crime and punishment and that was why so many were banging on about the necessity to build more prisons and get tough on crime and the causes of crime. Loic Wacquant lives in the US so he might not waste his time following what UK politicians are doing, but their latest offering is legislation to imprison anyone – for up to two years – who takes ‘up-skirt photos’. I’m unimpressed with this gesture because there is already legislation in place to cover this behaviour. If I can be prosecuted for staring at a social worker in Safeways, one who’s colleagues are running a paedophile gang at that and then also prosecuted for telling the secretary of another facilitator of the same paedophile gang that he is a fat idiot, I can only presume that the up-skirt peeping toms have not been prosecuted for reasons other than a lack of legislation. Furthermore, Dafydd illegally imprisoned people in a dungeon and like the up-skirt photographers he was never prosecuted. But as with demanding that Somalis are prosecuted for FGM – even in the absence of evidence – demanding tough sentences for up-skirt photographers is rather easier than tackling organised crime in the welfare services.

One thought occurs to me MPs – to take an up-skirt shot, the photographer would have to be in the vicinity of the woman’s feet/ankles. A solution would be for the targeted woman to kick them in the chops, very very hard. Easier, quicker, cheaper and one would not have to take one’s chances with an endemically corrupt criminal justice system. Something tells me that Dafydd could have spent 24 hours a day taking up-skirt shots and there would have been no action taken against him. After all, Dafydd’s mate at Bart’s, Prof Linford Rees, photographed female patients in the bath and showed the photos to students in his lectures (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’).

 

Instead I am using this post to name a few more of those who’s Big Ideas contributed towards a gang of paedophiles remaining untouchable for many years.

My post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’ detailed those managing Gwynedd Social Services whilst the paedophile gang operated in the Council’s children’s homes. For much of that time the Chief Executive of Gwynedd County Council was Ioan Bowen Rees, who has featured in a number of previous blog posts. I have mentioned that despite the havoc in Gwynedd County Council during his years of leadership, Bowen Rees was an intelligent erudite man, an Oxford graduate who was considered one of Europe’s leading experts on local democracy.

This might explain why, when Bowen Rees was Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council, Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was described in the media as ‘Europe’s leading forensic psychiatrist’ and the social workers who ran the paedophile gang were constantly telling people that the ‘services’ were the best in Europe. Us service users used to shriek with laughter when we read such descriptions of the people who were trying to shag us, who were threatening us, assaulting us, lying about us in court and leaving some of our friends so desperate that they killed themselves. The extraordinary thing is that Bowen Rees really was considered an expert in local gov’t at a European level. So we can only wonder why a paedophile gang expanded its operations in Gwynedd County Council when Bowen Rees was Chief Exec and why a paedophile gang expanded its operations in Dyfed when Ioan Bowen Rees was County Secretary of Dyfed County Council prior to relocating to Gwynedd.

Dafydd and the paedophiles were linked with a pan-European paedophile gang. Gwynedd social workers tripped over themselves to become involved with projects that sociologists in Bangor University were running with sociologists and social workers in Europe. The Gwynedd social workers knew bugger all about the academic work involved, but they were there at every workshop, at every buffet and stressed to the visiting European academics that the services in Gwynedd were, of course, leading the way.

Two Bangor lecturers who were particularly keen to climb aboard the European projects bandwagon were John Borland and Aled Griffiths. Borland had retired by the time that I began work as a sociologist at Bangor, but I was interested to discover that Borland had set up a company to supply ‘service users’ who would provide the legally required ‘feedback’ on the ‘services’ in north Wales. I had never met one ‘service user’ who had heard of John Borland, yet alone worked for his business. Borland’s wife was Sandra Betts, an expert on Wimmin in Wales who was rarely seen in the University and who’s own work was substantially done by unpaid female PhD students. Aled Griffiths aka the Buffet Slayer is married to Joanna Griffiths, who until her retirement was Director of Conwy Social Services. Joanna was Director when Conwy failed to respond to complaints that residents in Prestwood Homes were being appallingly abused (see post ‘A Convenient Arrangement With The Private Sector’). Aled’s sister is Gwenan Carrington, who was Director of Gwynedd Social Services after Dafydd’s mistress Lucille Hughes ‘retired’ from that role when the Waterhouse Report was published. Aled Griffiths’s brother Huw was a highly incompetent solicitor who was one of those who sat in Bangor Magistrates Court watching Dafydd and the paedophiles fit up their victims. In fact Huw watched Dafydd and the paedophiles fit me up, that’s how I knew him, years before I encountered the joys of the Buffet Slayer.

A very cosy arrangement for everyone involved. This bunch were colleagues of Professor Mark Williams and some of them appear on his ‘Mindfulness’ publications (see post ‘The Biggest Expert Of The Lot’). Mark Williams has now taken his pyramid selling Mindfulness scam to China and Hong Kong.

Ioan Bowen Rees, being very keen on Europe and their systems of local democracy, some of which Ioan maintained were far superior to that found in the UK, spent a lot of time in Europe. I have mentioned previously that Max Beloff, the father of Cherie Booth’s friend and colleague Michael Beloff, rated one of Bowen Rees’s books so highly that he maintained that it was ‘essential reading for public servants’. Bowen Rees doubled up as an adviser to Plaid MPs Gwynfor Evans and Dafydd Wigley, both of whom knew that organised child sexual abuse bloomed wherever Ioan was to be found but who said nothing (see posts ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’ and ‘The Banality Of Evil’).

There is however someone else who was a mate of and intellectual traveller with Ioan Bowen Rees whom I have not yet mentioned – Professor Leopold Kohr. Kohr grew up in Oberndorf near Salzburg and it remained his ideal of community. He held a doctorate in law from the University of Innsbruck, Austria and one in political science from the University of Vienna. Kohr also studied at the LSE.

Kohr became a freelance correspondent during the Spanish Civil War where he was impressed by the self-contained governments of Catalonia and Aragon, as well as by the small Spanish anarchist city-states of Alcoy and Caspe. He became a close friend of George Orwell and shared offices with Ernest Hemingway and Andre Malraux. 

Kohr fled Austria in 1938 after it was annexed by Nazi Germany and emigrated to the US, later becoming an American citizen.

Kohr taught economics and political philosophy at Ruthers University in New Jersey, 1943-55. From 1955-73, he was Professor of Economics and Public Administration in the University of Puerto Rico in San Juan, except for a period in 1965-66 when he was Professor of Economics at the University of the Americas in Mexico City; during these years Kohr developed his concepts of village renewal and ‘lent his advice to local city planning initiatives.’ He also advised the independence movement of the of Anguilla. 

After many rejections by American and British publishers, Kohr’s first book, ‘The Breakdown of Nations’, was published in 1957 in Britain after a chance meeting with anarchist Sir Herbert Read. 

Kohr moved from Puerto Rico to Wales, where he taught political philosophy at the University College of Wales, Aberystwyth from 1968-77. So Kohr was there when Carlo spent a brief period at Aber learning Welsh. Kohr worked in the Department of Extra-mural Studies at Aber and was senior tutor, 1973-77.

The project of Welsh independence, founded on the ideal of ‘cymdeithas’ (community) was dear to Kohr and he became a mentor to Plaid and a close friend of its then leader, Gwynfor Evans.

Yma O Hyd! Sing-a-long-a Dafydd Iwan and a gang of molesters with intellectual aspirations. Which provided a very useful carapace.

 

After retiring from teaching, Kohr divided his time between Gloucester and  Hellbrunn, near Salzburg. He was planning to return to his hometown of Oberndorf to live when he died in 1994.

Kohr described himself as a ‘philosophical anarchist’. He protested the ‘cult of bigness’ and economic growth and promoted the concept of human scale and small community life.  Kohr’s vision called for a dissolution of centralized political and economic structures in favour of local control, which was pretty much Ioan Bowen Rees’s ‘vision’ for Wales. Ioan’s cup brimmed over when the National Assembly for Wales was established – he was an adviser to the Welsh Office civil servants and to Ron ‘it was a moment of madness/I was looking for badgers’ Davies (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’) regarding devolution.

It is not a coincidence that the Welsh Assembly is stuffed full of weak, third-rate AMs who in their previous lives concealed a paedophile gang.

This was the Pretty Straight Kind Of Guy who did his best to ensure that Ron Davies would be Wales’s First Minister, until that male prostitute Boogie got in the way:

Tony Blair crop.jpg

 

According to Clarissa Dickson Wright, when Blair was at Oxford he was widely suspected of being gay and was known as Miranda.

Miranda:
Tony Blair

 

I’ve only ever met one person called Miranda and that was a young patient at Springfield Hospital in 1991. She was relentlessly pursued by a predatory male patient and was actually quite frightened of him. The staff watched this man shout ‘Miranda, I’m coming after you’ and she fled on a regular basis, yet they did nothing.

 

Kohr was an important inspiration to the Green, bioregional, Forth World, decentralist and anarchist movements. He contributed often to John Papworth’s `Journal for the Fourth World’, ‘Resurgence’. One of Kohr’s students was economist E.F. Schumacher, whose book ‘Small Is Beautiful’ took its title from one of Kohr’s core principles.

In 1983, a student with a sense of humour at Aston University was faced with a finals paper in which one of the questions was ‘Small is beautiful. Discuss.’ This student did indeed discuss Small Is Beautiful. He wrote a whole essay arguing why he preferred to have sex with women with small boobs. When faced with his essay, the exam board weren’t sure what to do, so a meeting was held and it was agreed that for that essay they would simply give him a pass mark. The rest of his work was of a high standard and he emerged with a 2:1.

The VC of Aston University at the time was Sir Freddie Crawford, aka ‘Mrs Thatcher’s favourite Vice-Chancellor’. At least the student who liked small boobs sat his own exams. There was a problem at Aston at the time – it was discovered that several members of Middle Eastern Royal families had registered for engineering degrees and had sent their servants along to attend the lectures and sit the exams for them. The degrees were issued in the names of their employers, who found themselves in possession of engineering degrees whilst knowing nuzzing. I was told that Ruhi Behi, a former psych nurse from the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, used the services of someone else to acquire his degree in psychology from UCNW in the 1980s. Behi subsequently became Head of the School of Healthcare Sciences at Bangor University. Behi bagged his degree when paedophiles’ friend Eric Sunderland was Principal/VC and was appointed Head of Healthcare Sciences when paedophiles’ friend Roy Evans was VC.

 

Leopold Kohr’s ideas inspired Kirkpatrick’s books ‘Human Scale’ (1980) and ‘Dwellers in the Land: The Bioregional Vision’ (1985). Sale arranged the first American publication of ‘The Breakdown of Nations’ in 1978 and wrote the foreword.

 

Ioan Bowen Rees also co-authored with Hugh MacDiarmid and Owen Dudley Edwards.

Hugh MacDiarmid was the pen name of Christopher Murray Grieve, a Scottish poet, journalist, essayist and political figure. He is best known for his works written in ‘synthetic Scots’, a ‘literary version of the Scots language that MacDiarmid himself developed’. So he invented his own language. He probably awarded himself a prize for it as well a la the Learned Society of Wales. However, Grieve’s earliest work was written in English and from the early 1930s onwards much of the poetry published under MacDiarmid’s name was also written in an English.

MacDiarmid was born in the Scottish border town of Langholme, Dumfriesshire. He was educated at Langholm Academy before becoming a teacher for a brief time at Broughton Higher Grade School in Edinburgh. MacDiarmid lived in London, Liverpool and Thakeham in West Sussex. He lived on Whalesay in Shetland, 1933-42 and in Glasgow, 1942-49. MacDiarmid worked as a journalist for a number of local Scottish papers. He spent time living in Ebbw Vale and contributed to the socialist newspaper ‘The Merthyr Pioneer’, run by Labour Party founder Keir Hardie, before joining the RAMC on the outbreak of WWI. MacDiarmid served in Salonica, Greece and France before developing cerebral malaria and subsequently returning to Scotland in 1918.

Somebody seems to have been having fun with MacDiarmid’s wiki entry regarding the first few decades of his life, because the dates provided in that entry do not always correlate with MacDiarmid’s activities at the time.

After the war MacDiarmid continued to work as a journalist, living in Montrose, Scotland – which boasts a place called Charleton Road no less – where he became Editor and reporter of the ‘Montrose Review’, as well as a justice of the peace and a member of the county council. In 1923 his first book, ‘Annals of the Five Senses’, was published at his own expense, followed by ‘Sangschaw’ in 1925 and ‘Penny Wheep’ and ‘A Drunk Man Looks at the Thistle’ in 1926. 

On the Shetland island of Whalsay in 1933 with his son Michael and second wife, Valda Trevlyn, MacDiarmid wrote essays and poetry despite being cut off from mainland cultural developments for much of the 1930s. He died at his cottage near Biggar in 1978 at the age of 86.

Norman Lamont – who was a member of the Cambridge Mafia which produced so many of the big beasts of Thatcher’s Gov’t – held Ministerial positions under Thatch and was Chancellor of the Exchequer under John Major, was born in Shetland; his father was the Island’s Top Doctor. Lamont was Chancellor on Black Wednesday.

This man was Norman’s special adviser at the time:

David Cameron official.jpg

 

MacDiarmid was a supporter of both communism and Scottish nationalism. He was a founding member of the National Party of Scotland, (forerunner of the SNP) and stood as a candidate for the SNP in 1945 and 1950 and for the Communist Party of Great Britain in 1964. So MacDiarmid will have known those other members of the Communist Party of Great Britain who used to spend the summer at Croesor in Merionydd in the 1960s – who knew about Dafydd and the paedophile gang (see post ‘The Village’).

MacDiarmid was a ‘controversial figure’ during his lifetime. He was expelled from both the SNP and the Communist Party but then the CP let him back in again many years later. MacDiarmid was a member of a secret Scottish Nationalist society Clann Albain.

Between 1931-43, MacDiarmid was kept under surveillance by the security services and when Orwell compiled a list of suspected communist sympathisers, he included MacDiarmid’s name on it. Not that it will have done MacDiarmid any harm. After all, MI5 provided Dafydd et al with full protection, it was only the service users who bothered to find out what Dafydd was up to by ringing him up, using the public phone box in the village where Ioan Bowen Rees lived. Ioan didn’t suffer as a result, he was never in the queue for that phone box, Ioan the Common Man will have had several land lines and at least one mobile down in his Plas some distance away from the village centre.

 

In 2010 letters written in the early 1940s by MacDiarmid were discovered, showing that he believed that a Nazi invasion of Britain would benefit Scotland.  Marc Horne in the ‘Daily Telegraph’ commented: ‘MacDiarmid flirted with fascism in his early thirties, when he believed it was a doctrine of the left. In two articles written in 1923, ‘Plea for a Scottish Fascism’ and ‘Programme for a Scottish Fascism’, he appeared to support Mussolini’s regime. By the 1930s however, following Mussolini’s lurch to the right, his position had changed and he castigated Neville Chamberlain over his appeasement of Hitler’s expansionism.’ Deirdre Grieve, MacDiarmid’s daughter-in-law and literary executor, noted: ‘I think he entertained almost every ideal it was possible to entertain at one point or another.’

MacDiarmid’s son Michael Trevlyn became Vice-Chairman of the SNP.

MacDiarmid was considered controversial in his lifetime but is now considered one of the principal forces behind the Scottish Renaissance and has had a lasting impact on Scottish culture and politics. He was accused of plagiarism by supporters of the Welsh poet Glyn Jones but responded with ‘the greater the plagiarism, the greater the work of art’. Perhaps Charles Saatchi would like to pay someone a great deal of money for MacDiarmid’s plagiarised poetry or indeed the poetry that he wrote in the language which he made up himself and display it in the Saatchi gallery in Chelsea.

In ‘Who’s Who’ MacDiarmid listed Anglophobia as one of his interests. It’s a good job that the Englisher Thatcher’s mate the Englisher Sir Peter Morrison had a sexual interest in young boys though, because MacDiarmid’s mate Ioan Bowen Rees and Dafydd would have been out of business without that and perhaps in prison as well.

 

Ioan’s co-author Owen Dudley Edwards is an Irish historian and former Reader in Commonwealth and American History at the University of Edinburgh. He is the son of Professor Robert Dudley Edwards and brother to the Irish writer, Ruth Dudley Edwards. He is the General Editor of the Oxford Sherlock Holmes series and is a recognised expert on Sir Arthur Conan Doyle. There was plenty about his co-author Ioan that he could investigate. Dudley Edwards was also an authority on P.G. Wodehouse.

 

Wodehouse’s first published novel:

 

book cover illustration showing two male athletes running competitively

 

It was about the drug squad in North Wales planting illegal substances on the paedophiles’ victims. Although Dafydd pronounces it ‘mari-jew-ana’.

 

The following year – 1903 – Wodehouse published this:

 

book cover illustration showing luggage, an adult, and a boy, the latter in old-fashioned school uniform

 

Which is worrying when one remembers what was happening to kids in the ‘residential schools’ and children’s homes scattered across Gwynedd when Ioan Bowen Rees was presiding over his own little bit of local democracy.

 

Owen Dudley Edwards attended Belvedere College, Dublin, University College, Dublin and John Hopkins University in Baltimore.

In 1966 Dudley Edwards married Barbara Balbirnie Lee. They have three children. Dudley Edwards is a practising Catholic and actively involved in the church.

 

 

 

I am reading Jeremy Paxman’s book ‘Friends In High Places: Who Runs Britain?’ at the moment. It was published in 1990 and I wished that I’d read it when it was first published, because it names everyone who was propping up the corrupt regime of which the London medical establishment was an integral part. I’ve named many of them on this blog, but it would have been helpful to know that they were the powers behind the criminality of which I was on the receiving end at the time. Paxo’s done a very good job – I still have more chapters to read, but so far I’ve come across a few people who had escaped me.

 

I have mentioned Alan Walters previously, Thatch’s economic adviser who’s presence concerned a great many people. It is believed that it was Nigel Lawson who managed to elbow Walters out of the way. Lawson certainly did everyone a favour there. I read up about Walters before I discovered the key role that Leicester University had played in concealing organised sexual abuse in Leicestershire, so it took Paxo’s book to clobber me with the info that Walters was a Leicester University graduate. Leicester University has played a role in the education or careers of a number of people like Walters who were hailed as gurus by PMs concealing abuse and trafficking. Many of these people very obviously did not have much to offer and their influence on PMs was inexplicable. For example, the man who invented the Third Way for Blair and who explained it all in a short pamphlet which one could read over breakfast:

 

Anthony Giddens
Anthony Giddens at the Progressive Governance Converence, Budapest, Hungary, 2004 October.jpg

 

Paxo writes about the Institute of Economic Affairs (see post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’). He mentions David Green, who was Head of the IEA’s Health Policy Group. In 1988, Green argued that inequality of health services is desirable. Green would have been delighted with Bethesda in the 1980s and 90s, it was littered with destitute ‘service users’ who were being targeted by Dafydd to sell sex to dreadful old politicians and others and the empty shells of those who had already been used in this way and had returned to north Wales, completely drained, traumatised, fragile and refused all ‘services’. Furthermore their tales of sex with the rich and famous were so extraordinary that no-one believed them.

BBC News Wales is reporting that the Rolling Stones are coming to Wales. Will they be looking up a few old acquaintances in Bethesda?

Mick Jagger Deauville 2014.jpg

 

If they do, I don’t suppose that we’ll hear anything about it.

Rupert Murdoch - Flickr - Eva Rinaldi Celebrity and Live Music Photographer.jpg

 

David Green writes for ‘The Sunday Times’, ‘The Times’, the ‘Daily Mail’, the ‘Sunday Telegraph’ and the ‘Daily Telegraph’. Green has taken part in broadcast programmes such as ‘Newsnight’, the ‘Moral Maze’ and the ‘Today’ programme. He has made occasional contributions to the Guardian’s ‘Comment is Free’ site and he has contributed pieces to ‘Daily Telegraph’ news blogs.

NB: Perhaps Claire Fox, a regular on the ‘Moral Maze’, could explain why despite her self-styled neocon say-the-unthinkable re the welfare state stance, she has never breathed a word about Dafydd and the paedophile gang. Because Claire certainly knows about them. Claire grew up in Flint, north Wales when Dafydd and the paedophiles were busy. She attended St Richard Gwyn Catholic High School in Flint, went to Warwick University and worked as a mental health social worker, 1981-87. Claire completed a PGCE at Thames Poly in 1992.

Why so silent Claire? I read ‘Living Marxism’ for years when you and your mates from the Revolutionary Communist Party were publishing it – I even had copies of it in my house when the paedophile gang used to send the police around to arrest me after they had perjured themselves. Then Brown and I followed ‘Spiked Online’ when you reinvented yourselves as neocons in 2000. One of your lot asked Brown if we’d like to write for you after you read one of our books. Brown said no thanks because we noticed that there were certain things that none of you dared write about. Such as what had happened to us during the 1980s, 90s and was still happening at the very time that we were asked if we wanted to write for ‘Spiked’…

What we had Claire were a bunch of twats from the security services bothering us, whilst you built your reputation as Ms Fearless.

Claire’s fellow panellist on the ‘Moral Maze’ Matthew Taylor – Blair’s former policy adviser – knows about Dafydd and the paedophiles as well. Matthew’s dad Laurie is mates with Prof Dick Hobbs who was a friend of the criminologist Jane Morgan, widow of Lord K.O. Morgan. Jane and Lord Ken were at the scene of the crimes as it were (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’).

David Green was an undergraduate at the University of Newcastle-Upon-Tyne, 1970-73 and remained there for his PhD. He was a Labour Councillor in Newcastle-Upon-Tyne, 1976-81. So Green knew about the paedophile gang in the north east with links to Dafydd and he knew that the Councils in the north east were sending great numbers of children in care to children’s homes in north Wales and continued to do so even after complaints of serious abuse were made.

Green worked as a Research Fellow at the Australian National University in Canberra, 1981-83. He worked at the IEA from 1984 and was Director of its Health and Welfare Unit, 1986-2000.

Green funded the think tank Civitas in 2000 and is also its Chief Executive.

Any more bright ideas to keep a bunch of sex traffickers in business then David?

Green’s book, ‘Community Without Politics’ (London, IEA, 1997) was awarded the Sir Anthony Fisher Memorial Prize in 1997. In 2004 Green was voted one of Britain’s top 100 British intellectuals by readers of ‘Prospect’ magazine and in 2009 he was included on the Evening Standard’s list of the 1,000 most influential Londoners. Green’s 1993 book ‘Reinventing Civil Society’ has been translated into Chinese and Russian and probably that language that Ioan Bowen Rees’s mate MacDiarmid made up as he went along whilst he was plagiarising poetry.

If anyone knows whether Green is one of the literary figures who takes part in the events organised by the paedophiles’ friends who run the charidee Wellbeing of Women, do let me know (see post ‘Wimmin’s Wellbeing – The Fortnum And Mason Connection’). He’s probably been on the guest list for an event at Compton Verney as well.

 

Health inequalities in action for you David:

 

A leading forensic psychiatrist at an old boys’ public school reunion:

Old Warwickians - 1940s-1960s School House Dinner

 

A service user with a ‘severe and dangerous personality disorder’ who complained about the serious crimes of a colleague of the man above:

GB. Risley Remand Centre - G.B. England. Cheshire, Warrington. HM Prison Risley. Risley Remand Centre. With writer Russell Miller, I - Peter Marlow

 

 

Paxo’s book informed me that Keith Joseph’s outfit which Joseph founded in 1974, the Centre for Policy Studies, was funded with money from Nigel Vinson. My post ‘Include Me Out’ detailed a debate in the House which involved a number of politicians defending the appalling suicide rate among the victims of Dafydd et al in Risley Remand Centre. It was mentioned in the record in Hansard that one of those contributing to the debate would be giving a talk to the Centre for Policy Studies.

So who is the man who bank-rolled the ‘intellectuals’ behind a paedophile gang? Nigel – now Lord – Vinson is the son of Ronald Vinson, a farmer. Vinson was educated at Pangbourne. After school he served in the Queen’s Royal Regiment.

In 1952 Vinson began a small plastics company in Guildford (Plastic Coatings Ltd), which in 1969 was floated on the Stock Exchange, with over 1,000 employees. The business won the Queen’s Award for Industry in 1971. Vinson was Deputy Chairman of the CBI’s Smaller Firms Council, 1979-84 and President of the Industrial Participation Association, 1979-89. Vinson was Director of the Sugar Board, 1968-75, Director of the British Airports Authority, 1973-80 and a Director of Barclays Bank, 1982-87. He worked for the Centre for Policy Studies, 1974-80. Vinson was Deputy Chairman of Electra Investment Trust 1990-98. From 1976-78 Vinson was an honorary Director of the Queen’s Silver Jubilee Appeal. In the light of how close the Royal Family are to Dafydd’s mates, I really am very glad that I’ve never been the sort to buy Royal mugs or plates with pictures on of yet another couple who have just had a fairy tale wedding.

I have recently discovered that before she came to that sticky end in a tunnel, the heart surgeon with whom Diana was having a fling, Hasnet Khan, later worked at Harefield Hospital with Sir Magdi Yacoub, where I am fairly sure that major research fraud was carried out (see post ‘I Don’t Believe It!’). Before Hasnet Khan worked at Harefield, Diana had been allowed into his previous place of work to watch heart surgery. People started complaining that it was a security risk. It was also completely unethical but no-one mentioned that.

 

Vinson was a Member of the Northumbrian National Parks and Countryside Committee, 1977-87 and a member of the Foundation for Science and Technology, 1991-96. Since 2003, he has been a Trustee of Civitas. Vinson is life Vice President of the IEA, where he was Chairman of Trustees 1989-95.

Vinson was also a member of the Design Council, 1973-80 and the unsalaried Chairman of the Rural Development Commission 1980-90. He was founder donor of the Martin Mere Wildfowl Reserve in 1972 and gave a village green to Holbourn, Northumberland, in 2006. Presumably in exchange for domain over the villagers in order to force them into human slavery.

In Feb 1985, Vinson was given a peerage.

We’ll drink to that!

 

Old Warwickians - 1940s-1960s School House Dinner

 

Vinson was a council member of St George’s House, Windsor Castle, 1990-96. He has been married to Yvonne Collin since 1972; they have three daughters.

Lord Vinson of Health Inequalities is a regular attender at Lords debates, and spoke in the 2007 and 2014 sessions in support of nuclear power. Here’s an explosion for him.

 

  • Cyberweapons are not like nuclear weapons.

 

In 2012, Lord Vinson threatened to defect to UKIP unless the Conservatives took a more ‘Better Out’ approach to Europe. He obviously didn’t understand the potential markets in Europe, unlike Dafydd and the Gwynedd social workers.

In June 2013 Vinson spoke and voted in the Lords against the Marriage (Same Sex Couples) Bill. Keep it all as illegal as possible Nigel, it enables Dafydd to keep the prices high and blackmail the victims.

 

Paxo’s book also names Professor Brian Griffiths, who ran the Downing Street Policy Unit for Thatch. Griffiths was educated at Dynevor School, Swansea and at the LSE. So Griffiths will have been part of the Heseltine-Lord Brian Flowers-Swansea contingent. The Labour Party Swansea Mafia – Rhodri Morgan, Edwina Hart et al – will have known him as well, but his mates were bigger than theirs and the one thing that none of them were going to do was blow the whistle on the fact that his big mates were running a paedophile ring in west and north Wales, because a Windbag in Islwyn was hoping to become PM on the basis of the votes of the staff of the public services who were colluding with it all.

 

Danger: leftwing leader walks on Brighton beach, and other ...

 

Brian Griffiths was Dean of the City University Business School, but in 1986 he resigned his Chair to become Thatch’s Chief Policy Adviser.

Griffiths was given a peerage in 1991. The year that Peter Morrison was knighted and a number of other paedophiles’ friends picked up honours for no good reason. The year that the careers of me as well as of my friend who wanted to make a documentary about the mental health services in north Wales were destroyed.

Brian Griffiths was Chairman of the Centre for Policy Studies, 1991-01. He served on the Board of Directors of the Conservative Christian Fellowship, 2000-02. Griffiths was a member of the European Union Sub-Committee F (Social Affairs, Education and Home Affairs), 1999-03 and the Religious Offences Committee from 2002-03. I expect that Griffiths also Chaired which ever Committee decreed that swearing was an offence so serious that Dafydd was compelled to report me to the police when I said ‘bugger’; Bluglass agreed that me calling Dafydd a wanker was one of the many signs that I was Dangerous, had a Homicidal Capacity and that I would ‘end in a ward for the criminally insane’. Bluglass has a very sweary daughter called Amanda, who as far as I am aware, has never been consigned to a ward for the criminally insane. But then her father is not in prison, despite colluding with a serious offender. I wonder why not?

Hannibal Lecter in Silence of the Lambs.jpg

 

Griffiths is a Vice-President of the Nature in Art Trust. He serves as Vice-Chairman of Goldman Sachs International. He said that he was ‘not ashamed’ of the bank’s compensation plans and that the issue of banking compensation should not be thought about solely from a short-term perspective. Griffiths defended the bank’s bonuses and said that the general public should ‘tolerate the inequality as a way to achieve greater prosperity for all’.

I wish I’d known that when Dafydd and the paedophiles had hounded me out of my job and then tried to set fire to my house while I was living in poverty in Ioan Bowen Rees’s local democracy, it would have explained everything. I could have also reminded the staff of St George’s of it when they all turned green upon finding out that the foul research assistant Mandy Leigh’s brother Charles – who worked as a banker – received more than their annual salaries for his Christmas bonus. It’s why they all thought that they were so badly paid. Mandy thought that she was badly paid as well, even though St George’s had done a fiddle with her PhD funders to ensure that she was paid more than her colleagues. As Mandy breezily explained to me one day, she was ‘a rich bitch funded by Wellcome’. I’d like to have known how that happened – Mandy was thrown off of one degree course for reasons which were never explained, so there wasn’t exactly an outstanding academic record there. Perhaps she simply explained on her application that she would be having sex in the lab during working hours with Top Doctors and would be hurling racist abuse at overseas staff?

Brian Griffiths also stated that ‘we should not … be ashamed of offering compensation in an internationally competitive market which ensures the bank businesses here and employs British people’. Such as Charles Leigh, obviously.

 

Paxo’s book mentioned a very influential figure in academia with connections to Dafydd et al – Dame Kathleen Mary Kenyon. Kenyon was a leading British archeologist of Neolithic culture in the Fertile Crescent. She is best known for her excavations of Jericho in 1952-58 and is considered to have been one of the most influential archaeologists of the 20th century. Kenyon was Principal of St Hugh’s College, Oxford, 1962-73.

Kathleen Kenyon was born in London, England, the eldest daughter of Sir Frederic Kenyon, Biblical scholar and later Director of the British Museum. Her grandfather was the lawyer and Fellow of All Souls College, John Robert Kenyon and her great-great-grandfather was the politician and lawyer Lloyd Kenyon, 1st Baron Kenyon.

It was the 4th and 5th Baron Kenyons who were Presidents of UCNW (Bangor University). Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon, the 5th Baron, was President whilst UCNW was run by Dafydd and the paedophiles and it was the 5th Baron Kenyon’s son Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon who was sexually abusing at least one boy in care in Wrexham. Thomas was caught red-handed in 1978 and made a complaint of theft against the boy. The boy was sent to a detention centre and Thomas faced no charges. Thomas died of an HIV related condition in 1993. See previous posts for the details of the many public roles of the 5th Baron Kenyon – he was involved with national museums and art galleries as well as with public life in north Wales – and for details of the occasion on which Thomas was caught in action.

Kathleen grew up in Bloomsbury, London in a house attached to the British Museum, with her mother, Amy Kenyon and sister Nora Kenyon. Known for ‘being hard-headed and stubborn’, Kathleen ‘grew up as a tomboy, fishing, climbing trees and playing a variety of sports’. As did I, but I didn’t collude with a sodding paedophile gang, which it seems that Kathleen did.

Kathleen’s father ‘encouraged wide reading and independent study’. In later years Kenyon would remark that her father’s position at the British Museum was particularly helpful with regard to her education. You don’t say! Kathleen ‘was an excellent student, winning awards at school and particularly excelling in history. She studied first at St Paul’s Girls’ School where she was Head Girl, before winning an Exhibition to read History at Somerville College, Oxford.While at Oxford, Kathleen became the first female President of the Oxford University Archaeological Society’. Oh put her on the ‘Woman’s Hour’ Power List, she’s broken a glass ceiling.

Somerville College, Oxford, was Thatch’s college. Although Kathleen was a bit older than Thatch, I’m sure that maximum use was, in subsequent years, made of the alumni network to the benefit of everyone but the victims of Dafydd and the gang.

A career in archaeology was first suggested to Kathleen by Margery Fry, librarian at Somerville. I wonder if Margery had noticed who Kathleen’s dad was. After graduation, Kenyon’s first field experience was as a photographer for the pioneering excavations at Great Zimbabwe in 1929. Returning to England, Kenyon joined the archaeologists Sir Mortimer Wheeler and his wife Tessa on their excavation of the Romano-British settlement of Verulamium (St Albans). Kenyon worked there each summer between 1930 and 1935 Mortimer Wheeler entrusted her with the direction of the excavation of the Roman Theatre.

Mortimer Wheeler was the Keeper of Archaeology and then Director of the National Museum of Wales and the London Museum, Director-General of the Archeological Survey of India and the founder and Honorary Director of the Institute of Archaeology in London.

When Mortimer Wheeler was appointed as the Keeper of Archaeology at the National Museum of Wales, the job also entailed becoming a lecturer in archaeology at the University College of South Wales and Monmouthshire (later Cardiff University). He moved to Cardiff with his family in 1920. The museum was in disarray; prior to the war, construction had begun on a new purpose-built building to house the collections. This had ceased during the conflict and the edifice was left abandoned during Cardiff’s post-war economic slump. Wheeler recognised that Wales was very divided regionally, with many Welsh people having little loyalty to Cardiff; thus, he made a point of touring the country, lecturing to local societies about archaeology. According to the later archaeologist Lydia C. Carr, the Wheelers’ work for the cause of the National Museum was part of a wider ‘cultural-nationalist movement’ linked to growing Welsh nationalism during this period. Plaid Cymru, was founded in 1925 by Saunders Lewis and others. Lewis was a lecturer at Swansea University – he taught Rhodri Morgan’s parents. When Dafydd was a young Plaid activist he hung out with Saunders Lewis.

In 1924-25 Wheeler excavated the Roman fort – Y Caer – near Brecon and also Isca Augusta at Caerleon. Intent on attracting press attention to both raise public awareness of archaeology and attract new sources of funding, Wheeler contacted the press and organised a sponsorship of the excavation by the ‘Daily Mail’. In doing so, he emphasised the folkloric and legendary associations that the Caerleon site had with King Arthur. In 1925, Oxford University Press published Wheeler’s first book for a general audience, ‘Prehistoric and Roman Wales’; he later expressed the opinion that it was not a good book.

Whilst Director of the National Museum of Wales – a position he obtained in 1924 substantially via influential friends – Wheeler succeeded in obtaining funding from the Treasury to build up the National Museum and link it with regional museums throughout Wales. A new building was completed and King George V opened it in 1927.

The 5th Baron Kenyon was President of the National Museum of Wales, 1952-57.

 

Upon the retirement of the Keeper of the London Museum, Wheeler was invited to fill the vacancy, which he did. He had been considering a return to London for some time and eagerly agreed, taking on the post, which was based at Lancaster House in the St James’s area in July 1926. In Wales, many felt that Wheeler had simply taken the directorship of the National Museum to advance his own career prospects and that he had abandoned Wales when a better offer came along. 

In 1934 Kathleen Kenyon assisted Mortimer and his wife Tess in the foundation of the Institute of Archaeology of University College London. UCL often seems to be at the scene of the crime. The first premises that Mortimer Wheeler secured for the Institute of Archaeology was St John’s Lodge in Regent’s Park, the Portakabin below:

 

 

St John’s Lodge had been left empty since its use as a hospital during WWI. The building was owned by the Crown and was controlled by the First Commissioner of Works, William Ormsby-Gore, who was very sympathetic to archaeology and leased the building to the Institute at a low rent. William Ormsby-Gore was the 4th Baron Harlech and the father of David, the 5th Baron Harlech. Lord David Harlech was the British Ambassador to the US when J.F. Kennedy was President. David Ormsby-Gore and his descendants have a penchant for dying in unpleasant ways, often when young. The family show every sign of having been under attack by the paedophile gang and their associates (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’).

 

Mortimer Wheeler continued with an incredibly high profile career, leading famous excavations, such as that of Maiden Castle in Dorset. He served in WWII, led extensive digs in Asia, held key roles in UNESCO and in the British Academy and in the 1950s broadcast for BBC TV.

Wheeler married three times. Tessa died in 1936 – their only child, Michael Mortimer Wheeler, became a barrister. Following Tessa’s death, in 1939 Wheeler married Mavis de Vere Cole, widow of the prankster Horace de Vere Cole. Cole’s diaries revealed that Wheeler physically hit her when she annoyed him. In 1945 Mortimer Wheeler married Margaret ‘Kim’ Collingridge. They became estranged in 1956, but Collingridge’s Catholicism prevented divorce. Wheeler was well known for his promiscuity and for favouring young women for one night stands, many of whom were his students. He was known for having casual sex in public places. Archaeologist Gabriel Moshenska informed a ‘Daily Mail’ reporter that Wheeler had developed a reputation as ‘a bit of a groper and a sex pest and an incredible bully as well’.

The Dafydd of archaeology.

 

From 1936-39 Kathleen Kenyon carried out important excavations at the Jewry Wall in the city of Leicester. These were published in the ‘Illustrated London News’ in 1937 with pioneering reconstruction drawings by the artist Alan Sorrell whom Kathleen had just happened ‘to notice sketching her dig’.

Alan Sorrell was Senior Assistant Instructor of Drawing at the Royal College of Art, 1931–39 and 1946–48. According to Kathleen’s wiki entry, Sorrell was passing the time of day hanging around her dig in Leicester. According to Sorrell’s wiki entry ‘He began his archaeological reconstruction drawings after a chance meeting in 1936 with Kathleen Kenyon on a dig of a Roman site in Leicester, who asked him to produce illustrations for her article for ‘The Illustrated London News’. More commissions then followed at Maiden Castle, in collaboration with Mortimer Wheeler and at Roman Caerwent and Carleon, in collaboration with Cyril Fox and V. E. Nash-Williams of the National Museum of Wales.’

Alan Sorrell was best known for his archaeological sketches, so clearly the arrangement between him and Kenyon in Leicester was fruitful for everyone.

I haven’t looked up who owned or edited the ‘Illustrated London News’, but it would  not be that much of a surprise to find out that they were a mate of Kathleen’s dad or someone senior in UCL or Leicester University. 

In WWII Alan Sorrell worked for the intelligence services. Here is his 1945 work ‘FIDO In Operation’.

 

 

And here is Fido himself:

Alan Sorrell
Alan Sorrell self-portrait.jpg

 

Here’s Fido’s trainer supervising a dig in 1977 – so it was probably one on the turf of the paedophiles’ friends at Chester:
WithKathleen Kenyon.jpg

 

 

During the Second World War, Kathleen Kenyon served as Divisional Commander of the Red Cross in Hammersmith, London and later as Acting Director and Secretary of the Institute of Archaeology of the University of London.

Kathleen Kenyon retired in 1973 to Erbistock near Wrexham. She never married, perhaps having seen quite enough action whilst she worked with Mortimer Wheeler. From 1974, Kenyon was the Honorary Vice President of the Chester Archaeological Society. She died at Wrexham in 1978.

So Kathleen was in the Wrexham/Chester area whilst Dafydd and the paedophile gang were operating there and whilst the 5th Baron Kenyon allowed them free reign in UCNW – whilst his son Thomas was partaking of the services that the paedophile gang provided.

 

The British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem amalgamated within the Council for British Research in the Levant in 1998, was officially renamed the Kenyon Institute in July 2003 in honour of Kathleen Kenyon. The Kathleen Kenyon Archaeology Collection, a collection of Kenyon’s books and papers purchased from her estate in 1984, is housed at Baylor University in Waco, Texas. The finds from her excavations are held in a number of collections, including the British Museum and the UCL Institute of Archaeology, while the bulk of archive is located at the Manchester Museum. 

So there’s the myth of a few more outstanding careers built upon pure talent busted.

 

 

Paxo’s book details big wigs who exerted control over ‘the establishment’ at the time that I was working at St George’s Hospital Medical School, 1989-91. The institution was, as described in previous posts, colluding with organised child sexual abuse and trafficking, class A drugs offences, research fraud and much other wrongdoing which was resulting in patient harm.

My post ‘BMA Calling, BMA Calling’ mentions some very odd happenings when I shared a house with Dr Andrew Aldridge, a junior surgeon at St George’s and his wife Di, who worked for a City firm. I don’t know how much Andrew knew about the appalling corruption at St George’s, but I do remember that his family lived at Alderley Edge in Cheshire and were Tories. Andrew’s father’s business was I think a carpentry/furniture business. His family were definitely not Top Doctors, they were business people.

Alderley Edge is a very wealthy area and it was where many of the professional people who concealed the activities of Dafydd et al lived. The crooked barrister George Carman QC lived near there and the area was crawling with senior police officers, Top Docs, financiers, lawyers etc. Sir Peter Morrison was just down the road at Chester molesting children.

I cannot imagine that Andrew and his family would ever find the conduct of Dafydd et al acceptable, but I do wonder if they were duped or whether their political allegiances blinded them. Andrew and Di considered me a real old leftie and I remember that once I tried to tell Andrew what I had been told about Jimmy Savile. Andrew just wouldn’t have it and told me that Savile was ‘a Samaritan’.

An ‘NHS volunteer’
Jimmy Savile 2006.jpg
  • Red paint splatter
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  • 15 Red Paint Splatters (PNG Transparent) | OnlyGFX.com
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No Andrew, he was a very serious sex offender, which is what I had been told by the time that I shared a house with you. Peter Morrison was a very serious sex offender as well – Thatcher knew about it and Professor Geoffrey Chamberlain, with whom your mum and dad drank champagne at graduation, was concealing the crimes of Savile, Morrison and many more.

At the time that I was living with Andrew and Di and was under attack from Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends, the constituency MP for Alderley Edge was the illustrious Neil Hamilton. Hamilton has of course featured previously on this blog and used to socialise with Peter Morrison. However, Hamilton’s constituency – Tatton – was created in 1983. Peter Morrison was elected as the MP for Chester in 1974 – and was one of those who supported Thatcher to succeed Ted Heath as leader of the Tory Party – but there had been organised abuse of young people in the region long before 1974. Dafydd and Gwynne had been in business for decades and things really got going in 1968 when John Allen opened the Bryn Alyn Community and was rapidly followed by many other abusive people with money to spare who suddenly decided to open a children’s home or school in north Wales.

 

Before the constituency of Tatton existed, Alderley Edge and neighbouring Wilmslow were in the constituency of Knutsford. Knutsford had been held by the Tories since the pre-Cambrian. Between 1945-70,  the MP was Walter Bromley-Davonport – so he was there when Dafydd and John Allen put their Big Business Plan into action. The Bromley-Davonports were friends of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse.

In 1970, John Davies was elected MP for Knutsford – he resigned in Nov 1978, after developing a brain tumour. Davies was the MP when Sir Peter Morrison decided that Chester was the constituency for him – although his family seat was in Wiltshire and his house was in London – and as business boomed for Dafydd et al.

John Davies was the first Director of the CBI, 1965-69. He was Minister of Technology in 1970 in Ted Heath’s Gov’t; then Secretary of State for Trade and Industry and President of the Board of Trade, 1970-72; Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster with special responsibilities for the co-ordination of British policy towards the European communities, 1972-74; and then Shadow Foreign Secretary under Margaret Thatcher, 1976-78.

Davies was born in Blackheath, London in 1916, the second son of Arnold Davies, a Chartered Accountant and his wife Edith Harding. Davies went to Windlesham House School in Sussex and St Edward’s School, Oxford. He followed his father into accountancy and served in the Royal Army Service Corps in WWII. Davies spent most of the war in the Combined Operations headquarters. From 1945 he worked for Combined Operations Experimental Establishment (COXE). In 1943, he married Vera Bates, only child of George William Bates, Managing Director of Barratts Shoes and his wife Elvina Taylor. They had two children; a daughter, Rosamond Ann and a son, Francis William Harding Davies.

Davies joined the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company as an accountant in the marketing division and worked for the company in London, Stockholm and Paris; the company was renamed as British Petroleum in 1954. In 1956, Davies was promoted to be General Manager (Markets) for BP and in 1960 he was Director of BP Trading.

In 1961, Davies was appointed as Vice-Chairman and Managing Director of Shell-Mex and BP Ltd. He also became a Director of Hill Samuel Group. Due to his position he was made a member of the Grand Council of the Federation of British Industry and Chaired a committee on technical legislation.

Davies supported initiatives such as the National Economic Development Council, where Gov’t, employers and trades unions met to discuss the economy and set up a joint CBI-TUC joint committee. He was supportive of British entry into the European Community when the Gov’t applied in 1967.

Davies surprised some, such as Enoch Powell in May 1967, when he made a speech in California in which he observed that the Labour government’s measures to keep pay and prices down were working; Powell considered this not only untrue but an example of collaboration in which ‘the very spokesmen of capitalism’ were doing the work of the socialists. As CBI chief, Davies had some quango appointments as a member of the British Productivity Council, the British National Export Council and the Council of Industrial Design. He was briefly a member of the Public Schools Commission.

After the devaluation of the pound in Nov 1967, Davies became much more critical of the Gov’t. Increasingly he would lambast Labour ministers on television, although he continued to work together with Ministers in private.

In 1969, Davies was recruited by Heath to join his Gov’t once he won the next election. Heath was looking to lead a ‘businesslike’ Gov’t and believed that senior business figures serving in senior posts would provide more expert management. Davies began to be more quotably critical, describing the ‘solemn and binding’ accord between the Gov’t and the TUC (after the failure of ‘In Place Of Strife’) as useful only in the lavatory.

Davies failed to win the selection for the Conservative nomination at the Louth by election of 1969 and for Cities of London and Westminster for the General Election. However, with Conservative Central Office support, Davies was found the seat at Knutsford, which was solid Tory country. He won the seat in the General Election in June 1970.

The Chairman of the Tory Party who would have worked so hard to get John Davies into the constituency of Knutsford was barrister Lord Anthony Barber, who was Chancellor of the Exchequer under Heath. Barber had been the MP for Doncaster, 1951-64 and then was MP for the Cheshire constituency of Altrincham and Sale, 1965-74. He had been PPS to Harold Macmillan, 1957-59 and was Minister of Health in 1963 – not long after Enoch Powell had stated that he would not allow things to continue at the North Wales Hospital, but then inexplicably backed off from his vow to close the place down but never explained why. Barber served in the RAF during WWII and was almost certainly a member of the security services.

 

In his capacity as Secretary of State for Trade and Industry, John Davies reiterated Heath’s pre-election policy of refusing to intervene in industry. In the House of Commons on 4 November, Davies said:

“We believe that the essential need of the country is to gear its policies to the great majority of people, who are not ‘lame ducks’, who do not need a hand, who are quite capable of looking after their own interests and only demand to be allowed to do so.” (Hansard 5th Series, volume 805, column 1211)

The term ‘lame ducks’ became associated with Davies. However, when Rolls Royce (a vital defence contractor) ran into financial difficulties early in 1971, it was decided that the Gov’t should help by bailing it out. When nugatory efforts did not help, the company was nationalised to prevent it from going bankrupt.

In June 1971, the Upper Clyde Shipbuilders went into receivership after the Gov’t refused it a £6 million loan. The workers at the yard, led by Communist shop stewards, decided to hold a ‘work-in’ when they occupied the yard and continued production. This industrial action tended to refute claims that trade unions were work-shy and was therefore embarrassing to the Gov’t. Davies’ London home was firebombed by the Angry Brigade on 31 July 1971. In February 1972, the Gov’t changed its policy and decided to retain three of the four shipyards at a cost of £35 million, although Davies knew they would never operate on a commercial basis.

Davies moved sideways to become Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster in November 1972. Davies’ role was predominantly behind the scenes in making sure British law was in compliance with European law. In Cabinet discussions, Davies advocated a confrontational approach to the trade unions, although he feared for the future.

In 1979 Davies was to be made a life peer as Baron Harding-Davies, but died before the creation of the peerage passed the Great Seal. Peerage history was made when, by Royal Warrant bearing the date 27 February 1980, Queen Elizabeth II granted his widow Vera Georgina the title of Lady Harding-Davies; his children The Hon. Frank Davies and The Hon. Rosamond Ann Metherell were given the rank of children of a life peer.

So someone somewhere was very grateful to John Davies for something. It was only equalled when in 1983 Thatch made the child molesting Speaker of the House George Thomas Viscount Tonypandy, although as a gay paedophile George Thomas had produced no heirs who could inherit the title.

It did mean that he could dress up though:

George Thomas, Commons Speaker.png

 

 

John Davies’s son Frank Davies is an Anglo-Canadian record producer. Davies has been a major contributor to the growth of Canada’s music industry and its creative community for more than four decades. He is credited with discovering, producing, publishing, and developing the careers of many celebrated artists and songwriters, as well as being an advocate for their status. Davies received the Juno Awards 2014 Walt Grealis Special Achievement Award, recognizing individuals who have made a significant impact on the Canadian music industry.

Davies was educated at Windlesham House School near Brighton, Pangbourne College and Strasbourg University in north-east France. In 1972 he married the Canadian pop singer Lynda Squires. The marriage produced three children, Meghan Mae Harding Davies, now Ehrensperger, Emily Gwyneth Emerson Davies-Cohen, and Kate Theresa Georgina Davies.

Davies started his music career in 1964 as a French correspondent to Billboard magazine. He later worked for both EMI Records and Liberty Records in London until the late 1960s, before migrating to Canada in 1970. There, he co-founded the independent record label Daffodil (named after the national emblem of Wales and as a symbol of hope and new beginnings), which became the first Canadian label to be distributed by a ‘major’ in that country, in the shape of Capitol/EMI.

In 1978, alongside Daffodil, Frank Davies formed Partisan Music, a production and publishing company that entered into an exclusive deal with a U.S record company (Capitol) to develop talent for that label worldwide – a Canadian first.

In early 1982 Davies put his label and production company on hold to become President of ATV Music Canada. At ATV, he developed the songwriting careers, of Eddie Schwartz, David Tyson, Aldo Nova, the Pukka Orchestra, Headpins, Chilliwack and Toronto, and became a full-time music publisher.

In 1986, as a result of ATV’s purchase by Michael Jackson, Davies formed The Music Publisher (TMP) and built it into Canada’s largest and most successful independent music publisher over the next 14 years. Frank Davies sold TMP to Alliance Communications Corporation and A&F Music in 1994, staying on as its President/CEO until the end of 1999, at which time he founded the music consultancy firm he currently operates – Let Me Be Frank Inc.

TMP secured over 1,500 cover recordings, of the 5,000 Canadian songs Davies published, by artists as diverse as Joe Cocker, Bonnie Raitt, Alice Cooper, The Doobie Brothers, Tom Cochrane, Cher, Don Henley & Sheryl Crow, kd Lang, Tanya Tucker, Alannah Myles, Loverboy, Terri Clark, Emmylou Harris, Wynonna, George Jones, Bette Midler, The Carpenters, Blue Oyster Cult, Amanda Marshall and The Guess Who. Indeed, I can guess who:

 

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

‘Do ewe mean mari-jew-ana?’

During the TMP years Frank Davies signed and published the songs of many more songwriters and artists. TMP opened a Nashville office in the mid-90s.

Since founding Let Me Be Frank Inc, Davies has been the executive producer for albums by Serena Ryder – whom he brought to EMI Music – The Rankin Family and The Treasures whose debut was released by Universal in the spring. He is currently working on the solo debut for Heather Rankin. LMBF also publishes the works of longtime client and record producer David Tyson, is a consultant to corporate client Ole Media Management, and has consulted to Microsoft/XBox, as well as the Dept of Canadian Heritage, the Neighbouring Rights Collective of Canada and to a variety of songwriters, artists and music publishers with respect to the sale and acquisition of their copyright catalogues.

Davies has served as a director on industry boards including CARAS (Vice President/Trustee), CMRRA (Chair), FACTOR, PROCAN, Canadian Music Publishers Association (CMPA), OMDC, SOCAN and the Socan Foundation (Chair).

In 1998 Frank Davies founded the non-profit Canadian Songwriters Hall of Fame/Le panthéon des auteurs et compositeurs Canadiens (CSHF/PACC) serving as its Chairman until 2004. The Canadian Songwriters Hall of Fame has inducted Canadian songwriters such as Gordon Lightfoot, Leonard Cohen, RUSH, Robbie Robertson, Joni Mitchell and Oscar Peterson.

Frank Davies has sat on the following Canadian Boards:

  • CHAIRMAN – Canadian Songwriters Hall of Fame, 2000-04
  • Ontario Media Development Corporation, 2001-02
  • FOUNDING MEMBER – Canadian Independent Record Production Association, 1970
  • VICE-PRESIDENT & TRUSTEE – Canadian Academy of Recording Arts & Sciences, 1983-90
  • CHAIRMAN – The SOCAN Foundation, 1990-97
  • Foundation to Assist Canadian Talent on Record (FACTOR) 1985-88
  • Society of Composers, Authors & Music Publishers (SOCAN) 1990-99
  • Performing Rights Organization of Canada (PROCAN) 1983-89
  • Music Promotion Foundation (MPF) 1985-90
  • EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE – Canadian Music Publishers Association, 1982-2000
  • CHAIRMAN – Canadian Musical Reproduction Rights Agency, 1982-2000

Frank Davies has bagged the following awards:

  • Canadian Songwriters Hall of Fame, Special Achievement Award (2005)
  • Society of Composers, Authors & Music Publishers of Canada Special Achievement Award (2004)
  • Canadian Academy of Recording Arts and Sciences Dedicated Service Award (1993)
  • Juno Award Dedicated Service Award (1990)
  • MARQUEE MAGAZINE FRANK DAVIES named one of the ‘Top 30: Canadian Music’s Power Brokers’
  • PROCAN AWARD Dedicated Service Award (1990)
  • THE RECORD ‘Music Publisher of the Year’ (1990)
  • THE RECORD ‘Music Publisher of the Year’ (1989)
  • RECORD WORLD MAGAZINE (US) Gold Label Award (1977)

 

 

At the time that my life was made deliberately unbearable by people at St George’s and when Tony and Sadie Francis were busy perjuring themselves in order to try and have me imprisoned – with the full knowledge of the BMA, the MDU and the MDU solicitors Hempsons – the Tories were determined to force Thatch out.

This man – a lawyer from south Wales and a lifelong friend of Ronnie Waterhouse – who undoubtedly knew about the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles, stuck the first knife in:

 

Lord Geoffrey Howe (cropped).jpg

 

Most of the bestest friends of Dafydd and the paedophiles backed this man – originally from Swansea – when he challenged Thatch for the leadership, Thatch’s campaign being run by Peter Morrison:

Lord Heseltine (6969083278).jpg

 

This man also stood against Thatch – he had been Home Secretary throughout many of the years when the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles were simply ignored and their victims died in prison:

Lord Hurd (cropped).jpg

 

This was the eventual lucky winner:

Major PM full.jpg

 

The following people all held leading roles in Gov’t Depts which were directly responsible for concealing the paedophile rings active in north Wales and in London while I worked at St George’s:

 

Official portrait of Mr Kenneth Clarke crop 2.jpg

 

William Waldegrave visiting University of Salford 1981 cropped.jpg

 

Peter Walker 1961.jpg

 

Lord David Hunt of Wirral.jpg

 

Lord Hurd (cropped).jpg

 

Lord Waddinton 2013.png

 

Official portrait of Lord Baker of Dorking crop 2.jpg

 

Politics being what it is, some of those in this Hall of Lame will have been working for the security services and will protest that they were gathering info and working behind the scenes without breaking cover. Whatever it was that they thought they were doing, it absolutely was not enough. They were frightened to touch the Top Doctors and they shouldn’t have been. They should have admitted to the public what was going on, admitted that the NHS was not safe and gone in there and arrested Dafydd et al. They didn’t and people died.

 

Up in Bangor University, this man was in camouflage as he kept the paedophile gang in business:

  • Eric Sunderland (1930–2010), President of the University ...

 

After Eric Sunderland died, his widow fulfilled her lifelong ambition and purchased herself a Porsche. A few years previously the body of one of the Hergest Unit patients who had died as a result of serious clinical negligence was kept in cold storage for months because he hadn’t left enough money to pay for his burial and none of his three surviving relatives – two of whom were also near-destitute mental health patients – could afford to pay for his funeral either. The dead man had grown up ‘in care’. Eventually after much wrangling, the local authority agreed to pay for a pauper’s funeral. No members of mental health staff went, but a few Hergest patients did.

The nearest Porsche dealers to Mrs Sunderland’s house at Beaumaris are in Ellesmere Port and Cheshire – Knutsford and Warrington, just down the road from Risley Remand Centre.

Happy motoring Mrs S, one hopes that it is not a case of CRASH, as it was for my house mate and a few other witnesses to the wrongdoing of the paedophiles and their friends. And if you develop a brain tumour, for God’s sake don’t go to the Walton Centre.

 

The man ensuring that things continued to run smoothly at the hands of Eric was of course the Chancellor of UCNW:

Carlo
Charles Prince of Wales.jpg

 

Carlo’s Private Secretary who told people that Carlo couldn’t get involved when people wrote to Carlo informing him that children were being abused in north Wales was Edward Adeane:

 

 

Read about the slippery character Adeane in my post ’95 Glorious Years’.

 

 

Sir Peter Morrison – the child molester
Peter Morrison, British MP and Conservative Party politician.jpg

 

His supplier:

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

 

The woman who died in the Ritz, alone, except for a paid Angel who was in attendance. As opposed to being murdered by the screws in Risley Remand Centre or somehow ending up buried in the grounds of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh:

 

Photograph

 

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