The Battle For The Labour Party’s Soul

Readers might remember that the Battle For The Labour Party’s Soul took place in 2015 when Jeremy Corbyn stood for the leadership against a collection of clapped-out Blairites who had previously been convinced that Ed would have been PM by then and that they would all be Cabinet Ministers. Would Yvette the Strong Woman win the leadership? Or would it be Andy ‘I’m From The North Me’ Burnham?  I was delighted when Jeremy won and then appointed John McDonnell as his Deputy, I’d never had such a laugh. Except after all those phone calls to Dafydd of course. Kim Howells is on record as saying that ‘two old Trots’ will never lead the Labour Party to victory, but he’s got to admit that they are enormously entertaining.

There was however a previous Battle For The Labour Party’s Soul which involved an even greater campaign of vilification than that which the mainstream media mounted against Jeremy in 2015, although because the press did not believe that Jezza would ever win the Labour Party leadership, they only mounted their attack on him after he was elected Labour Party leader in Sept 2015.

The first Battle For The Labour Party’s Soul took place in 1983, when Peter Tatchell stood as the Labour Party’s candidate in the Bermondsey by-election of February of that year. Peter Tatchell was subjected to an all-out character assassination before the by-election; Bermondsey was a safe Labour seat, so a massive hate campaign was launched from multiple angles to ensure that Tatchell didn’t win.

Now that Peter Tatchell has attained the status of a National Treasure on account of his Brave Fight For Gay Rights, people who were born by Feb 1983 will find it difficult to believe that to which Tatchell was subjected, by the media, the opposition and by the leadership of his own Party. Tatchell was given a really, really bad time; it was constructed as a battle against the far-left, but most of the insults thrown at Tatchell were slung at him solely because he was gay and a campaigner for gay rights when such past-times were enough to exclude one from polite society.

The press coverage leading up to the 1983 Bermondsey by-election has gone down in history as  the most sordid and vindictive coverage of an election campaign that there has ever been. The dirty tricks and abuse included the famous photo of Tatchell which appeared in the tabloids and was doctored to make it look as though he was wearing heavy make-up. There were quips about ‘the queen’ and references to Tatchell as ‘her’. The campaign material of Tatchell’s opponents, even of that nice Simon Hughes who stood as the Liberal candidate and stressed that the by-election involved a ‘straight choice’ – as opposed to a queer choice – was appalling.

HISTORY - libber834b

Simon Hughes said not one word in condemnation of the homophobic abuse directed towards Tatchell and Hughes subsequently won the by-election. Years later Simon Hughes admitted that he was bisexual and had been in homosexual relationships.

Simon Hughes was the Lib Dem MP for Bermondsey and Old Southwark and the preceding constituencies, 1983-2015; President of the Lib Dems, 2005-09; Deputy Leader of the Lib Dems, 2010-14.

Sir Simon Hughes
Simon Hughes2.jpg
 Minister of State for Justice and Civil Liberties Dec 2013-May 2015

Before and after the by-election, Peter Tatchell was violently assaulted and received death threats; I always thought him admirable to have withstood it all. Tatchell was remarkably forgiving towards Simon Hughes when Hughes later admitted to having had gay relationships himself and maintained that he ‘didn’t know’ about the abusive campaign material issued in his name.

I have just read Tatchell’s 1983 book, ‘The Battle for Bermondsey’, which provides much detail regarding the Bermondsey by-election campaign, the events leading up to it and the history of the Labour Party in Bermondsey. In his book, Tatchell provided extracts from the hate mail which he received at the time from people who were horrified at the notion of a gay man representing the constituency, but which dwell extensively on the sexual practices that the writers presume that Tatchell indulged in. It reminded me rather of the screaming homophobes of my teenage years, who, when I stated that I didn’t really have a problem with consenting gays, would yell at me ‘do you know what they do??? They don’t just hold hands you know’. I wasn’t 100% certain of what they did do, because I didn’t consider it any of my business and I’d never have been rude enough to ask them. As I got older I did gain some idea of ‘what they do’ and I still didn’t consider it any of my business… Peter Tatchell’s book provided some shining examples of the lurid fantasies of his more rabid correspondents.

One reason why I read up on the Bermondsey by-election and what went before it, is that Bermondsey, Peckham and Dulwich were the areas which came under the domain of Southwark Borough Council. Previous posts have described how Southwark was one of the Councils which sent huge numbers of kids in care to children’s homes in north Wales throughout the 1970s and 80s and some of the most serious complaints of abuse, such as children being forced to have sex at gunpoint, were made by children from Southwark. Southwark continued to send kids to children’s homes in north Wales in great numbers even after the most serious complaints had been made. Huge amounts of money was being transferred from Southwark Council into the coffers of John Allen et al, so much that numerous people in Southwark Council could not have not noticed this.

Sir Simon Hughes I am sure would tell us that he didn’t know about Dafydd and the gang in north Wales. Previous posts have provided details of Simon Hughes’s background, but I’ll note here that Hughes was educated at the Cathedral School, Llandaff, where he was Dean’s Scholar and Head Boy in 1964, then at Christ College, Brecon and Selwyn College, Cambridge where he graduated with a law degree. Hughes subsequently attended the College of Europe in Bruges. He was called to the Bar at the Inner Temple in 1974.

The Llandaff Cathedral School has long been a favourite seat of learning for the paedophiles’ friends and their offspring. Professor Geoffrey Chamberlain went there; when Simon Hughes was contesting and then representing Bermondsey, Chamberlain was concealing the south London branch of the Westminster Paedophile Ring which was operating via St George’s Hospital, the associated mental health unit Springfield Hospital and Wandsworth Social Services. Chamberlain’s mate Oliver Brooke, the Professor of Paediatrics at St George’s, was a key figure in the pan-European paedophile ring of which Dafydd’s gang was a part. Ollie was jailed in Dec 1986, but his mates who colluded with him all remained in business at St George’s and Wandsworth. See previous posts, including ‘Oliver!’.

After the bad PR which accompanied Ollie’s imprisonment, St George’s symbolically deposed their Dean and in 1988 replaced him with Professor Sir William Asscher. Asscher had spent most of his career in Cardiff, where he had er concealed the crimes of Dafydd’s gang in north Wales, the related gangs in south and west Wales and the crimes of George Thomas aka Viscount Tonypandy, the Labour MP for Cardiff Central and then Cardiff West, 1945-83, the Secretary of State for Wales, 1968-70 and the Speaker of the House, 1976-83. See previous posts.

Christ College, Brecon is another favourite establishment of the paedophiles’ friends. Plenty of highly influential paedophiles’ friends have of course passed through Cambridge University, including Selwyn College, which was one factor which afforded Dafydd et al such protection. As well of course as all those dodgy barristers with Welsh connections.

Simon Hughes first joined the Liberal Party in 1972, when he signed up to Cambridge University Liberal Club as a student. Jeremy Thorpe’s penchant for casual sex with a wide variety of men was well-known in the Liberal Party by 1972 and quite a number of them knew that he was hassling and threatening Norman Scott by then as well, including Emlyn Hooson, a barrister practising in Wales and big figure in the Liberal Party, especially in Wales. People in the Liberal Party also knew about Cyril Smith abusing children and even more people knew about it after details appeared in an alternative paper in Rochdale in 1979 and the story was picked up by ‘Private Eye’. David Steel was so concerned that it would impact negatively on Jeremy Thorpe’s forthcoming trial as well as damage the Liberals that Steel made an arrangement with the crooked much-feared barrister George Carman QC – who acted for Thorpe – to keep the Cyril Smith story out of the mainstream press. Carman knew about Dafydd’s gang in north Wales/Chester.

 

Lord Elizabeth Butler-Sloss is a member of Inner Temple. Butler-Sloss’s  brother Michael Havers was the Tory MP for Wimbledon, 1970-87 – Geoffrey Chamberlain and many of his colleagues lived in Wimbledon – and while Havers was Attorney General for England and Wales as well as AG for N Ireland, 1979-87, under Thatch, he blocked prosecutions against a number of high profile paedophiles, including the diplomat Sir Peter Hayman.

The Lord Havers QC
Lord Havers 1987.jpg

Elizabeth Butler-Sloss came into her own in 1988, when she Chaired the Inquiry into the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal and concealed the extent of the havoc caused by the trafficking gang in the North East of England with links to Dafydd’s gang (see previous posts eg. ‘Twas The Night Before Christmas And The Culprits Were Named…’).

Mahatma Ghandi and Jawaharlal Nehru, the PM of India, studied law at the Inner Temple:

The Inn contains several buildings and sets of buildings used to house Chambers, with those rooms above the second floor generally being residential in nature. The sets are Crown Office Row, Dr Johnson’s Buildings, Farrar’s Building, Francis Taylor Building, Harcourt Buildings, Hare Court, King’s Bench Walk, Littleton Building, Mitre Court Buildings, Paper Buildings and the eastern side of Temple. 

 

Simon Hughes became part of the SDP-Liberal Alliance, along with Dr Death – who was personally mates with some of the Top Docs in north Wales who were facilitating Dafydd’s gang – the Boy David and Shirl, who also knew all about Dafydd’s gang and who, in 1979 when she was Secretary of State for Education, refused to hold a Public Inquiry into UCNW (Bangor University), despite the chaos reigning as a result of the institution being run by Dafydd and the gang. Hughes joined the newly founded Lib Dems in 1988 and was their Spokesman for Education until 1992, during which time teachers in north Wales and elsewhere with links to Dafydd’s gang were convicted of offences against children.

Simon Hughes moved to Bermondsey in 1981. There may have been many reasons why Hughes relocated, but in 1981 Dafydd’s gang were in need of help, because Mary Wynch had begun legal action against them. Mary alleged serious corruption on the part of legal and medical professionals in north Wales, so she was using Birnberg and Co, based in Camden, as her solicitors.

Simon Hughes will have known about Dafydd and the gang in north Wales by 1981, because Mary’s litigation made legal history and caused a stir from the moment that she began it. It was in the aftermath of Mary beginning legal action that reinforcements arrived in north Wales, including in the form of Tony and Sadie Francis, in the early 1980s. Dafydd knew that he could be in very, very deep shit if he didn’t call in numerous favours and those being called upon to help out knew that they’d go down with the Titanic as well if assistance wasn’t forthcoming.

Strange but true

 

On 25 Jan 1981, The Gang Of Four broke the mould of politics and made the Limehouse Declaration:

  • The Iron Lady - 1982 Alliance Referendum
  • The SDP Gang of Four Stock Photo, Royalty Free Image ...
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When the Gang Of Four broke the mould of politics, they based their strategy for targeting seats entirely on their knowledge of Dafydd’s gang and the Westminster Paedophile Gang (see post ‘We’ve Been Expecting You…’).

The strategy led to this:

The Baroness Thatcher
portrait at half length of an older white woman with coiffed, light golden brown hair, wearing jewellery, dressed in a dark suit, hands crossed, against a cloudy backdrop
 Prime Minister of the United Kingdom
In office
4 May 1979 – 28 November 1990

 

In 1992 -after the Gang of Four had broken the mould of politics and the Tories had been in Gov’t for 13 years – there were proposals that Garth Angharad, a ‘hospital for mentally abnormal criminals’ near Dolgellau, should be closed down. Elfyn Llwyd, the Plaid MP for Meirionnydd Nant Conwy and then Dwyfor Meirionnydd, 1992-2010 and a very good friend of Dafydd’s gang, tabled an Early Day Motion on 21 May 1992 opposing the closure of Garth Angharad, on the grounds that there were no other ‘hospitals’ in Wales providing a service like Garth Angharad. What services did Garth Angharad provide? Well it didn’t have an A&E or any machines that went ping or indeed even any Top Doctors. Because Garth Angharad was indeed a hospital like no other. It wasn’t run by the NHS or even BUPA; Garth Angharad was a remote old building hidden away in Snowdonia which was owned by Paul Hett, a solicitor who was struck off in 2007 for embezzling clients’ money. Paul Hett was the proud owner/manager of three children’s homes/schools in north Wales where children were abused, some of those schools/children’s homes having been located at Garth Angharad. Hett was so flaky and the abuse of kids housed in his institutions so bad that even Ronnie Waterhouse had a few harsh words for Paul Hett and his institutions. Garth Angharad was simply a prison for the victims of Dafydd’s gang who were held there illegally. See post ‘More On Those Prisons For Folk Who Dared Complain’.

The case conference held about me in 1989 – while I was sitting in a London medical school as a postgrad – which I only found out about four years ago and was Chaired by Dr Chris Hunter, Dafydd’s mate who I had never heard of until four years ago and took evidence from numerous other people whom I hadn’t heard of which culminated in Hunter declaring that I was extremely dangerous, capable of murder and should be sent to a high security hospital and offering to compile a Court Report even though I wasn’t facing any charges at the time (see post ‘The Night Of The (Dr Chris) Hunter), was held at Garth Angharad.

Simon Hughes was one of those who signed the EDM opposing the closure of Garth Angharad. See posts ‘Further Information on Garth Angharad Hospital’ and ‘More On Those Who Signed That Early Day Motion’.

When Simon Hughes signed that EDM opposing the closure of a an unregulated private prison owned by a man who had owned and managed schools where children were abused, Simon Hughes had spent four years as the Lib Dems Spokesman on Education.

 

Peter Tatchell eventually became the Secretary of the Bermondsey Labour Party, but he and his supporters did not become the dominant force there until the early 1980s. The conveyor belt of kids in care from Southwark to north Wales had begun years before Peter arrived in Southwark. Peter had previously lived in Hornsey (north London), yet another area with which Dafydd’s gang had excellent diplomatic relations; Peter had been a youth worker. Previous posts have mentioned that as a gay activist in London at the time, Peter must have known about the trade in people between London and north Wales but he has never spoken about it.

I do not however assume that Peter was necessarily involved in abusing youngsters. Previous posts have discussed a good friend of mine who moved to north Wales in 1979 and opened a cafe. He ended up being as much of a target of Dafydd’s gang as I did, because he told a few too many people that pre-1979, he was a youth worker in north London and that he withdrew from a social work course after he raised concerns about the abuse and neglect of clients by Haringey and Islington Councils, only to be told by his tutors at the North London Poly that he could not criticise the Councils and that was the end of it. This man also told people in north Wales about the luxurious life-style of one Margaret Hodge that he witnessed and he also knew a well-known ‘radical lawyer’ and his wife, the radical lawyer’s wife  in recent years having sat as a member of the GMC. The Top Doctors dripped so much poison into so many ears regarding my friend who owned the cafe that eventually no Top Doc would agree to treat him and it was recorded upon his medical records that he ‘destroys therapists’. No, they destroyed him because he was a witness and a whistleblower…

In Bermondsey, much was made of Peter Tatchell being Unemployed. Perhaps Peter Tatchell considered that a better option than working in social work/youth work in London at that time…

Tatchell’s book enters into considerable detail regarding the dreadful corruption in the Bermondsey Labour Party and its long history. Tatchell is not simply speculating; the people and events which he describes have been verified but most of it was never reported in the mainstream media.

John O’Grady was the leader of Southwark Borough Council, 1968-82. John Allen opened Bryn Alyn, which received so many kids in care from Southwark, in the late 1960s. O’Grady was a founder member and the Vice-Chair of the Social Democratic Alliance (SDA), which was formed in 1975 by a group of right wing Labour MPs and was a forerunner of the SDP. After much twisting and turning by everyone involved, after the SDP was formed in 1981, the SDA dissolved into it.

 

Tatchell identifies the Labour MP for Bermondsey, Bob Mellish, as well as his business associates and friends, as being the cause of the toxicity in Bermondsey. Mellish and his mates ran the Constituency Labour Party as a personal fiefdom, lied to everyone and rigged absolutely everything for the benefit of themselves while Mellish made much of being a True Cockney Who Represented The People, particularly against Incomers And Migrants. Bob Mellish sounds as though he was doing exactly the same as Dafydd, but Dafydd did it in north Wales in Welsh. The strategies were identical.

Bob Mellish’s business associates included the notorious T. Dan Smith from the North East of England who was notorious for his massive civic corruption, particularly involving local authorities and building contracts, which stretched as far as London. T. Dan Smith was involved with the corrupt Yorkshire-based businessman John Poulson, who in turn was responsible for the end of the career of Reginald Maudling, Heath’s Home Secretary who had previously served as Chancellor of the Exchequer Under Macmillan and Douglas-Home, Reggie having been caught out in dodgy business deals linked to Poulson. More recently, allegations that John Poulson was involved with the organised abuse of children have surfaced. See previous posts for further information on T. Dan Smith and John Poulson.

Robert Joseph Mellish, Baron Mellish served as the Labour MP for Rotherhithe, 1946-50 and then Bermondsey, 1950-82. Mellish was born in Deptford, the thirteenth of fourteen children. His father was a docker. After Mellish left school he worked for the TGWU. He began work at the Stratford office of the newly created TGWU on the evening of the day that he left school. So Mellish was there at the very beginning, which might explain why he was selected as the candidate for Rotherhithe, in the face of candidates which were considered to have a much greater chance and who were more popular across the constituency, after the TGWU dockers’ delegates voted for him en bloc. He easily won the constituency in a by-election in 1946 and in 1950 the constituency was expanded and named Bermondsey.

Mellish had fought the Japanese in South-East Asia during WW II, which gave him a great deal of kudos in many circles, the Japs being renowned for their extreme cruelty during the war.

In 1950 Mellish was appointed PPS to George Strauss, Minister of Supply. George Russell Strauss, Baron Strauss (18 July 1901 – 5 June 1993) was a Labour MP for 46 years and was Father of the House of Commons, 1974-79. Strauss was the son of the Tory (and previously a Liberal Unionist) MP Arthur Strauss (1847–1920), who later joined the Labour Party. George Strauss was educated at Rugby, where the hostile treatment experienced by him and other Jewish boys left him as a vehement supporter of racial equality. Sadly some of that obviously didn’t rub off on ‘I hate darkies’ Mellish, more of which soon. Strauss became a metal merchant and a leading member of the London County Council on which his wife Patricia also served.

Members of the London County Council, including Jim Callaghan’s wife Audrey (see post ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’), colluded with the organised abuse of children and vulnerable people.

Strauss gained the seat of Lambeth North in 1929. He lost it in 1931, but regained it in a 1934 by-election. In 1939 Strauss was expelled from the Labour Party for supporting the ‘Popular Front’ movement of Stafford Cripps, whom he had served as PPS. Strauss was Parliamentary Secretary at the Ministry of Transport, 1945-47 and was the Minister of Supply, 1947-51. After boundary changes, Strauss became MP for Vauxhall in 1950, which he represented until 1979. On 9 July 1979 Strauss was created a life peer as Baron Strauss of Vauxhall in the London Borough of Lambeth.

The investigation into the paedophile ring that operated in the children’s homes of Lambeth throughout the 1970s, 80s and 90s which had links with Dafydd’s gang – kids were abused in Lambeth and sent to north Wales where they were abused – maintained that organised abuse of children in Lambeth dated as least as far back as the 1940s. See previous posts.

In 1951 Bob Mellish was appointed PPS to the Minister for Pensions, George Isaacs. George Isaacs was the MP for Gravesend, 1923-24, then Southwark, 1929-59. George Isaacs was an active trade unionist in the early years of the 20th century and served as General Secretary of the National Society of Operative Printers and Assistants (NATSOPA), 1909-49. This post also took Isaacs onto the General Council of the TUC – he was President of the TUC in 1945 – and he was active in the Labour Party. Isaacs was Minister of Labour and National Service in Attlee’s Gov’t, 1945-51 and then Minister of Pensions in 1951. Isaacs retired from Parliament in 1959. He had long since moved to East Molesey in Surrey where he served as a Deputy Lieutenant and as a JP. Isaacs was eventually Chairman of the Surrey Bench of Magistrates. Isaacs lived until 1979, so he was around to assist Dafydd and the gang as they built up their empire of child sex workers throughout the 1970s.

 

Bob Mellish was Chairman of the London Regional Labour Party, 1956-77 and it was through the London Regional Labour Party that Mellish exerted influence during the 1950s and early 1960s, when Labour were in Opposition.

Mellish was appointed as Gov’t Chief Whip, 1969-70 and 1974-76, by Harold Wilson and was renowned as a tough Chief Whip. He was Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister for Housing and Local Government, 1964-67, then becoming Minister of Public Building and Works, 1967-69. Mellish became Minister for Housing and Local Government in 1970, under Tony Crosland, Secretary of State for Local Government and Regional Planning. Tony Crosland was a swinging bisexual who concealed the paedophile gang in the North East of England which was linked to Dafydd’s gang in north Wales and supplied Dafydd’s gang with staff and children from the 1970s onward (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’).

Mellish was a Wilson loyalist and was said to have wept when he heard the news that Wilson had stepped down as PM in 1976. He supported Footie to replace Wilson, but in vain; Callaghan won the leadership ballot. Mellish got on well at a personal level with Foot, despite the great ideological differences between the two men, but disliked Callaghan so much that he resigned from the Cabinet within months of Wilson’s own retirement.

It was Foot who in Dec 1981 as Labour Leader made a speech stating that Tatchell would not be endorsed as a Labour candidate and that Foot didn’t ever envisage that he would be.

I mentioned previously that Bob Mellish was a racist git and proud of it. At one stage he opened a speech by saying “As I come to this platform, many of you will know that I have never been an anti-racialist”. In 1976 Mellish argued that the Malawi Asians expelled by Hastings Banda should not be allowed to live in Britain despite possessing British passports:

We cannot go on like this. I do not care what those on this side of the House, or the Opposition side or anywhere else, say. Problems at local level will become worse and worse for our own people unless something is done. All hon. Members know that people come to their surgeries describing the most distressing conditions – terrifying conditions. People born and bred in their own constituencies have been on the housing waiting list for as long as six years. But, on the points system, one must give immigrants preference…People cannot come here just because they have a British passport – full stop.

Wasn’t having a British passport traditionally the essence of the criteria that allowed one to ‘come here’?

Tatchell mentioned in his book that a black person was actively blocked from becoming active in the Bermondsey Labour Party when Mellish and his henchmen were in control.

 

Thatch’s Gov’t was keen to get a Labour figure to sit on the London Docklands Development Corporation as Vice-Chairman in 1980 but the Labour Party was entirely opposed to the creation of the LDDC and refused to nominate. Mellish offered a way through as he was willing to take the post; as a sitting MP he would lose his seat if the post was paid, so a special provision was made that it would be unpaid until the Vice-Chairman elected to take payment.

Mellish’s appointment as Vice-Chairman of the LDDC, a non-elected body, was made directly by Michael Heseltine. Heseltine originated from Swansea and is someone else who knew about Dafydd’s gang, their role in the Westminster Paedophile Ring and Heseltine tried to benefit from that knowledge. Sir Anthony Meyer’s battle with Beata Brookes, a Tory politician in north Wales who was a former social worker, which resulted in an all-out civil war in the Tory Party in north east Wales (see previous posts) and Meyer’s subsequent ‘stalking horse’ challenge to Thatch’s leadership was a plan by Meyer to lever Heseltine in as Tory leader, but for reasons which are not yet clear to me, Heseltine didn’t go for it at the time as Meyer expected and hoped.

When I wrote my post ‘The Celtic Iron Lady And Yet More Recent History’, I presumed that Sir Anthony had gone into battle to prevent Beata Brookes from bagging a Westminster seat because he knew that Brookes was a mate of Dafydd and Lucille and was fully on board with the trafficking ring. I found out later that Anthony Meyer was also fully on board with the trafficking ring and went into battle because he just hated Beata and the Thatcherite wing of the Tory Party. Pretty much an everyday story of north Wales folk – fighting tooth and nail because they hate each other but everyone’s on board with Dafydd’s gang.

Mellish’s wiki entry tells us that his ‘acceptance of a post with the LDDC exacerbated the split with the Bermondsey Constituency Labour Party which had elected a slate of left-wing officers at its annual meeting that same year’. That is true, but the wiki entry does not mention the endemic corruption and the business deals with corrupt businessmen that Mellish was involved with which were part of the reason why there was a ‘split’ between Mellish and the ‘left-wing officers’ of his CLP. The split was always described as being ideological, but Mellish was involved in matters which no honest activist would ever have been able to defend and support.

Mellish’s wiki entry continues with the info that he ‘was against the shift to the left in the Labour Party and decided not to stand for election again. Tam Dalyell later said that “Mellish’s final years in the Commons were dogged by controversy and beset with troubles in Bermondsey from hard-left ‘yuppie’ incomers and the Militant tendency, people who were moons apart from the dockers who had selected him four decades earlier”.

Tam Dalyell failed to mention that Mellish ensured that his constituents knew all about his dad being a docker and Mellish fighting the Japs during the war which will have gone down very well with many of them, but no-one told those constituents that Mellish and his crew were exporting the most disadvantaged kids in the Borough into the hands of a gang of paedophiles in north Wales and that the reason why Mellish’s constituents couldn’t get housing wasn’t simply because the darkies were jumping the queue, it was because Mellish and his corrupt associates had completely screwed up local authority housing.

You should have socked it to them Mr Tatchell, I know that you were given a dreadful time, but if you had exposed the worst of what was going on and the links between Dafydd’s gang and Thatcher’s Gov’t, then history could not have been rewritten as a fight between yuppies playing at being lefties against a noble working class man who Really Spoke For His Constituents. Likewise had anyone briefed the dockers re some aspects of Enoch Powell and his activities, they might not have been so robust in their (alleged) support of him in 1968.

It was the same old crew who won the biggest prizes as a result of Lord Bob and his mates being The Authentic Voice Of Sahf London:

The Baroness Thatcher
portrait at half length of an older white woman with coiffed, light golden brown hair, wearing jewellery, dressed in a dark suit, hands crossed, against a cloudy backdrop

 

Documents released from the National Archives relatively recently confirmed that Thatcher did indeed want to extinguish trade union power in the UK. Nice one Lord Bob of the Dockers, you certainly helped there!

The Baroness Thatcher

Bob Mellish 1964.jpg

 

 

Sir Peter Morrison

Peter Morrison

 

The Lord St John of Fawsley
Lord St John of Fawsley.jpg

 

So why was Bob Mellish involved with Dafydd and the gang? Probably because of this particular child molester and mate of Dafydd’s gang, who was another Labour Party vote-puller of the same vintage as Bob Mellish and was also a friend of Harold Wilson and someone who, like Mellish, hated Jim Callaghan:

The Viscount Tonypandy
George Thomas, Commons Speaker.png

 

Bob Mellish wanted his ally John O’Grady to be selected to succeed him as the constituency MP, but the constituency party selected  Tatchell, the Secretary of the Bermondsey CLP. Mellish threatened to resign immediately and force a by-election if Tatchell was endorsed by the Labour Party nationally. Michael Foot, then the Labour Party leader, hung Peter Tatchell out to dry in his Dec 1981 speech – without forewarning Tatchell – in which he stated that Tatchell would never be endorsed “so far as I am concerned”. Footie was rude about Thatchell’s Gay Lib activism. This was the Footie who shagged anything that moved of both sexes when he was younger and who’s wife Jill Craigie told him to satisfy his ‘additional needs’ with other people but not to bother to provide her with the details. See previous posts. Footie knew about Dafydd and the gang and colluded with them. Footie kept his own sexual shenanigans out of the press by making it clear to them that he had even more dirt on Lord Rothermere and Lord Beaverbrook than they did on him and one word about Footie’s additional needs in the press and the world would find out about the additional needs of Lords Rothermere and Beaverbrook.

Those other men of principle Denis Healey and Fattersley, who also knew about the activities of Dafydd’s gang, as well as the activities of George Thomas, Greville Janner, Sir Peter Morrison, Lord St John of Fawsley, Sir Cyril Smith, Jeremy Thorpe, Lord Louis of Mountbatten, Ma’am Darling and Ma’am Darling’s husband Lord Snowdon, joined Footie in condemning Peter Tatchell and his gay leftie ways. Merlyn Rees was also Shocked and Disgusted by Tatchell. Merlyn Rees not only colluded with Dafydd and the paedophiles throughout his career, particularly when he was Home Secretary, 1976-79, (see previous posts), but Merlyn Rees was a Director of Municipal Mutual in 1996 (see post ‘I Predict A Riot’).

Municipal Mutual were the insurers of Clwyd County Council and the North Wales Police. In 1996, when the Jillings Report into the abuse of children in the care of Clwyd County Council since 1974 was completed after the Jillings Investigation and it was known that Jillings had concluded that the abuse had been horrific, indefensible and that organised abuse had been taking place in north Wales for decades prior to the 1970s, Michael Beloff QC, the legal adviser to Municipal Mutual, ensured that no-one except for Municipal Mutual’s lawyers read the Jillings Report, not even the Clwyd Councillors. Michael Beloff QC ordered that if Malcolm King, the Chair of Clwyd’s Social Services Committee – who was feared to be a bit of a loose cannon where the matter of the abuse of kids was concerned – ever managed to see the Report and publicise its contents, then King should be sacked. See post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’

No-one did ever see the Jillings Report for many, many years because all known copies were pulped; in 2013, someone produced a copy that had been lurking quietly somewhere and it was finally made publicly available. It was so heavily redacted that it was virtually meaningless, even to those of us with a good knowledge of who the culprits were.

 

When the UK press were throwing everything including the kitchen sink at Peter Tatchell, Dafydd’s gang were trying to snare me into a glorious future which would have involved providing sexual services to the vile old grunters who were giving Tatchell such a bad time.

Strange but true

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Strange but true

Er, no Dafydd, I wouldn’t have even been tempted… Not even if I had known that one of their mates was the thirteenth son of a docker who had fought the Japs.

No rational person would ever have been tempted, which was why Dafydd’s gang murdered people who challenged them.

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In August 1982, it became clear that Tatchell would be permitted to stand if the CLP selected him again, so Mellish announced his resignation from the Labour Party to sit as an Independent MP. In November 1992, Mellish resigned his seat in Parliament and forced the 1983 by-election in which Mellish campaigned for John O’Grady who stood as a Real Bermondsey Labour candidate. O’Grady’s campaign involved him travelling around the constituency in a horse and trap singing a homophobic song about Thatchell.

You should have given me a ring Peter, I’d have popped down to Bermondsey three years later and sung a song about Dafydd, because I’d encountered him by then.

O’Grady performed badly at the Feb 1983 by-election although Mellish did take satisfaction from the heavy defeat of Tatchell by the bisexual Simon Hughes.

In 2003, after Mellish’s death, Tatchell claimed that Mellish was secretly bisexual and was “persistent” in propositioning Tatchell but warned Thatchell when he was rebuffed not to publicise it as no one would believe him. It wouldn’t actually surprise me if this was true. I’m not someone who believes that a paedophile lurks on every corner, but these mad old sods were so confused and hypocritical about sexuality, including theirs, that some very odd things were happening. Tatchell quietly behaved with a great deal of dignity in the face of these bastards and while I would never suggest that he should ever have conducted himself like them, Tatchell should have dropped the bomb of Dafydd, the Top Docs and the trafficking gang and dealt with them for good. We would have helped you Peter, but the British state were far too busy assisting Dafydd in murdering our friends and wrecking our lives. Even so, had someone even told me that Tatchell had been stung by the London arm of Dafydd’s gang I’d have been a most willing worker…

North Wales Hospital, Denbigh - County Asylums

 

Lord John Walton, President of the BMA, 1980-82; President of the GMC, 1982-89:

  • Appointment with the Dean - City Church Newcastle
  • Lord Robert Kilpatrick, President of the GMC, 1989-95:
  • Obituary: Robert Kilpatrick, Baron Kilpatrick of Kincraig ...
See previous posts for more information on Walton and Kilpatrick.

Bob Mellish later joined Dr Death and the SDP. So the Devil went straight into the arms of Dafydd’s own true friends (see posts ‘Dr Death’ and ‘We’ve Been Expecting You…’)

David Owen

 

In 1985 the thirteenth son of a docker who didn’t like darkies and had also fought the Japs stood down from the LDDC and accepted a peerage on 12 July 1985 as Baron Mellish, of Bermondsey in Greater London, sitting as an independent.

In July 1985, Dr D.G.E. Wood, Tony Francis et al were busying themselves with preparations to wreck the future careers of my friends and I. I had contacted lawyers as well as Keith Best, the Tory MP for Anglesey, re my concerns over the activities of the mental health services in north Wales, unaware that the whole lot of them were colluding with the gang. Mary Wynch’s application for leave to sue Dafydd and the gang was heard by the Master of the Rolls on 9 July 1985; Mary was given leave to go ahead and sue Dafydd and the gang. See post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’.

In August 1985 my best friend from school worked in the box office at the Edinburgh Fringe. When she refused to pull strings to obtain a ticket and accommodation – the event was sold out by the time that she was asked – for Samuel Brittan, a journo on the FT and the brother of Leon Brittan, Home Secretary, June 1983-Sept 1985, Samuel sent a copy of the letter that my friend had sent him, in which she apologised but explained that she could not get him a ticket and an hotel, to his mate Michael Grade, the then Controller of BBC 1. Michael Grade wrote back to Samuel telling Samuel that he was ‘appalled’ at my friend’s ‘rudeness’ and that he would ensure that Samuel did get a ticket ‘even if I have to give you mine’. The Edinburgh Fringe box office went apeshit, presented my friend with copies of Brittan and Grade’s correspondence and gave her a bollocking. Just weeks previously my friends’ parents, who were both mental health professionals working in the West Country, had given me advice as to how to deal with the horrors then being thrown at me by the north Wales mental health services.

In 1986, my friend and her husband moved to a flat in Bethnal Green when they began their careers in the media. I stayed at their flat for a short time, for the first few weeks of my MSc at Hammersmith Hospital. We were all threatened by some seriously nasty characters. We attributed it to thuggery and possibly fascist activity but I now know that the sex offenders and nasties were gifts from Dafydd’s gang. Over the next five years, we all found ourselves on the receiving end of gangsters (see post ‘The Turn of The Screw’). In early 1991, just after I was forced out of my job at St George’s, my friend was unlawfully sacked from her job with the Royal Television Society. Her husband was soon afterwards forced out of his job at the BBC. Dear old Michael Grade and his pals were terrifically good mates with everyone at the RTS and the BBC… See previous posts.

Leon Brittan was known to have concealed the Westminster Paedophile Ring and there have been allegations that he too abused children and young people.

Leon Brittan

 

Official portrait of Lord Grade of Yarmouth crop 2.jpg

 

It was Michael Grade who supported Esther Rantzen in establishing ChildLine, after a conversation between them in 1985. Rantzen has been accused of ignoring calls to ChildLine from kids in care in north Wales and one woman maintains that she told Rantzen about Jimmy Savile but was ignored. In 1988 I wrote to Rantzen about Dafydd and the abuses of mental health patients in north Wales. I did not receive a reply. Rantzen’s sister Priscilla Taylor worked as a social worker for Lambeth Borough Council and Priscilla’s boss Valerie – later Baroness – Howarth was appointed Chief Exec of ChildLine by Rantzen. See previous posts.

The Lord Havers QC
Lord Havers 1987.jpg

 

Bob Mellish was a supporter of Millwall Football Club and was President of the Millwall Supporters Club. Wasn’t there a sizeable problem with serious violence on the part of Millwall fans at that time? And er, infiltration of the fans by the NF? NF recruiters distributing their leaflets at matches involving Millwall? And links between the organised violence at football matches and serious organised crime?

The tallest building in Milton Keynes, Mellish Court, is named after Bob Mellish. So there’s an honour for Milton Keynes, although perhaps someone could explain why a corrupt old bastard from Bermondsey who’s business associates were builders and planners involved in municipal corruption across the whole of England should be honoured by a tower block in Milton Keynes…

China's 'loadsamoney' culture shocked this humble ...

 

Tam Dalyell’s obituary of Mellish which was published in the Indie gives further insights into the sources of Mellish’s power. Dalyell described Mellish as the ‘cement that prevented the Labour Party being split asunder’ under the entry of Britain into the Common Market and that Mellish achieved that by a ‘remarkable feat of political management’ which was matched by his ‘wheeling and dealing’ in Gov’t on ‘wage limits agreed by Jack Jones and Hugh Scanlon, the closed shop, the Docklands Labour Scheme and the compulsory introduction of comprehensive schools’.

Dalyell told us that Mellish was far more successful as Wilson’s Chief Whip than anyone ever thought that he would be; when Mellish was appointed, it was widely believed that Wilson had made a terrible mistake and that Mellish would be the most dreadful bully, but ooh no, he did a wonderful job. Mellish was appointed Chief Whip in 1969, just after John Allen opened the Bryn Alyn Community and the trade in disadvantaged children between the wider UK – including Southwark – and north Wales began in earnest. George Thomas was Secretary of State for Wales, April 1968-June 1970. When George Thomas was Secretary of State, responsibilities for Health and Social Services in Wales were transferred to the Welsh Office. George was in charge of the kiddies homes and the psychiatric hospitals!!!

 

Ian Mikardo, Mellish’s constituency neighbour and someone who was on the left of the Labour Party, was initially ‘quite appalled’ at Mellish’s appointment as Chief Whip but later stated that Mellish was ‘to a perfect degree a round peg in a round hole’. Ian Mikardo was someone who knew that disadvantaged children from his own constituency in the East End were being abused and trafficked by Dafydd’s gang but Mikardo said nothing (see previous posts).

Eight of Mellish’s 13 siblings died as children from conditions such as meningitis and scarlet fever. According to Dalyell, this resulted in Mellish having a lifelong commitment to healthcare. You’ve guessed it, Mellish ‘devoted his time to the work of the East End hospital Boards throughout his life’. The East End hospital Boards who did not help their disadvantaged patients as much as they pretended to or indeed should or could have; the hospital Boards who removed slum kids from their parents and transported them to Australia knowing that they were going to lives of sexual abuse and slavery or, from the late 1960s onward, sent them into the arms of Dafydd and the paedophile gang.

For details of how, in the mid-1980s, a group of healthcare workers and managers in the East End who had concealed Dafydd’s crimes extracted dosh from Ken Clarke at the DoH to reopen the Mildmay Mission Hospital in Shoreditch and transform it into a hospice for terminally ill AIDS patients, many of whom were rent boys who had been abused and trafficked by Dafydd’s gang, see post ‘Apocalypse Now’.

The Mildmay also looked after a number of high profile celebrity AIDS patients. Their names have never been revealed, being people who were afforded rather more respect and concern than the victims of Dafydd’s gang. A number of celebs, including former East Enders stars are supporters of the Mildmay’s work.

The Labour MP Peter Shore was someone who assisted in extracting the dosh from the DoH to transform the Mildmay into a hospice for AIDS patients. Peter Shore was one of those who opposed Peter Tatchell standing as the Labour candidate in Bermondsey. Shore was someone else who knew about the activities of Dafydd et al and benefited greatly from keeping his trap shut (see previous posts).

 

A few other Interesting Facts with regard to Bob Mellish:

Mellish’s appointment as PPS to George Isaacs was backed by Mandelson’s granddad Herbert Morrison, then the Deputy Leader of the Labour Party. George Thomas was first elected in 1945, the year that Mandy’s granddad became Deputy PM. Mandy’s granddad knew Thomas.

Mandy’s granddad was born in and went to school in Lambeth. He was Leader of London County Council, 1934-40; MP for Hackney South, 1935-45 and for Lewisham East and then Lewisham South, 1945-59. In 1959 Herbert Morrison was elevated to the peerage.

Tam Dalyell alleged that Bob Mellish’s commitment to improving housing and slum clearance ‘created a bond’ between Mellish and Dame Evelyn Sharp, who was Permanent Secretary at the Ministry of Housing and Local Gov’t, 1955-66, during which time Mellish served in that Ministry. Sharp was born in Hornsey – now part of Haringey – the daughter of the vicar of Ealing. Sharp’s uncles included Richard Harvey, Archdeacon of Halifax, Sir John Harvey, Judge of the Supreme Court of New South Wales and Sir Ernest Harvey, Chief Cashier to the Bank of England. Evelyn Sharp studied at Somerville College, Oxford and graduated in 1925.

Sharp joined the Civil Service in 1926, served at first in the Board of Trade and then in the Ministry of Health, which at the time was concerned with Housing and Local Gov’t and this became Sharp’s speciality. When the Ministry of Housing and Local Gov’t was formed in 1951, Sharp worked with Harold Macmillan. From 1964, Sharp’s Minister was Dick Crossman. Mellish was promoted to Minister of Works in 1967, the year after Sharp retired. Dick Crossman was Lord President of the Council, 1966-68 – Herbert Morrison was Lord President of the Council, 1945-51 – one responsibility which comes with that position is that of the visitor to UCNW.

Evelyn Sharp had some interesting sidelines for the mandarin running the Ministry concerned with Housing and Local Gov’t while a corrupt MP with business associates who were notorious for local authority corruption in terms of building and planning worked in her Ministry. After she retired, Sharp was Director of Bovis, the construction company and was President of the London and Quadrant Housing Trust. Sharp served on the Royal Commission on Local Gov’t in England, 1966-69 and was a member of the IBA, 1966-73. Sharp’s enthusiasm for modernist architecture and urban rebuilding caused it to be said of her that she ‘truly did come close to doing as much damage as the Luftwaffe’; Sharp gave her backing to many development of high rise flats. Low income residents of the cities of the UK will have had a bum deal, but Sharp, Bovis, Mellish and their mates will have done very well out of it.

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When Mellish was causing havoc in Bermondsey, Mandy was working for LWT and then in 1985 began ‘modernising’ the Labour party and doing all that he could to make the Windbag electable after the Windbag was appointed Leader of the Labour Party in Oct 1983. The Windbag who knew Tony Francis and who’s wife was a school teacher from north Wales and who were both colluding with Dafydd et al.

The biggest light entertainment star on British TV in the early 1990s was Cilla Black; ‘Blind Date’, the show hosted by Cilla, was so profitable for LWT that it turned it’s fortunes around. Cilla was a close friend of Geoffrey Chamberlain at St George’s Hospital Medical School, who was colluding with that paedophile ring in south London and Dafydd’s gang in north Wales. Mandy was a member of Lambeth Borough Council, 1979-82.

Michael Grade was an executive for LWT throughout the 1970s and in the early years of the 80s.

 

The Lord Morrison of Lambeth
Herbert Morrison 1947.jpg
The Lord Mandelson
Peter Mandelson.jpg

 

Tam Dalyell considered Bob Mellish to be the ‘authentic voice of working class dockland London’ – the authentic voice who was so concerned for his dockland constituents that he helped Thatch out by becoming Vice-Chair of the LDDC, 1981-85.

Mellish’s constituents will all have bagged jobs as bankers after the development of London’s Docklands:

Hotels in Docklands, London | Accommodation in Docklands ...

 

For further information regarding how those who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang were part of the regeneration of London’s Docklands, see post ‘The Bodies Beneath Canary Wharf’.

Bob Mellish is on record as saying about Harold Wilson that ‘the Prime Minister is a soft and decent man, almost too gentle. Some say it’s a weakness. I believe it’s a strength. He is very loyal to his friends…I am not a sycophant, but I do respect and admire him.’

Bob Mellish: one crooked old bastard who was Mr Big in the London Labour Party, supporting a whole host of other crooked old bastards, who were all in the pockets of the crooked old bastard who was PM. The entire farce was underpinned by an absolute idiot but a very dangerous idiot:

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

He doesn’t just hold hands you know!

Bob Mellish died in May 1998, during the middle of the Waterhouse Inquiry. Ronnie Waterhouse was on very good terms with Frank Chapple, the General Secretary of the ‘moderate’ union, the EETPU (Electrical, Electronic, Telecommunications and Plumbing Union), 1966-84 and Ronnie acted for the EETPU on many occasions. Chapple was personally involved in the attempt in Nov 1980 to flood the Bermondsey Labour Party with phoney members – many of whom lived nowhere near Bermondsey – when Tatchell and other members of Bermondsey CLP were challenging Mellish and his mates with regard to their abuses and corruption. The applications to join the Bermondsey CLP were all done using the EETPU as a vehicle, by people using their affiliation to the EETPU as the basis of their application. Two such people were Southwark Councillors Charles Sawyer and Joe Lees. If they are still alive perhaps they would like to explain why they sent so many disadvantaged kids into the hands of a vicious sex abuse gang in north Wales who then trafficked them back down to London to work as rent boys, infecting many of them with HIV in the process.

Frank Chapple, Baron Chapple of Hoxton (8 August 1921 – 19 October 2004) was born in the slum area of Hoxton, east London. There was no bath or running hot water in the Chapple home. A Communist Party member early in his adult life, Chapple left the party after and partly as a result of, the Soviet suppression of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956. Thereafter he remained a forceful anti-communist. Frank Chapple will have known many of the members of the Communist Party in the 1950s, including many of the radicals who used to spend their summers at Croesor in north Wales who were friends with Sir Clough Williams-Ellis, his wife Amabel and their friend Bertrand Russell. The crowd who used to visit Croesor knew about Dafydd’s gang, which before Dafydd ran the show was led by Gwynne the lobotomist (see post eg. ‘The Village’).

Hoxton is just down the road from the flat in Bethnal Green in which my friends lived in 1986-87. The Krays grew up in Hoxton and hung around with the more degenerate politicians as well as gangsters and showbiz folk. Lod Bob Boothby used rent boys and was reputed to have had an affair with Ronnie Kray as well as his long-standing relationship with Harold Macmillan’s wife Dorothy. I cannot understand why no-one was surprised when many years later it was revealed that Ronnie Kray was being feted and treated like a King in Broadmoor. Broadmoor and indeed the whole mental health system was run by criminals and traffickers which was how Jimmy Savile made his way into it and was given senior managerial responsibilities. See posts ‘Socio-Politicial Context of The North Wales Mental Health Services In The 1980s’, ‘A Pretty Classy Piece Of Operation’ and ‘The Old Devils’.

 

Chapple served as a member of the General Council of the TUC, 1971-83. Throughout that time the TUC concealed the crimes of Dafydd and associated gangs, sometimes very directly by protecting abusers employed in health and social care who were members of trade unions (see eg. posts ‘A Very COHSE Relationship With Some Very Nasty People’ and ‘Mary Turner – An Appreciation’). Chapple first joined what became the EETPU in 1937 and he had held offices at every level in the union. After his retirement, Frank Chapple was elevated to the Lords. Frank Chapple died in 2004. So he was around well after the publication of the Waterhouse Report to ensure that the truth remained suppressed.

Baron Chapple of Hoxton:

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One of Chapple’s sons, Barry Chapple, was a regional official of Amicus, which succeeded the EETPU. Amicus was the UK’s second largest trade union and the largest private sector union, formed by the merger of MSF and the AEEU, agreed in 2001 and two smaller unions, UNIFI and the GPMU. MSF was the union that represented many professionals in the NHS who were not Top Doctors or Angels and MSF used their knowledge of the wrongdoing of the Top Doctors to wield a great deal of power in the NHS, but did not use their influence to stop the wrongdoing or the abuse of patients. David Hole, who served as one of the MSF reps at St George’s Hospital Medical School when I worked there, 1989-91, was along with his colleagues concealing an enormous mountain of crap including crap directly relating to the trafficking gang which was operating in south London at the time and the Westminster Paedophile Ring (see previous posts). Amicus merged with the TGWU in 2007 to become UNITE.

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Jeremy Corbyn

 

Lest anyone wants further evidence of the wrongdoing in Southwark with Dafydd et al, not only is Southwark on the doorstep of the Maudsley, where Dafydd ‘trained’ with other Top Doctors who were facilitating organised abuse and who protected Dafydd et al in north Wales for the rest of their careers, but Dafydd’s mate Dr Jim Birley (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’) joined the Maudsley as a consultant in 1969. Birley was the Dean of the Institute of Psychiatry, 1971-82, Dean of the Royal College of Psychiatry, 1982-87 and President, 1987-90. He was President of the BMA, 1993-94.

There are plenty of accounts that suggest that Jim Birley was quite mad. He spent time working with William Sargant at Tommy’s – as did Dr Death – when Sargant was carrying out such dangerous irresponsible experiments on patients that many of them died. Jim Birley claimed to have seen miraculous recoveries as a consequence of barbarous treatments that even at the time were known not to work. Then Jim Birley had a psychotic breakdown himself but was alleged to have made a full recovery within two days, so he returned to work.

Jim Birley was one of the British psychiatrists who took Soviet psychiatry to task in the late 1980s for abusing psychiatry for political purposes. While his mate Dafydd had the victims of a paedophile gang who had dared complain illegally imprisoned in a dungeon.

Jim Birley didn’t confine himself to Top Doctoring in hospitals. He established the Windsor Walk Housing Association which was supported accommodation. At about the same time Birley established the Camberwell Rehabilitation Association, which employed patients to undertake tasks such as making fuse boxes. In 1971 Jim Birley – after meeting David Ennals – founded the Southwark Association for Mental Health.

In 1971 David Ennals was leading a major campaign for MIND and Ennals joined in the long tradition of MIND in concealing the crimes of Dafydd and the gangs associated with him (see previous posts). Ennals later became Chair of MIND and it was whilst Ennals was Chair that Tony Smythe was appointed as Chief Exec of MIND. Tony Smythe had links with paedophiles’ rights groups such as PIE. David Ennals was Secretary of State for the DHSS, 1976-79, while Dafydd and the gang ran riot in north Wales. Before he had ever met Jim Birley, Ennals had served as a junior Minister in the Home Office – whilst the Home Office was directly responsible for managing Approved Schools, such as Bryn Estyn and Axwell Park, where there were paedophile gangs in operation.

Lord David Ennals’ son Sir Paul Ennals was Chief Executive of the NCB (National Children’s Bureau). Peter Righton the social work academic who was a convicted paedophile was involved with the NCB. Paul Ennals was also a member of safeguarding Boards in Haringey, Gateshead, Sunderland and Tyneside. Which would have meant a lot of commuting. All of the locations in which Sir Paul was busy safeguarding had paedophile rings operating in the children’s services. Lord Ennals’ brother Martin Ennals was Secretary-General of Amnesty International for some years.

See previous posts for further information re David, Paul and Martin Ennals.

 

Much as I admire Peter Tatchell’s resistance in the face of the gangsters which were Bob Mellish and his mates and one can only fall about laughing at the idea that Labour big wigs believed that Tatchell was the Labour Party’s problem, Peter and his supporters fell into the usual trap of campaigning on behalf of the Top Docs, their campaign being to keep St Olave’s Hospital open, although St Olave’s closed in 1985. In the late 1960s, St Olave’s operated a Day Hospital for psychiatric patients which St Olave’s shared with Cane Hill Hospital. Cane Hill Hospital was used as a dumping ground by the Maudsley for ‘chronic’ patients who were ‘never going to get better’. Those patients will have been in a very sorry state and they will have been drugged up and abandoned. A Top Doctor will not have gone near them for months on end. In the late 1970s, virtually all the ‘services’ and patients at St Olave’s were transferred to Guy’s. In 1979, only 40 patients remained at St Olave’s and 30 of them were psychogeriatric patients, who were eventually transferred to New Cross Hospital. They too will have been abandoned by the Top Doctors.

I can understand that Peter may have felt that the psych patients of St Olave’s had so little that Peter et al were helping by keeping a shite mental health service going. After all, in the latter half of the 1990s, I argued very strongly for keeping the Day Centre in the Hergest Unit open on the grounds that at least it provided patients with a warm meeting place where they could socialise and have a cup of coffee with their friends, many Empowered Service Users being so poor and isolated that if the Day Centre shut they would not even be able to do that. Before the Day Centre died by a thousand cuts, it was a vastly preferable ‘service’ to that which was the North Wales Hospital Denbigh or the thugs of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team. After the Day Centre closed, patients died and became destitute en masse. See previous posts. However, what Peter and his supporters should really have been aiming for, while admittedly doing what they could to make patients’ lives as comfortable as they could under the circumstances, was to smash the racket that the Top Doctors were running, because that was the real problem. Those patients, along with the kids in care, were being abused and neglected, while the Top Docs stuck their noses into every trough available and dictated their own salaries. Every Gov’t Minister fell for it, even Battling Barbara Castle who was Going To Stamp Out Private Medicine. She didn’t, because the Top Docs told her to fuck off and Battling Babs didn’t dare cripple them and their rotten to the core profession. Furthermore Battling Babs ‘went private’ for fertility treatment herself because it wasn’t available on the NHS.

David Ennals and Dr Death were Ministers in the DHSS under Battling Babs.

Jeff Crowther, who for years worked as a nursing officer/manager in the mental health services in north Wales (see previous posts), was considered quite a leftie by his colleagues. Jeff loathed the Royal Family and one day I heard him telling the other Angels that the country fell for the Royals’ scams at every Royal Wedding and Royal Baby, but the Royal Family were a bunch of leeches who were bleeding the nation dry. I very much preferred Jeff to many of his colleagues, but he knew what Dafydd and the gang were doing, he admitted to me that Dafydd ‘was a corrupt old bastard’ and that he knew that Dafydd was sexually abusing patients and when I lost my temper and yelled at Jeff ‘why won’t any of you stand up to him?’, Jeff said ‘because we’ve got jobs to keep and mortgages to pay’ and walked off.

Sir Peter Morrison Jeff. One of those whom Dafydd was supplying with boys in care for sex parties. Morrison’s sister Dame Mary was Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to HM Queen Lilibet. The Duke of Westminster, one of Carlo’s closest friends, was involved in concealing Dafydd’s gang. So was Carlo himself, in his capacity as Chancellor of UCNW (Bangor University). Carlo’s mate Jimmy Savile was a visitor to Bryn Estyn, where one boy alleged Savile witnessed a gang rape of one boy. Why do you think that Di was making PR visits to AIDS wards where victims of Dafydd’s gang were dying, or to Broadmoor where victims of Dafydd’s gang were banged up and being assaulted by Savile? You knew all of this, you were not as thick as some of your colleagues and you kept quiet because you wanted a job as an Angel. You still didn’t grass the bastards up when they killed your wife and then sent a murderous thug after you.

Looks like you were taken to the cleaners as well Jeff.

Charles, Prince of Wales

 

Labour Party ‘grandees’: Do you think that basing your election strategies and indeed Gov’ts on the continued success of a gang of paedophiles in north Wales was a particularly sensible idea? I wouldn’t expect anything better to have emanated from the brain of the Windbag, but surely some of you could have worked out what was going to happen? Battle for your soul? You didn’t have one, you only had a sole, which I and the others Empowered Service Users experienced as you trod on us for decades, you thick-as-pig-shit-we’d-better-give-the-Top-Docs-everything-that-they-ask-for-because-they-know-about-George-Thomas-and-anyway-we-won’t-get-medical-care-ourselves-if-we-piss-them-off utter dipsticks.

 

For all the mouthing off by Cockney Wanker and his chums about being the Authentic Voice and Committed to the Constituents, areas like Southwark are still on their knees, so somehow Cockney Wanker’s constituents didn’t reap the rewards throughout the decades that Cockney Wanker et al laid down their lives to fight their corner in the face of the invading gay hordes in the form of Peter Tatchell and co. I note that Cockney Wanker himself ended up in the Lords. Along with Lord Chapple, Lord Owen, Lord Kinnock, Lord Mandelson and the rest of them.

As for the fate of the wider UK after Cockney Wanker had saved us from Mr Tatchell:

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Ray Gunter succeeded Bob Mellish’s mate George Isaacs as Labour MP for Southwark, 1959-72. Gunter was born in Wales and had a background in the railway industry and the trade union movement – specifically his union, the Transport Salaried Staffs’ Association (TSSA). Gunter was elected as the MP for South East Essex in 1945 and was a backbencher throughout the six-year Labour Gov’t of Attlee. In the late 1940s, Gunter’s Essex seat was broken up; he was elected for Doncaster in Yorkshire in 1950. He was unseated in 1951 by the Tory Anthony Barber.

Gunter was associated with the right wing of the Labour Party and was a member of the Labour Party’s NEC, 1955-66. He was president of TSSA, 1956–64. Gunter was returned to the Commons as a TSSA-sponsored MP in 1959 and became a Shadow Cabinet member.

After Labour won the 1964 General Election, Harold Wilson made Gunter Minister of Labour. The dilemma Gunter faced was his trade unionist’s natural view that trade unions should be able to negotiate responsible pay rates for their members through “free collective bargaining” but on the other hand the wildcat strikes in some parts of British industry were often seen as damaging to the economy, and “wage restraint” was the alternative. Soon after Labour’s 1966 General Election victory, the seamans’ strike saw this conflict came to a head. Gunter took the same tough line as Harold Wilson. He would later describe his stint as Minister of Labour as a “bed of nails”. Gunter sought to complete his work by bringing in a new bill drawn from the findings of the Donovan Commission Report on trade union power, but Wilson reshuffled him to Minister of Power in April 1968. Gunter was rumoured to have been linked with negative leaks from Cabinet and resigned from Gov’t on 1 July 1968, stating he could no longer work in a Wilson Gov’t. Gunter’s successor in labour affairs, Barbara Castle, saw her proposals to reduce trade union powers in her 1969 White Paper, ‘In Place Of Strife’ fail in the teeth of concerted trade union opposition. Gunter resigned from Parliament in 1972.

Gunter died in 1977 and was buried on the Isles of Scilly, where for many years – like Harold Wilson – he had a house, located in Launceston Close, Old Town and called Y Bwythen Bach. Gunter’s name lives on in a block of sheltered flats for the elderly built by Southwark Council in Walworth; not that Gunter found himself spending his twilight years in that block of flats.

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Ray Gunter was succeeded in his Southwark seat by Harry Lamborn. Lamborn was born in London and also had a background in the union movement, specifically his union USDAW, local government and the London Co-operative movement.

Lamborn was a member of Camberwell Borough Council, 1953-65 and was Mayor in 1963/4. He represented the Dulwich constituency on the London County Council, 1958-65. Lamborn was elected to the successor body, the GLC, in 1964 for the constituency of Southwark and was re-elected in 1967 and 1970. Lamborn was Deputy Chairman of the GLC, 1971/2.

Harry Lamborn was elected for Southwark a by-election in May 1972 and after his constituency was eliminated in boundary changes, he ran in the newly configured Peckham. He was comfortably re-elected in the Feb 1974 General Election and was PPS to Denis Healey, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, 1974-79. Throughout it all, kids in care from Lamborn’s constituency were sent into the arms of Dafydd and the paedophiles.

Lamborn was comfortably re-elected in the Tory landslide of 1979, but with a reduced majority. He died in August 1982 and was succeeded in the Peckham constituency by Harriet Harman, a star of many previous posts on this blog. Harriet did and said nothing either about the kids from her constituency who had been and continued to be sent to children’s homes in north Wales where they were abused either, but then Harriet’s dad John Harman was a Top Doctor who was mates with many of those facilitating and colluding with Dafydd’s gang.

Harry Lamborn’s name too lives on in a block of sheltered flats for the elderly built by Southwark Council, on Gervase Street off the Old Kent Road in Peckham. Will Harriet too be immortalised in the name of a block of old people’s flats? Well Jane Hutt’s mate Val Feld who did more than most wimmin in Wales – except for Jane Hutt herself, Julie Morgan, Lesley Griffiths and Edwina Hart of course – to collude with Dafydd’s gang is remembered by a plaque on the wall of the Senedd (see previous posts)…

 

While reading about Southwark, I noticed something odd. Susan Elan Jones was a Councillor in the London Borough of Southwark, 2006-09 and was Deputy Leader of the Opposition on that Council, 2007-09. Susan Elan Jones is currently the Labour MP for Clwyd South, after being elected in the 2010 General Election, succeeding the paedophiles’ friend Martyn Jones (see previous posts). Susan Elan Jones is rather hopeless and invisible as an MP, but she has done a bit of screaming in the direction of the two old Trots who currently lead the Labour Party. Susan was one of those who resigned from Jezza’s Shadow Cabinet in June 2016, denouncing Jezza as unelectable and calling on him to stand down.

Part of Susan’s statement read: ‘When I was re-elected as MP for Clwyd South in May 2015, I made a plea that we should never forget those in our society who are less fortunate…although I shall no longer be a Shadow Minister, I will of course continue to be totally committed to my work in Parliament and my constituency, as well as to the Party of which I have been a member for nearly 31 years’.

Well Susan, some years ago this lot were on the doorstep of your constituency and as someone who grew up near Wrexham during the 1970s and 80s, you’ll know that a lot of people are still living with the consequences, so I’m wondering when you’re going to remember those who really were a great deal less fortunate than you were:

 

 

 

 

The milking of the notion of Violent NHS Patients continues. I’ve been too busy to read all the news stories properly today, but I see that The Torygraph is leading with a report that two patients died in a clinical trial at UCL and it was covered up (this will not be the first time that has happened) and other reports tell us that the NHS ‘needs more’, the billions and billions extra that they have been promised is still not enough.

Of course the ‘Today’ programme this morning also led with an NHS story; it is that hoary old chestnut Angels Are Being Attacked By Patients. This one is a favourite as any fule kno and it usually accompanies demands for more dosh. The strategy has a long and glorious history as well; my post ‘A Very COHSE Relationship With Some Very Nasty People’ used info from a PhD thesis that mapped the scare stories featuring Dangerous Mental Patients with pay claims from asylum attendants in the first half of the 20th century, although there was plenty of evidence to suggest that it was the patients who were usually on the receiving end of neglect and brutality. Matthew Hancock the Health Secretary has stated that the first NHS strategy to tackle Violence Against Staff is being launched.

That’s funny Matthew because I clearly remember that happening some years ago. The reason why I remember it so clearly was that I was one of the Violent Patients whom Keith Thomson, the CEO of the NW Wales NHS Trust, proudly told the local press about; one woman had been banned from all NHS premises by the use of a restraining order, it was in all the north Wales papers! That woman was me and I later discovered that the restraining order was legally invalid. It was issued by the corrupt judge Huw Daniel on the day that a court case collapsed against me because at least eight NHS staff were found to have lied to the police. One of those who lied was an occupational therapy student called Mike, who admitted to his line manager that he had been forced to make a statement about me after I rang him up for help and advice, having been banned from all NHS premises by the legally invalid restraining order… The original prosecution was mounted against me for ‘threatening to kill’ Alun Davies (the mental health services manager) after I made a complaint that an Angel and four healthcare assistants had assaulted and injured me. Alun Davies was sitting in the National Assembly with Jane Hutt and her officials when he repeatedly rang the police maintaining that he was terrified and that I presented a very real risk to him. As I sat, injured, in a locked ward at the other end of Wales…

So where was the prosecution of Alun Davies, at least six NHS workers including the Nurse Manager of the Hergest Unit Lena Henry and at least one police officer for perjury and conspiracy then??? Oh, there wasn’t one.

At the same time that Keith Thomson told the local papers about the Violent Patient who had been banned from all NHS premises, the RCN rep for Ysbyty Gwynedd provided the same newspapers with figures for the numerous ‘assaults’ on NHS workers at Ysbyty Gwynedd which I knew to be grossly exaggerated. The RCN rep knew the reality as well, because he was Gareth Phillips, who until he had health problems and was signed off work sick, was employed as an Angel at the Hergest Unit. Gareth’s wife Penny had also worked as an Angel at the Hergest Unit for years. Gareth wangled that job as a RCN rep by keeping schtum about the abuse of patients. Gareth was Jeff Crowther’s closest friend and they used to spend their weekends and holidays off in the summer going to festivals where they would indulge, in their own words, in a ‘drugs binge’.

Why were the former kids in care from north Wales who alleged that they had been abused by staff told by Ronnie Waterhouse and everyone else that they couldn’t be believed? Because they had drug problems and were thought to be after compensation. An Angel who regularly indulges in recreational chemicals, is looking at the end of their career and still wants a good salary? Come this way sir, we have a job as an RCN rep if you agree to keep your mouth shut and tell lies to the media when we fit up one of the witnesses to Dafydd’s trafficking gang.

By the time that I was acquitted of ‘threats to kill’ I’d nearly finished a PhD. After I had the temerity to get my PhD, a campaign of harassment was unleashed upon certain people in Bangor University, including my PhD supervisor and his wife, a number of my friends and even the Vice-Chancellor. See previous posts. Alun Davies subsequently began frequenting the University, a place where he had never previously set foot. Not only that, but Davies began turning up in the Students’ Union building when I was in there. Davies was frequenting Bangor University on the pretext of asking students to volunteer for charidee work. Some students had been volunteering at the Hergest Unit, a lovely bunch who volunteered with a group set up by the Hergest whistleblower. Alun Davies ordered that the group should be disbanded because the students Weren’t Qualified. No, but they all had an interest in entering the mental health professions and furthermore they noticed that Hergest patients were being abused and neglected. That was when Davies noticed that they Weren’t Qualified.

Students of Bangor University: as people who had passed A levels, you were ALL More Qualified than Alun Davies, who had NO qualifications. Davies began his career as the lowliest grade of NHS clerk in south Wales and rose to the top on the basis of his frank corruption. Davies came from the Rhondda, which was the domain of George Thomas and on the doorstep of the Windbag. Geddit???

Here’s Baroness Windbag, who’s mum and dad gave her boyfriend the Windbag a helping hand with his political career by introducing him to their mate Lord Cledwyn, the Labour MP for Anglesey, 1951-79, who was mates with Jim Callaghan and concealed the molesting ways of George Thomas, who served as a Welsh Officer Minister under Secretary of State Cledwyn and succeeded Cledwyn as Secretary of State for Wales. See posts ‘The Cradle Of Filth’ and ‘How Much Greater Is A Man Than A Sheep?’.

Baroness Kinnock.jpg

 

Between 1974 and 96, Gwynedd County Council managed children’s homes on Anglesey, including one in Holyhead, where kids were abused by Dafydd’s gang. This was the Chancellor of UCNW throughout the decades when that institution was run by Dafydd and the gang:

Charles, Prince of Wales

 

Glenys and Neil: After I graduated, Dr D.G.E. Wood and your mate Tony Francis hurled at and insulted me and told me to get out of North Wales. When I didn’t, they hurled at me a bit more. When I did eventually leave north Wales and go to work in London, their mates down there hurled at and insulted me and told me to got back to north Wales. Could you ask Carlo where exactly he wants me to live, because there seemed to be a lot of indecision. Perhaps Carlo could provide me with a cottage on the Duchy’s estate, like he did for Peter Ball, the molesting Bishop?

The Gov’ts latest drive against Violent NHS Patients – believe me, there’s been quite a few now, all labelled as the first drive against Violent Patients – has been given a boost by legislation which will Double The Sentences of Violent Patients. The legislation was proposed by Chris Bryant, the Labour MP for the Rhondda. Bryant is a former vicar who some years ago appeared on Gaydar clad only in a rather sad pair of undies, accompanied by a message asking ‘Oi mate, do you want a fuck?’ I do not know how many offers the Rev Bryant received, but if he’d peddled his bottom in the vicinity of Gwynne, Dafydd and the gang in north Wales in the 1980s, he’d have had plenty of takers. When Thatch was destroying the Rhondda in the 1980s, Chris was a fresh faced Oxford grad who was a staunch supporter and member of the Tory Party (see previous posts). I really do think that someone ought to tell his constituents.

One of the tabloids today – I think it was ‘The Sun’ – reported that Cops believe that there may be ‘another two Saviles’ at large ie. celebs who are serially sexually assaulting kids. I would have thought that the world would now be a little suspicious of elderly men who wear nothing but a pair of gold lame shorts and ask 4 yr olds if they’ll be his girlfriend when they are invited to ‘glittering balls’ arranged by the NHS to raise money, but no, the Top Docs don’t learn, as they have learned nothing with regard to De-escalation Techniques When Faced With Violent Patients. Vanity, money and the desire for a gong will win the day every time.

 

Bizarre plan to give Savile a new title to strip his ...

 

BBC News Wales reported today that the Royal College of Psychiatrists has employed a Poet in Residence no less. It is the brother of one of the Manic Street Preachers. I imagine that the Royal College of Psychiatrists will manage to kill anyone’s enjoyment of poetry stone dead. The Manic Street Preachers did of course star Richie Edwards, who disappeared many years ago. Richie was very able but had been distressed for years; he was a serious self-harmer and I really don’t think that the Top Docs did him much good…

 

As it is Halloween, here’s some pictures of the ghosts that haunt north Wales:

 

 

Not That Anyone Ever Knew Anything About This Lot Who Are Haunting The Region Of Course…

An Expression Of Their Faith

One of the first Top Doc disasters that I became particularly aware of occurred in 1978, when I was a teenager interested in microbiology. There was much news coverage of a technician who worked at Birmingham University who had contracted smallpox. Days later it was reported that the Professor in charge of the lab had killed himself and from then on the story became of world-wide interest, particularly when shortly after the Professor’s death, the technician died as well. Panic gripped Birmingham because no-one seemed to know how the technician had caught smallpox…

A few days ago BBC Online had a little feature on the ‘last death in the world from smallpox’ and sure enough, it was the case that I remembered from my teenage years. I’ve done a bit of digging and guess what, the smallpox outbreak in Birmingham in 1978 involved such wrongdoing that even by the standards of Top Doctors it was truly awe-inspiring.

Smallpox is an infectious disease unique to humans which killed and was feared for centuries. It is caused by either of two virus variants, Variola major and Variola minor. The risk of death following contracting the disease was about 30%, with higher rates among babies. The last naturally occurring infection was of Variola minor in Somalia in 1977 and the World Health Organisation certified the global eradication of smallpox in 1980.

This is what smallpox does to you:

Child with Smallpox Bangladesh.jpg

Smallpox is so deadly that many took the view that if it could be eradicated from the globe completely and all traces of the virus eliminated, that would be a very good thing. There was an opposing body of opinion which maintained that no matter how deadly smallpox was, it would be worth keeping sample of the virus under controlled conditions for the purposes of research.

The unfortunate employee of Birmingham University who died from smallpox in 1978 was a medical photographer called Janet Parker. Not only did Janet die as a result of the most appalling practices on the part of some Top Doctors, but the Top Doctors concerned were global authorities on smallpox. No-one was ever held to account regarding Janet’s death and a cover-up of which the Top Doctors could be proud placed a veil over the gory details regarding what actually happened which led to Janet’s death. A number of the Top Doctors responsible for Janet’s death died with their reputations as giants of science intact, although of course one involved did feel so bad about what happened that he killed himself. At least that is the official line, but as is often the case when a Top Doc is found dead as a result of a scandal, there are elements in the story which don’t quite add up.

Janet’s death led to a Gov’t inquiry and ‘triggered radical changes in how dangerous pathogens were studied in the UK’. The Inquiry was led by Professor R.A. Shooter, who found that while Janet was working at Birmingham Medical School, she was accidentally exposed to a strain of smallpox virus that had been grown in a research laboratory on the floor below her workplace and that the virus had most likely spread from that laboratory through ducting. Shooter’s conclusion on how the virus had spread was challenged in Court when Birmingham University was unsuccessfully prosecuted by the HSE for breach of Health and Safety legislation. Shooter’s name and reputation are not remembered with anything like the reverence of the names and reputations of those whose serious mismanagement and cavalier attitudes led to Janet’s death and could have resulted in a smallpox outbreak in Birmingham. Reginald Shooter however was a far more eminent medical microbiologist than those whose wrongdoing he investigated or those who opposed his evidence in Court.

As they used to say on ‘Blue Peter’, John Nettleton tells the story.

Janet was married to Joseph Parker, a Post Office engineer and they lived in Kings Norton, Birmingham. After several years as a police photographer Janet joined Birmingham Medical School, where she was employed as a medical photographer in the Anatomy Department. Janet often worked in a darkroom above a laboratory where research on smallpox viruses was being conducted.

 At the time of Janet’s death, a laboratory at Birmingham Medical School was conducting research on variants of smallpox virus known as ‘whitepox viruses’, which were considered to be a threat to the success of the WHO’s (World Health Organisation’s) smallpox eradication programme.

On 11 August 1978, Janet, who ‘had been vaccinated against smallpox’, fell ill; she had a headache and pains in her muscles. She developed spots that were thought to be a benign rash. On 20 August at 3 pm, she was admitted to East Birmingham (now Heartlands) Hospital and a clinical diagnosis of Variola major, the most serious type of smallpox, was made by consultant Professor Alasdair Geddes. By this time the rash had spread and covered all of Janet’s body, including the palms of her hands and soles of her feet and it was confluent on her face. At 10 pm she was on her way to Catherine-de-Barnes Isolation Hospital near Solihull. By 11 pm all Janet’s close contacts, including her parents, were placed in quarantine. Her parents were later also transferred to Catherine-de-Barnes. The next day, poxvirus infection was confirmed by Professor Henry Bedson, then Head of the smallpox laboratory at the Medical School, by electron microscopy of vesicle fluid, which Geddes had sampled from Parker’s rash. (Samples of the fluid were also collected for examination at the Regional Virus Laboratory, which was in East Birmingham Hospital). Janet died of smallpox at Catherine-de-Barnes on 11 September 1978.

Six days before Janet died, her 71-year-old father, Frederick Witcomb, of Kings Heath, died while in quarantine at Catherine-de-Barnes Hospital. He ‘appeared to have died following a cardiac arrest when visiting his daughter’. No postmortem was carried out on Frederick’s body because of the risk of smallpox infection, so there was no knowing why Frederick Witcomb did die, although accounts of the 1978 Birmingham smallpox outbreak always remember to mention that Frederick died following a cardiac arrest.

Special disease control measures were put into place for Janet’s funeral. Undertaker Ron Fleet was sent to Catherine-de-Barnes to collect her body and later described his memories: ‘When the day of the funeral arrived, the cars were given an escort by unmarked police vehicles just in case there was an accident…The body had to be cremated because there was a chance the virus could have thrived in the ground if Mrs Parker had been buried. All other funerals were cancelled that day and the Robin Hood Crematorium was thoroughly cleaned afterwards.’

Many people had close contact with Janet before she was admitted to hospital. The outbreak resulted in 260 people being immediately quarantined, several of them at Catherine-de-Barnes Hospital, including the ambulance driver who transported Janet. On 26 August, health officials fumigated Janet’s home and car. On 28 August, 500 people were placed in quarantine in their homes for two weeks. Of those potentially infected, only Janet’s mother, Hilda Witcomb, contracted the disease – assuming of course that Janet’s dad hadn’t – although Hilda survived. The other close contacts, which included two biomedical scientists from the Regional Virus Laboratory, were released from quarantine in Catherine-de-Barnes on 10 October 1978.

 

Over a year later, in October 1979, the University authorities fumigated the Medical School East Wing. The ward at Catherine-de-Barnes Hospital in which Janet had died was still sealed off five years after her death, all the furniture and equipment inside left untouched.

Birmingham Medical School had previous where smallpox was concerned. A similar outbreak had occurred at the Medical School in 1966, when Tony McLennan, who was also a medical photographer and worked in the same laboratory later used by Janet, contracted smallpox. He had a milder form of the disease, which was not diagnosed for eight weeks. Tony was not quarantined and there were at least 12 further cases in the West Midlands, five of whom were quarantined in Witton Isolation Hospital in Birmingham. There are no records of any formal enquiries on the source of this earlier outbreak despite concerns expressed by the then Head of the laboratory, Peter Wildy. Peter Wildy’s name is barely remembered, probably because of he dared raise concerns about Birmingham University 12 years before a second smallpox outbreak in identical circumstances resulted in a death.

On 6 September 1978, the day after Janet’s dad died, Professor Henry Bedson, then Head of the Microbiology Department at the University of Birmingham Medical School, died. On 1 September 1978 Bedson, while in quarantine at his home in Harborne, cut his throat in the garden shed and died at Birmingham Accident Hospital five days later. Henry Bedson’s suicide note read ‘I am sorry to have misplaced the trust which so many of my friends and colleagues have placed in me and my work.’ I have not found details of Bedson’s death. Cutting one’s throat is quite an effective way of killing oneself, but I have always presumed only if medical help did not arrive very soon. I can’t work out why Bedson would have survived five days and then died. Surely the hospital would have been able to stop the bleeding, guard against infection and do all the other necessaries and see Henry Bedson safely out of the other side of his injury.

In 1977, the WHO had told Henry Bedson that his application for his laboratory to become a Smallpox Collaborating Centre had been rejected. This was partly because of safety concerns; the WHO wanted as few laboratories as possible handling the virus. Bedson knew that his lab would be due for closure if he did not receive more funding and he therefore worked more rapidly, storing more samples.

Professor Reginald Shooter led the Inquiry following Janet’s death and his ‘Report of the investigation into the cause of the 1978 Birmingham smallpox occurrence’ was debated in Parliament and also played an important role in the Court case brought against the University by the HSE. The official publication of the Shooter Report was postponed until the outcome of the trial was known.

The Shooter Report was published in 1980. It noted that Bedson had failed to inform the authorities of changes in his research that could have affected safety. Shooter’s Inquiry discovered that the Dangerous Pathogens Advisory Group had inspected the laboratory on two occasions and each time recommended that the smallpox research be continued there, despite the fact that the facilities at the laboratory fell far short of those required by law. Several of the staff at the laboratory had received no special training. Inspectors from the WHO had told Bedson that the physical facilities at the laboratory did not meet WHO standards, but had nonetheless only recommended a few changes in laboratory procedure. Bedson misled the WHO about the volume of work handled by the laboratory, telling them that it had progressively declined since 1973, when in fact it had risen substantially as Bedson tried to finish his work before the laboratory closed. Shooter also found that while Janet had been vaccinated, it had not been done recently enough to protect her against smallpox, Janet’s vaccination having been in 1966.

The report concluded that Janet had been infected by a strain of smallpox virus called Abid, which was being handled in the smallpox laboratory during 24–25 July 1978. The virus could have travelled in air currents up a service duct from the laboratory below, to a room in the Anatomy Department that was used for telephone calls. On 25 July, Janet had spent much more time there than usual ordering photographic materials because the financial year was about to end.

On 1 December 1978 the HSE announced their intention to prosecute the University. The case was heard in November 1979. Expert evidence, presented by the defence and accepted by the magistrates, showed that sufficient virus material could not be produced by the laboratory to generate an infectious dose in the telephone room where Janet was supposedly infected. Although the source of infection was traced, the mode of transmission was not. A defence witness and ‘smallpox expert’ Kevin McCarthy claimed that 53,700 litres of virus suspension would have been required to generate an infectious dose in the telephone room. Although the Shooter Inquiry noted the poor state of sealing of ducting in the laboratory, it was claimed that ‘this was caused after the outbreak by engineers fumigating the laboratory and ducts’. The University was found not guilty of causing Janet’s death. In August 1981, following a formal claim for damages made by the trade union ASTMS (Association of Scientific, Technical and Managerial Staff) in 1979, Parker’s husband Joseph was awarded £25,000 in compensation.

Professor Reginald Shooter as awarded a CBE in the 1980 Birthday Honours. He retired in 1981 and, like P. Wildy, has all but disappeared from history, although he was alive until 2013.

In light of the Birmingham incident, all known stocks of smallpox were destroyed or transferred to one of two WHO reference laboratories which had BSL-4 facilities; the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) in the US and the State Research Center of Virology and Biotechnology VECTOR in Koltsovo, Russia. Russia at the time obviously being considered a safer pair of hands with deadly viruses than the Top Doctors of Birmingham. Did anyone tell Thatch?

Now let us look in detail at a few of the key players in the disaster which led to panic in Birmingham in 1978.

Henry Bedson was the second son of Sir Sam Bedson, who had been Professor of Bacteriology at the London Hospital. Henry Bedson’s paternal grandfather, Peter Philips Bedson, was Professor of Chemistry at Newcastle University. Bedson’s mother was Dr Dorothea Annie Hoffert, who worked on aeroplane dopes and subsequently did research on oils and fats at the Lister Institute. His maternal grandfather was Henry Hoffert, a Senior Inspector of schools. Bedson was educated at Brighton, Hove and Sussex Grammar School and qualified from the London Hospital Medical College in 1952.

After jobs as a house officer and junior registrar, in 1955 Bedson joined the RAMC and served in Hong Kong until July 1957. During this period Bedson became a junior specialist in pathology and was also part-time demonstrator in morbid anatomy at the University of Hong Kong. In 1957 Bedson was back again at the London Hospital.

In 1958 Bedson embarked on his virological career and was appointed research fellow in the Department of Bacteriology at the University of Liverpool. In 1959 he became assistant lecturer and after one year was appointed a full lecturer. In 1964 he moved to the Department of Virology, University of Birmingham, being appointed senior lecturer and honorary NHS consultant in bacteriology and virology. In 1976 Bedson was appointed Professor and Head of the reconstituted Department of Medical Microbiology. He was in that post at the time of his death.

Bedson developed an interest in poxviruses while he was at Liverpool University. At Birmingham University, Bedson continued his work with poxviruses. Bedson was a member of the International Commission for the assessment of smallpox eradication in Pakistan and Afghanistan in 1976, and of the WHO informal group on monkeypox and related viruses.

In 1978 Henry Bedson was not the only person at Birmingham University who was flouting good practice and misleading people. Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’s mate Professor Robert Bluglass was in place at Birmingham University by then and Bluglass concealed serious crime, including that on the part of Dafydd and his gang, for decades. There was endemic corruption in the West Midlands Police as well as in the legal system in the West Midlands and a trafficking ring was at work in the region, with links to Dafydd’s gang in north Wales. People in Birmingham University, particularly senior figures, knew about these matters and colluded with them.

The Chancellor of Birmingham University, 1973-83, was the naturalist and broadcaster Sir Peter Scott, who had links with a number of those who concealed the activities of Dafydd et al. See previous posts.

The Vice-Chancellor of Birmingham University, 1968-81, was Lord Robert Hunter. Hunter was a Top Doctor who must have known the extent to which things were unravelling in Birmingham University, particularly in the Medical School. Robert Brockie Hunter was the personal physician to Field Marshal Montgomery, 1944-45. Hunter was educated at George Watson’s College, Edinburgh, then studied Medicine at Edinburgh University, serving in the RAMC during WW II. After WWII, Hunter lectured at Edinburgh University and then moved on to St Andrew’s University and its associated Clinical Medicine Unit at Dundee University, where he was Chair of Materia Medica, Pharmacology and Therapuetics and was also Dean of the Faculty of Medicine, 1958-62. In 1963, after the thalidomide disaster, Hunter was appointed to the Ministry of Health Committee on Safety of Drugs, was Chairman of the Clinical Trials Sub-Committee and served on the Committee until 1968. Hunter was appointed VC of Birmingham University in 1968. From 1973 to 1980 Hunter was a member of the DHSS Independent Scientific Committee on Smoking and Health.

With a VC with a CV like that, no wonder no-one was going to allow Birmingham University to be successfully prosecuted for killing Janet Parker, even if there was smallpox on the loose, warnings had been ignored and a pack of lies told regarding the conditions and practices in the labs.

At the time of Janet’s death, Jim Callaghan was PM, the paedophiles’ bestest friend Lord David Ennals was Secretary of State for the DHSS (see previous posts) and Hunter was working as a DHSS adviser. The Secretary of State for the DHSS when overt warnings were issued that Bedson’s lab was dangerous was Battling Barbara Castle. Dr Death served as a Minister under Barbara and Jack Straw was her adviser. Jack Straw might not have known what a smallpox virus can do but surely Dr Death did. Thatch was PM by the time that the HSE prosecution failed and the dreadful Patrick Jenkin was Secretary of State for the DHSS (see previous posts). Hunter was still an adviser to the DHSS.

Furthermore, Hunter bagged a peerage in 1978, the year of the smallpox outbreak. He was probably nominated for his peerage before the outbreak – although I am not certain of that – but whenever he was nominated, a lot of things were happening in Bedson’s lab and the wider Medical School which should not have been.

Hunter ‘was an active participant’ in the Lords and was ‘a vocal supporter of the NHS’. The poor old Top Docs could do with Hunter now, but he turned his toes up in 1994.

That splendid organ of propaganda for dead Top Doctors, ‘Munk’s Roll, The Lives Of The Fellows Of The Royal College Of Physicians’, tells us that ‘In 1948 [Hunter] was appointed as a lecturer in clinical medicine at the University of St Andrews, whose clinical medical school was based in Dundee. The Principal of the University promptly promoted him to the position of Professor of Materia Medica, Pharmacology and Therapeutics. He was only 33. By any modern standards it was a remarkable appointment. He had by then published little more than a paper on a review of antihistamine drugs, in which he developed an abiding interest, and a contribution to the Practitioner on cough mixtures. Nevertheless, he settled to his new post with aplomb, delivering an arresting inaugural address on the contributions of science to therapeutics.’

I can see why there was a disaster in Birmingham Medical School when Lord Bob was at the helm. His inaugural address must have been a real laugh, what with Lord Bob having less experience of research than many PhD students would have had. The Principal of St Andrews who was so wowed by Lord Bob that he gave him a Chair on the basis of one review of antihistamines and a ‘contribution’ regarding cough mixtures was Sir James Colquhoun Irvine, a Scottish organic chemist. Irvine was the son of factory owner John Irvine. James Irvine’s tenure at St Andrews ‘saw the renovation and restoration of both buildings and traditions and his works are still talked of today‘. As are the works of Fred West. Irvine’s commitments spanned further than the University, ‘into higher education in Britain and the colonies’. He also served as acting Principal of University College Dundee.

During Lord Bob’s twenty years in Dundee ‘he developed a remarkable flair for administration and for successfully plodding the corridors of power. He…played a major role in the planning and development of the new teaching hospital at Ninewells which replaced the old Dundee Royal Infirmary. At the same time he was increasingly called upon to serve on important national committees. He was a member of the General Medical Council from 1962 to 1968, and from 1966 to 1968 was chairman of the medical subcommittee of the University Grants Committee, then supervising significant developments in the medical schools, particularly those recently established. He also served on the clinical research board of the Medical Research Council.’

So Lord Bob was among those on the GMC who ignored the outrages of Dafydd’s early career.

Munk’s Roll explains that it was Lord Bob’s work on the Committee on Safety of Drugs (the Dunlop Committee), which led later to his appointment as Chairman ‘of a departmental committee to assess research into safer smoking materials, the hazards of smoking by then being well established. Many fellow members of his profession considered that Hunter was supping with the devil in appearing to give succour to the tobacco industry by endorsing a supposedly safer cigarette. In fact, his committee’s first report gave only a qualified endorsement and in any case smokers throughout the world spurned the product. He never, however, fully appreciated the addictive powers of nicotine.’

In the same way that Lord Bob didn’t fully appreciate the killing powers of smallpox.

Lord Bob was traumatised after being appointed VC of Birmingham University. Not by Robert Bluglass concealing organised crime, but because Lord Bob arrived at Birmingham ‘at a time of widespread student unrest. Although he had never had to deal with student revolt in the calmer academic climes of Scotland, in Birmingham he at once encountered a student body prepared to confront authority. The students went on strike and for a while trapped the new vice-chancellor in his room. From there Hunter organized his response, arranging meetings of the University Senate in the nearby Queen Elizabeth Hospital. He was later to set up an external advisory group to advise on the improvement of internal relations. The group was chaired by Jo Grimond whose report was to lead to a number of more democratic but largely cosmetic changes in the structure and governance of the University.’

So Lord Bob and Jo Grimond entered into an HE equivalent of a patients’ consultation exercise then.

Lord Bob continued to impress: ‘The undoubted respect in which he was held outside Birmingham led to his appointment as chairman of the medical sub-committee of the Committee of Vice-Chancellors and Prinicipals between 1976 and 1981. He was knighted in 1977 and elevated to the House of Lords as a life peer in 1978.’

It was Sunny Jim Callaghan who dished out the honours to Lord Bob.

Munk’s Roll makes intriguing comments regarding the smallpox outbreak on Lord Bob’s watch: ‘A case was brought against the University by the Health and Safety Executive, but in the event the University was cleared in court. In retrospect few really believed the conclusion of the Shooter report and there were later to be allegations that the escape of smallpox virus was due to human relationships not revealed at the time.’

What can Munk’s Roll be referring to?

Hunter retired in 1981. He must have been the most dreadful old fart, because even Munk’s Roll admits that ‘He was never a charismatic figure, nor ever a volatile character, yet his quiet dignity, his deliberate manner and the care with which he prepared his contributions brought him universal respect.’ Munk’s Roll tells us that ‘He was described by his fellow peer, Lord Walton, as “a wise and thoughtful man with much compassion. His criticisms (and they were few) were always couched in terms calculated to make his point but never to wound.”‘

Lord John Walton was the Monster of Newcastle-upon-Tyne University, who in his capacity as President of the BMA, 1980-82; President of the GMC, 1982-89 and President of the Royal Society of Medicine, 1984-86, as well as in other roles, protected Dafydd and the sex traffickers for many years (see post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’).

The Indie’s 1994 obituary for Lord Bob, written by Professor Owen Wade, illuminates the glories of Lord Bob’s life and career further: ‘We were both appointed to the Committee on Safety of Drugs, the Dunlop Committee, set up as a result of the thalidomide incident to ensure that, before a drug could be marketed, its manufacturer should show that appropriate tests had been done to demonstrate it was safe and effective. Hunter was the Chairman of the Clinical Trials Sub-Committee. There were new and challenging problems on whether and how new drugs should be marketed by the pharmaceutical industry. Our American cousins admired us as ‘a lean and spare apparatus for drug safety which operates at a tiny fraction of the cost of a comparable FDA operation’.

In 1964 Hunter became a member of the University Grants Commission and in 1966 became Chairman of its Medical Advisory Committee. By 1968 Hunter had been in his Chair at St Andrews for 20 years. He felt that it was time for a change and he accepted the invitation to become Vice-Chancellor of Birmingham University.

Despite Lord Bob’s Chairmanship of the UGC’s Medical Advisory Committee, Professor Owen Wade explained that after the upset of dealing with the protesting students, Lord Bob received a Cruel Blow, when he ‘found himself at the receiving end of assaults on university funding. It was a difficult time. The reduction in funds from 1971 onwards was not accompanied by the power to alter staff contracts. The reduction in staff had to be by voluntary retirement, and this was too often taken by the able and the competent who knew they could get good jobs elsewhere. Hunter resented this stupid way of culling staff; humane perhaps, but not very fair on students.’

Hunter might have ‘resented’ this, but Hunter was one of those who ensured that ‘voluntary retirement’ was offered in the face of the cuts which his own Committee had implemented. Hunter will have known that useless old gits would stay in their jobs because they wouldn’t be offered another one, yet the best staff would bag the redundancy cash and move on to another post. This has happened in every round of university ‘cuts’ that has ever been implemented. When I was working at Bangor University, I and other research fellows rolled around laughing when people in senior lecturing jobs who had done nothing for 20 years were offered money by the VC to bugger off and retire, but they refused to accept on the grounds that ‘he’s not offering us enough’. Why would any of them have ever accepted the deal? The research fellows and a few of the hard working senior academics did absolutely everything, the Moribund Ones didn’t even come into the University on more than two days/week, why would they wave good-bye to a salary of £50k or more for doing nothing when they could stay there until retirement and then pocket pensions far more generous than their younger colleagues will receive?Peeling Oniontown - VICE

It is clear from Wade’s obituary for Lord Bob that Wade played a part in the events which led to the smallpox outbreak as well: ‘I was particularly grateful to Bob Hunter for the steadfast support which he gave me and my Faculty when a member of our staff contracted and died of smallpox. There were allegations that our Department of Virology, which was doing important work for the World Health Organisation in controlling smallpox, had been and was a hazard to the citizens of Birmingham. Hunter knew that this was nonsense, bore the brunt of criticism with quiet dignity and in the end was fully vindicated: the case brought by the Health and Safety Executive was dismissed and it was clear that the standard of care and competence in our laboratory was as high if not higher than in the only other laboratories in Britain where smallpox virus was held’.

Denying absolutely everything was a strategy that worked well for Lord Bob. Wade lets us know that in the Lords, Lord Bob ‘was a member of the Select Committee on Science and Technology and he was deeply concerned with EEC problems in Brussels’.

Professor Owen Lyndon Wade was himself described by the Royal College of Physicians ‘one of the founding fathers of clinical pharmacology and therapeutics in the UK’. Wade was born in Penarth, South Wales. His father James Owen David Wade was a surgeon. Owen Wade was of a similar vintage to Gwynne the lobotomist.

Wade was educated at Emmanuel College, Cambridge and UCL and subsequently worked as a clinical assistant at the Pneumoconiosis Research Unit in South Wales, 1948-51. Dafydd’s and Tony Francis’s mate and protector Professor Kenneth Rawnsley, later of Cardiff University, was associated with that Unit early in his career. Ken’s wife Dr Elinor Kapp was a child psychiatrist who was a key figure in one of the medical charidees in south Wales established by child molester George Thomas. See previous posts (eg. The Discovery Of A Whole New Galaxy…’) for information on Kenneth Rawnsley and Elinor.

Owen Wade was appointed as a Lecturer in Medicine at Birmingham University in 1951, rising to Senior Lecturer. In 1957, he became Professor of Therapeutics and Pharmacology at Queen’s University, Belfast. In 1971 he returned to Birmingham, to the post of Professor of Therapeutics and Clinical Pharmacology, from which he retired in 1986. Wade was Dean of Birmingham Medical School, 1978-84. So he knew Bluglass as well then and was also Dean when Dr Tony Francis’s pal and protector Ian Brockington was given a Chair at Birmingham Medical School after Francis relocated to north Wales to join Dafydd and the gang (see post ‘Ian Brockington’s Mischief’).

Dafydd’s mate Robert Bluglass studied Medicine at St Andrews. He will have been a student at St Andrews while Lord Bob worked there and then Bluglass rocked up in Birmingham when Lord Bob was VC of that University. Then Brockington joined the crew in Birmingham.

There is absolutely nothing ‘independent’ about the independent clinical opinions of the Top Doctors.

Owen Wade ‘oversaw the modernisation and 1981 relaunch of the British National Formulary’, published by the BMA and Pharmaceutical Society of Great Britain. This was described by Munk’s Roll as Wade’s ‘greatest legacy’. In 1978 Owen became Chairman of the Formulary Committee and led the team which transformed the BNF from a dusty old text full of Latin and chemistry into the gripping read which it is today. Which interestingly enough, although being the ‘Bible’ for prescribing Top Docs, is ignored by some of them. Particularly Dr Richard Tranter, who before he made a run for it to New Zealand a few years ago, worked at the Hergest Unit and prescribed me a combination of drugs which the BNF clearly flags up as being neurotoxic, leading to psychosis and possibly death (see post ‘Why So Many Die So Early’). Being the ‘difficult non-compliant’ person that I am, I of course didn’t take the drugs prescribed by Richard, which saved my bacon. Richard Tranter is a psychopharmacologist, supposedly one of the global leaders in this speciality. So what’s your explanation then Richard?

Richard prescribed the lethal combination after Brown and I published our first paper about the mental health services in north Wales and were planning a follow-up book.

Owen Wade’s three brothers also qualified in medicine. Two of his brothers became surgeons, one in Cardiff and one in Edinburgh, the other became a GP working in London. When Owen became a Professor in Belfast, ‘they had the UK well-covered’.

As a teenager, Owen ‘would help his father giving the anaesthetics (cloth and bottle) and began learning to do the operations. Well before starting his clinical course he had removed an appendix, repaired a hernia and enucleated a prostate – all performed rapidly before the anaesthetic wore off‘. The legality of the teenaged unqualified Owen’s operating is not clarified. Presumably Owen’s dad viewed Owen’s help with the operations in the same way that farmers do when their 14 year old children drive the tractor around the farm.

It’s just as well that Owen had been operating before medical school, because when he began his clinical training at UCL, ‘there was a shortage of clinical senior medical staff’ and Owen ‘recalled that students had to look after themselves and take clinical responsibility at a very early stage. On one occasion, he had to deliver a baby on the platform of Warren Street tube station. Coping with the spectators was a challenge, but he used the old trick of sending them off to find boiling water’.

‘Now don’t you worry dear, we’ll soon get that baby out. I’m not qualified, there aren’t even any lecturers at my medical school, but I’ve been treating patients since I was knee-high to a pompous old git.’

WW II provided Owen with ‘lots of excitement and he and the staff often had to take cover. In his obstetrics exam in January 1945, he was trying to talk about placenta praevia with Hilda Lloyd whilst conscious of the sound of an approaching V-1 bomb. Sensing her increasing concern, he asked if they should both get under the table, which they did. They were not hit and he passed the exam.’

Thank God the lady on the platform at Warren Street tube didn’t have placenta praevia, Owen hadn’t learnt about that then and he’d have probably killed her. ‘That bloody placenta hasn’t appeared yet, I’ll just give this a tug…’

Owen Wade married Margaret Burton, a dentist, which he said was the best thing that he ever did. We are not told whether Margaret began drilling and extracting when she was still at school.

Munk’s Roll supplies yet more terrifying details of Wade’s career. At Birmingham University ‘Owen was the first person to catheterise a normal subject at rest and during exercise. It was his team leader who kindly left a letter absolving his colleagues if anything went wrong, like sudden death. Nothing did go wrong, and Owen was catheterised by him at the next session. In total 12 subjects were studied, including the ward sister and the catheter team nurse – both willing volunteers. There was no ethics committee and no defibrillator.’

And if there was a death no-one would have admitted it. So we do not actually know that ‘nothing did go wrong’. Furthermore, the ward sister and team nurse almost certainly were not ‘willing volunteers’, in those days Angels followed orders no matter how dangerous. If they were told to volunteer, they will have.

‘In 1957 Belfast Medical School wanted to establish an active clinical pharmacology unit and appointed Owen. He was just 36, and had only been a senior lecturer for five months, had had no special training in clinical pharmacology and no specific interest in therapeutics. The department had one senior technician, who was a great asset, but no other staff and he was offered a few beds on someone else’s ward. He was there from 1957 to 1971.’

This is sounding like an Everyday Story of a Father of Modern Medicine.

Owen ‘set about devising a course, putting together a lecture programme and planning practical classes, having never done anything like this before. He gave all the lectures and ran all the practicals. He soon complemented the lectures with interactive road shows, discussing the management of specific patients with a panel of students whilst the rest of the class listened, learned and joined in. These were very clinically relevant and became very popular. Over the early years his clinical work prospered and he became the first consultant to have beds in both teaching hospitals.’

Owen may have simply been amazing. But if he wasn’t, no-one would have admitted that.

‘In 1961 it became clear that thalidomide taken during pregnancy caused very severe, often fatal, abnormalities in the foetus. Many babies were born with phocomelia. His response was positive. He tried to find out how much thalidomide had been prescribed in N Ireland and by whom. This proved impossible, but he was able prospectively to quantify all the drugs prescribed by each GP in Northern Ireland and subsequently worked with colleagues to obtain comparable data for Norway, Sweden, Czechoslovakia and West Germany.’

So if all this data was available, why was it ‘impossible’ for Wade to find out who prescribed thalidomide in N Ireland and how much? Prescriptions were easy traceable at the time, the data that Owen needed was recent and N Ireland is a small place. There will not have been millions of babies born during the relevant period, let alone millions with phocomelia. The number of such babies born in N Ireland will have been in single figures. Owen could have literally knocked on the door of every mother with a young child and found out who had prescribed thalidomide. Phocomelia is such a rare condition that it’s not as if mothers in N Ireland who gave birth to babies without limbs won’t have noticed. This was N Ireland in the early 1960s. Virtually all the mothers will have had one GP throughout their pregnancy, that GP would probably have treated them for years and very probably their parents as well. The GP’s own father could well have practised as a Top Doctor in the same community.

Whoever did prescribe thalidomide in N Ireland must have heaved a huge sigh of relief that Owen wasn’t able to trace them.

Munk’s Roll states that Owen Wade ‘used the computer-based system used in Northern Ireland to pay the pharmacists, and became the first person to use computers in this type of research, and the first to produce numerical data on drug utilisation. These tools fed his interest in adverse drug reactions and he wrote some of the earliest papers and books on this subject.’

But Owen just couldn’t find out who prescribed thalidomide…

Munk’s Roll explains that ‘The nation was horrified by the thalidomide disaster. At that time there was no legal framework for assessing new drugs, no system for monitoring the safety of drugs already on the market and no means of communicating rapidly with prescribers about safety concerns. In 1963 the Government set up the Committee on Safety of Drugs, the so-called ‘Dunlop Committee’, named after the chairman, Sir Derrick Dunlop [Munk’s Roll, Vol.VII, p.170]. Owen was a founder member and subsequently went on to chair the Committee on the Review of Medicines, the adverse drugs reaction subcommittee and became a member of the Medicines Commission, which set up and oversaw the regulatory committee structure.’

The parents of children born with disabilities as a result of thalidomide had to drag the Gov’t and the pharmaceutical company involved kicking and screaming into an admission that their children had been harmed and the battle to gain the (inadequate) compensation was huge and took years. Little wonder it was Owen ‘I just don’t know which Top Doc prescribed that’ Wade who was appointed a founder member of the Dunlop Committee.

Owen Wade’s ‘Deanship of Birmingham Medical School started at a minute past midnight on 1 September; by midday, he had had to shut half the medical school and his Professor of Virology had cut his own throat and was dying’.

By the time that Wade was appointed Dean, Birmingham University knew that Janet Parker had contracted smallpox and knew that the University could possibly be responsible for an outbreak affecting hundreds of people. What better Dean to have appointed to ensure that allegations of malpractice would be like water off a duck’s back and the culprits would be ‘impossible’ to trace?

Munk’s Roll tells us that ‘Trade union power in 1978 was at its peak and the Association of Scientific, Technical and Managerial Staffs (ASTMS) made life very difficult. However, Owen did well. He took command, learnt all about smallpox, took expert advice, kept the relevant documents in good order, looked after his staff and they gave him a lot of support. The medical school was battered but unbowed and lived to fight another day. Four of his professors became presidents of their respective colleges.’

I bet that Owen’s staff ‘gave him a lot of support’. Just think of the alternative if he didn’t win this battle…

Regarding the ASTMS making ‘life very difficult’. The ASTMS later became MSF. When I worked at St George’s Hospital Medical School, the MSF reps were corrupt and wielded power entirely by using their knowledge of the wrongdoing of the equally corrupt but much more powerful Top Doctors. Top Doctors are incredibly hierarchical and usually drip with contempt for anyone who is not a Top Doctor. They treat the lab staff – not so much the research staff, but the lab staff carrying out the routine work – appallingly. When anything ever goes wrong, the Top Doctors blame Angels or other staff, such as lab staff. You bet that the ASTMS would have been difficult, but it won’t have been anything to do with it being 1978 and trade union power being at its height. It was because ASTMS needed to ensure that one of their own wasn’t blamed for the smallpox outbreak, needed to get a compensation deal for Janet Parker’s family, but most importantly ASTMS could see that if they played their cards right over the smallpox outbreak, Christmas had come. I worked at St George’s between 1989-91. Thatch had finished off the union movement and the corrupt MSF rep in the Dept of Obs and Gynae at St George’s, David Hole, wasn’t a Trot, he was a leading light in Wandsworth SDP. Hole was surrounded by rich Top Docs concealing a trafficking ring, drug dealing and perpetrating research fraud and they also had celebrity patients and friends, one of whom was the biggest light entertainment star in the UK at the time. David Hole and his mates had a lorra lorra laffs by acquiring the dirt on their senior colleagues.Pigs feeding from a metal trough at feeding time on the ...

At the time of the smallpox outbreak in Birmingham, the General Secretary of the ASTMS was Clive Jenkins, the self-indulgent slimebag who was substantially responsible for orchestrating the arrangements which resulted in the Windbag becoming leader of the Labour Party in 1983 . For more information about Clive Jenkins, see post ‘I Warn You…’.. Jenkins and his associates became powerful because of the knowledge that they had of the wrongdoing of professionals like the Top Doctors. If Jenkins had found out that a cleaning lady had done a bit of shoplifting it would have been neither here nor there. But in 1978 Jenkins found out that the idiocy and lies of some of the UK’s most ’eminent’ Top Doctors had put the lives of the population of Birmingham at risk. I don’t know how Jenkins and those close to him used that info – including the info that was never made public and the info that was involved in the cover-up that was the failed HSE prosecution – but they will have definitely used it.

Peeling Oniontown - VICE

In 1978 the full-time Health and Safety Director of the ASTMS was Sheila McKechnie. Sheila remained with ASTMS until her appointment as Chief Executive of the charity Shelter in 1985. After ten years there, McKechnie left to become Head of the Consumers’ Association. In 2001 McKechnie said: ‘I am a fully paid-up member of the awkward squad and will remain so for the rest of my life. No government would ever feel entirely comfortable with me or the association because we are both fiercely, fiercely independent.’

When she was a student at Edinburgh University, McKechnie was a close friend of Gordon Brown. Although she was fiercely independent of Gov’t of course. Awkward Sheila became Dame Sheila in 2001, when her old mate Gordon was Chancellor of the Exchequer.

The fiercely, fiercely independent awkward squad:The Mannings Pig Scramble | Hong Kong Sucks

McKechnie was diagnosed with cancer in 1997 and died in 2004. If Dame Sheila had only been a little more awkward during her lifetime and had not kept quiet about the scams and research fraud on the part of Top Docs and their colleagues, the clinical outcomes for cancer patients in the UK might be rather better than they are at present. Dame Sheila was an activist in the Wimmin’s Movement. So that’s why she remained silent about the abuse and trafficking of vulnerable women and girls within the welfare system of the UK.

Following the Dame’s death the Sheila McKechnie Foundation was established to support a new generation of campaigners.

Clive Jenkins’s proud boast was that he unionised the middle classes. Indeed he did. Thatch destroyed the NUM, the print unions and most of the unions representing what were considered to be working class people. The NHS, universities and schools remained unionised. The BMA is the most powerful trade union in the UK. It tells Gov’ts of every political hue what to do and how much to pay Top Docs.Peeling Oniontown - VICE

The ASTMS was created in 1969 when ASSET (the Association of Supervisory Staffs, Executives and Technicians) merged with the AScW (the Association of Scientific Workers) under the leadership of joint General Secretaries Clive Jenkins of ASSET and John Dutton of the AScW. ASSET, the larger of the two unions, began as the National Foremen’s Association and chiefly represented supervisors in metal working and transport. Covering both the public and private sectors, AScW largely represented laboratory and technical workers in universities, the NHS and in chemical and metal manufacturing. The AScW could name half-a-dozen Nobel prize winners amongst its membership.

Between 1962-70 Ken Livingstone worked at the Chester Beatty cancer research labs looking after the research animals and during this time Livingstone helped found a branch of ASTMS to fight redundancies imposed by company bosses. Ken won’t have missed the opportunity to put what he witnessed going on at the Chester Beatty labs to good use in his later political career.

By the end of 1970 Clive Jenkins had become sole General Secretary of the union. Jenkins kept ASTMS in the public’s eye, within 15 years the union had expanded from 65,000 members to a figure approaching 500,000. This was achieved both by individual recruitment and by merging with small unions and staff associations, such as the Managers’ and Overlookers’ Society, Medical Practitioners’ Union, the United Commercial Travellers’ Association of Great Britain and Ireland, the Union of Insurance Staff and the Prudential Assurance Staff Association. The number of mergers was eventually to exceed 30.

In 1988 ASTMS merged with TASS, the federated white collar section of the AUEW (Amalgamated Union of Engineering Workers) to form MSF. On January 1, 2002 MSF was to amalgamate with the AEEU, a successor to AUEW) to form Amicus. On 1 May 2007 Amicus merged with the TGWU to form UNITE.

Anyone up for a march to Save The NHS From Tory Cuts?

I suspect that those four unidentified professors from Birmingham Medical School who were in post at the time of the smallpox outbreak and who later just happened to become Presidents of their respective Royal Colleges, used their knowledge of life behind the scenes in the smallpox lab as skilfully as Lord Clive Jenkins and Dame Sheila did.

 

Another Top Doctor who had a great deal to do with the Birmingham smallpox outbreak but who’s career suffered no deleterious consequences was Henry Bedson’s friend and senior colleague, Thomas Henry Flewett. In 1956 Flewett had been appointed consultant virologist to East Birmingham Hospital, where he established the Regional Virus Laboratory. Flewett was a member of the senior management team of East Birmingham (now Heartlands) Hospital overseeing Bedson. Flewett was ultimately responsible for the disaster over which Bedson killed himself. It was Flewett who ordered his staff to fumigate the smallpox laboratory with formaldehyde after Janet Parker’s death. Why Flewett told them to do that is a mystery, because formaldehyde would not eradicate smallpox viruses. Formaldehyde is very good at killing and preserving living tissue, but the only characteristics of ‘life’ that viruses have are that they replicate. There is still debate as to whether viruses are ‘alive’ or whether they are merely self-replicating pieces of DNA or RNA. It was also Flewtt who ordered the ward where Janet was cared for to be fumigated. The building at East Birmingham Hospital housing that fumigated ward was later demolished, probably in order to conceal how hopelessly inadequate it was as a location in which to treat a patient with smallpox, even by the standards of 1978. Here’s the scene of the fuckwittery:

It doesn’t inspire confidence does it. Well just take a look at the back of the Medical School building which housed the lab in which Bedson carried out his work with smallpox and the rooms above that lab, in which Janet worked:

The location of the smallpox laboratory (bottom) and the rooms where Parker worked (above):

 

Flewett was a founder member (and subsequently Fellow) of the Royal College of Pathologists and was elected a Fellow of the Royal College of Physicians of London in 1978. He was Chairman of the WHO Steering Committee on Viral Diarrhoeal Diseases, 1990–3, and a member until 1996. Flewett’s Birmingham lab was a WHO Reference and Research Centre for Rotavirus Infections from 1980 until his retirement in 1987. Flewett was a member of the Board of the Public Health Laboratory Service (now Public Health England), 1977-83 and was Chairman of the Public Health Laboratory Service Committee on Electron Microscopy from 1977-87.

Flewett was born in India where his father was a member of the Imperial Forestry Service. Flewett’s father was also a member of the Indian Reserve Army. Flewett was educated at Campbell College, Belfast and qualified as a Top Doctor from Queen’s University, Belfast. He worked at the Royal Victoria Hospital in Belfast and then as a demonstrator at Queen’s University Belfast for two years. Between 1948 and 1951, Flewett worked at the National Institute for Medical Research at Mill Hill. This led to his first use of electron microscopy, ‘in which he became a leading authority’.

Flewett’s work on rotaviruses brought him international recognition. He was one of the first western virologists to be invited to the People’s Republic of China (in 1983) to lecture. He was a judge for the King Faisal International Prize in 1983, which was awarded to Professor John S. Fordtran, Dr William B. Greenough III and Professor Michael Field, for their work on oral rehydration in reducing mortality and morbidity due to cholera and other acute infectious diarrhoeal diseases. Flewett travelled widely as a WHO consultant to most countries in which childhood diarrhoea is a major problem.

 

I noticed the reference to ‘magistrates’ with regard to the 1979 HSE prosecution of Birmingham University. This suggests that lay people heard the case and it was those lay people who rejected all the evidence suggesting that Birmingham University were hugely culpable where Janet Parker’s death was concerned. Unless one of those involved just happened to be a microbiologist, it might have been very difficult for them to weigh up the conflicting evidence presented to them by different Top Doctors, all stressing their ‘expertise’ in the matter. The same situation prevails today. Yesterday morning Radio 4 broadcast a programme in which various people reviewed the newspapers and one story discussed was the recent US Court case in which it was found that the weedkiller Round-Up was responsible for someone’s cancer. The manufacturers of Round-Up have been ordered to hand over a great deal of dosh. There didn’t seem to be any awareness on the part of the Radio 4 guests that there is no firm opinion on whether Round Up (ie. glyphosate) does cause cancer. The argument has raged for quite some time now, but a link has not been demonstrated in the way that the link between tobacco smoking and lung cancer has. The American jury could well have been unaware that the alleged carcinogenic properties of glyphosate are still very much a matter of debate. Someone on the radio also believed that glyphosate presents a risk because people spray it on their gravel paths to keep the weeds down. No, if there is a risk it is from the agricultural use of glyphosate. Some farmers drench their crops in the stuff and indeed in the 1980s, the Agriculture Dept at UCNW (Bangor University) recommended this practice to the students. Add in dishonest expert witnesses and how a jury is ever supposed to get to the truth I cannot understand.

 

BBC News Wales reported yet another good news NHS story – there’s a great many of them in these days of special measures and ever-worsening NHS performance – precisely that the crack team of Top Doctors at the University Hospital of Wales in Cardiff carried out ‘six kidney transplants in 30 hours’. Dr Mike Stephen, one of the transplant surgeons, mentioned that the theatres used for transplant surgery competed with space for other emergency surgery. As no additional operating theatres have been built, assuming that this story of six transplants in 30 hours is true, it can only mean that if a major incident had occurred – multiple car crash, train crash, a plane crash, industrial accident/explosion etc – that there would have been insufficient capacity in the theatres at UHW to deal with it. Aren’t hospitals supposed to organise matters to ensure that there is always sufficient capacity to allow for a major incident? UHW isn’t on top of Snowdon, it’s in Wales’s biggest city where a major incident could happen.

It was explained by delighted Top Doc Mike Stephen that Wales is now ‘the envy of the world’ because with regard to organ donation, it has ‘the highest rates of consent in the UK, after having previously had the lowest’. This is not true. A recent change in the law in Wales means that now, unless someone actively states that they do not wish their organs to be used for donation, the Top Docs can assume consent. Even if consent has not been given. This massive far-reaching change in the legal ownership of the bodies of the citizens of Wales – they now belong to the state, not the individual – was rushed through with the minimum of debate on the back of an advertising campaign featuring the usual eg. pictures of stylised hearts and other organs, shots of Angels holding the hands of patients and the promise that if the legal change took place, Doctors Would Be Able To Help.

I do not have any problems with organ donation but the main reason why there were so many anecdotes regarding people who carried organ donor cards but who’s relatives ‘were too upset to say yes’ at the time of death, was that the circumstances of so many of those deaths in Wales’s hospitals were just so distressing. The communication between staff and relatives was frequently terrible and if one’s nearest and dearest has had the sort of death that Ann Clwyd’s husband had in the University Hospital of Wales, one is not going to agree to organ donation. No-one addressed this issue, there was simply a command sent out – your organs now belong to the state.

One reason why awful death bed scenes may not have been addressed is that the Health Minister who pushed the presumed consent Measure through was Edwina Hart. Edwina knew just what a bloody dreadful state Wales’s hospitals were in, she knew that the NHS had become a site of considerable confrontation and she knew the sort of experiences that people were having as their relatives lay dying. Dealing with that was much too steep a mountain to climb, so Edwina Passed A Cuddly Fluffy Law. But in the hands of some of those who are running Wales’s NHS, it is not a Cuddly Fluffy Law, it conjures up the sort of scene in Python’s ‘Life Of Brian’, where two dodgy looking characters find their way into an older lady’s home, explain that they’d like her to donate her organs to medical science and then slaughter her.

I note that the good news story regarding Edwina’s Bright Idea appeared a few days after I mentioned on this blog the criminal activities of the former Chair and CEO of the NW Wales NHS Trust, Elfed Roberts and Martin Jones. It was Edwina who failed to deal with those two, despite me sending her enough evidence to have both of them prosecuted. Elfed disappeared from public view, only to quietly re-emerge as a member of the Welsh Ambulance Trust, an appointment made by one Edwina Hart. Martin was recycled into the newly created Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board. Edwina hated Elfed and Martin and they hated her, but they all had so much crap on each other that, as with Ken Clarke’s battle with the BMA in the late 1980s, no-one won. Edwina and the Top Docs loathed each other as well, it was the BMA who organised the Edwina Out campaign. Ah, but this blog is detailing serious crimes on the part of the BMA too. It’s a Rainbow Alliance against Service Shenanigans!

I wish the Rainbow Alliance all the best and I look forward to the next bit of propaganda. The Rainbow Alliance have obviously forgotten that not only do I have 10,000 documents detailing serious crime, but that I haven’t blogged about all the evidence that I have. I’ve also been sent documents relating to other people’s cases that I haven’t even mentioned.

By the way Rainbow Alliance, wasn’t it at the UHW in which the wrong kidney was removed from a patient? The only healthy kidney that he had? He died didn’t he? Now, as I have recently blogged about the close and chummy relationship that the child molester George Thomas had with the UHW, perhaps the Rainbow Alliance would like to clarify whether it was the UHW which treated Thomas for an STI in 1984 but backed up Leo Abse’s plan to issue a press release stating that George had prostate trouble; clarify whether the NHS were footing any part of the bill for George’s bungaloid that was on the doorstep of the UHW; and tell us all how George Thomas managed to wangle such a massive proportion of the hospital building budget for the development of the UHW when the rest of Wales was left with inadequate provision.

One more thing Rainbow Alliance. Among all the other wrongdoing and chaos at the UHW, can you please enlighten us all regarding Mrs Walker’s flagship fertility unit which was alleged to be in operation in the late 1980s at the UHW?  Mrs Walker was a little old lady who didn’t seem to know a great deal about fertility treatment but she was agreeing to treat pretty much anyone who arrived at her door if they had the cash. I don’t know how, because there were bugger all fertility specialists there and there weren’t the labs needed to run a successful fertility unit either. I could find no reference to Mrs Walker’s work when I researched her so I presume that she hadn’t done any. Mrs Walker’s right hand woman didn’t have a PhD and I don’t think that she knew much about fertility treatment either. So what was going on then?

Now you don’t really want me to mention anything else that was going on at the UHW do you? Such as the death of the medical student Philip Jones in 1984, after he volunteered for a clinical trial? Cardiff maintained that Philip’s death was unrelated to the trial, but Philip spent his final days in a London teaching hospital and they did not agree with Cardiff’s stated cause of death. Only no-one was told that the London hospital concluded that Philip’s death was everything to do with that drug trial.

Then there was the Dean of Medicine at Cardiff who was giving his friends places on the Medicine degree, even though they didn’t reach the entry criteria.

Ooh, what about the scores of complaints from the women who had given birth in one particular ward at the UHW, the ward that had such a bad reputation that those in the know made sure that they didn’t give birth there?

I’ll keep my many other accounts of UHW Experiences for the next time that the Rainbow Alliance make a media appearance… Perhaps they could find an area of medicine to boast about of which I do not have knowledge of the most dreadful scams or misconduct?

Dr Mike Stephen, being a transplant surgeon of many years experience, will remember the scandal involving Dr Michael Bewick in the early 1990s. Michael Bewick was a London transplant surgeon who stood accused of performing kidney transplants on Turkish peasants who had been paid for their organs. The scandal came to light after one such Turkish man came forward and claimed that he had not consented to organ donation, he had woken up in London after having been told that he was to undergo some other procedure while ‘on a free holiday to London’ only to find himself minus one kidney. Bewick maintained that he had no idea that the Turks were being paid for their kidneys and that there was never an operation carried out which had not involved informed consent. The GMC found Bewick guilty of serious professional misconduct. His punishment? He was banned from private practice and ordered to ‘work within the NHS’ for I think it was two years. That is the Top Docs’ view of the NHS. The NHS gets the crap that the Top Docs themselves don’t want. I knew a Top Doc at the time of that case who knew Michael Bewick and they assured me that he knew exactly what was going on with regard to those Turkish peasants…

At the time of the Bewick scandal there had been reports of dead bodies washed up on beaches in Turkey which had undergone recent removal of the kidneys. There was much public incredulity and ‘this can’t really have happened’. Well I would not have thought that a police officer known to be corrupt could be thrown out of the North Wales Police by the Chief Constable for er corruption and then be appointed as Chair of an NHS Trust, unlawfully refuse a patient all NHS treatment, have her arrested twice unlawfully, disappear from his job in a blaze of scandal and bad publicity and then be given further appointments as a member of the Board of the Welsh Ambulance Trust and as a governor at Bangor University where he subsequently Chaired the Fair Practice Committee. It happened and we have Edwina Hart to thank for it.

The new Chairman of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board will be taking up his position within weeks. It is Mark Polin, who has just stood down as the Chief Constable of the North Wales Police. The North Wales Police who have failed to bring any prosecutions against anyone in the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board, despite scandal after scandal and police investigations.

I am no longer in Wales, so if I am involved in a serious accident and someone has their eye on my kidneys, I hope that the chances of documentation being destroyed/fabricated and lies being told following my death from clinical negligence to allow the harvesting of my organs is rather less than it would otherwise be. Although I can’t be 100% certain, after all Michael Bewick was not in Wales…

 

Previous blog posts and recent comments added to posts have discussed the activities of the Dreadful Professors Irvine – Fiona, an Angel who was complicit with the abuse of patients and the most frightful workplace bully and her husband Stuart. The Irvines previously both worked at Bangor University and when one brave PhD student went to the HR Dept to make representation about Fiona’s appalling behaviour, he was asked not to make a formal complaint because Fiona ‘is not a nice lady’ and was expected to make a counter complaint against the student. Who had suffered a breakdown at the hands of Fiona. Another source told me that the Irvines had both lined up new jobs for themselves at another university but were conspiring to bring a case against Bangor in order to screw some dosh out of the institution as a golden goodbye. I’m not sure whether that plan did work but imagine my surprise when just weeks later, Stuart and Fiona left for Chairs at Glyndwr University!

The Chancellor of Glyndwr University had been paedophiles’ friend Trevor Jones, but he had been succeeded by Jon Shortridge (see post ‘A Vampire At Glyndwr University!’). Sir Jon Shortridge is a civil servant who served as the Permanent Secretary of the Welsh Office from March 1999 and then of the National Assembly of Wales from its creation in May 1999. Shortridge became Permanent Secretary of the Welsh Assembly Gov’t on its establishment as a separate institution in May 2007 and left the post at the end of April 2008. Which was when Elfed Roberts, Chair of the NW Wales NHS Trust, was having me unlawfully arrested and refusing me NHS treatment and Edwina Hart was failing to deal with it. It was also when Fiona Irvine was abusing her position at Bangor University.

In 2009, Shortridge was brought back as interim Permanent Secretary of the Dept for Innovation, Universities and Skills. Mandelson was the Secretary of State for that Dept and his right hand woman was someone who had grown up on Anglesey, the daughter of Ron Evans, who for years worked as a lawyer for Gwynedd County Council. Ron was the lawyer who, in the wake of the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, told everyone that what had happened was so serious and so inexcusable that none of them must ever say a word about it to anyone. I know that because Ron’s wife told me. She worked as a lecturer at Bangor University. She is (or was) also a magistrate. Documents in my possession with Ron’s signature on them detail perjury and conspiracy in an attempt to have me imprisoned. The names of colluding officers from the North Wales Police also appear on those documents. See previous posts for details.

The documents with Ron Evans’s name and signature on are from the late 1980s/early 1990s. Jon Shortridge joined the Welsh Office in 1984. I first complained about Dafydd and the gang to Keith Best, a Welsh Office Minister in 1985. Between 1987 and 1988 Shortridge was Private Secretary to two Secretaries of State for Wales, Nicholas Edwards and Peter Walker. Throughout this time the sex trafficking gang caused havoc in north Wales and complaints about the NHS and social services were simply ignored. From 1988 to 1992 Shortridge  was Head of the Welsh Office’s Finance Division. He undertook the Senior Management Review of the Welsh Office in 1995 and was appointed Director of Economic Affairs in 1997, with responsibility for establishing the National Assembly for Wales.

So Sir Jon, did Ron Evans tell you too never to say a word to anyone because what happened was so serious and inexcusable? And how exactly did the delightful Fiona and Stuart let you know that they had all the shit on you and that they’d both like Chairs at Glyndwr University?

Sir Jon was educated at Chichester High School for Boys, then St Edmund Hall, Oxford and then Edinburgh University.

In December 2002, Sir Jon was summoned by the Audit Committee of the National Assembly of Wales in order to be questioned over delays and rising costs surrounding the construction of a new debating chamber, which was to become the Senedd. £250,000 of taxpayers’ money was spent on a legal dispute with sacked architects, the Richard Rogers Partnership. Sir Jon stated during the hearing that the design submitted by the Richard Rogers Partnership would not have been eligible for the original competition if the true costs had been known. The saga of the design for the Senedd and the Richard Rogers Partnership being commissioned is covered in an earlier post on this blog (see post ‘Have The Lambs Stopped Screaming?’). The man largely responsible for it all was the former Secretary of State for Wales, Ron ‘I was looking for badgers’ Davies.

In 2010 Jeremy Colman, the Auditor General for Wales, was imprisoned for the possession of child porn (see post ‘The Reality Is, There Is No Problem’). His position as Auditor General was succeeded by Huw Vaughan Thomas, who had been the Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council for some of the years when the paedophile gang flourished in the Council’s children’s homes (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’). Huw’s son worked in the National Audit Office for Wales and Huw’s his wife, Enid Rowlands, was a Director of the North Wales Health Authority and is/was also a key figure in the Solicitors’ Regulation Authority (see post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’). Huw and Enid have numerous other links with the paedophiles’ friends which stretch back many years, as detailed in previous posts…

Fiona Irvine didn’t stay at Glyndwr University long, within a few short months she bagged a Chair of Nursing at Liverpool John Moores University. This is a woman who was unable to assess the work of a PhD student appropriately because her own grasp of the sociology of health was so shaky. Fiona’s inaugural lecture at Liverpool John Moores was entitled ‘Me, Myself, I’ no less.

Fiona is now Professor and Head of Nursing at Birmingham University. Whatever could be the key to Fiona’s success? Not that she’ll be telling us, Fiona will remember Ron Evans’s advice from all those years ago…

I have discussed in previous posts George Thomas’s many links with the NHS, medical charidees and his role as Patron of the National Children’s Home (NCH). The NCH is now known as Action for Children. Presumably the re-branding exercise followed all those embarrassing revelations that paedophiles were busy working for the NCH. A number of those involved with the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal had worked for the NCH, including Glanville Owen. Glanville was Deputy Director of Gwynedd Social Services, responsible for Gwynedd’s children’s homes for years while the paedophile gang enjoyed themselves within those homes. Glanville later became the Chief Exec of Gwynedd CHC, in which role he lied to patients and failed to investigate serious complaints, including assaults on patients by NHS staff.

I have discovered an entertaining document in the archive of the Margaret Thatcher Foundation. It is the text of a speech that Thatch gave on Jan 17 1990, at the National Children’s Home, as the inaugural George Thomas Society Lecture. The George Thomas Society was founded by the NCH for the purposes of tackling child abuse. For those of us who knew what Thatch was concealing and what George Thomas was up to for decades of his life, this speech is wonderful. I won’t reproduce it all here, it can be found on the website of the Margaret Thatcher Foundation, but I’ll highlight the best bits:

George Thomas is admired and loved throughout this country. As Mr. Speaker, his voice became known in every home. His life has been dedicated to the service of people and especially, through the National Children’s Home, to children. He has never ceased to proclaim the importance of Christian values in family life…

George has always believed that children must come first because children are our most sacred trust….We need to do all we can to ensure that children enjoy their childhood against a background of secure and loving family life. That way, they can develop their full potential, grow up into responsible adults and become, in their turn, good parents.

But it is a sad fact that throughout history some children have been neglected, exploited and cruelly treated. So it was in the mid-19th century in England. Dr. Stevenson, the founder of the National Children’s Home, was born when Lord Shaftesbury was campaigning to reform the appalling conditions in which children were made to work in factories and mines. It was a time when Charles Kingsley described the plight of child chimney sweeps in the “Water Babies” and Charles Dickens that organised juvenile crime in “Oliver Twist” . It was a world in which many children were neglected and even rejected and thrust into a life of crime, violence, exploitation and poverty, yet by the reformers’ response to these conditions, that period also stands out in English history as a period of social progress based on Christian belief.

People like the Earl of Shaftesbury campaigned for laws to protect children; Robert Raikes started the Sunday School Movement, Dr. Barnardo established his famous homes, Prebendary Ruolf founded the Church of England Children’s Society, Benjamin Warr started the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children, Margaret MacMillan founded nursery schools and, of course, Dr. Stevenson founded the first National Children’s Home in South London—a remarkable period—and all of this was done because those people felt impelled to care for the needs of these children….

Voluntary societies like yours can respond quickly to meet changing needs. They are run by people with a commitment to building genuine relationships with others and not simply to introducing programmes.

the early reformers were almost all Christians who saw such duties as an expression of their faith…

the very foundation of human happiness lies in the development of secure emotional relationships within the home, but far too many children are denied a secure and affectionate family and that is the greatest deprivation of all. Alas, today, that truth is not universally accepted and it is the children who suffer.

I believe that in the 1960s, far too many young people were ridiculed out of their true beliefs by the proponents of the permissive society who believed in precious little but themselves. They talked a lot about “rights” yet they gave away the fundamental right of a child to be brought up in a real family and now we are reaping the harvest.

There are, of course, some who blame all our social ills on poverty and others who think that affluence is the cause. Certainly, young people who nowadays have more money and more freedom, also have more opportunity to misuse them and some do, but do not blame freedom and prosperity for the faults ingrained in human nature!…

cruelty to children is still with us and the breakdown of so many families adds to the deprivation which children suffer and brings with it a new problem of teenage homelessness…

Over eighty children a year have died at the hands of a parent, step-parent or connected adult and there are thousands more who suffer. Even though child abuse is now more widely reported, it is very disturbing that at any one time about 40,000 children in England alone are registered as needing protection. Tragically, the case histories from a variety of backgrounds suggest that many of those who ill treat their children have themselves, when children, been ill-treated. To use children for sexual purposes, whether through the wicked perversion of sexual abuse or through fantasies induced by child pornography, must provoke the strongest outrage and reaction from individuals and Government alike.

The Government has increased the penalties for child cruelty and tightened the law on child pornography by making possession of this material an offence but I am very concerned by recent reports of what is still occurring…

four out of five lone mothers claiming income support receive no maintenance from the fathers. No father should be able to escape from his responsibility and that is why the Government is looking at ways of strengthening the system for tracing an absent father and making the arrangements for recovering maintenance more effective.

Another area of children in danger is teenage homelessness. The problem is not confined to London but it receives most publicity in the capital. We are not talking about teenagers who leave a perfectly good home voluntarily but about those who leave because of the breakdown of the family and the fact that they do not get on with the new step-father or mother. Sometimes, violence and sexual abuse may also be involved.

Other teenagers come out of Local Authority care with nowhere to go and without being given any proper training in how to look after themselves. I know that in some cases social services departments will find lodgings or a family to which the children can go and that is right because these young people are in special need of someone who cares about them personally…

our initiative on more hostels in partnership with the voluntary sector has produced an extra 21,000 hostel beds in the last eight years and in total, there are now a similar number in London alone and a further 31,000 hostel beds in the rest of England…

not all teenagers who choose to come to London are homeless and we must try not to pursue policies which have the effect of encouraging still more young people to leave their own home for our large cities without any idea of where to live or what to do… 

As well as responding to the problems of homelessness, we in Government have also been especially concerned to do our part to improve the care and protection of children. As a politician, I first came into contact with the problem of child abuse when I was Secretary of State for Education and Science. I used to ask young teachers to come and talk to me about their work. A few told me of children who at the end of the week would cling to their teachers—they were not wanting to go home themselves. What should the teacher do in those circumstances with a child clinging to her? Should she walk home with the child to see the parent or would that bring down the wrath of the parent on the child later? Should they report the incident?Should they call in the social worker or should they even alert the police? To those who would criticise their hesitation, I have frequently said:“Well, what would you do under those circumstances?”

Teachers and social workers and others working with children must have enough confidence to know how to respond. That means proper training for all of those who come into contact with children and everyone must know the circumstances in which the social services or the police have the power to take a child into their protection. 

So last year and this year, we are making £7 million available to Local Authorities to train those involved in caring for children, particularly social workers, and student teachers are now taught about child abuse as an essential part of their preparation for teaching.

We are making the largest ever grant to the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children to help them to establish their new training centre…

The Children Act of 1989 is the most comprehensive piece of legislation about children ever enacted in this country; it draws on the experiences learned in Cleveland and through the tragic deaths or abused children such as Kimberley Carlisle, Jasmine Beckford and Tara Henry. Above all, the Act seeks the right balance in protecting those too young and vulnerable to protect themselves while preventing excessive and over-zealous intrusion into family life by the State; and in 1988, the maximum penalties for child cruelty were increased from the previous two years to ten years…

all the voluntary helpers of the National Children’s Home and other similar organisations and all those who give to their work are just such people. Nearly a third of your income of £37 million comes from private individuals and companies and we would like to thank them very much indeed. Truly, this country has become an active and generous society and I know that you, the National Children’s Home, have played an important part in developing new ways of alleviating distress such as “Touchline” , the telephone counselling service for sex abuse victims in Leeds, which is similar to the wonderful work of Esther Rantzen—she is here and we would like to pay tribute to her work too!… Also, the new facilities you are pioneering through the George Thomas Society to overcome the consequence of sex abuse and the programme for sixteen to nineteen year-olds in Wales and for those who are needing care in Calderdale, to equip young people with essential skills such as budgeting, shopping, cooking and housework. Once again, a Methodist Foundation is showing by example that common faith is the best basis for common effort to build a better life in every sense of the word…

They knew—and we dare not forget—that children cannot flourish unless they learn to distinguish right from wrong and have respect and thought for others…

When we have all done our best to repair the broken lives of children, we must also keep in good repair that foundation of standards and values…That way, we can best emulate and honour John Wesley, Lord Shaftesbury—the poor man’s Earl—Dr. Stevenson, the founder of the National Children’s Home, and George Thomas—the children’s Viscount—whom we honour tonight.

When Thatch made this speech she had given George Thomas, who was known to the police and to Parliament to be a serial child sex offender, an hereditary Viscountcy. I don’t know why, because he was a paedophile who targeted boys Thomas had no heirs to whom he could pass on the Viscountcy.

By Jan 1990 Thatch had become good friends with Jimmy Savile and he had spent a few Christmas’s at Chequers with her. Thatch was warned by the civil service that Savile’s ‘private life’ threatened to damage the Gov’t and bring the honours system into disrepute were he to be given a knighthood. Thatch’s response was to lobby ever harder for Savile’s knighthood. Savile received a knighthood in the 1990 Queen’s Birthday Honours.

When Thatch made this speech, her personal friend Sir Peter Morrison, Tory MP for Chester, was Minister of State for Energy. It was known that Morrison was abusing kids in care in north Wales, Cheshire and elsewhere. Thatcher was directly told about this but nonetheless in July 1990 she appointed Morrison as her PPS. He then organised her leadership campaign at the end of that year.

Since 1979 Thatcher had led a Gov’t which had systematically ignored, concealed and colluded with the most dreadful abuse of children and vulnerable young people in north Wales and elsewhere.

Thatch mentioned that Esther was in the audience. I had written to Esther some two years before this speech was given, providing Esther with details of the abuse of mental health patients in north Wales, after Esther launched her campaign re mental health. I did not receive a reply.

Thatch mentions the notion of people knowing right from wrong. Paedophiles and their friends are keen on this idea. When I was illegally imprisoned in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh in Dec 1986, I overheard Janice Davies, Dafydd’s mole and the Sister of Bryn Golau Ward, telephone Dafydd and tell him that I was ‘dangerous’ and had ‘no sense of right and wrong’. Nothing had happened to elicit the phone call, but Dafydd was in need of ‘evidence’ to justify sectioning me because people were asking questions about my unlawful detention. I challenged Janice and she ran out of the office shrieking ‘I never said any such thing’.

Bryn Golau Ward at the time was full of people who were been detained unlawfully because they had in some way crossed the path of the sex trafficking gang which Dafydd was facilitating.

Everyone in positions of responsibility and authority in Wales and Westminster and Whitehall knew something of what was happening. They have so much blood on their hands that it will never wash off.

Lady Macbeth Blood Quotes. QuotesGram

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I will now try and find out more about this initiative launched by George Thomas for people of 16 to 19 in Wales and Calderdale who had been sexually abused. I shudder to think what I will discover.

Life In Cold Blood

Previous posts have described how the security services monitored what was happening in north Wales, as well as at other places such as St George’s Hospital Medical School and Springfield Hospital, but used their resources to protect Dafydd et al, not their victims. It was obvious to me that ‘national security’ was being defined in terms of avoiding reputational damage to institutions such as law and medicine, although the corruption was so serious many lives were undoubtedly at risk.

While reading Hugo Young’s biography of Thatcher, ‘One Of Us’, I was reminded of a landmark judgement during that Thatcher years, in which the interests of the Gov’t were defined as the interests of ‘national security’, no matter what the interests of the Gov’t was.

In 1984, Clive Ponting, a senior civil servant in the MoD, felt that the deception and misinformation on the part of the Cabinet regarding the sinking of the Belgrano during the Falklands conflict was so great that he leaked sensitive Gov’t documents to Parliament via the Labour MP for Linlithgow, Tam Dalyell. Clive Ponting had witnessed discussions between Michael Heseltine, the then Defence Secretary and Heseltine’s officials, who concluded that Parliament should continue to be misled regarding the sinking of the Belgrano.

When Ponting was identified as the source of the leaked documents, he was prosecuted under section 2 of the Official Secrets Act. The presiding judge at Ponting’s 1985 trial was Justice McCowan.

 

Ponting was subsequently acquitted by the jury, despite remarks in McCowan’s summing up which, as ‘The Daily Telegraph’ said in a leading article, ‘seemed to lean heavily towards the prosecution case’. Ponting’s defence had been that his actions were to save Parliament from being misled and were therefore in the interests of the State (a defence under the Act). McCowan ruled that the interests of the State must mean the interests of the Gov’t of the day, to which the Civil Service was bound by a relationship of trust. McCowan’s ruling meant that civil servants had no higher duty than their duty to carry out the instructions of Ministers.

So it was Justice McCowan who determined that if the Gov’t wished to conceal the crimes of a pan-European sex trafficking ring which was murdering witnesses, that was in the national interest.

 

Sir Anthony James Denys McCowan (12 January 1928 – 3 July 2003) was a British barrister and judge of the High Court of Justice and Court of Appeal. After attending Epsom College, McCowan studied at Brasenose College, Oxford, where he was a member of the University Conservative Association. McCowan was called to the Bar at Gray’s Inn in 1951. Sir William Mars-Jones, President of UCNW, 1982-95 and Ronnie Waterhouse’s friend, who acted as an umbrella for Dafydd and the trafficking gang for years, was a member of Gray’s Inn. After building up a practice in criminal, property and personal injury law, McCowan was made a QC in 1972 and was appointed a judge of the Queen’s Bench Division of the High Court of Justice in 1981. In 1989 McCowan became a judge of the Court of Appeal, but only sat for eight years until ill health forced him to retire in 1997.

McCowan was born in Georgetown, Guyana, the son of a magistrate. In 1951 he helped found the Bow Group, the first meeting of which was attended by, among others, William Rees-Mogg, Geoffrey Howe and Norman St John Stevas. Howe worked as a barrister on the corrupt Chester and Wales Circuit and was a lifelong friend of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse. When I worked at St George’s Hospital Medical School, a member of staff who was well-acquainted with the gay scene told me that St John Stevas was known to be ‘holding spanking parties with little boys’ and that ‘no-one knows how he is getting away with it’.

McCowan’s pupillage was with Stanley Rees, at 1 Crown Office Row. Sir Stanley Rees was born in South Africa. His father was an English doctor of Welsh descent and Rees subsequently read law at University College, Oxford. After taking Silk in 1957, Rees defended in a series of high profile criminal trials at the Old Bailey, including the Brighton police corruption case, at which his client was acquitted. Rees was Recorder of Croydon, 1961-62 and the last Chairman of the East Sussex Quarter Sessions, 1964-71. When Rees was appointed a High Court judge in 1962, he went into the Family Division. His most famous case was the wardship proceedings concerning the three children of the 7th Earl and Countess of Lucan.

In the drawn-out first hearing in 1973, Rees – unimpressed with Lord Lucan’s character – gave custody to Lady Lucan, a decision that Lord Lucan’s friends later suggested had triggered the events of the following year. Although Lord Lucan had been granted ‘reasonable access’ to his children, his friend John Aspinall later said that the decision had been a ‘terrible blow’.

On the evening of November 7 1974, a year after the custody hearing, Lady Lucan ran into a Belgravia pub with blood on her face, saying that she had just escaped from a murderer. The police later found the body of the family nanny, Sandra Rivett, in a mailbag in the basement of Lady Lucan’s house.

Lady Lucan told police that she had gone downstairs to find the nanny when her estranged husband attacked her. When challenged by her, he said that he had mistaken the nanny for her and killed her. A warrant was soon issued for Lord Lucan’s arrest and a search was launched along the Sussex coast near Newhaven where it was believed he may have committed suicide; another theory was that he had fled overseas.

A week after Lucan’s disappearance, Rees presided at a further hearing concerning the children and after two and a half hours of secret consultation with Lady Lucan, he announced that the children would remain with their mother. Lord Lucan was never seen again.

After being attacked by her husband, Lady Lucan had the misfortune to end up in the hands of St George’s Hospital and her sanity was questioned. Lady Lucan always maintained that the various Top Doctors who pronounced on her alleged mental health problems were taking instructions from her husband.

The coroner who presided over the inquest of Sandra Rivett, Dr Paul Knapman, was a St George’s graduate himself and in his capacity as the coroner for Westminster presided over some of the highest profile inquests of the 20th century. When I worked in medical research in London I was told quite explicitly that Knapman was corrupt.

 

Sir Anthony McCowan practised in London and on the South Eastern Circuit. He became leader of the South Eastern Circuit in 1978, having been appointed Deputy Chairman of the East Sussex Quarter Sessions in 1969. McCowan was a member of the Parole Board for England and Wales, 1982-84 and of the Crown Court Rule Committee, 1982-88. In 1986, the year after the Ponting case, McCowan became Presiding Judge of the South Eastern Circuit. Throughout the 1970s and 80s, John Allen owned brothels in Brighton, Sussex, where kids from children’s homes in north Wales were trafficked.

On 3 Oct 1989 McCowan was appointed to the Court of Appeal of England and Wales and made a Privy Councillor. In 1991 McCowan was made Senior Presiding Judge of England and Wales, a position he held until ill-health forced him to resign in 1995. He resigned from the Bench two years later.

1991 was the year of the Great Cover-Up; the year that I and my two friends who worked in the media and who wanted to make a film about north Wales had our careers ruined (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’); the year that there were two attempts to have me imprisoned by the paedophiles’ friends in north Wales, one of those attempts taking place at the Royal Courts of Justice in the Strand (see post ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’); the year that the Somerset contingent who knew what was happening to me in north Wales really began raking in the money (see post ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’); and the year that Lilibet gave Sir Peter Morrison his knighthood and also handed out honours to a few others who were involved in the Westminster Paedophile Ring.

The Lord Chancellor when McCowan was appointed Senior Presiding Judge of England and Wales was paedophiles’ friend Lord James Mackay (see post ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’).

When he was young, Anthony McCowan had briefly featured on Conservative Central Office’s list of approved Parliamentary candidates, but soon decided to concentrate on the Bar.

During the 1980s McCowan presided in a number of highly publicised IRA trials. After his promotion to the Court of Appeal, McCowan was one of the judges on the appeal of the Maguire Seven in 1991; the appellants had spent 15 years in prison after being jailed at the Old Bailey for running an IRA bomb factory. Following an 18 day hearing, the judges allowed the appeal on the sole ground that traces of nitroglycerine found on their hands and gloves at their north London home, which formed the basis for their convictions, could have been the result of innocent contamination. They rejected five other grounds of appeal, in particular claims that the prosecution scientists had deliberately withheld relevant evidence.

The miscarriage of justice involving the Macguire Seven was quite extraordinary. There was no evidence against them, they had been horrifically brutalised while in police custody, including Anne McGuire – a middle aged lady who was a member of the local Conservative Club – and her 14 year old son Patrick. After she was released, Anne McGuire gave interviews in which she said that despite the brutality that she had suffered at the hands of the police, she never thought that she would be convicted because the allegations were so ludicrous. As with the Birmingham Six, virtually every professional involved in the Macguire Seven case had lied and lied and lied.

It was Anthony McCowan, in his capacity as Lord Justice McCowan, who in March 1993 rejected the application of the families of six victims of Hillsborough for a judicial review to quash the Hillsborough inquest verdict.

 

Clive Ponting was not the first civil servant under Thatcher’s Gov’t to have been prosecuted under the Official Secrets Act. In 1983, Sarah Tisdall, then an FCO clerical officer, leaked British Gov’t documents to ‘The Guardian’ and was subsequently jailed. in 1983. Tisdall anonymously sent ‘The Guardian’ photocopied documents detailing when American cruise missiles would be arriving in Britain. The documents set out the political tactics that Heseltine, then Defence Secretary, would use to present the matter in the Commons.

There did not appear to be any threat to national security in the revelation but the Gov’t nonetheless brought a legal action against ‘The Guardian’, seeking an order requiring the newspaper to reveal its source. Although ‘The Guardian’ successfully argued that it was protected by section 10 of the Contempt of Court Act 1981 from providing the information, the judgement by Justice Scott was almost immediately overturned. The appeal by the Attorney-General – paedophiles’ friend Michael Havers – was on the grounds that although the documents themselves were harmless, a civil servant capable of leaking them might leak other documents which could pose a threat to national security.

‘The Guardian’ complied with a court order to hand over the documents, which were identified as coming from a FCO photocopying machine. The machine led to Tisdall. In March 1984, Tisdall pleaded guilty to a charge under section 2 of the Official Secrets Act 1911. She was sentenced to six months in jail, but was released after four months.

‘The Guardian’ handed over the documents when the Editor Peter Preston realised that he might go to prison if they did not. So Sarah went to prison instead. There was much criticism of Preston from other journos at the time for failing to protect his source. But then Preston knew what was happening to kids in care and mental health patients in north Wales and he never published a word about it. Furthermore ‘The Guardian’ was accepting advertising revenue from Social Service Depts which they knew had been infiltrated by paedophiles. See post ‘Workers’ Play Time’.

 

The prosecutions of Tisdall and Ponting took place in an atmosphere of paranoia and panic on the part of Thatcher’s Gov’t re ‘national security’.

I cannot help wondering if Thatcher’s Gov’t were well aware that the wrongdoing of people like Peter Morrison and St John Stevas was so great that they were going into overdrive in order to ensure that it never became public. After all, whilst all this was happening, a bunch of benign students in Bangor had been placed under surveillance by the security services because of the fear that they were going to uncover the enormity of the crimes of Dafydd et al.

Heseltine: we were not terrorists, we were entirely harmless young people, with no money and no access to things like broadsheet editors. What on earth did you think that you were doing you mad old git? All I did was complain about an old pervert and people directly linked to your Gov’t tried to kill us and indeed did kill one of us.

 

My friend Anne Vernon was killed in the spring of 1986. Heseltine did not occupy any Ministerial position at the time of Anne’s death, because he had waltzed out of the Cabinet in Jan 1986, over the Westland row, another incident from which someone in Somerset who knew what was going on in north Wales did very well out of (see post ‘Those Who Wish To Serve’). Douglas Hurd was Home Secretary when Anne was murdered by the British state. Law-abiding harmless Anne, doing a PhD on noctuid moths, who’s mum was a teacher and who’s dad was an accountant. Because her closest friend in north Wales had complained about the people running the Westminster Paedophile Ring.

 

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Is it not extraordinary that Thatcher’s Gov’t set out to kill the young adult children of some solid Tory supporters?? I expect that Thatch thought that we were holding the country to ransom.

 

After completing my MSc at Hammersmith Hospital/Royal Postgraduate Medical School in June 1987, I spent a few months living with Brown and some others in Leicester. Brown was doing his PhD at the Centre for Mass Communication Research at Leicester University. I have mentioned previously that although Brown was in receipt of an ESRC studentship which covered tuition fees paid to Leicester University, he was given absolutely no facilities or mentoring at all. Not even a desk, although other PhD students were accommodated. So Brown made himself an office in our house and worked from home. The only facilities that Leicester University provided for him were library facilities.

Leicestershire was the location of the paedophile ring which included social worker Frank Beck and Labour MP Greville Janner. Beck had not been jailed when we were living in Leicester and Greville Janner had not yet been investigated by the police, although many complaints had been made about Beck and Janner. As in the case of north Wales, the police, the local authorities, the criminal justice system and the NHS in Leicestershire were fully on board with the gang, as were huge swathes of Leicester University, particularly those members of staff in the medical school, education, law and the social sciences (see posts ‘An Expert From England’, ‘Radical Leicester and Some Other Free Radicals’ and ‘Gwlad y Menig Gwynion’). Leicester University also had strong links to the BBC/media industry, as a result of the former Principal being the father of David and Richard Attenborough.

 

University of Leicester – view of the Attenborough tower.

 

David Attenborough’s bibliography includes: Zoo Quest to Guyana (1956); The Tribal Eye (1976); The Trials Of Life (1990); The Private Life Of Plants (1994); The Life Of Birds (1998); Amazing Rare Things (2007); Life In Cold Blood (2007).

David’s brother was the notorious luvvie dear, dear Dickie. Dickie starred in ‘I’m All Right Jack’ (1959). In the late 1950s, Attenborough formed a production company, Beaver Films and began to build a profile as a producer on projects including ‘The League Of Gentlemen’ (1959). His feature film directorial debut was the all-star screen version of the hit musical ‘Oh! What A Lovely War!’ (1969). Attenborough’s later films as Director and Producer include ‘Chaplin’ (1992).

After 33 years of service as President of the Muscular Dystrophy campaign, Attenborough became the charity’s Honorary Life President in 2004. In 2012, the charity established the Richard Attenborough Fellowship Fund to honour his lifelong commitment to the charity and to ensure the future of clinical research and training at leading UK neuromuscular centres.

Attenborough was also the Patron of the United World Colleges movement, whereby he contributed to the colleges that are part of the organisation. He was a frequent visitor to the Waterford Kamhlaba United World College of Southern Africa (UWCSA). The Baroness of Ely is involved with the United World Colleges movement, having attended Atlantic College, one of the United World Colleges, herself.

Attenborough was a longtime advocate of education that does not judge upon colour, race, creed or religion. His attachment to Waterford was his passion for non-racial education, which were the grounds on which Waterford Kamhlaba was founded. Waterford was one of his inspirations for directing the film ‘Cry Freedom’.

Attenborough founded the Richard Attenborough Arts Centre on the Leicester University campus in 1997, specifically designed to provide access for the disabled, in particular as practitioners.

Richard Attenborough was elected to the post of Chancellor of the University of Sussex in March 1998. He stood down as Chancellor of the University following graduation in July 2008. There now hangs a portrait of him in the newly opened Attenborough Centre for the Creative Arts on the university campus.

 

 

Attenborough was also head of the consortium Dragon International Film Studios, which was constructing a film and television studio complex in Llanilid, Wales, nicknamed ‘Valleywood’.

Now why would Dickie have been taking an interest in poor old Wales just as people began demanding that the criminal investigation into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal should be re-opened?

In March 2008, the ‘Valleywood’ project was placed into administration with debts of £15 million and was considered for sale of the assets in 2011.

So which numpty in the Welsh Gov’t gave the green light to the nonsense in the first place?

Attenborough had a lifelong ambition to make a film about his hero the political theorist and revolutionary Thomas Paine, whom he called ‘one of the finest men that ever lived’. Attenborough said in an interview in 2006 that ‘I could understand him. He wrote in simple English. I found all his aspirations – the rights of women, the health service, universal education… Everything you can think of that we want is in Rights of Man or The Age of Reason or Common Sense’.

#Me Too Dickie!!

Sadly Dickie could not secure the funding for his feminist socialist blockbuster. Do you know Dickie, I too have found that if a bit of tenacity, sacrifice and God forbid cash is required for a Cause for the Oppressed, suddenly people become a great deal less enthusiastic.

The website ‘A Gift for Dickie’ was launched by two filmmakers from Luton in June 2008 with the aim of raising £40m in 400 days to help him make the film, but the target was not met and the money that had been raised was refunded. I would imagine that Dickie was a man who was very hard to buy for, so he probably just used to get socks and underpants for Christmas.

In Dec 2008, Dickie suffered a fall at his home after a stroke and was admitted to St George’s Hospital. He’ll have been OK there, they weren’t going to neglect or abuse Dickie, like Cilla he’ll have been useful for PR purposes. In Nov 2009, Dickie held a ‘house clearance’ sale and flogged off a few Lowries, Nevinsons and Sutherlands at Sotheby’s, generating £4.6 million. In Jan 2011, Dickie sold his estate on the Isle of Bute for £1.48 million.

In June 2012, shortly before her 90th birthday, Dickie’s wife Sheila Sim entered the professional actors’ retirement home Denville Hall, for which she and Dickie had helped raise funds. In Oct 2012, it was announced that Dickie was putting the family home, Old Friars, with its attached offices, Beaver Lodge, which come complete with a sound-proofed cinema in the garden, on the market for £11.5 million.

In Dec 2012, in light of his deteriorating health, Dickie moved into a nursing home in London to be with his wife. Dickie died on 24 August 2014, five days before his 91st birthday.

Lest anyone accuse me of being mean spirited and begrudging Dickie and his wife comfort in their later years, I honestly don’t. The reason why I ruthlessly take the piss out of people like Dickie and his extended clan is that they know something about the grim underbelly of the welfare services, yet they knowingly allow themselves to be used as a shameless PR vehicle if anyone dares to say ‘Oh Christ, look what happening here’.

 

After Frank Beck was given five life sentences and a further 24 years in prison in Nov 1991 at Leicester Crown Court for sexual and physical assaults, including rape, against more than one hundred children in his care, there was subsequently outrage in Parliament when Beck gave an interview to a local BBC radio station from inside prison. This was not only considered to have involved a huge misjudgement on the part of the BBC, but it transpired was also against Home Office rules. The BBC was colluding with abuse in high places, as was the Prison Service and the Home Office itself. All three institutions were endemically corrupt and were cravenly following instructions from Gov’t, even when those instructions were to conceal VIP traffickers. Justice McCowan had set the precedent. Concealing paedophiles with links to Gov’t was now in the interests of national security.

Why was anyone surprised that Greville Janner’s mate was allowed to address the nation from his prison cell?

 

I now realise that Brown and I – at that time with Dafydd and the gang in hot pursuit of us – probably could not have ended up living in a worse place than Leicester, if we were not going to live in north Wales, in the way that I could not have ended up working in a worse place than St George’s Hospital Medical School between 1989-91. Since beginning this blog I have been told that traps were laid for both of us to ensure that we ended up living and working on the manors of Dafydd’s mates. Dafydd’s gang had tentacles across Europe by the late 1980s, but Leicester and St George’s were hot spots, along with Haringey, Islington, Lambeth, Camden, Richmond-upon-Thames and Brighton.

Brown did his first degree at Aston University which was run by Sir Freddie Crawford, Thatcher’s mate who was a Freemason and at the heart of the corruption of civic life in Birmingham. Previous posts have explained how Brown and I were targeted by the gang when we were still undergrads. Brown wanted to do his PhD with the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies at Birmingham University.

The CCCS was a cool n trendy place, but it was most definitely under fire from Thatcher’s Gov’t, they hated it because of the perception that it was a colony of leftists. The CCCS was founded in 1964 by Richard Hoggart and Stuart Hall was Director, 1968-79. Raymond Williams was also involved with the creation of the CCCS. The CCCS produced some very famous sociologists, such as Angela McRobbie, Paul Gilroy and Paul Willis.

Birmingham University closed the CCCS suddenly in 2002. There was much outrage and it was widely perceived to have been a political move and a backlash against the CCCS as a result of so many of their staff locking horns with the authorities at Birmingham University over the years. However the CCCS did have a track record of a relatively high proportion of PhD students not completing.

The CCCS produced some excellent work, but some of their associates were among those on the left who were colluding with the Westminster Paedophile Ring. Since researching for this blog I have come across quite a few such names linked with the CCCS. It is very sad that everyone on the left talked about bringing down Thatcher, but the thing that would have done that would have been to have exposed Sir Peter Morrison, Norman St John Stevas and other child molesting Tories with Royal connections, but the lefties wouldn’t do it because there was the matter of Greville Janner, George Thomas and all those Labour-run Councils who were supplying kids in care to the gangs…

Then there was the gay scene, which no self-respecting leftie could dare reveal overlapped with the rent boy scene, the rent boys coming from the children’s homes of north Wales and elsewhere. I have been told that the reason why Dafydd et al became so over-excited about me was that when we were undergrads, Brown and I had been clocked going to a club in Birmingham which had a gender-bending contingent in attendance. We also used to frequent a clothes shop/designers in Birmingham called Kahn and Bell to buy our gear. Kahn and Bell jointly occupied a premises with a vintage clothes shop run by a man called Whiskers – I don’t know what his real name was – who was pretty stereotypical, all handle-bar moustache and leather and he used to compere at the gay nightclub Heaven. The shop used to get raided by the corrupt West Midlands Police on a regular basis who would charge in searching for ‘drugs’, but only ever find a load of young people with interesting hair-styles.

It is quite funny to think of those old fools Gwynne the lobotomist and Dafydd steaming away at the thought of a young woman with coloured hair who dared visit such places – obviously it could only mean that I’d be more than happy to drop my knickers for elderly Top Docs liberally covered in Brylcreem – but I don’t think that they should have tried to murder my friends and I when I said no thanks. Indeed I did just say no thanks, a lot of people seem to believe that I must have inflicted a crippling kick to their cerregs. I wish I had, I just thought that they were horrid old perverts trying their luck, I didn’t realise that they were running a paedophile gang targeting kids as young as 10.

 

Brown applied to the CCCS, was interviewed but didn’t get the offer of funding. They were very nice about it, wrote him a friendly letter telling him that he had performed very well and that his work was of an excellent standard, but funding was tight and difficult decisions were having to be made. Brown later noted that some much weaker candidates had been offered funding, but he didn’t dwell on it. Instead he came to live in our shared house with us on Anglesey, while he built up his publication list and waited for the next round of studentships.

I have been told that the paedophiles’ friends were desperate to keep Brown out of the CCCS and to ensure that he ended up instead at the Centre for Mass Communication in Leicester (the only other place which was researching his chosen field), where the plan was to do everything possible to stop him getting a PhD.

When Brown was a student at Aston, he became very friendly with a lecturer called Guy Cumberbatch and began publishing with him. Guy came up to stay with us on Anglesey one summer and at one point Brown lodged with Guy and his wife at their house in Leicester  and in return did the housework and baby sitting. Guy had previously worked at the Centre for Mass Communications in Leicester. Guy never discussed Dafydd and the paedophiles with us, but Guy was no fool and he took an interest in the murky underworld of political life. He also personally knew some of the 1980s figures who were loud voices on the morality scene, such as dear old Mary Whitehouse and the Rev Brian Brown (not THE Brown, just a pillock with the same name), as well as a senior policeman in the Obscene Publications division who I think was later accused of corruption. These folk all knew about the organised abuse of young people and were keeping schtum.

Guy particularly hated Freddie Crawford and in the end left Aston for Worcester University.

People have been telling me for ages that Guy was knifing Brown without our knowledge, but I haven’t put anything about it on the blog yet, but Brown recently confirmed that yes, Guy had done and said a few things that one would not have expected from a friend and mentor.

I don’t know whether Guy was bribed or threatened, but I am told that the rot had begun when Brown was an undergrad. It would also have been crucially important for Dafydd et al to nobble Guy, because Guy’s area of research was, in the 1980s, ‘video nasties’ and the like and research into whether such material really did increase aggression in children who watched it. Guy’s research interest was dangerously close to other questionable material – John Allen was producing child porn as well as trafficking children and young people.

 

Brown’s first degree was in psychology and there were close links between the Psychology Dept at Aston and the Psychology Dept at UCNW (Bangor). Margaret Newton at Aston, a dyslexia specialist, was a big mate of Prof Tim Miles, the dyslexia specialist at UCNW. Tim Miles was a lovely old boy, but he must have known about Dafydd and the paedophiles. Dafydd was pulling the strings in the Psychology Dept at UCNW until Prof Fergus Lowe overthrew Dafydd in the late 1980s and then created his own toxic empire based upon lying, cheating and holding everyone who had colluded with Dafydd over a barrel (see post ‘Feet In Chains’). Furthermore Tim Miles had built up his reputation as a result of his fieldwork with children on Anglesey in the mid-1960s. Not only had Dafydd conducted ‘mental health research’ on Anglesey, 1959-62, but Lucille Hughes had been a children’s social worker on Anglesey in the 1960s. Tim must have known that Dafydd and Lucille were running that gang, he couldn’t possibly have missed it.

One of the mature students on Brown’s course at Aston, Diane Underwood, after causing much grief to Brown and others before the end of the course, subsequently rocked up at UCNW, working for Fungus. Diane arrived at UCNW as the war against Brown and me really escalated. Oh and just to let us know that we were surrounded, Diane spotted us on the platform at Bangor Railway Station one day – now that was a coincidence – and made a point of coming up to Brown to make her presence known, but then refused to engage in conversation when I tried to talk to her. Diane now seems to have disappeared off the face of the planet.

Guy Cumberbatch knew about the murder threats that had been made to Brown and Guy knew that the man making them had previously violently assaulted someone. Dr D.G.E. Wood, the corrupt GP who worked in the Student Health Centre at UCNW, knew about the murder threats to Brown, as did Dr Adrian Bell, my tutor in the Dept of Plant Biology. There was no help or advice forthcoming from anyone.

Whether it was Guy who was responsible for Brown being rejected by the CCCS and subsequently ending up being ignored at Leicester University by Guy’s former colleagues, I do not know. But a few interesting things went on at the CCCS in those days.

 

Stuart Hall stood down as Director of the CCCS in 1979 to take up the position of Professor of Sociology at the Open University, but Hall remained a very powerful influence at the CCCS as well as in wider sociology as a whole and on the left.

Hall was born in Jamaica and in 1951 won a Rhodes Scholarship to Merton College, Oxford, becoming part of the Windrush generation. Hall continued his studies at Oxford by beginning a PhD but, galvanised particularly by the 1956 Soviet invasion of Hungary (which saw many thousands of members leave the Communist Party of Great Britain and look for alternatives to previous orthodoxies) and the Suez Crisis, abandoned this in 1957 or 1958 to focus on his political work. In 1957, Hall joined CND and it was on a CND march that he met his future wife, the feminist historian at UCL, Catherine Hall. From 1958 to 1960, Hall worked as a teacher in a London secondary modern school and in adult education.

After working on the ‘Universities and Left Review’ during his time at Oxford, Hall joined E.P. Thompson, Raymond Williams and others to merge it with ‘The New Reasoner’, launching the ‘New Left Review’ in 1960 with Hall as the founding Editor. In 1958, the same group, with the Marxist historian Raphael Samuel, launched the Partisan Coffee House in Soho as a meeting place for left-wingers. Hall left the board of the ‘New Left Review’ in 1961 or 1962.

E.P. Thompson was one of the radicals who had a second home at Croesor in north Wales, as did Eric Hobsbawm, who was also involved with the Partisan Coffee House. Thompson and Hobsbawm knew about Dafydd and the paedophile gang (see post ‘The Village’). Raphael Samuel knew Hobsbawm and Thompson well – Raphael Samuel taught at Ruskin for decades (see post ‘A Study In Tyranny’). Matt Arnold, who became the Head of Bryn Estyn in May 1973, taught at Ruskin in the mid-1960s and one of his students was Peter Howarth, to whom Arnold gave a job at Bryn Estyn in Nov 1973. Arnold bagged the job at Bryn Estyn after the previous Head, Peter Burton, his wife had their young son were killed in a car crash. The Deputy Head of Bryn Estyn was killed in the same crash. Peter Burton had only been in post for about a year when he was killed. His predecessor, David Ursell, had been suspended after only four years in post, after a complaint regarding the way in which he enforced discipline. Ursell’s predecessor Harold Bennett had retired in 1967 after 26 yrs.

As far as I can see, somebody badly wanted Matt Arnold in post as the Head of Bryn Estyn and that person could have been on manoeuvres by the late 1960s.

In 1969 John Allen established the Bryn Alyn Community.

 

It was in the latter half of the 1960s that Leo Abse began working towards bringing about what became the Children Act 1975. Abse co-ordinated everything single-handedly, but received assistance from others in ensuring that the legislation was passed, others which included childcare experts such as Dafydd’s colleagues and helpful politicians like Jim Callaghan and Dr Death (see post ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’). The Children Act 1975 vastly increased the number of children finding themselves in the hands of the paedophiles of north Wales.

To spare the readers of this blog the confusion that I experienced for years, let me explain that when the police and others made comment about paedophiles being ‘very clever people’ who are working in professional positions ‘high up’ in society, I think that it was Dafydd and his mates that they were referring to. Police: next time, can you please not use the sort language that one uses if one is addressing primary school pupils? If you had simply mentioned an insane old idiot in north Wales, I would have realised immediately to whom you were referring.

 

There was abuse at Bryn Estyn before Arnold and Howarth arrived, but once those two took up positions there, business really boomed. Arnold and Howarth had previously worked at Axwell Park Approved School in Gateshead, where there had been complaints of boys being abused.

Scores of Labour and trade union figures passed through Ruskin College, including John Prescott, who was a student there at the same time as Howarth and when Arnold was teaching at Ruskin. For details of Ruskin and those who taught or were students there, see post ‘A Study In Tyranny’.

 

Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, Stuart Hall was closely associated with the journal ‘Marxism Today’ and in 1995, he was a founding editor of ‘Soundings: A Journal of Politics and Culture’. I can’t complain about ‘Soundings’, they published an article that Brown, I and a colleague at Bangor wrote about the north Wales mental health system. 

Hall’s political influence extended to the Labour Party and had a profound impact on the Party under both the Windbag and Blair, although Hall was highly critical of New Labour. The Windbag – and his wife – knew all about Dafydd and the gang as well as of course George Thomas and Ron Davies’s penchant for moments of madness and looking for badgers. The Windbag had known Tony Francis, Dafydd’s partner in crime, when Francis was a student in Cardiff. When Brown applied to the CCCS, the Windbag was the leader of the Labour Party.

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Stuart Hall was linked to the Centre for Mass Communication Research in Leicester. Hall first presented his ‘encoding and decoding’ philosophy in the form of ‘Encoding and Decoding in the Television Discourse’ (1973), a paper he wrote for the Council of Europe Colloquy on ‘Training in the Critical Readings of Television Language’ organised by the Council & the Centre for Mass Communication Research at Leicester. In 1974 the paper was presented at a symposium on Broadcasters and the Audience in Venice.

There was quite a degree of hostility between broadcasters and media academics and a lot of people in academia grumbled that a few academics such as Guy Cumberbatch and Alastair Hetherington were too close to broadcasters. Hetherington was the son of Hector Hetherington, a professor at University College Cardiff who later became Principal of Glasgow University. Alastair Hetherington served in the Intelligence Corps in WWII and then went into journalism. He was Editor of ‘The Guardian’ for nearly twenty years and then was appointed as Controller of BBC Scotland.

In 1982 Hetherington was given a Chair by Stirling University. There was much gnashing of teeth and my two friends who’s media careers were killed in the early 1990s and who found a gangster after them when they had wanted to make a film about north Wales (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’), were media students at Stirling at the time. My friends were among those who signed a letter to ‘The Scotsman’ in protest at Stirling appointing Hetherington – who had until then had no academic background – as a toadying gesture to the rich and famous (see post ‘Workers’ Play Time’). I have recently found that this did not go unnoticed by those who were protecting national security – my friends were already under surveillance because of their friendship with Brown and me.

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At one point, Polly was a fellow traveller with Dr Death.

 

One of my friends had that Jack McConnell in her bed once – without her permission either (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). Now Jack would never have become First Minister of Scotland and then Lord Jack if he had not kept schtum about celebrity paedophiles (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’). You might be friends with Kirsty Wark Jack, but I’ve got 10,000 documents.

 

Stuart Hall’s colleague Richard Hoggart was the father of Simon Hoggart, the journo and Parliamentary sketch writer who knew about the Westminster Paedophile Ring.

 

Raymond Williams, another pal of Hall et al, was a Marxist cultural theorist. Williams was Welsh, but investigated his Welsh identity from the perspective of someone who grew up on the Welsh-English border near Abergavenny. Williams was the son of a railway worker in a village where all of the railwaymen voted Labour while the local small farmers mostly voted Liberal. Williams’s writings on cultural theory are great, but his novel ‘Border Country’ sent me into such a sound sleep that I didn’t finish it. 

When Raymond Williams was at Trinity College, Cambridge, he joined the Communist Party of Great Britain and, along with Eric Hobsbawm, Williams was given the task of writing a Communist Party pamphlet about the Russo-Finnish War. Williams became part of the New Left in the 1950s, but by the 1970s he was a member of Plaid, which is why Leanne Wood, who styles herself as a Plaid Marxist, mentions him when she’s on ‘Any Questions’.  Raymond did ignore that paedophile gang though Leanne. But then so did you. When Leanne quoted Raymond Williams on ‘Any Questions’, she referred to ‘a man called Raymond Williams’. Dimbleby elaborated and said ‘you mean the sociologist Raymond Williams’. No Dimbleby, he was a cultural theorist. At least Leanne managed to get his gender right. I would have thought that the BBC could have dug up someone who knew who Raymond Williams was.

Williams retired from his post at Cambridge University in 1983 and spent his last years in Saffron Walden.

Raymond Williams, relaxing in that well-known Welsh working class community of Saffron Walden.
Raymond Williams At Saffron Walden.jpg

 

Saffron Walden market square in July 2012, with the half-timbered Guildhall. Indistinguishable from Methyr Tydfil.

Castle Street contains many historic buildings. It always reminds me of Llanfair­pwllgwyngyll­gogery­chwyrn­drobwll­llan­tysilio­gogo­goch.

 

Bridge End Gardens, a group of seven interlinked 19th-century gardens, including a maze, rose garden and walled garden. Just like the scree slopes of Snowdonia.

Saffron Walden’s MP, for its eponymous Westminster constituency, was Sir Alan Haselhurst, 1977-17. It has been considered a safe seat for the Conservative Party since 1922. I know a little bit about Saffron Walden, because one of my house mates from my undergrad days at UCNW came from there. He was one of those who knew what was happening to me at the hands of the Top Docs and he was also a victim of the chaos that rained down upon us in 1983, when the gift from the security services that was Trishles came our way (see posts ‘He Got On His Bike And Looked For Work’ and ‘A Local Boy Made Good?’). My friend from Saffron Walden was driven out of his job with a drug company in 1991!

The security services will have heard all the phone calls that we were making to each other as we were all driven out of our jobs within weeks of each other.

 

Tony Blair was elected as MP for Sedgefield in June 1983. Sedgefield is a constituency just down the road from the territory of the paedophile gang in the north east, of which Matt Arnold and Peter Howarth were members, until they relocated to Bryn Estyn. During the 1970s and 80s, hundreds of children in care from the north east were sent to children’s homes in north Wales (see post ‘Another Episode Of Friends…’).

Before he became an MP, Blair was a pupil barrister of George Carman QC. Carman knew about Dafydd and the paedophiles and he was retained by Greville Janner and Jimmy Savile, lest he was needed. Cherie also worked in Carman’s Chambers.

Ron Davies was elected as the Labour MP for Caerphilly on the same day that Blair won Sedgefield. In 1998, Blair was just about to appoint Ron as First Secretary of the new National Assembly of Wales, but poor old Ron was caught with his trousers down on Clapham Common in the company of Boogie, a male prostitute. Of course, as Rhodri Morgan explained, Rhodri ‘didn’t know’ that Ron had such encounters because Ron cleverly covered his tracks. So carefully that Ron used to go cottaging at Cardiff’s most popular tourist attraction (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’):

A popular cottaging location for a potential FM:

 

Castles in Cardiff

A thick, lying pillock, whose family ran Swansea University:
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In 2007 a collection of Raymond Williams’ papers was deposited at Swansea University by his daughter Merryn, herself ‘a poet and author’. Merryn’s bio on her website tells us: ‘I went to grammar school in Hastings in eleven-plus days, studied English at Murray Edwards College, Cambridge, and got a doctorate for my thesis on Thomas Hardy’s novels. After that I taught adult students for the Open University and the W.E.A., living for several years near Cranfield University where my husband worked as a physicist. I am literary adviser to the Wilfred Owen Association, having a great interest in the poets of the First World War.’

There’s a down to earth Welsh girl for you!

This is Dai, he holds the Raymond Williams Research Chair in Cultural History at Swansea University. He is – or was – Chair of the Arts Council of Wales, so he decides who gets the dosh:

 

Professor Dai Smith

 

This is Oily, Dai’s offspring:

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Oily got his hopes up, but I think they’ve been dashed now. Oily didn’t live in Saffron Walden, Oily lived in Surrey, until he decided that he’d like to be a Cabinet Minister, preferably Chancellor of the Exchequer. Then he remembered his dad and the pits and the NHS and Nye Bevan and Oily moved to Pontypridd.

Oily’s dad wrote the 2008 volume, ‘Raymond Williams: a Warrior’s Tale’.

Warrier???? He pussy-footed around a gang of sex traffickers and lived in Saffron Walden after spending a few decades at Cambridge University.

The Raymond Williams Society was established in 1989 ‘to support and develop intellectual and political projects in areas broadly connected with Williams’s work.’ Presumably that includes banging on about peace, socialism and feminism while keeping schtum about a gang of paedophiles who are murdering witnesses. The Raymond Williams Centre for Recovery Research was opened at Nottingham Trent University in 1995. The Raymond Williams Foundation (RWF) supports activities in adult education. A collaborative research project building on Williams’s investigation of cultural keywords, called the ‘Keywords Project’, was established in 2006 and is supported by Jesus College, University of Cambridge and the University of Pittsburgh.

 

The person who interviewed Brown at CCCS was Professor Michael Green. Brown told me that Michael Green ‘came over as a bit of a twit despite the loving obituaries which he inspired’, but Brown presumed that he just hadn’t hit it off with Green. The other media specialist who was at CCCS when Brown wanted to do a PhD with them was Ann Gray, who ended up with a Chair at Lincoln University.

 

So after drawing a blank at the CCCS, Brown was offered a studentship at the Centre for Mass Communication Research at Leicester University, which unbeknown to him was at the heart of a load of people concealing the activities of Lord Greville, Frank Beck et al, who had close links to Dafydd and the gang in north Wales.

The Centre for Mass Communication Research was established in 1966 under Prof Jim Halloran’s directorship, initially concentrating on delivering PhDs. In 1978 the Social Science Research Council (predecessor of the ESRC) invited Halloran to design and deliver the UK’s first Masters Degree in media and communications.

Brown’s supervisor at Leicester was Paul Hartmann ‘who was affable enough, but we mostly made small talk about his motorbike and building projects he was undertaking around his house, so there wasn’t much by way of solid academic advice’. So Brown did it by himself.

 

The backgrounds of the senior managers at Leicester University when Brown was a PhD student there and an account of an interesting game of musical chairs which took place at the very top of the institution can be read in my post ‘Gwlad y Menig Gwynion’.

 

As for my arrival at St George’s in 1989 as a result of an offer of a job opportunity which seemed to be a dream come true but turned out to be a living nightmare (see post ‘St George’s Hospital Medical School, 1989/1990…’), I have been told that it was all stage-managed as carefully as Brown’s eventual arrival at Leicester was. D.G.E. Wood et al in north Wales knew that I was looking for a research post, preferably in the area of fertility studies, which would allow me to complete a PhD at the same time and I responded to an advert in ‘New Scientist’ placed by St George’s offering such an opportunity. Now for the really interesting bit. When I was interviewed, it was for a fixed term contract as a research assistant. St George’s then telephoned me that evening, told me that I hadn’t got the job that I’d applied for, but I was such a good candidate that they were prepared to create a job for me, a permanent one at that and could I start immediately…

I knew that Prof Oliver Brooke at St George’s had been imprisoned for child porn offences in 1986, but I had no idea that he was a key figure in a pan-European paedophile ring containing many professional people, with which Dafydd’s gang were directly linked (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’). Neither did I realise that many members of Brooke’s gang were still working at St George’s, Springfield Hospital and in Wandsworth Social Services, that I’d be surrounded by them and that the only reason why I was offered that job was to hound me out of medical research and ensure that I didn’t get back in again. After Brooke was jailed, Sir William Asscher was appointed as Dean of St George’s. Asscher had spent his whole career in Cardiff, he was a mate of Dafydd et al and he’d concealed their crimes as well as the offending of George Thomas, for years. Asscher was sent to St George’s for no other reason than to continue with the cover-up post-Brooke, he kept a home in Glamorgan and moved back there when he retired from St George’s. See post ‘The White Heat Of This Revolution’.

Here’s a man who knew what was going on but who’s desire to become PM was greater than his concern for the lives of the witnesses who’s corpses were regularly turning up in north Wales:

 

Neil Kinnock 1980s Stock Photos & Neil Kinnock 1980s Stock ...

 

It was just after I began the job at St George’s that Gwynedd Health Authority took me to the High Court in Cardiff in an attempt to obtain an injunction to prevent me even writing to them to pursue my complaints (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’.  The legal advice was given by Andrew Park, the crooked lawyer who was employed by the Welsh Office. The Secretary of State for Wales at the time was Peter Walker.

The barrister who witnessed the extraordinary scenes in Chester Court on the occasion in 1990 when four members of the paedophile gang perjured themselves repeatedly and 14 charges against me had to be thrown out of Court – the barrister herself was deliberately sent to the wrong Court, leaving her no time to prepare my defence – was Suzanne Evans. Suzanne was friendly and courteous towards me, but she knew that four people had lied repeatedly on oath, she knew that the judge – Justice Roch – had simply ignored their perjury AND Suzanne witnessed Roch offer to give the four perjurers more time to rewrite their affidavits. Furthermore Suzanne knew that she had been sent to the wrong Court. I have documents in my possession written by a lawyer employed by Gwynedd County Council which not only make it clear that Gwynedd County Council were told about the change in Court and judge in advance but my team wasn’t, but also indicate that the four perjurers from the Arfon Community Mental Health Team had not actually previously seen the affidavits that they had allegedly sworn. See post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’.

Suzanne Evans is a graduate of St Anne’s College, Oxford and is now working as a Family Law barrister at Oriel Chambers in Liverpool and Preston.

‘In the Public Law arena she acts predominantly for parents, appearing in cases involving a wide range of key issues including neglect, addictions, non-accidental injury, domestic violence, mental health etc. In care proceedings she acts for parents, grandparents, Children’s Guardians and Local Authorities. In Private Law Children cases Suzanne acts for parents involved in the sometimes complex and distressing process of resolving the arrangements for their children post separation.’

Suzanne, you watched four members of a paedophile ring perjure themselves in an attempt to have me imprisoned and you watched a judge collude with them. Didn’t you think that you should have followed this up, rather than just have walked out of the door when 14 allegations against me were demonstrated to be fallacious?

The Home Secretary at the time was David Waddington, the Lord Chancellor was Lord Mackay and the Attorney-General who had authorised the prosecution was Sir Patrick Mayhew.

 

By the time that I was working at St George’s, some of those in Somerset who knew what was happening to me at the hands of Dafydd et al had acquired a great deal of money and a few others had found their careers taking a sudden turn for the better (see posts ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’ and ‘Those Who Are Ready To Serve’).

I have explained in previous posts how the Somerset contingent suddenly found themselves tripping over aristos with connections to the Gov’t. I am trying to work out when the odious David Kirke and the Dangerous Sports Club began to spend their time in the region of the Cottage Inn near Fiddington – it must have been in about late 1985. In Nov 1986, the BBC TV programme ‘The Late Late Breakfast Show’ which was presented by Noel Edmonds, set up a badly managed stunt involving a bungee jump which resulted in the death of the volunteer, Michael Lush. There was an almighty fuss and I can remember the twat Kirke pompousing away in the media (and in Somerset) explaining how the BBC should have taken advice from him and if they had done that no-one would have died. Two of Kirke’s mates from Somerset later succeeded in killing a Bulgarian student by firing him from a medieval catapult in Nov 2002. There was a prosecution for manslaughter in 2004 but the nice lady judge at Bristol directed the jury to acquit the two defendants.

By the time that Michael Lush died, I had heard a great deal about Kirke, he must have been hanging around in Somerset for a year or so by then. So the son of the Governor of the Bank of England and his mates found themselves in close proximity to people who knew me at the end of 1985 or so. I hadn’t yet encountered Dafydd by then, but I had encountered D.G.E. Wood, Gwynne the lobotomist and Tony Francis. I had contacted Keith Best, the MP for Anglesey, about the problems that I was having with the north Wales mental health services and he in turn had written to the paedophiles’ friend Lord Wyn Roberts. Best and Roberts were Ministers at the Welsh Office and at that time Nicholas Edwards was Secretary of State for Wales (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’ and ‘Old Nick Bites The Dust’). Everyone was concealing the trafficking gang.

The Lord Kingsdown aka Robin Leigh-Pemberton
Lord Kingsdown.jpg

 

The Secretary of State for the DHSS at the time was Norman Fowler, who is currently Lord Speaker:

The Lord Fowler looking rough
Official portrait of Lord Fowler crop 2.jpg

 

The Home Secretary at the time was Douglas Hurd, who assumed that office on 2 Sept 1985. Hurd was the nephew of the botanist Prof Edred Henry Corner, who knew Prof Greig-Smith, of the Plant Biology Dept at UCNW (see post ‘Additional Security Meaures’). Greig-Smith was a colleague of scores of people who were concealing the trafficking gang, including Chris Wood, who was the wife of D.G.E. Wood and Ralph Oxley, who’s wife Isabel Hargreaves worked as a social worker for Gwynedd Social Services. One member of staff in Plant Biology, Dr John Wilson, was known to be picking up under-aged girls in Bangor for sex and Dr Adrian Bell and his wife Alison were worried that John Wilson was going to get himself arrested and cause a scandal. John’s conduct was widely known to staff in the Plant Biology Dept as well as to those in the Zoology Dept. Other people whom I heard directly commenting on it included John Farrar, who many years later became a PVC at Bangor University and his wife Stel. At the time Stel had just finished her PhD, but years later she worked as a lecturer in the Dept of Lifelong Learning, while the Head of Dept was Meri Huws. In the 1980s Meri Huws worked as a community social worker on the Maesgeirchan estate in Bangor, the location of the Ty’r Felin children’s home, where the social workers trafficked the children for sex, including to Dolphin Square (see post ‘Are You Local?’). David Roberts, a technician who worked in the Zoology Dept, also knew about John pursuing school girls.

By the way, is there anyone else out there who would like to continue passing the tittle tattle on about me which they know damn well was made up by a gang of sex offenders because I had found out some of what they were doing? Stel? Fancy refusing to speak to me at a party again? What about you Meri? Feel like giving me one of your ‘you are a piece of shit’ looks? I can’t ask Fungus because the old bastard’s dead, but one day I really must go for an extended tour through Caernarfon and Bangor and watch everybody’s expressions now that I’ve outed the whole bloody lot of you on the internet. Did you really think that I didn’t know what at least some of you were colluding with, although it would seem that even more of you were colluding with serious crime that I realised…

Whilst huge swathes of UCNW concealed a trafficking gang, Carlo was the Chancellor. Sir Peter Morrison’s sister Dame Mary was Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Carlo’s mum. Then there was Carlo’s mate the Duke of Westminster, who was President of the City of Chester Conservative Association, who’s members were openly gossiping about their constituency MP Peter Morrison molesting young boys.

 

Now back in the mid 1980s, not only were some of the zoologists and plant biologists personal friends/relations of the Top Docs and the gang, but even biologists had to ensure that they grovelled with the best to big wigs lest they lost jobs or funding. So let’s have a look at some of those to whom the biologists had to toady.

A lot of funding for the research in the natural sciences at UCNW came from NERC, the Natural Environment Research Council. By the mid-1980s, people were getting worried about their ability to extract dosh from NERC, but up until just a few years previously, they didn’t have to work very hard for their dosh at all. They would just stick the grant applications in and everyone would be given funding for a few PhD students. The biological sciences at UCNW had established their reputation in the late 1960s as a result of the work of people like Prof Greig-Smith and Prof John Harper and their work was well-supported.

The Chief Exec of NERC, 1965-70, was mathematician and meteorologist Sir Graham Sutton. Sutton was Vice-President of what became Aberystwyth University, 1967-76, when Aber was hosting paedophiles’ friends en masse and churning out crooked lawyers who concealed the crimes of paedophile gang. Until the constituent colleges of the University of Wales became independent universities in the own right quite recently, Aber and Bangor were both part of the wider University of Wales. Carlo was Chancellor of the whole of the University and there was a close relationship between Aber and Bangor. Both colleges had Depts of Biological Sciences and Agriculture doing similar things and there was a bit of traffic between those Depts.

The son of one of Dafydd’s Angels – one of Dafydd’s key henchmen actually – has lectured for years in botany at Aberystwyth University. His sister was a children’s social worker who was employed by the Office of the Children’s Commissioner for Wales.

  • Strange but true

 

Sutton was born in Monmouthshire and was educated at Pontywaun Grammar School, then Aberystwyth University and then at Jesus College, Oxford. The former Principal of Bangor Normal College, the teacher training institution which crawled with paedophiles’ friends, is Professor Gareth Roberts, a mathematician who went to Jesus College, Oxford. I think that Professor Roberts also held a senior role in Gwynedd Education Authority at some point in the past and I think that he also worked as a Schools Inspector in Gwynedd. Meri Huws was employed as a lecturer at the Normal College after her stint as a social worker, as was Aled Griffiths. Aled Griffiths aka the Buffet Slayer has a brother, Huw, who was a solicitor in Gwynedd who spent years sitting in Court watching the paedophile gang stitch people up. Aled’s sister Gwenan Carrington was the Director of Gwynedd Social Services whilst her staff abused and neglected their clients and Aled’s wife Joanna Griffiths fulfilled exactly the same role in Conwy Social Services. Back in the pre-Cambrian, the Buffet Slayer was President of the Students’ Union at UCNW.

‘We didn’t know.’

Oh don’t be so bloody ridiculous, you were all working cheek by jowl with that gang of paedophiles.

  • Aled Griffiths | Bangor Law School | Bangor University
  • Meri Huws | Folly Farm | ZoomInfo.com

 

 

After a year teaching mathematics at Canton Secondary SchoolCardiff, between 1926-28 Sutton was a lecturer at University College, Aberystwyth before joining the Meteorological Office. He was seconded to Shoeburyness to work on the meteorological effects on gunnery practices and then transferred to Porton Down, best known as the Gov’t research establishment which among other things researches chemical and biological warfare. By the 1980s the only people who would work at Porton Down were those who would do anything for the comparatively high salaries on offer there.

Whilst working at Porton Down, Sutton was put in charge of the notorious 1942 trial which involved the release of anthrax spores over Gruinard Island as part of a biological warfare project. 

When WWII ended, Sutton was made Chief Superintendent of the Radar Research and Development Establishment, Malvern, a position he held until 1947, when he was appointed Professor of Mathematics at the Royal Military College of Science, Wiltshire. Sutton was Director-General of the Meteorological Office, 1953-65 and Vice-President of Aberystwyth University, 1967-76.

 

A previous post has mentioned that one of the botany students at UCNW, Peter Jackson, who knew what was happening to me at the hands of Dafydd et al landed a plum much sought after job with the RSPB after he graduated. He was an excellent naturalist but I have more recently been told that he was one of many who used his knowledge of what was being concealed in high places to secure his future.

The person who’s arm may have needed to be twisted at the time was Ian Prestt, Director General of the RSPB, 1975-91. Ian Prestt died in 1995 and his obituary in the Indie explains that after working as the Assistant Regional Officer (SW England), Nature Conservancy 1956-59, Prestt went to work for the RSPB, ‘appointed by the great Max Nicholson, doyen of international conservationists and then Head of the Nature Conservancy, as “his ornithologist”‘. Prestt worked at the Monks Wood Experimental Station, teasing out the relationships between ingested chlorinated hydrocarbons and the thin shells of birds’ eggs, leading to recognition of the threats to food chains and to humans.

Later Prestt worked at the Cabinet Office and in the Department of the Environment, under Secretaries of State Peter Walker and then Geoffrey Rippon, to wrestle with the pollution problems which were part of the roots of the subsequent Environment Bill. Walker was Secretary of State for the Environment, 1970-72, under Ted Heath. Peter Walker must have really had the dirt on Dafydd et al because this Tory wet who served in Heath’s Gov’t was retained by Thatch and served as Secretary of State for Energy, 1983-87. Thatch put him in that post because she knew that Scargill and the NUM were gearing up for the mother of all battles and she trusted Peter Walker to organised the opposition to the miner’s strike, which finally came in 1984-85. Walker did it as well.
One south Wales son of a former miner really pissed everyone off by sitting on the fence throughout the strike:
  • BBC Radio 4 - Desert Island Discs, Neil Kinnock
Er, could either of these two people have been the reason why the Windbag was over a barrel:
Dr Dafydd Alun Jones
The Viscount Tonypandy
George Thomas, Commons Speaker.png
 This man won’t have helped either:
  • Welsh people by religion
 Leo Abse, Labour MP, Pontypool then Torfaen, 1958-87. Abse was a crooked lawyer who paid off people who had been sexually assaulted by Lord Tonypandy and if that didn’t work, Abse threatened to fit them up and have them imprisoned. It was Abse who was responsible for the Children Act 1975, which sent hundreds of young people into the arms of Dafydd and the paedophile gang. In 1984 Lord Tonypandy was hospitalised with the effects of an STI. Abse organised the cover story and fed it to the media.
 After Walker organised the crushing of the miners, he became Secretary of State for Wales, in which role he directly colluded with the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles.
Two policemen arresting a miner at Orgreave
I note that Walker was Minister of MAFF, 1979-83. Mary Wynch was unlawfully arrested and imprisoned by Dafydd in 1979. Immediately prior to that, Mary worked as a secretary in the dysfunctional Dept of Agriculture in UCNW. I don’t know what Mary found out what going on in that Dept, but something was going on that brought the wrath of the paedophile gang down upon her head. The President of UCNW, 1947-82, was Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon, the 5th Baron Kenyon. Lord Kenyon was a land owner and his obituary claimed that he had done much to improve agriculture and health in north Wales. Lord Kenyon’s son Thomas was known to be sexually abusing at least one boy in care in north Wales. Thomas was never charged, although one of his conquests was sent to a detention centre after Thomas made a complaint of theft against him. Among other things, Lord Kenyon was: the most senior Freemason in north Wales, Chairman of Clwyd Health Authority, a member of the North Wales Police Authority, a magistrate and a Flintshire Councillor. He occupied numerous other public positions as well. Thomas died of an AIDS related illness in 1993. For further details see ‘A Bit More Paleontology’.
In that era, Agricultural Colleges and University Dept’s of Agriculture had a close relationship with the MAFF, because of the farming subsidy system, the role of the Gov’t organisation ADAS and legislation pertaining to  agriculture.
By the early 1980s, Richard Howarth, one of the members of staff in the Dept of Agriculture at UCNW, was an adviser to Thatch.
As for Ian Prestt’s other boss at the Dept of the Environment, Geoffrey Rippon, he played a role in the wrongful arrest and imprisonment of Mary Wynch. Mary circulated around the system run by the corrupt British state that she was still in the clutches of Dafydd in 1979. However, Mary was originally arrested in Oct 1977, when Jim Callaghan was PM, when Merlyn Rees was Home Secretary and when paedophiles’ friend and the man who was so closely involved with MIND for so many years, Lord David Ennals, was Secretary of State for the DHSS (see post ‘MIND Are Out For Mental Health – Never For Themselves Of Course’). David’s brother Martin led Amnesty for years and his son Sir Paul Ennals is involved with charidees, ‘safeguarding’ in Haringey and Tyneside and is the former Chief Exec of the National Children’s Bureau.
  • Strange but true

 

Mary was committed to prison and then released into the ‘care’ of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones at the North Wales Hospital by one James Blackett-Ord, who enjoyed the title of ‘His Honour the Vice-Chancellor of the County of Palatine of Lancaster’. James Blackett-Ord was actually a circuit judge. However his glorious title conferred upon him another role- to exercise general supervision over the conduct of the Chancery Division business in the north of England. The Chancery Division is a Division of the High Court of England and Wales and deals with business law, trust law, probate law, insolvency and land law in relation to issues of equity. So in Mary’s case, Blackett-Ord was effectively judging on a case that it was his role to oversee. Conflict of interest anyone? It gets much worse. The Vice-Chancellor of the County of Palatine of Lancaster is appointed by the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster after consultation with the Lord Chancellor. The Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster is a Ministerial Office of Government appointed by the Queen on the advice of, or by, the Prime Minister. Mary’s mother’s estate – the original source of the dispute – was administered by the Public Trustee (one of Mary’s later legal actions was against the Public Trustee). The Public Trustee is appointed by the Lord Chancellor – as well as Blackett-Ord! There was nothing impartial about this judge. But I haven’t finished. The Lord Chancellor was also in charge of the later investigation into Mary’s case in 1993 and 1995.

The Lord Chancellor when Mary was unlawfully arrested and imprisoned was Lord Elwyn-Jones, a mate of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse. The Windbag subsequently appointed Lord Elwyn-Jones as Shadow Lord Chancellor.

  • Neil Kinnock accuses George Osborne of behaving like ...
  • Neil Kinnock Quotes. QuotesGram

 

The Lord Chancellor when Mary’s case was ‘investigated’ was Lord Mackay of Clashfern.

Are we surprised that Mary was ruined?

After Blackett-Ord’s time as the Vice-Chancellor of the County of Palatine of Lancaster ended in 1987 (he is described as ‘stepping down’), from then on the office was held by a High Court judge of the Chancery Division. Was this perchance related to the shit that hit the fan over Mary’s case? Blackett-Ord died a few years ago and his obituaries described him as a ‘churchman’ and a ‘landowner’ from Northumberland – they also remarked on how much he enjoyed being the Vice-Chancellor of the County of Palatine of Lancaster. They do not explain why he completely shafted a respectable middle aged woman from north Wales who had been swindled by some local solicitors by having her arrested and then handed her over to man – who’s mistress was facilitating a paedophile ring – to be illegally banged up in an asylum for a year.

Blackett-Ord was appointed in 1972 – the year of Mary’s mother’s death and the original dispute. When Blackett-Ord was appointed, the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster was either Geoffrey Rippon or John Davies and the Lord Chancellor was Lord Hailsham, Quintin Hogg.

Walker and Rippon’s loyal lackey Ian Prestt became Deputy Head of the Nature Conservancy Council, 1974-75. In 1975, Prestt received an unexpected telephone call in his office at the NCC inviting him to dine. His hosts were the Chairman of the Council and Committees, four in all, of the RSPB. Eschewing head-hunters, they had decided that Prestt must be their man. He was Director General, 1975-91 and then President, 1991-95, of the RSPB.

The man who gave Ian Prestt his big break, Edward Max Nicholson, was President of the RSPB, 1980-85.

Max Nicholson was a naturalist and ornithologist who was educated at Sedburgh School and then Hertford College, Oxford. Nicholson was a founder member of the Oxford University Exploration Club.

In 1932 the British Trust for Ornithology was established and Nicholson was the first Treasurer and later Chairman (1947–1949). In 1947–1948, with the then Director General of the UN’s scientific and education organisation UNESCO, Julian Huxley, Nicholson was involved in forming the International Union for the Protection of Nature, now the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN).

Some members of Julian Huxley’s extended family and associates were friends with Bertrand Russell and the Welsh Bloomsbury set who used to spend their summers at Croesor in north Wales and who knew about Dafydd, Gwynne and their wrongdoing (see post ‘The Village’).

 

In 1949 Max Nicholson oversaw Part 3 of the National Parks and Access to the Countryside Act 1949, which established the Nature Conservancy (later the Nature Conservancy Council). Nicholson was Director General of the Nature Conservancy, 1952-66. During his leadership, the Conservancy established itself as a research and management body which promoted ecology as having broad relevance and application to land use decision-making and management. Which will be why the weak botanists and zoologists didn’t dare upset him and why the tougher ones were able to thrash out dodgy deals with him.

In 1961 Nicholson, together with Sir Peter Scott (see post ‘He Got On His Bike And Looked For Work’) and others, formed the group that created the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) (now the World Wide Fund for Nature), with which Carlo’s dad was famously involved for years while he blasted various species to death with a shotgun. It was Max Nicholson who ‘was instrumental in directing the Duke of Edinburgh towards conservation. The Duke’s involvement with the World Wildlife Fund enabled him to travel the world, virtually as a head of state, allowing him to make valuable contributions without apparently straying into the fray of politics, since, as Nicholson enjoyed pointing out, the politicians of the early 1960s had little conception of environmental issues’.

So Max made friends with Lilibet’s husband and ensured that Phil the Greek got a few freebies under the guise of doing something useful.

Nicholson was also a founder of the International Institute for Environment and Development and in 1966 he set up and headed environmental firm Land Use Consultants, (LUC), remaining with them until 1989.

In 1976 Nicholson was an instrumental part of the setting up the Trust for Urban Ecology. In 1978 Nicholson was instrumental in founding the ENDS Report, a highly influential journal for environmental policy specialists. Nicholson helped set up the New Renaissance Group and was a Trustee of Earthwatch Europe.

Nicholson’s 1931 essay A National Plan for Britain led to the formation of the think tank Political and Economic Planning, now the Policy Studies Institute.

Max Nicholson joined the civil service in 1940 and during WWII he worked for the Ministry of Shipping, then the Ministry of War Transport and was with Churchill at the post-war peace conferences at Yalta and Potsdam. Nicholson was Private Secretary to Mandy’s granddad, Herbert Morrison, the Deputy PM, 1945-52. During those years, Herbert doubled up as Lord President of the Council – so he would have been the visitor for the University of Wales…

You kept that quiet Mandy! Here he is, desperately trying to make the Windbag electable:

 

Leader of the Opposition Neil Kinnock talks to Peter Mandelson the Labour Party's director of communications at the Labour Party Conference in...

Max Nicholson also Chaired the Committee for the 1951 Festival of Britain. During the war years he was in charge of organising shipping operations and convoys across the Atlantic. Max was involved in the planning of ‘Operation Overlord’, the invasion of Europe. For his services he was awarded the CVO and CB. So Max was a birder who worked for the security services then.

 

Max married Mary Crawford in 1932 and they had two children, Piers and Tom. The marriage was dissolved in 1964. Nicholson then married Marie Mauerhofer (known as Toni) in 1965; they had one child, a son, David.

Max Nicholson seemed to have believed that he should rightly have been President of the World. He wrote a number of publications regarding how the planet should be organised and run and when the Callaghan Gov’t showed no particular interest in celebrating the Queen’s first 25 years on the throne in 1977, Nicholson got together with Charles Wintour, then Editor of the London Evening Standard, and Illtyd Harrington, then the Deputy Leader of the GLC, to promote the celebration of the Silver Jubilee.

 

Illtyd Harrington knew about Dafydd and the trafficking gang. Illtyd was an ally of Ken Livingstone and served as Deputy Leader of the GLC, 1981–84 and then as Chairman, 1984–85.

Harrington was born in Merthyr Tydfil. His father was an atheist and Communist, who fought against the Fascists in the Spanish Civil War and mother, known as Sally, was also an anti-fascist. Harrington was educated at the Roman Catholic Dowlais School before going to Trinity University College, Carmarthen (now part of University of Wales Trinity St David). Illtyd became a friend of Dylan Thomas while he was there.

Harrington gained employment in Brixton, before becoming a geography teacher at Kennington Secondary school. Then he moved on to become Head of English at Daneford School in Bethnal Green. Illtyd’s friends in the East End included the Krays.

Harrington was openly gay and lived for fifty years with his partner, Christopher ‘Chris’ Downes, who worked as a theatrical dresser for Laurence Olivier and Maggie Smith. Downes became a Board Director of the National Theatre on the South Bank. Both men were active members of the Board of Trustees of the National Youth Theatre. They shared a house in London and later in Brighton, where they entertained the gliterati. Both were heavily involved as writers and editors of The Camden New Journal and West End Extra. Downes died in 2003. 

Harrington’s nephew is actor Richard Harrington.

Harrington’s political career started with election to the Borough Council in Paddington in 1959 and in 1964, he moved up to the Westminster City Council, where he was leader 1972-4 and the GLC. He represented Brent South in 1973 on the GLC, having been rejected as a potential Parliamentary candidate for Merthyr. He was also Chairman of the GLC’s Policy and Resources Committee. During the period he was also Deputy Leader of the Labour Party. Illtyd was a member of Wilson’s kitchen cabinet when Labour returned to power in 1974.

Illtyd’s wiki entry tells us that ‘It was promulgated that he might be offered a peerage, but both MI5 and MI6 were investigating the Cabinet for suspected incidents of Soviet espionage and he was refused’. Well someone with a sense of humour has written that. The Lords is full of people with links to espionage activities but as long as they concealed Dafydd and the paedophiles, they were in. Illtyd concealed Dafydd and the paedophiles as well, so if he was refused a peerage there must have been some other reason.

In 1980, after the leader of the GLC, Sir Reg Goodwin, retired Harrington became Deputy to Andrew McIntosh. The flood of hard left councillors elected in 1981 staged a coup and ousted McIntosh in favour of Red Ken. Ken told Harrington ‘Of course I am not going to oust you as Deputy Leader, you are the acceptable face of extremism’.

Illtyd became an adviser to Red Ken when Ken became Mayor in 2001.

Later in life, Illtyd was a regular contributor to Camden New Journal.

 

Illtyd Harrington (left) and Andrew McIntosh celebrate Labour's victory over the Conservatives in the 1981 GLC elections

Illtyd Harrington (left) and Andrew McIntosh celebrate Labour’s victory over the Conservatives in the 1981 GLC elections. If Illtyd and his mates hadn’t have colluded with Dafydd and the traffickers, they might have been celebrating a General Election win over Thatcher.
 
If any of Illtyd’s mates who are still alive – John McDonnell perhaps? – would like to enlighten me, I’d be keen to know whether Illtyd and his crew were in any way related to the unpleasant things that happened to me and my friends when we lived on his manor (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’).
Max Nicholson saw the Silver Jubilee as an opportunity to lift the celebrations into ‘the realm of inspiration and guidance for the future’. He developed a document called ‘The Seven Thrusts’ in which he declared he was not content to leave ‘a haphazard legacy of scattered unrelated Jubilee halls, gardens, fountains, seats and suchlike’ but intended to initiate an overall plan for ongoing projects in partnership with local authorities and voluntary bodies.

The first of Max’s thrusts was the Jubilee Walkway, which aimed to knit London more closely together, and in particular to lure the walker from Leicester Square across Lambeth Bridge and on to the South Bank.

Max’s second thrust was to knit north London together by the fuller use of Regent’s Canal and the Grand Union Canal. The other thrusts involved the cleaning up and development of the Covent Garden area, improvement schemes overseen by the Civic Trust to develop a London-wide heritage and amenity programme, an extensive tree-planting programme and the development of ‘meanwhile’ use of derelict land, which included the creation of an urban farm at Newham. Nicholson also masterminded the Clean Up London Campaign.

Max ‘was against the Establishment’, although a ‘dedicated monarchist’, and predicted that the monarchy would survive the 21st century, because ‘any sensible person would realise that the system was patently more honourable than a presidency of ambitious and self-serving politicians’.

The nature loving anarchist who was Max spent most of his time in Chelsea, in the home he had bought when he was still quite young.

In 1982 Max enjoyed a proud moment when he accepted the Gold Medal for the World Wildlife Fund from the Duke of Edinburgh, the man who’s work with the WWF was of course as result of the efforts of Max.

Before Anne Vernon was killed, she used to talk about the RSPB as not being an organisation for anyone who was genuinely interested in birding. She maintained that it was run by grandiose people with Royal connections. I think I might know who she was talking about.

 

Magnus Magnusson was President of the RSPB, 1985-90. Magnus went to Jesus College, Oxford, which educated quite a few paedophiles’ friends because it is a college with Welsh connections. Magnusson was a journalist and before he found his true home pompousing on ‘Mastermind’, he used to present a lot of those TV programmes in the 1970s which investigated ghosts, past lives and other such matters. I watched a programme in which Magnus swore blind that the people whom he was interviewing were presenting evidence that they’d lived before. As is customary, Magnus’s guests had all experienced quite eventful previous lives, one of them had even been someone who had been part of the massacre of the Jews in York in 1190. No-one had just worked on a small-holding and done the washing-up for their entire lives.

  • Strange but true

 

Magnus also wrote for the ‘New Statesman’, as did many paedophiles’ friends and it was through the small ads in the ‘New Statesman’ that Brown and I encountered some of the mad people who caused us grief whom I now know were presents from the security services.

Magnus was the founder Chairman of Scottish Natural Heritage upon its inception in 1992. He was Lord Rector of Edinburgh University, 1975-78 and later in 2002 Magnus became Chancellor of Glasgow Caledonian University.

Magnus’s daughter Sally and his son Jon work in the media.

None of the Magnussons ever blew the whistle on Jimmy Savile. Sally Magnusson has presented ‘Songs of Praise’. As did Aled Jones, the 1980s school boy singing sensation who lived at Llandegfan and was a neighbour of all those Top Doctors and staff at UCNW who were desperately in need of a distraction just when Aled became a superstar overnight because Alison Taylor, Mary Wynch and I would not shut up about the crimes of the Top Docs. Aled went to school with the children of D.G.E. Wood. Aled also went to school with at least five kids whom I know were being abused by those we know and love, but Aled’s school didn’t give a stuff about them and neither did anyone else.

More recently, Aled has presented ‘Cash In The Attic’.

  • Strange but true

 

Walking In The Air-The Snowman by BeautyAndStrength on ...

Jesus Christ, he’s grabbed a little boy in his pyjamas, the Abominable Snowman must be working for Gwynedd Social Services.

 

Lord Derek Barber, a civil servant and agriculturalist, was President of the RSPB, 1990-91. Barber was educated at the Royal Agricultural College, Cirencester and served in WWII. He farmed in Gloucestershire before serving in various posts at the MAFF, 1946-72. After that, Barber took various advisory roles on countryside and agricultural matters, including to the Gov’t and BBC. Derek Barber will have been networked into the landowning paedophiles’ friends, such as Lord Kenyon and the Duke of Westminster.

Barber was also President of the Gloucestershire Naturalists’ Society; President of the Royal Agricultural Society of England; President of the British Pig Association; and a Vice-President of the Nature in Art Trust.

Barber picked up his peerage in Aug 1992, four months after the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed by the firebomb in Brighton (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

Barber sat as a crossbencher in the Lords.

 

The CEO of the RSPB, 1991-98, was Barbara Young aka Baroness Young of Old Scone. The Baroness of Old Scone is one of the breed of Labour peers who just go through life clocking up public appointments, anything will do, they’re not fussy, but the appointments do of course always include a few which involve keeping the lid on the barrel of crap which is the NHS.

Lady Old Scone is currently Chair of the Woodland Trust. She was the Chief Exec of Diabetes UK, 2010-15 and before that she was involved in the establishment of the CQC, Chairing that organisation between 2008-10. Lady Old Scone was Chief Exec of the Environment Agency, 2000-08 and other posts she has held include: Chair of English Nature; Vice Chairman of the BBC; Board member of AWG plc; and posts in a number of local health authorities, including Parkside Health Authority. In 2010 Barbara Young was appointed Chancellor of Cranfield University and was elected an Honorary Fellow of the Royal Society of Edinburgh in 2017.

 

One other person to whom biologists will have grovelled is Professor Peter Bridgewater, an Australian conservationist, who was Chief Scientist of the Nature Conservancy Council, 1989–90. Peter Bridgewater was also Chief Executive of the Australian Nature Conservation Agency and Director of the National Parks and Wildlife Service, 1990–97 and Secretary of UNESCO’s Man and the Biosphere Programme and Director of its Division of Ecological Sciences 1999–03. Subsequently Bridgewater was Secretary General of the Ramsar Convention on the Protection of Wetlands of International Importance and from 2007 he has been Chairman of the UK’s statutory Joint Nature Conservation Committee. Among many international appointments, Bridgewater was Chair of the International Whaling Commission, 1995-97.

 

Another name from the past who knew some of what was happening in Bangor was Dr Dorian Moss. Dorian was a statistician who worked at the Institute for Terrestrial Ecology in Bangor in the 1980s. He was a member of Bangor Bird Group and knew Anne well. Anne had spent a summer working at the ITE with Dorian. After the gang killed Anne, it was Dorian’s wife who came over to help sort Anne’s things out…

 

 

There are bombs going off everywhere at the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board. More patients have died unnecessarily and yet more notices have been issued by coroners with a view to ‘preventing further deaths’. Yet another damning report has been compiled re the mental health services in north Wales and Donna Ockenden, an independent investigator, appeared on camera saying that this cannot go on, the Board cannot simply continue to produce action plan after action plan after action plan, with no improvement in ‘services’.

Nothing will change. No-one in north Wales knows how to provide a mental health service, they never did know how to do that. They weren’t providing a mental health service, what they were doing was running a paedophile ring. Everyone knew it and everyone allowed it to continue. Patients’ complaints were ignored as were deaths, inspections were conducted by the paedophiles’ friends and subsequently described the traffickers as kind, compassionate and excellent. Research was faked and trumpeted as world leading by both Westminster and the Welsh Gov’t. The people at the Betsi are the very same people who ran that paedophile ring 20 yrs ago.

There is no mental health service in north Wales and very little NHS per se. The reason why people are finally squealing is that the situation is now so bad that better off people are dying as well. When it was just the dispossessed nobody minded. Now no-one is safe. It’s what happens when a cartel of Top Doctors are allowed to kill people who dare complain.

Everyone needs to stop the endless reports and reviews, the meaningless historical enquiries led by the paedophiles’ friends which are going to bring ‘closure’, the vacuous #Me Tooing and the promises to give Wales a ‘feminist Gov’t’ and they need to arrest those doctors who colluded with each other to refuse all care and treatment to anyone who complained. They also need to arrest the Health Ministers who were told repeatedly what those doctors were doing yet refused to act – Jane Hutt, Brian Gibbons, Edwina Hart, Lesley Griffiths and Mark Drakeford. People died. It was quite deliberate.

One person who might like to give evidence is Dr Gruff Penrhyn Jones, formerly of Waunfawr Surgery. Gruff was much more pleasant than his dysfunctional colleagues, but he knew what they were doing. For a period of years, Gruff knew that I was unlawfully refused all treatment by every single doctor in north Wales. There is at least one other patient living in Gwynedd who was in exactly the same position. Gruff looked on but did not act. But then no-one did. Gruff’s dad was a Top Doctor in north Wales and Gruff knew about Dafydd and the paedophiles. Gruff spent part of his career in Sweden and his son is in the Swedish police force. The last that I heard was that Gruff had left the UK, I think to live in Sweden. Gruff is not the only witness who emigrated, Dr Richard Tranter of the Hergest Unit and a number of his colleagues did as well.

The Top Docs watched an international paedophile ring in operation for years, said nothing and when Operation Pallial was launched they emigrated. Of course there is no mental health service in north Wales, how could there possibly be?

 

Those Who Are Ready To Serve

Some of my recent posts eg. ‘The Village’ and ‘The Turn Of The Screw’ and additions to my posts by the use of the ‘comments’ facility have mentioned how a number people in Somerset with links to the Tory Party who knew me before I went to UCNW (Bangor University) in 1981 found out about my battles with Dafydd and the sex trafficking gang and put this information to good use, receiving large quantities of dosh from persons unknown in return for their silence in the face of the horrific things which were happening to me and my friends as well as in return for their silence if I went to prison or was found dead.

I continue to receive information about – and yet more names of – those who knew me who decided to take advantage. I did notice at the time that a number of people whom I’d known in Somerset seemed to do spectacularly well for themselves, inexplicably so.  I have been told that less fortunate people who knew Brown and me who drifted into petty crime were paid to smear us and for info, but it was of course those who aspired and with influential connections whom I have been told really spotted the potential.

So let me introduce one of my playmates from when I was about six yrs old, along with some information regarding her later career – Janet Mitchell. Janet was Janet Sims when I knew her and most unusually for a girl in Somerset in those days, Janet became an engineer. Janet’s dad Fred Sims was a lecturer in mechanics at Bridgwater College. Janet wanted to follow in her dad’s footsteps, but had rather more academic aspirations so she aimed for an engineering degree. She didn’t do very well in her A levels, so she didn’t go to university after the sixth form, she took up an apprenticeship and completed academic qualifications when she was a bit older.

In 1982 Janet began working as an engineer at Westland Helicopters in Yeovil. Westland was a company which struggled all the way through the 1970s. It was a major news item on ‘Points West’ if somebody actually bought a helicopter, or even looked as though they might be reaching for their chequebook. In mid-1980s, by the time that Brown and I had begun writing to Ministers and the GMC about the Top Docs et al in north Wales, Westland became world famous as a result of the then Secretary of State for Defence Michael Heseltine’s robust support for the ailing company. People in Somerset thought it entirely reasonable that Heseltine seemed to be staking his career on the future of Westland, but the big wigs in politics and the London-based media ranted on about Heseltine’s inexplicable interest in a ‘small West Country company’.  It was a company which employed my former childhood playmate who’s mum and a few others knew what was happening to me at the hands of a branch of the Westminster Paedophile Ring and that had at some point been brought to Heseltine’s attention. Securing Heseltine’s backing was a real coup for Westland, it ailed no more and Janet’s career soon took off like a meteorite.

 

The Westland Affair involved Thatch and Heseltine going public over a Cabinet dispute with questions raised about whether the conventions of Cabinet Gov’t were being observed and about the integrity of senior politicians.

Westland was Britain’s last helicopter manufacturer and in 1985 was to be the subject of a rescue bid. Heseltine favoured a European solution, integrating Westland with a consortium including British Aerospace (BAe), Italian (Augusta) and French companies, but Thatch and the Trade and Industry Secretary, Leon Brittan, while ostensibly maintaining a neutral stance, wanted to see Westland merge with Sikorsky, an American company.

Heseltine refused to accept Thatcher’s choice and claimed that Thatcher was refusing to allow a free ministerial discussion about the matter, even suggesting she had lied about cancelling a scheduled meeting. When Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for his European consortium, he resigned and walked out of a Cabinet meeting in Jan 1986. Brittan was then forced to resign for having (on the orders of Thatcher’s aides, as he admitted some years later) previously ordered the leaking to the press of a confidential legal letter critical of Heseltine and for his lack of candour to the Commons about his efforts to persuade BAe to withdraw from Heseltine’s consortium. Thatcher’s survival as PM appeared to be in question, although she rode out the crisis. The episode was an embarrassment to Thatch’s Gov’t and undermined her reputation.

Now for the details of the scrap and those involved.

 

The rescue of Westland came as a great relief to the MPs in the area, Westland having previously been in deep trouble and an embarrassment. MPs with an interest included Tom King (Tory, Bridgwater), Paddy Ashdown (Lib Dem, Yeovil); Bob Boscawen (Tory, Somerton and Frome), David Heathcoat-Amory (Tory, Wells) and Jerry Wiggin (Tory, Weston-Super-Mare).

I have mentioned that Tom King was personally known to the people in Somerset who knew me and who received money in return for their silence, but at least one of them knew Jerry Wiggin as well and one of them aspired to get up close and personal with Paddy Ashdown, but I don’t know if that plan succeeded.

 

At the beginning of the Westland crisis Tom King was Secretary of State for Employment and his Minister of State was Sir Peter Morrison, who was abusing kids in north Wales, Cheshire as well as in other locations. On Sept 2, 1985, King was made N Ireland Secretary, where he was involved in concealing the scandal at the Kincora Boys’ Home, which was even worse than, but linked to, Dafydd and the gang in north Wales. On Sept 2, 1985, Peter Morrison was appointed Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan – who was involved in the decisions regarding Westland…

Tom King was given a peerage in 2001, the year after the Waterhouse Report was published, as the voices denouncing it as a whitewash began to fade.

 

Sir Jerry Wiggin was a farmer who was on the right of the Tory Party, a member of the Monday Club and a supporter of Ian Smith in Rhodesia. Wiggin was something of a bon viveur with his own ‘set’, usually high-living and right-wing Sir Bufton Tuftons. I remember well the Sir Buftons from my youth. Wiggin’s judgement was doubted by senior Tories and ‘Private Eye’ called him ‘Junket Jerry’ because of his frequent trips abroad. In 1981 Wiggin became a junior Minister at the Ministry of Defence, covering the armed forces; it was left to him to defend the withdrawal of the naval ice patrol ship Endurance from the South Atlantic, which is often seen as having been the trigger for the Argentine invasion of the Falklands in 1982. Wiggin was dismissed from the post a year later. On the eve of a Gov’t reshuffle in June 1983, Wiggin anticipated a promotion and was surprised to be sacked. Despite his pleading and invocation of his experience as a major in the TA, Thatch was unmoved. It was speculated that she may have heard rumours that Wiggin was something of a ‘chancer’ who had diverted an RAF helicopter to visit a girlfriend. At the time, he and his wife Rosemary Orr had recently divorced and Wiggin claimed massive trauma.

Wiggin’s son from his first marriage, William, the Conservative MP for Leominster from 2001, was a year ahead of David Cameron at Eton and married a former girlfriend of Cameron’s. Wiggin’s son Thomas is an asset manager and his daughter Audrey an ‘executive coach’. Wiggin married for a second time in 1991 when Morella Bulmer – who had previously married into the family of the cider group – became his wife.

After Wiggin’s sacking, he ‘seemed to nourish a grudge’ against Thatch. In 1989 he voted for Sir Anthony Meyer when Meyer made a token challenge for the leadership, an extraordinary step given Wiggin’s political views. I have no idea whether Wiggin was aware of this, but Anthony Meyer knew about the havoc that Dafydd and the gang were causing in north Wales and Meyer not only decided to wound Thatch, but also fought a battle to prevent the toxic Beata Brookes, Dafydd and Lucille’s partner in serious organised crime, from becoming the MP for Clwyd West (see post ‘The Celtic Iron Lady And Yet More Recent History’).

Wiggin frequently rebelled in the Commons. In 1996 he defied the Whips over the Firearms Bill, which tightened the use of guns after the massacre of children in Dunblane. His objection was that the proposed level of compensation for those affected by the banning of firearms was inadequate, adding, ‘I am deeply ashamed of my government’. As indeed should he have been, but not for that reason.

Wiggin was knighted in 1993, at about the time (or shortly after) the North Wales Police wound up their investigation into child abuse in north Wales and announced that there was no evidence of a VIP paedophile ring in the region subjected to a high level cover-up. Wiggin retired from Parliament in 1997. Just as the Waterhouse Inquiry got going.

William Rees-Mogg, a former Editor of ‘The Times’, described Wiggin as ‘a shrewd politician — though perhaps closer to the intellectual tone of the rugby XV than of All Souls’. Mystic Mogg lived in Somerset himself whilst all this was going on.

 

I note that Jerry Wiggin was a junior Minister in the MoD at the time of the Falklands conflict. The village in Somerset where the people who knew me and received thousands of pounds in hush money also contained a family with two sons who had both joined the Army after leaving school – they both went to school with me. The older boy joined the Army first and then two years later his younger brother followed. The younger boy alleged the most terrible experiences – what would now be described as very, very serious bullying from NCOs, the sort of thing that was alleged to be happening at Deepcut. This young man was rash enough to try and give back what he was receiving – or at least claimed to be – and he belted an NCO. He was subjected to MoD disciplinary measures, but everything just backfired. He went wild, absolutely beserk, was transferred to what I think must have been a military prison and then there was some sort of Top Doc’s intervention. According to him, he was ferociously beaten constantly, kept naked in cells for days on end, denied contact with anyone etc. Eventually he was discharged and went straight home to his family, which was the first that they knew about it all, because he had not been allowed to communicate with anyone.

This young man’s father was a trade union activist – he was a farm worker who had been involved with the union for years – and he hit the roof when he heard what had happened. He approached the union movement, numerous politicians, lawyers, he really was determined to elicit an investigation into what had happened. He fought for quite a few years and got absolutely nowhere. Meanwhile, his eldest son, who seemed to get on much better in the Army, had been sent to serve in the Falklands conflict. When he returned to Somerset, he was angry and disillusioned with the Army, claiming that the other ranks had been put at risk by the incompetence of the officers and that his mates had died as a result. No-one wanted to hear what he had to say – Somerset was True Blue and nearly everyone supported Thatcher’s adventure in the South Atlantic. This man was viewed not as a voice from the front line but as a wicked traitor.

I don’t know how much substance there was in the allegations made by the two sons of this family, but I imagine that the same politicians who spent years doing the most disgusting deals in order to keep a lid on Dafydd et al crushed these two young men and their family underfoot.

 

Jerry Wiggin was the MP for Weston-super-Mare. Jeffrey Archer grew up there and his mother used to write a column on the ‘Weston Mercury’. When Archer was given a peerage, he became Lord Archer of Weston-super-Mare. I imagine that he will have retained many links with the area, despite being based in Cambridgeshire and London. Archer and his wife had a number of connections with people known to Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘Tuppence And His Fragrant Wife’). Peter Morrison succeeded Tuppence as Deputy Chairman of the Tory Party.

 

Paddy Ashdown, the MP for Yeovil at the time, is a former Royal Marine who was in the SBS and worked as an intelligence officer with MI6. Yeovil was Paddy’s wife Jane’s home town and in 1976 when Paddy was selected as the Liberal Party’s prospective parliamentary candidate for Yeovil, he took a job with Normalair Garrett, then part of the Westland Group. Paddy wasn’t elected until 1983. In 1981 he became a youth worker with Dorset County Council’s Youth Service, working on initiatives to help the young unemployed.

In the early 1980s, Rob Evans, the senior manager in Gwynedd Social Services with responsibility for child protection when the children’s services in Gwynedd hosted a paedophile ring, had been a social work Team Manager in Dorset. In 1992 Evans was given responsibility for managing the community mental health services in Gwynedd. Patients were threatened, assaulted and fitted up for crimes by mental health staff. The area had one of the highest suicide rates in the UK. Complaints were never investigated and even when Evans condescended to meet patients who had the most terrible experiences, Evans simply talked around the subject and nothing was ever resolved (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’).

 

Paddy Ashdown knew about Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith and the numerous other Parliamentary molesters. He knew about the biggest, most dangerous bag of shit of all, Kincora Boys’ Home in Belfast, as well as much else because of his work with MI6. Paddy was living the high life in Geneva before he rocked up scratching a living in Yeovil. It wasn’t an obvious career move and it is highly probable that Paddy had been deployed to the West Country by the security services because of Thorpe’s shenanigans in north Devon at the time. At the time of Westland, David Steel was leader of the Liberal Party and the Liberals had formed their Alliance with Dr Death’s bunch. David Steel was told about Cyril Smith abusing boys and ignored it and Dr Death was mates with some of the Top Docs in north Wales with whom I was having such terrible problems. Paddy became leader of the newly merged party, the Lib Dems, in 1988 and was always a one for attempting back room deals with the paedophiles’ friends in a desperate attempt to get into Gov’t.

At the time of the Westland Affair, the brother of the former Liberal MP John Pardoe lived in the same village as those receiving the dosh to keep quiet about events in north Wales. John Pardoe had been the MP for North Cornwall who lost his seat in 1979, because, it was perceived, as a result of his strong support for Jeremy Thorpe, who was at the time standing trial at the Old Bailey for conspiracy and incitement to murder Norman Scott (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). In the 1987 General Election campaign, John Pardoe was campaign manager for the SDP-Liberal Alliance. When he was at Cambridge, John Pardoe was in Footlights with Top Tosser Jonathan Miller, who was called upon himself to come to the rescue of the paedophiles’ friends of north Wales (see post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’).

I have not been told that John Pardoe’s brother was involved with those we know and love – Brown and me knew him quite well and liked him, we spent a summer working on his farm, as did friends of ours – but this was such a heap of crap with the security services and others nobbling people who knew Brown and me and either bribing them to shaft us or wrecking the lives of those who stood by us, that I would be very surprised if Robin, John Pardoe’s brother, had not been approached. Furthermore, Robin Pardoe’s son Simon was an Aberystwyth graduate who at that time was working for ILEA, an organisation which was complicit with kids from inner London being sent to children’s homes in north Wales and his daughter Rachel had recently graduated from Sussex University. I really don’t think that Dafydd’s protectors will have been able to resist the opportunity.

 

At about this time, a company which could only be described being run by crooks and spivs, FPS (Financial Planning Services), arrived in Somerset. For a short while one of the Somerset contingent known to me took a job as a ‘financial consultant’ with FPS. She was told at the time that FPS were conmen and after she had spent a few weeks working for them, this became evident. She did eventually wave a fond farewell to them, but not before she found out that one of the leading lights in FPS was a former SBS action man of a Paddy-type. The SBS man was also a complete thug who terrorised everyone and sexually exploited young women. Was he known to you Paddy? Because you were all down there near Yeovil at the same time.

If you were sent to Somerset on Lilibet’s secret service Paddy, you did a bloody awful job. DAFYDD!!?? For God’s sake, was he really worth protecting??

 

Robert Boscawen, Tory MP for Wells, was the fourth son of Evelyn Hugh John Boscawen, 8th Viscount Falmouth. Boscawen’s ancestors included PM Charles Grey, 2nd Earl Grey.

After serving in the British Army during WWII, Boscawen served during 1947-48 in Hamburg, with the British Red Cross civilian relief teams organised by his mother, Lady Falmouth, a Vice-Chairman of the Tory Party. From 1948, Boscawen spent two years with Shell Petroleum before joining the family-owned Cornish china clay business, Goonveen. He became a Lloyd’s underwriter in 1952. Boscawen’s political career began in 1948 when he joined the Young Conservatives.

Boscawen was a member of the Monday Club and was MP for Wells, 1970-83 and then, as the result of boundary changes, he moved over to the nearby constituency Somerton and Frome. Boscawen supported the restoration of capital punishment, drastic cuts in the welfare state and student grants, but opposed abortion. He also became a leading supporter of Ian Smith after Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence.

Boscawen was interested in the NHS and sat on its London Executive Council, 1954-65. He was on the backbenchers’ Health Services Committee and Vice-Chairman, 1974-79. So it wouldn’t have been too difficult for leading Tories to lean on Boscawen if they thought that Dafydd et al were about to be exposed.

Boscawen served as a Lord Commissioner of the Treasury from 1981. Peter Morrison had been Lord Commissioner of the Treasury, 1979-81, during which time Boscawen had been an Assistant Gov’t Whip.

Boscawen was Vice-Chamberlain of Her Majesty’s Household 1983-86 and Comptroller of the Royal Household until 1988. Peter Morrison’s sister Dame Mary Morrison spent most of her life as Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Lilibet.

Boscawen became a member of the Privy Council in 1992, the same year that he retired from the Commons. Days after his retirement, the Brighton firebomb killed the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

Boscawen married Mary Codrington in 1949 and they had two daughters and one son, who followed him into the Coldstream Guards. Boscawen was a rower and yachtsman. He stroked the Trinity boat and rowed in the University trial eights. He was a member of the Royal Yacht Squadron and regularly sailed in international races, including the Fastnet.

 

Now here’s a funny thing. The MP who succeeded Boscawen in 1992, days before that firebomb did its best, was Mark Robinson. Mark Robinson was the man who wrote to me when I first raised concerns about Tony Francis, Dr D.G.E. Wood and Gwynne the lobotomist witholding my medical records from me and in the case of Gwynne, altering them. At the time, Robinson was the Tory MP for usually safe Labour seat of Newport West. He ended up writing to me because in 1985 Robinson was appointed a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, under Secretary of State Nicholas Edwards and it was Robinson who wrote to me after I paid a visit to Keith Best, the Tory MP for Ynys Mon, who was not only my constituency MP, but also a Minister in the Welsh Office (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). I had no idea at the time that Best was a crooked barrister who had previously lived in the Brighton area, had served as a Brighton Councillor when John Allen was trafficking kids in care in north Wales to brothels owned by Allen in Brighton and from the moment that Best arrived in north Wales concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang. Indeed I expect that’s why Best was sent to Ynys Mon as part of the reinforcements to assist the paedophiles’ friends.

Nicholas Edwards was still Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the Westland Affair (see posts ‘The Cradle Of Filth’ and ‘Old Nick Bites The Dust’).

Mark Robinson was born in Bristol to John Foster Robinson and Margaret, née Paterson. Mark Robinson’s father was High Sheriff of Avon in 1975, so he almost certainly knew Brown’s dad.

Dr D.G.E. Wood’s family came from Bristol, where his father worked as a Top Doctor. Wood went to medical school in Bristol. Lord David Hunt, who has spent most of his career concealing and colluding with Dafydd and the gang, did his degree in law at Bristol University and then in 1970 unsuccessfully contested Bristol South for the Tories. For some unfathomable reason, in the 1973 Birthday Honours Hunt was awarded an MBE for ‘political services in the west of England’. After unsuccessfully contesting Kingswood in 1974, Hunt was sent to contest the Wirral in a by-election in 1976 to provide back-up for Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Hunt subsequently provided the best of services to the paedophiles’ friends for decades, in his various roles at the Welsh Office and in his capacity as an international lawyer acting for the MDU and others.

By the mid-1970s, John Allen and others were flocking into north Wales purchasing isolated old buildings which were converted into children’s homes or residential schools. Nearly all of these establishments were part of the same paedophile ring. After the Children Act 1975, business really boomed. The Children Act 1975 was the work of Leo Abse who skilfully bullied and manipulated others into getting it onto the statute books. It was Dr Death who was roped into doing the crucial bit, introducing the private member’s bill that was necessary. See posts ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’ and ‘The History, Boys…’. Just before the Act was passed, Peter Morrison was selected as the Tory candidate for Chester, was then elected and a local authority reorganisation resulted in the creation of Gwynedd and Clwyd County Councils, which kicked off with Chief Executives David Alun Jones and T.M. Hadyn Rees respectively (see posts ‘I Know Nuzzing…’ and ‘Ain’t Nothing Clean – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists’). North Wales had opened for business as a production line for trafficked young people.

 

John Robinson’s family ran ES & A Robinson, the paper and packaging conglomerate that later became Dickinson Robinson Group. Apart from paper, the Robinsons were famous for cricket: Mark Robinson’s grandfather, Sir Foster Robinson, was captain of Gloucester; other members of the family played for, and captained, Gloucestershire. Mark Robinson was educated at Harrow and Christ Church, Oxford, where he read Modern History.

Mark Robinson spent six years at the UN: at the UN Relief Operation to Bangladesh; in the Office of the Under-Secretary General; and in the Office of the Secretary General, Kurt Waldheim. From 1977–83 Robinson was Assistant Director in the Office of the Commonwealth Secretary-General, who was then Sir Shridath Ramphal.

 

‘Sonny’ Ramphal was born in British Guiana. After attending schools in Georgetown, Ramphal studied law at King’s College London and was called to the bar at Gray’s Inn in 1951. So Sonny will have known Sir William Mars-Jones, who grew up in Denbighshire, a leading light at Gray’s Inn who was a mate of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse and President of UCNW. Mars-Jones and his family in north Wales provided years of protection for Dafydd et al.

As a pupil barrister Ramphal worked with the British politician and lawyer Dingle Foot. Sir Dingle Foot was born in Plymouth and was Liberal MP for Dundee, 1931-45. He joined the Labour Party in 1956 and was the Labour MP for Ipswich, 1957-70. John Allen came from Ipswich before arriving in north Wales in the late 1960s and opening the Bryn Alyn Community. Ipswich was also the base of Dr John W. Paulley and his wife. Paulley carried out harmful experimentation on his patients and Paulley’s wife ran a counselling and family therapy centre, which I suspect concealed organised abuse. Paulley was involved with the establishment of the University of Buckingham. See post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’ for further information on Paulley and his network.

Dingle Foot was Solicitor General, 1964-67, in Harold Wilson’s Gov’t. Wilson’s Gov’t concealed the abuse and criminality in north Wales and of course the sexual offences of George Thomas, who got on very well with Harold Wilson. Thomas was a junior Minister in the Welsh Office whilst Dingle was Solicitor General. The Secretary of State for Wales above Thomas was Lord Cledwyn, Labour MP for Anglesey, 1951-79 and friend of the Windbag and his extended family (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’).

Dingle Foot was the eldest son of Isaac Foot, solicitor and founder of the Plymouth law firm, Foot and Bowden. Isaac was Liberal MP for Bodmin, 1922-24 and again from 1929-35 and also a Lord Mayor of Plymouth. Dingle’s brother was Michael Foot, who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang and of course of George Thomas (see post ‘Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks…’). Another brother was Lord John Foot, a Liberal politician; another was Hugh, Lord Caradon, Governor of Cyprus and British Ambassador to the UN and yet another brother was Christopher, a solicitor who joined the family firm. Dingle also had two sisters. His nephew, Hugh’s son, was the journalist Paul Foot. Who campaigned on behalf of many people experiencing injustices but not anyone who was the victim of the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles or their friends.

Dingle Foot died on 18 June 1978 in a hotel in Hong Kong, after choking on a bone in a chicken sandwich. I don’t know if anyone actually witnessed his death. Peter Morrison, who had been the Tory MP for Chester since 1974 and who was looking forward to a Cabinet career when his mate Thatch became PM, must have been quite relieved when old Dingle pegged out. As must have been a great many other people, who weren’t Labour supporting paedophiles like George Thomas, but were paedophiles who supported the Tories. Croesor in north Wales was a village where many radicals and activists on the left spent the summer and they knew about Dafydd and the gang (see post ‘The Village’). Bertrand Russell, who lived in nearby Penrhyndeudraeth, was friends with some of this crowd and he knew about Dafydd et al as well. I suspect that Dafydd proved quite useful to Russell. Many of the Croesor contingent were lefties who knew Michael Foot and would have been delighted to bring Thatcher down, but the problem was that many people on the left were colluding with the sexual exploitation of young people as well.

 

Dingle’s pupil barrister Ramphal also studied law at Harvard. Ramphal started his legal career as a Crown Counsel in the Attorney-General’s Office in 1953, becoming Solicitor-General and then Assistant Attorney-General of the short-lived West Indies Federation. After a period in private practice in Jamaica he returned to Guyana in 1965 to be the Attorney General. Two years later Ramphal was also appointed Minister of State in the Ministry of External Affairs, later becoming Minister of Justice (from 1973) and Minister of Foreign Affairs (from 1972). In 1975 he left Guyana to be Commonwealth Secretary-General.

Ramphal served as the Chancellor of the University of Warwick, 1989-02, was at the University of the West Indies until 2003 and was then Chancellor of the University of Guyana. In 1995, along with Swedish PM Ingvar Carlsson – who became PM after the assassination of Olof Palme in 1986 – Ramphal was one of the co-chairs of the Commission on Global Governance. In the same year, the Commission on Global Governance produced a controversial report, ‘Our Global Neighbourhood’. The report was attacked because it calling for UN reforms that would increase the UN’s power. It was also criticised for the use of the term ‘global governance’ rather than ‘world federalism’.

The Commission on Global Governance was established in 1992 with the full support of the UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who oversaw the UN at a time when it dealt with several world crises, including the breakup of Yugoslavia and the Rwandan genocide. Neither of which were the UN’s finest hour.

 

Mark Robinson’s background at the UN and Commonwealth resulted in his appointment to the Foreign Affairs Select Committee after his election for Newport West in 1983, a position he held until in 1985 when Thatch transferred him to the Welsh Office. By 1985, I had already written to the GMC about Gwynne and raised concerns with UCNW (Bangor University) regarding his presence in the Student Health Centre. By that time Mary Wynch had been given leave by the Master of the Rolls Lord Donaldson to sue Dafydd et al after she was unlawfully arrested and imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and then in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and Alison Taylor had raised concerns about the abuse of children in care in north Wales.

At the time of the Westland Affair, Mark Robinson was still a Minister in the Welsh Office, colluding with Dafydd and the gang.

Robinson lost his seat at the 1987 General Election and was re-elected in 1992 for Somerton and Frome. By that time I and my two friends who worked in the media had been hounded out of our jobs (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). Robinson was appointed PPS to the Minister for Overseas Development, Baroness Lynda Chalker and the Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary, Douglas Hurd. Robinson has since served as a Commonwealth election observer.

 

Lynda Chalker was Tory MP for Wallasey, 1974-92. Wallasey is a constituency in Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Chalker was educated at Roedean, Heidelberg University, Queen Mary University of London and the Poly of Central London (now the University of Westminster). She worked as a statistician and market researcher, including a spell with Shell-Mex, before entering the Commons. Chalker held a number of Gov’t posts, including spell at the DHSS, 1979–82. Being a statistician, Chalker would have noticed the very high suicide rate in north Wales, the high number of deaths at Risley Remand Centre, the fact that Dafydd had more patients on 12 month sections than any other Top Doc in the UK and the enormous number of children in care from right across the UK who had been placed in the numerous children’s homes in north Wales. Chalker would have noticed the dire state of the finances at Gwynedd Health Authority and Clwyd County Council. She’d have known about Mary Wynch’s case as well because the shit hit the fan as a result of that in 1979-80.

Chalker served as a junior Minister at the Dept of Transport, 1982–83. In 1983 she became Minister of State at Transport and she was Minister for Europe, 1986-89. Professor Oliver Brooke of St George’s Hospital Medical School was jailed for the possession of child porn in Dec 1986. Brooke was a key figure in a pan-European paedophile ring and was involved in an international trade in child porn. Brooke’s colleagues at St George’s continued to facilitate and collude with Dafydd et al in north Wales and a paedophile ring in south London. John Allen owned a villa in the south of France where he took kids in care ‘for holidays’ and Dafydd ‘held clinics’ in France.

Chalker was Minister for Overseas Development and Africa, 1989-97.

In June 1974, Chalker was awarded an Honorary Citizenship from President Guebuza for services to Mozambique.

Chalker was given a peerage in 1992, after losing her seat in the General Election, days before that Brighton firebomb.

Chalker is the Founder and President of Africa Matters Limited, an ‘independent consultancy providing advice and assistance to companies initiating, developing or growing their activities in Africa’. She is a member of the international advisory board of Lafarge, a French company which produces cement, aggregates and concrete. The victims of Dafydd probably end up in their products as parts of flyovers. Chalker sits on the Board of Trustees of the Investment Climate Facility for Africa. She is a Consultant for Uganda’s Presidential Investors Roundtable (PIRT) that advises the President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, on ways to improve Uganda’s investment climate and competitiveness.

Chalker is a founding Member of the Global Leadership Foundation, an organisation which works to ‘support democratic leadership, prevent and resolve conflict through mediation and promote good governance’ in the form of democratic institutions, open markets, human rights and the rule of law. Chalker’s having great success on that front then. The Global Leadership Foundation achieves its aims ‘by making available, discreetly and in confidence, the experience of former leaders to today’s national leaders’. Is Blair involved? It sounds like the sort of thing that would appeal to him. The Global Leadership Foundation ‘is a not-for-profit organisation composed of former heads of government, senior governmental and international organisation officials who work closely with heads of government on governance-related issues of concern to them.’

Chalker is a Member of the Board of Trustees of Sentebale, a ‘charity set-up to reach Lesotho’s neediest children, many of whom are the victims of extreme poverty and the HIV/AIDS epidemic of that area’. Chalker founded the Chalker Foundation, which seeks to support the improvement of healthcare in Africa. Somehow I doubt that the needy children of Africa are going to benefit from Lynda’s largesse.

Chalker held the position of Non-Executive Director and Chairman of the Corporate Responsibility and Reputation Committee for Unilever, retiring in May 2007 having served three terms of three years. She joined the Board of Unilever as an Advisory Director in 1998, becoming a Non-Executive Director in 2004.

Professor Fergus Lowe’s empire at the School of Psychology at Bangor University was built on the back of huge grants from the ESRC and Unilever in 1992 (see post ‘Feet In Chains’). Fungus created his empire by overthrowing Dafydd’s influence in the School and then holding everyone who had colluded with or concealed Dafydd’s crimes over a barrel. Including Liverpool University, Dafydd’s alma mater, which employed – and continues to employ – many of Dafydd’s friends and associates. Philip Lever – Lord Leverhulme – was an advisory Director of Unilever  and was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1980-93 (see post ‘Heart of Darkness’).

Dr Death was MP for Plymouth Sutton and Plymouth Devonport, 1966-92 and was friends with some of the Top Docs associated with Dafydd and the north Wales gang. The Foot family were still very much a presence in Plymouth when Dr Death was the MP down there. Dr Death was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1996-09.

 

Lynda Chalker has served on the Africa Advisory Board of Renaissance Capital. She is a former Chairman of the Medicines for Malaria Venture and a former Non-Executive Director of Group Five. Chalker was shortlisted for the Grassroot Diplomat Initiative Award in 2015 for her work with ‘Africa Matters’.

In 2018, it was announced that Chalker would take over as President of the Royal Geographical Society.

Here she is, lest any disadvantaged children encounter her and need to run for their lives:

Official portrait of Baroness Chalker of Wallasey crop 2.jpg

 

Lynda Chalker holds the 20th-century record for continuous Gov’t service, along with Kenneth Clarke, Malcolm Rifkind, Tony Newton and Patrick Mayhew, as she held office for the entire duration of the Conservatives’ 18 years in power. Clarke, Newton and Mayhew knew about the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales and elsewhere, saw mountains of documentary evidence and actively concealed everything for years.

 

Chalker succeeded Ernest Marples as MP for Wallasey. Ernest Marples was a Minister under Macmillan and Douglas-Home throughout the Tory Gov’t, 1957-64. Marples was embroiled in much controversy throughout his political career, as a result of allegations of conflict of interest and dodgy financial deals, often involving companies which had been given Gov’t contracts.

In the late 1940s Marples was a director of a company called Kirk & Kirk, which was a contractor in the construction of Brunswick Wharf Power Station. Marples met civil engineer Reginald Ridgway, who was working as a contractor for Kirk & Kirk. In 1948 the two men founded Marples Ridgway and Partners, a civil engineering company. The new partnership took over Kirk & Kirk’s contract at Brunswick Wharf and in 1950 Marples severed his links with Kirk & Kirk. Marples Ridgway’s subsequent contracts included building power stations in England, the Allt na Lairige dam in Scotland, roads in Ethiopia and (significantly) England as well as a port in Jamaica. The Bath and Portland Group took over Marples Ridgway in 1964. Brunswick Wharf Power Station (also known as Blackwall) was built by Poplar Borough Council after WW II. Poplar was a borough where the organised abuse of children had existed for generations – by the 1970s, those children were being sent to children’s homes in north Wales.  By the 1990s, the stench of the scandal was so bad that people in north Wales and very rich high places in London were busy scratching each others backs to ensure that the truth never emerged (see posts ‘Apocalypse Now’ and ‘The Bodies Beneath Canary Wharf’).

Blackwall Power Station was built for the BEC (British Electricity Company), the predecessor of the CEGB. Walter McLennan Citrine, 1st Baron Citrine was Chairman of BEC/CEB (Central Electricity Board), 1947-57. Citrine was a leading British and international trade unionist. He was General Secretary of the TUC, 1926-46 and helped transform the Labour Party into a substantial force for government from 1939. Citrine was also President of the then influential International Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU), 1928-45. He was joint Secretary of the key TUC/Labour Party National Joint Council from 1931 and a Director of the UK ‘Daily Herald’, 1929-46, a mass circulation Labour paper.

Citrine was highly influential in the Labour movement. His involvement helped secure its recovery after the crushing defeat which followed the fall of the British Labour Gov’t in 1931. Citrine played a key role from the mid-1930s in reshaping Labour’s foreign policy, especially as regards re-armament and through the all-party anti-Nazi Council in which he worked with Churchill.

Citrine strengthened the TUC’s influence over the Labour Party. After Ramsay MacDonald formed a coalition with the Tories to force his policies through, Citrine led the campaign to have MacDonald expelled from the party. Citrine later supported the Attlee Gov’ts policy of nationalisation and served on the National Coal Board as well as Chairman of the CEB.

Citrine was in Liverpool and left school at the age of 12. He was a member of the ILP from 1906 and joined the Electrical Trades Union (ETU) in 1911. He was soon the leading activist for the ETU in Merseyside, the first full-time District Secretary in 1914, a post he served in until 1920, gaining much experience negotiating with major employers all round Birkenhead docks, as well as with electrical contractors in the area. Citrine became Secretary of the regional Federation of Engineering and Shipbuilding Trades (FEST) in 1919 and was elected Assistant General Secretary of the ETU in 1920. In 1924, he was appointed Assistant General Secretary of the TUC. Citrine was an enthusiastic acting General Secretary of the TUC during the General Strike of 1926 and was confirmed in that position afterwards.

With other leading figures, such as Ernest Bevin, Citrine helped change the face of British trade unionism. They took the unions from class conflict rhetoric to co-operation with employers and Gov’t in return for union recognition and industrial advances, ie. ‘from Trafalgar Square to Whitehall’.

Citrine accepted the position of Privy Councillor and this gave him total access to Churchill, the then Prime Minister and considerable influence with all Ministers on behalf of the TUC throughout WW II. Who’d have thought that Walter Citrine, born into the working classes on Merseyside and who left school at 12 would be sitting there drinking Chateau de Chasselas…

Citrine acted as an envoy for Churchill with the U.S and Soviet trade unions. This strengthened the position of the Labour ministers in Churchill’s Gov’t of 1940-45 which greatly assisted Labour’s election in 1945.

Citrine’s battled with the Communist International (the Comintern) after the General Strike. The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) and its front organisation in the unions, the Red International of Labour Unions (RILU)/later the Minority Movement, blamed the TUC leadership for the defeat of the strike. Citrine exposed this attempt by the Comintern to subvert the leaders of the British trade unions and this helped isolate British communists in the trade unions and Labour Party.

Many of the summer visitors to Croesor in north Wales during the middle years of the 20th century and their friends and colleagues who knew what Dafydd et al were up to (see post ‘The Village’) were members of the Communist Party of Great Britain and will have known about Walter Citrine and his battles. Such as Ed and David’s dad Ralph Miliband.

Citrine had originally been a keen supporter of the Russian Revolution and trade with the Soviet Union. He was one of the first to visit the Soviet Union in 1925 and did so again in 1935, 1941, 1943 and 1956. However, as President of the IFTU, based in Berlin from 1931-6, Citrine saw the rise of Hitler and the destruction of the huge German trade union and labour movement as partly the fault of the communists’ divisive tactics. He and Bevin were determined to prevent such an occurrence in Britain and this perhaps gave them a heightened sense of communist conspiracy in their dealings with internal opposition within the unions and the Labour Party. This caused much hostility to him amongst minority Left forces, such as the Socialist League, which would colour the attitude of many on the Left to him thereafter. Michael Foot’s biography of Nye Bevan is indicative of this.

In April 1940 Citrine and his colleagues in the TUC sued the ‘Daily Worker’ (which later became the ‘Morning Star’) for libel. Mr Justice Stable found for Citrine and the TUC. Sir Ronnie Waterhouse was friends with Justice Owen Stable’s son Philip. Citrine and his colleagues were awarded substantial damages and costs, but these were never paid, as the ‘Daily Worker’ changed publishers two days after the judgement. The TUC subsequently published the full judgement in a pamphlet by Citrine entitled ‘Citrine and others v Pountney: The Daily Worker Libel Case 1940’.

Citrine visited Finland in Jan 1940, at the height of its Winter War against the Soviet Union. In Oct 1941, a TUC delegation under Citrine’s leadership travelled to the Soviet Union as part of Churchill’s diplomatic efforts following the German invasion of Russia to bring the Soviet Union into the alliance against Germany.

It was at the invitation of the Minister of Fuel and Power, Manny Shinwell MP, that in 1946 Citrine was invited to join the newly nationalised NCB and given a welfare role for its then 700,000 or so miners (pithead baths, Summer Schools and machinery for joint consultation). Citrine served for a year until Shinwell again recommended his appointment as Chairman of the BEC (from 1955 the Central Electricity Authority) and in 1947, PM Attlee confirmed this appointment. Citrine served in this capacity for ten years, then remaining on the Board until 1962 in a part-time capacity.

Walter Citrine was given a peerage in 1946 and was an active attender of debates in the Lords in the 1960s.

 

In his capacity as Chair of the BEC/CEA, Walter Citrine will have been involved with Windscale Power Station. It is possible that Windscale was built by Marples Ridgway, but I haven’t been able to confirm this. On 10 Oct 1957 a fire at Windscale led to Britain’s worst nuclear accident. The reactors at Windscale had been built as part of the British post-war atomic bomb project. Windscale Pile No. 1 was operational in Oct 1950 followed by Pile No. 2 in June 1951. The 1957 fire burned for three days and there was a release of radioactive contamination that spread across the UK and Europe. On the morning of 11 Oct 1957, when the fire was at its worst, eleven tons of uranium were ablaze. Temperatures became extreme (one thermocouple registered 1,300 °C) and the biological shield around the stricken reactor was in severe danger of collapse.

The fire released an estimated 740 terabecqueres (20,000 curies) of iodine -131, as well as 22 TBq (594 curies) of caesium-137 and 12,000 TBq (324,000 curies) of xenon-133, among other radionuclides. Later reworking of contamination data has shown national and international contamination may have been higher than previously estimated. The Three Mile Island accident in 1979 released 25 times more xenon-135 than Windscale, but much less iodine, caesium and strontium. Estimates by the Norwegian Institute of Air Research indicate that atmospheric releases of xenon-133 by the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster were broadly similar to those released at Chernobyl and thus well above the Windscale fire releases.

Radioactive releases compared (TBq)
Material Half life Windscale Three Mile Island (compared to Windscale) Chernobyl Fukushima Daiichi
(atmospheric)
Iodine-131 8.0197 days 740 much less 1,760,000 130,000
Caesium-137 30.17 years 22 much less 79,500 35,000
Xenon-133 5.243 days 12,000 6,500,000 17,000,000
Xenon-135 9.2 hours 25 × Windscale
Strontium-90 28.79 years much less 80,000
Plutonium 6,100

 

The presence of the chimney scrubbers at Windscale was credited with maintaining partial containment and thus minimising the radioactive content of the smoke that poured from the chimney during the fire. These scrubbers were installed at great expense on the insistence of John Cockcroft and were known as Cockcroft’s Folly until the 1957 fire.

In 2007, tapes released to the BBC revealed that there had been a major cover-up regarding the Windscale fire and the reasons why this was. Scientists had been warning about the dangers of an accident for some time and the safety margins of the radioactive materials inside the reactor were being further and further eroded. Physicists at the Nuclear Research Laboratory in Harwell, Oxfordshire, were among those highlighting the potential dangers. However politicians and the military ignored the warnings; instead they increased demands on Windscale to produce material for an H-bomb. A succession of British PMs since WW II had been determined to persuade the Americans to share the secrets of their nuclear weapons with Britain. Harold Macmillan believed that if Britain could develop an H-bomb on the scale of the Americans, Britain would be treated as a nuclear equal and an alliance would be formed. At the very time that the fire at Windscale was being fought, with everyone involved unsure of whether they’d be able to bring the incident under control, Macmillan was arranging a summit in Washington. It laid the foundation of Britain’s ‘special relationship’ with the US.

Macmillan realised that if the American Congress knew that the fire at Windscale had been the result of reckless decisions taken in an attempt to produce an H-bomb, they might veto Macmillan’s and Eisenhower’s plans. Thus Macmillan covered up the true cause of the fire and issued a report saying that the accident had been caused by an ‘error of judgement’ by the Windscale workers. For 50 yrs, the official record on the accident was that the men who had in fact averted a potentially devastating accident were to blame for causing it. A subsequent inquiry cleared the Windscale workers.

 

Gov’t lies about the cause of the fire at Windscale might explain the roots of one of the many mysteries in which I have taken an interest. It does of course concern Dafydd. Before Dafydd embarked upon his glorious career in medicine at Liverpool University, in the early 1950s, he had already been thrown out of another degree course – I think that it was chemistry – at another university. Dafydd had been given a prestigious scholarship and the world was very angry when the Bethesda boy who had been given such an opportunity screwed it up. I don’t know why Dafydd was kicked out, but I expect that the wrongdoing involved will have been substantial, Dafydd doesn’t do things by halves. Yet somehow, after this huge disgrace that was very well-known and on his record, Dafydd subsequently bagged a place to do medicine at Liverpool – and the money to support himself while he did it. Back in Dafydd’s day, places at medical school weren’t as precious as they are now and medicine was not such a prestigious subject academically, but if one had previously buggered up a university place, one did not get another chance.

So how did Dafydd get through the doors of Liverpool University? It will have been nepotism because Dafydd and Liverpool Medical School only operate on nepotism, but knowing Dafydd, it won’t have been based on the nepotistic kindness of someone thought that he was a lovely young man who would make a good doctor. Dafydd will have had shit on someone so great that arms were twisted.

Before Dafydd went to Liverpool University, he worked at Windscale. The Legend of Dr DA that has been handed down through the Welsh mists tells us that it was whilst he was working as ‘an atomic scientist at Windscale’ that Dafydd decided that his future lay in medicine. Dafydd won’t have been an atomic scientist, but he was doing something at Windscale. Being Dafydd, if he was just cleaning the loos he’d have been creeping around variously ingratiating himself to or threatening people. Dafydd found something out whilst he was working at Windscale, which must have been very soon after Windscale opened, that had people jumping when he told them to jump for the rest of his life…

Dafydd’s adventures at Windscale might also explain why Gov’ts of all hues appointed nuclear physicists to preside over Top Docs when the Top Docs became even more uncontrollable than usual. Nuclear physicist Sir Alec Merrison Chaired an Inquiry regarding the pay and conditions of the Top Docs set up by Keith Joseph in 1973 (which reported in 1975) as well as the Royal Commission on the NHS, set up in 1976 by Barbara Castle, which reported in 1979. Barbara Castle as Secretary of State, along with her Health Minister Dr Death, allegedly chose Merrison to Chair the Royal Commission because he was a supporter of the NHS (see post ‘The History, Boys…’). It was of course nuclear physicist Lord Brian Flowers of Imperial College who was given domain over the Top Docs of London University whilst they committed huge research frauds and colluded with Dafydd’s sex trafficking gang.

Merrison and Flowers both had years of experience in the nuclear industry. Merrison had worked at the Atomic Energy Research Establishment Harwell, 1946-51. It was the physicists at Harwell who raised concerns about the dangerous design of/practices at Windscale. Merrison left Harwell for a post at the University of Liverpool. He was in that post when Dafydd was given a place to study medicine at Liverpool. Sir Alec Merrison remained at Liverpool until 1969, when he became VC of Bristol University. Dr D.G.E. Wood studied medicine at Bristol in the late 1960s and of course David Hunt had an association with Bristol University. Somehow I don’t think that Merrison being a supporter of the NHS will have been the driver behind him Chairing Royal Commissions concerning that organisation.

Even if Dafydd didn’t find out about the cause of the fire at Windscale, he probably did know that there had been some sort of cover-up. Dafydd would have also known something else that would have given him great blackmailing potential and ideas for his future business. That Ernest Marples, the MP for Wallasey, Minister in Macmillan’s Gov’t and the Director of the company that was building power stations and many other major infrastructure projects for the Gov’t, was using prostitutes. As of course were Harold Macmillan’s friends and Ministers (see post ‘In Memoriam – Bronwen, Lady Astor’). Macmillan’s wife was enjoying herself with various people as well, including the Conservative politician Lord Bob Boothby, who was bisexual and hanging out with gangsters, including the Krays (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’).

 

When Lord Denning conducted his 1963 investigation into the security aspects of the Profumo Affair and the rumoured affair between the Minister of Defence Duncan Sandys and the Duchess of Argyll, Denning confirmed to Macmillan that the rumour that Marples regularly used prostitutes was true. The story was suppressed and did not appear in Denning’s final report. By that time, Dafydd was working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and had been put in charge of the women’s wing. Nine hundred women, virtually all of them banged up because they had pregnancies which were inconvenient to other people or were saying things that might cause embarrassment to other people. For example that certain people were having sex with them or others when those certain people really didn’t want anyone to know that. Furthermore, not so far away from Denbigh, in Croesor were Sir Clough Williams-Ellis and his wife Amabel, who was a member of the Strachey family of ‘Bloomsbury set’ fame. Then there were all Clough’s friends who visited him or rented cottages on his estate, an assortment of alternatives and radicals. Including Bertrand Russell, who was highly sexually exploitative and had a few members of his family banged up on the grounds that they were insane as evidenced by their outrageous allegations about him (see post ‘So Who Was Angry About What?’).

 

Ernest Marples was given a peerage in 1974, but then in early 1975 suddenly fled to Monte Carlo, just before the end of the tax year, fearing that he would otherwise be liable for a substantial tax bill.

The flight came at a time when Marples was facing problems on several fronts. Tenants of his block of flats in Harwood Court, Upper Richmond Road, Putney, were demanding that he repair serious structural faults and had threatened legal action. Marples was being sued for £145,000 by the Bankers Trust merchant bank in relation to an agreement made with the French company Ernest Marples et Cie. He was also being sued by John Holmes, the chartered surveyor and Director of Marples’ property company Ecclestone Enterprises, for wrongful dismissal and who was claiming £70,000 in damages. The Inland Revenue was demanding that he pay nearly 30 years back taxes on his residence in Eccleston Street, Belgravia, London, as well as capital gains tax on his properties in Kensington. In addition, in 1974, Marples had lost 130 cases of wine to a fire in a store he owned under a railway line in Brixton and he had been convicted of drinking and driving for which he received a one-year ban and a £45 fine.

Marples’s departure came in the wake of the failure of a plan to avoid paying tax on his properties by involving a Liechtenstein-based company with which he had been involved for more than ten years. He was to sell his Harwood Court block of flats for £500,000 to Vin International which would refurbish and sell them for between £2.25 million and £2.5 million. Marples would only be liable for capital gains tax at 30% on the transfer to Vin which, as an offshore company, would only be liable for stamp duty at 2%. The plan failed following the change of Gov’t in 1974. After reports of this plan were published in the ‘Daily Mirror’, the Treasury froze Marples’ assets in Britain. In Nov 1977, he paid £7,600 to the British government in settlement of his breach of exchange control regulations, following which Marples made a return to London.

Marples’ final years were spent on his 45-acre vineyard estate in Fleurie, France. He died in a Monte Carlo hospital on 6 July 1978.

 

It is only since researching for this blog post that I have found out who Marples was and the extent of his wrongdoing. But there is someone in north Wales who knew of Marples – the Hergest patient, F, whom I discussed in my posts ‘Killing Floor – I Know Cos I Was There!’ and ‘An Appalling Vista’.  F is the man who claimed to have detailed information about the death of Jimi Hendrix and F alleged medical negligence; it was F who was fitted up for drugs and violently assaulted by the North Wales Police and who then experienced a psychotic episode as a result and set fire to his house after being refused help by Til, the thuggish neighbour in Carneddi who worked for S4C; F who was then arrested by the officers who had fitted him up and was detained in Risley Remand Centre where he heard the other inmates screaming as the screws beat them up; F who was then sent into the care of Dafydd at Denbigh although by that time he was no longer psychotic, but was given amphetamines by one of Dafydd’s drugs patients and was then kept in Denbigh for a year. There was never any investigation into any part of this. F disappeared within the psychiatric system and was forever after dismissed as a ‘chronic schizophrenic’.

F however had a sense of humour and thought that Dafydd was ‘a bit of a twat’. F knew that Dafydd was sexually exploiting female patients and F also knew that Mary Wynch’s mother died in questionable circumstances in one of Dafydd’s ‘nursing homes’. So F used to take the piss out of Dafydd. It was F who said to Dafydd after Dafydd accused him of lying, ‘I lied, you murdered’.

F used to talk about the Minster for Transport Marples a great deal, although for some reason F confused Ernest Marples with his wife, Lady Marples. But the reason why F made frequent references to ‘Mrs Marples’ was that F’s mother, a middle class business woman in Surrey, took part in a campaign to have Marples removed as a Minister back in the 1950s. F’s mother had attended an angry meeting of concerned people who confronted Marples and she lost her temper and hit Marples with a placard that read ‘Marples Must Go’. F’s mum then rushed back to the family home and there was concern that she might be arrested, but she wasn’t. F told everyone he knew about the day that his mother ‘hit Mrs Marples over the head with a placard and nearly got arrested’.

The game that the Angels played in north Wales was to maintain that the patients were all completely mad and could not be believed. However, if a high profile name was mentioned, or a mention of an influential friend or relative, those Angels clocked it, noted it and it was conveyed back to Dafydd Central. On every occasion. Even if F had never mentioned ‘Mrs Marples’ in front of Dafydd or an Angel – which he almost certainly had – F sat in my house and told me about it, several times and he told Brown as well. We now know that the security services had us under surveillance and had been bugging us and just about everyone else back as far as at least the early 1980s. They will have known about F’s mum and Ernest Marples and they were using all info gathered to protect Dafydd and the paedophile gang, not us.

The mountain of manure which was being concealed became ever higher with every minute that passed.

 

Now to return to Mark Robinson, the junior Minister who was the first umbrella of Dafydd’s to write to me and who subsequently found himself as the MP for a constituency near many people from my days in Somerset who were paid to keep quiet about what was happening to me.

Mark Robinson’s boss after Lynda Chalker was Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd. Hurd’s stint as Foreign Secretary, 1989-95, followed his time as Home Secretary, 1985-89. It was while Hurd was Home Secretary that Dafydd and the paedophile gang fitted people – including me – up with the assistance of the Home Office and corrupt police officers. Kids in care and mental health patients in north Wales were the victims of serious crimes on the part of the paedophile gang and their associates, but there were no investigations. Documentation was forged and this was happening in the Home Office as well. Hurd was the nephew of the botanist Prof Edred Henry Corner, who was known to some of the botanists at Bangor University who were colluding with Dafydd and the gang, one of whom was Dr D.G.E. Wood’s wife. For further details see posts ‘Security, Security’ and ‘Additional Security Measures’.

Hurd had been a favourite pupil of Baroness Jean Trumpington’s husband Alan Barker when Hurd was at Eton and in her autobiography Trumpers boasts that it was Hurd who, at the request of Barker, in 1979 secured her the position of UK delegate to the UN Commission on the Status of Women, in which role Trumpers managed to cause a few diplomatic incidents. In 1980 Thatch made Trumpers a Baroness and before long a junior Health Minister and it was in this capacity that Trumpers appointed Jimmy Savile to the management of Broadmoor Hospital – where some of the victims of Dafydd and the gang were ending up (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’). Savile visited Bryn Estyn on one occasion and a former resident of Bryn Estyn alleged that Savile witnessed him being sexually assaulted by a group of men.

Hurd also knew that kids in care were being found dead in Risley Remand Centre and that a visiting clap clinic was deemed necessary for the ‘medical wing’ – which was full of Dafydd’s patients. It was Hurd who was Home Secretary when Risley finally erupted into an uncontrollable riot in 1989. For details of the shameful state of Risley under Home Secretary Hurd, see post ‘Include Me Out’.

 

David Heathcoat-Amory, the Tory MP for Wells, 1983-2010, was another Somerset MP who would have had an interest in Westland. Heathcoat-Amory is the son of Brigadier Roderick Heathcoat-Amory and the nephew of Harold Macmillan’s Chancellor of the Exchequer, Derick Heathcoat-Amory.

David Heathcoat-Amory was educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford. He was President of the Oxford University Conservative Association and was a contemporary of John Redwood, William Waldegrave, Edwina Currie and Gyles Brandreth. Redwood was Secretary of State for Wales, 1993-95, when Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends made repeated attempts to have me imprisoned on the basis of their perjury. By that time, the dosh was certainly rolling into the pockets of people in Somerset. Waldegrave was Health Secretary, 1990-92, so his term of office covered the stuffing over of me at St George’s Hospital Medical School and my friends at that the Royal Television Society and the BBC (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). It was in about 1990 that the fortunes of the Somerset contingent seemed to take an inexplicable upward turn. Edwina was a junior Minister in Health at the same time as Trumpers and Trumpers allowed Edwina to take the blame for Savile being let loose in Broadmoor. Edwina admitted in 1990 in her ‘Diaries’ that it was widely known that Peter Morrison was molesting children and such was the panic in the Tory Party that she feared what people would do to conceal this.

Well now you know Edwina, they tried to murder my friends and I and had already succeeded in killing one of us by the time that you wrote that entry.

Gyles Brandreth succeeded Morrison as the MP for Chester. He discusses in his autobiography how local people and members of the constituency association openly shuddered at the recent memories of Morrison molesting ‘little boys’. See posts ‘I Want Serious Money Now Please’ and ‘It’s The Sun Wot Won It’.

Heathcoat-Amory qualified as an accountant in 1974 and joined Price Waterhouse. In 1980, he was appointed as the assistant finance director of the British Technology Group (BTG) where he remained until he was elected as MP in 1983. He is also a farmer with employees. Heathcoat-Amory’s various positions in Parliament included PPS to John Moore in 1985, when Moore was Financial Secretary to the Treasury. Moore was Secretary of State for Social Services/Social Security, 1987-89, in which capacity he concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al. Heathcoat-Amory was PPS to Douglas Hurd, 1987-88, when Hurd was Home Secretary. Heathcoat-Amory was Minister of State for Europe, 1993-94.

Heathcoat-Amory’s younger son, Matthew, committed suicide in 2001. His nephew Edward Heathcoat-Amory used to write for the ‘Daily Mail’ and has written for ‘The Spectator’. Paul Johnson, who was a youthful Labour supporter and mates with Sir Ronnie Waterhouse but then evolved into a right wing journalist involved with ‘The Spectator’, purchased an estate at Over Stowey in Somerset in approx the late 1970s. Johnson’s son Cosmo was friendly with at least one of those known to me who found themselves in receipt of so much money. Johnson’s wife is psychotherapist and former Labour parliamentary candidate Marigold Hunt, daughter of Dr Thomas Hunt who was physician to Churchill, Attlee and Eden. Johnson’s son Luke is the former Chairman of Channel 4. Marigold’s niece is Celia Walden, who is married to Piers Morgan.

 

There was another politician whom I believe played a major role in the good fortune of some of those who knew what was happening to me in north Wales – in particular Janet Mitchell – and that was Graham Watson, the Lib Dem MEP for Somerset and North Devon, Somerset and North Devon, 1994-99 and for South West England, 1999-14. Graham Watson might not have been a player at the time of the Westland Affair, but he certainly proved useful a few years down the line.

Watson was born on the Isle of Bute. His father was an officer in the Royal Navy and his mother a teacher. Watson was educated at the City of Bath Boys’ School and attended Heriot-Watt University where he studied languages.  He worked as an administrator at Paisley College of Technology (1980-83). He now speaks four European languages.

Watson had begun his political activity in the National League of Young Liberals in 1972. As international officer of the Scottish Young Liberals he became involved in the International Federation of Liberal Youth, becoming a Vice-President (1977) then General Secretary (1979) of the organisation. Watson was a founder of the European Communities’ Youth Forum. He served as a Council member of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party, 1983-93. Between 1983-87 Watson also served as head of the private office of then leader of the Liberals, Sir David Steel. 

Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith, Paddy Pantsdown, Dr Death… I need not continue. Graham had accumulated dynamite on a great many people.

In 1988 Graham Watson began work for HSBC in London and Hong Kong. His work there included three months with the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and gave him an interest in the Far East. He is now an adviser to the Asia Pacific Public Affairs Forum and is learning Mandarin Chinese.

Watson was Leader of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party in the European Parliament, 2002-04. He was Leader of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe in the European Parliament, 2004-09 and President of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party, 2011-15. Watson is a supporter of the Campaign for the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly, an organisation which advocates for democratic reformation of the United Nations. Obviously, Watson will want to be their leader.

Watson and his wife lived in Langport for years, but they now live in Brussels and Edinburgh, having extracted every drop of capital possible from the victims of a vicious paedophile gang and having found that they have bled Somerset and its opportunities dry.

 

The Westland Affair originated with Alan Bristow’s £89 million bid for the company in April 1985. Thatcher’s Gov’t forced the Westland Board to accept the bid from Bristow Rotorcraft. By June, Bristow was threatened to pull out unless the Gov’t assured him that there would be future orders for the company from the MoD and that the repayment of over £40 million of launch aid for Westland’s newest helicopter from the DTI was waived.

 

Alan Bristow was born in south London and after serving in WW II, he joined Westland as its first helicopter test pilot but was sacked after attacking the company’s sales manager. Bristow worked as a freelance helicopter pilot and then started his own helicopter trading and operating company in 1949. Bristow then provided helicopter spotting services for Aristotle Onassis’s pirate whaling fleet in the Antarctic. Bristow started operating flights in aid of oil exploration in the Persian Gulf. Bristow Helicopters Ltd eventually expanded to cover most of the globe outside Russia and Alaska, with notable profit centres in the British North Sea, Nigeria, Iran, Australia, Malaysia and Indonesia.

In 1968, Bristow took over from Freddie Laker as the Chairman of British United Airways. After leading the 1970 merger with Caledonian Airways to form British Caledonia, Bristow then returned to Chair Bristow Helicopters.

 

Bristow’s reign over the British helicopter sector came to an end in 1985 after he fell out with Lord Cayzer, whose family holding company British & Commonwealth was one of the shareholders brought in by Freddie Laker. Bought out by the Cayzers, Bristow retired and the company’s fortunes declined with the North Sea oil industry.

A keen equestrian, Bristow represented Great Britain at four-in-hand carriage driving with Phil the Greek.

Bristow claimed to have been offered a knighthood if he would return to the negotiating table to help Thatcher’s Gov’t out of its embarrassment re Westland.

 

Defence Secretary Heseltine was uninterested in Westland helicopters when initially approached by Tebbit, the then Trade and Industry Secretary, because plenty of American helicopters were available to meet Britain’s defence requirements. Heseltine attended two meetings about Westland’s future in June 1985, Chaired by Thatch. It was decided that Tebbit should persuade the Bank of England to co-operate with the main creditors in the hope that a recovery plan and new management would end the threat of receivership.

Brown and I had raised serious concerns with the Top Docs and Bangor University about Gwynne the lobotomist in the summer of 1984, after which Brown and I were threatened several times by Dr D.G.E. Wood. I also wrote to the GMC. It was in approx June 1985 that I also raised concerns about Dr Tony Francis. Francis had lied to me, denied that he had lied and was unlawfully witholding my medical records. For a long time I thought that perhaps Francis had simply made a mistake, not felt able to admit to it and the situation escalated unnecessarily. It was only relatively recently that I have discovered that Francis was actually fully on board with Dafydd, Gwynne and the paedophiles, was doing some pretty terrible things to patients without their knowledge and was probably far more dangerous than Dafydd and Gwynne because he wasn’t obviously identifiably mad to anyone within five minutes of meeting him. However, everybody who worked with Tony Francis did know that he was a troubled and dangerous doctor. No-one was warned. Patients remained on his list, were told by Angels that he was doing his best for them and were urged to return for more appointments  if they said that they didn’t want any more ‘services’ and new patients were referred to Francis as well.

 

Bristow withdrew his bid and in late June Sir – later Lord – John Cuckney was brought in as Chairman of Westland. Cuckney was educated at Shrewsbury School and then read medicine at the University of St Andrews, returning to the University after service with the Royal Northumberland Fusiliers and the King’s African Rifles during WWII to study history and economics. He was recruited by MI5 ‘with whom he served until 1959’. Although I doubt if he stopped serving then. ‘No-one leaves the Mafia’ after all. Particularly if there are lefties and service users Who Know to be dealt with and a load of greedy bastards from Somerset.

 

Cuckney’s time in MI5 featured in Peter Wright’s book ‘Spycatcher’ where Wright described him as ‘a tough, no-nonsense’ officer. After leaving MI5, Cuckney worked in the City at stockbrokers Standard Industrial Group, before joining merchant bank Lazards, where he became the first Director to resign in over 100 years. Cuckney then established Anglo-Eastern Bank with Sir David Alliance, specialising in trade finance between Britain and the Middle East.

Cuckney was appointed Chairman of the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board in 1970. He left in 1972 to become the first Chief Executive of the Property Services Agency to set up to manage the Gov’ts property estate. In 1974 Cuckney moved to the Crown Agents, which was in financial difficulty. He joined as Chairman and separated out the military sales arm as International Military Services (an MoD company), which he also became Chairman of and served until 1985. He left the Crown Agents in 1978, and briefly joined the Port of London Authority.

Cuckney subsequently became Director and/or Chairman of various companies, including travel company Thomas Cook, Midland Bank, tea company Brooke Bond, engineering firm John Brown, Westland, Royal Insurance, Investors in Industry (later 3i), Glaxo and Orion Publishing Group.

Cuckney had gained a reputation as a ‘the company doctor who never lost a patient’ following his involvement with the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board, Crown Agents, and John Brown. As Chairman of Westland, Cuckney’s favoured option of Sikorsky merging with Westland prevailed. You might not have lost your patient Westland Lord Cuckney, but a great many patients in north Wales died.

Following the Westland Affair, in 1992 Cuckney was appointed as an adviser to Peter Lilley, Secretary of State for Social Services – who also concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang – following the death of Cap’n Bob and the discovery that the Cap’n had stolen hundreds of millions of pounds from his companies’ pension funds. Cuckney headed the Maxwell Pensioners’ Trust and in 1995, brokered a £276 million out-of-court settlement, known as the Major Settlement, between the pension schemes and those institutions against which the schemes had potential legal claims.

So Cuckney sorted out the mess left behind by Cap’n Bob, but Dafydd was too much for him. If your mates from MI5 had helped extract my medical records for me Lord Cuckney, I could have published an insider’s account of the Top Docs’ criminality for you all years ago. You wouldn’t have had to keep paying the BMA whatever they demanded and Blair would never have become PM on the basis of his knowledge of the sordid business involved in concealing the Westminster Paedophile Ring and then caused a few more hundred layers of problems.

John Cuckney was given a peerage in 1995. When the world was told lies about Dafydd retiring, about the North Wales Hospital closing down, about there being no paedophile ring in north Wales, oh you all get the picture. John Cuckney sleeps in the Lords as a Conservative. Don’t bother to wake him up, he couldn’t stop a firebomb being thrown into a building with five key witnesses in there when his MI5 colleagues had every hospital, docs surgery, university, phone line and even the houses of targets bugged, whatever would he be able to contribute to the the Lords.

 

Re Westland, Cuckney proposed that a new minority shareholder of 29.9% be introduced. No British firm was willing, but Sikorsky was interested. Cuckney proposed that Westland merge with United Technologies Corporation, of which the US company Sikorsky was a subsidiary. Heseltine opposed this plan after realising that Westland would probably become responsible for assembling the Sikorsky UH-60 Black Hawk, which the Ministry of Defence would then be under great pressure to buy, whereas he preferred Westland to go into receivership so that British companies GEC and BAe could buy the viable parts of the business.

In mid-Oct 1985 Heseltine suggested a European consortium which would include French Aerospatiale, German MBB and Italian Agusta (Sikorsky was now negotiating a strategic linkup with Italian Fiat). Leon Brittan, who had replaced Tebbit as Trade and Industry Secretary in Sept 1985, at first urged Thatcher to consider a European option (Heseltine later claimed Brittan preferred this option, although Brittan denied this).

By mid-Oct 1985 I had contacted MPs, Ministers and the GMC about the mental health services in north Wales. People in Somerset knew that I was encountering very serious problems in north Wales. The security services had placed Brown and me under surveillance and we had already had extraordinary and upsetting encounters with two people whom we now know were working for the security services, a man called Leslie Gore, who was a psychotherapist working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’ and ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’) and a Jewish teacher from Stoke Newington, Naomi Grunfeld (see post ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’).

Leon Brittan knew all about the criminality in north Wales, as well as about the other sex trafficking rings across the UK with which the north Wales gang was linked, because Brittan had been Home Secretary, 1983-85 and was one of those concealing what was happening. It was Leon Brittan who as Home Secretary ‘lost’ files naming Westminster figures who were alleged to be abusing children and it was on Brittan’s watch that the Home Office gave a grant to an organisation campaigning on behalf of paedophiles’ rights.

By mid-Oct 1985, Alison Taylor had told the North Wales Police about the abuse of children in care in north Wales which she had witnessed. She was accused of lying and malice.

On 2 Sep 1985, Peter Morrison was moved from his position as a Minister for Employment, where his boss had been Tom King, to the role of Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan, who was at the centre of the Westland Affair.

 

Two other people who played a major role in enabling the abuse and crime in north Wales to continue unchecked also lived in Somerset at the time of Westland. Clifford Graham, who in the late 1980s and the early 1990s was the Dept of Health’s mandarin responsible for mental health as well as much else, lived in Somerset. My post ‘The Old Devils’ discusses how Cliff Graham not only presided over a totally corrupt Dept, but how everything that Cliff Graham did ensured that the abuse of patients continued to be embedded deeper and deeper into the mental health system. Graham was at the highest level of the DoH when patients were murdered in Ashworth and Broadmoor and while Savile was dropping into secure hospitals raping whichever patient he felt like. Ian Dunlop, the tame Prison Service Governor whom Hurd appointed to conduct the Inquiry after the 1989 Risley Remand Centre riots, also lived in Somerset (see post ‘Include Me Out’).

 

The Gov’t was officially neutral regarding the deals involving Westland (ie. arguing that it was a matter for Westland directors and shareholders) but by Nov 1985, Heseltine was lobbying hard for the European option. In late November Peter Levene, Chief of Procurement at the Ministry of Defence, had a meeting at the Ministry with his French, West German and Italian counterparts (the National Armaments Directors or NADs) and the representatives of the consortium, and agreed to ‘buy European’ for certain classes of helicopters. If Westland went ahead with Sikorsky, then its helicopters, under this new agreement, would be unable to be bought by the four governments. The meeting was later praised by the House of Commons Defence Select Committee. Thatcher, who only learned of the meeting through Cuckney, was displeased, as were Brittan and the Treasury, who thought the US option might be cheaper, although Thatcher and Leon Brittan kept to their official pretence of neutrality.

In Nov 1985, Sikorsky made an offer which was favourable to Westland’s management.

On 5 and 6 Dec 1985 Thatcher had two ad hoc meetings with Heseltine, Brittan, Tebbit, Willie Whitelaw (Deputy PM), Geoffrey Howe (Foreign Secretary) and Nigel Lawson (Chancellor of the Exchequer).

All of the above people knew about the crimes of Dafydd et al in north Wales. Willie Whitelaw had concealed them in numerous different roles, most obviously as Home Secretary, 1979-83, but also in his capacity as Lord President of the Council, 1983-88, which gave Whitelaw the role of visitor for the University of Wales. At the time, Wood, Dafydd, Gwynne and many others in UCNW were facilitating the trafficking ring. Carlo was Chancellor of UCNW and the sister of Peter Morrison who was a member of the sex ring was of course Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Carlo’s mum.

Geoffrey Howe, a good friend of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse, had worked for years as a lawyer on the corrupt Chester and Wales circuit and was Solicitor General under Heath. Howe was Lord President of the Council, 1989-90. It was of course Geoffrey Howe who put the fatal boot into Thatcher towards the end of 1990 for which many people were grateful, but it really was too little too late, look at the scale of the problem.

Nigel Lawson also damaged Thatcher and got rid of the idiot Alan Walters, but again, huge damage had already been done. Lawson’s constituency was in Leicestershire, bang in the middle of the paedophile gang of which Frank Beck and Greville Janner were part, which was being concealed by Top Doctors who also colluded with Dafydd (see post ‘An Expert From England’), as well as scores of people in Leicester University (see posts ‘Radical Leicester And Some More Free Radicals’ and ‘Gwlad y Menig Gwynion’), local lawyers and judges as well as Leicester City Council. And Keith Vaz of course. After Beck was jailed, the Kirkwood Report admitted that the degree of negligence on the part of the police was inexplicable. Although Kirkwood himself forgot to mention a few salient facts regarding Greville Janner.

Nigel’s daughter Nigella had been friends with some of the members of the Dangerous Sports Club when she was at Oxford. Some members of the DSC were personal friends of one of those in Somerset who bagged all that dosh (see post ‘The Village’).

Tebbit, like Whitelaw, concealed the criminality in north Wales in every way that he could. Tebbit was Chairman of the Tory Party whilst Peter Morrison was Deputy Chairman, Sept 1986-June 87 and has latterly admitted that perhaps there was a little bit of a sort of cover-up of Morrison’s  crimes.

 

Regarding the possibilities for rescuing Westland. Brittan argued that the NADs’ opposition should be set aside, but Howe and Tebbit were not unsympathetic to Heseltine’s proposed consortium, and the decision was deferred to the Cabinet Economic Affairs Committee (E(A)) on Monday 9 Dec 1985. Cuckney and a Westland financial adviser were invited to attend the E(A) meeting. Cuckney said that it was the management’s view that the Sikorsky option was the best one. A majority of the E(A) meeting agreed to dismiss the NADs’ opposition. Thatcher, who complained that three hours had been spent discussing a company with a market capitalisation of only £30m (a tiny amount in Gov’t terms), allowed Heseltine until 4 pm on Friday 13 Dec to submit a viable proposal for a European deal. He did (with BAe and GEC now part of his consortium), but Westland’s Directors rejected it and chose Sikorsky.

Heseltine had expected that there would be a second meeting of E(A) to discuss his consortium, but no such meeting was called; Thatcher later claimed that the Monday meeting had agreed to leave the decision to Westland to take, but it later emerged that Nicholas Ridley and Lord Young had placed such a meeting in their diaries and had been told by No 10 that it had been cancelled. Heseltine threatened resignation for the first time.

At Cabinet on Thurs 12 Dec 1985 Heseltine had an angry exchange with Thatcher about the allegedly cancelled meeting (Thatcher claimed that no such meeting had ever been scheduled). Westland was not on the Cabinet agenda that day and Thatcher refused to permit a discussion on the matter, arguing that Cabinet could not do so without the necessary papers. Heseltine asked for his dissent to be minuted and this was not done, although Cabinet Secretary Robert Armstrong claimed that this had been an error and added it himself.

 

Robert Armstrong was Principal Private Secretary to Ted Heath, 1970-75. Between 1979-87 he was Secretary to the Cabinet under Margaret Thatcher. He was elevated to the peerage in 1988 and sits as a crossbencher. It was Robert Armstrong who, in 1986, coined the phrase ‘economical with the truth’ when he was giving evidence in the Spycatcher trial. Armstrong was a key witness for the British Gov’t, which sought to suppress the publication of the book written by Peter Wright, a former senior member of MI5. Wright’s lawyer at the time was Malcolm Turnbull, who later became the PM of Australia. The British Gov’t were ultimately unsuccessful and Spycatcher was published.

Armstrong was Chancellor of the University of Hull, 1994-2006 and until 2013, the Chairman of the Sir Edward Heath Charitable Fund.

Armstrong has admitted that he knew about the paedophilia of Sir Peter Hayman, the British diplomat who was a member of PIE. Armstrong stated: ‘I was aware of it at the time but I was not concerned with the personal aspect of it’. It was Armstrong who gave Thatcher a veiled warning not to give Jimmy Savile a knighthood because of the allegations of child sexual abuse swirling around him – advice that Thatcher ignored.

It July 2015, the ‘Mail Online’ reported that in 1986, the then head of MI5 Sir Antony Duff wrote to Armstrong and told him that an MP had a ‘penchant for small boys’. Armstrong’s response was that ‘at the present stage…the risks of political embarrassment to the Government is rather greater than the security danger’.

In 2015 Armstrong told the ‘Mail Online’ that ‘if there is evidence it would have been properly examined at the time. I don’t think this is a matter of important people being protected. You  can’t pursue inquiries unless you have evidence on which you can base the enquiry’.

See post ‘Lord Robert Armstrong’ for more background on Armstrong.

 

On Mon 16 Dec 1985 Brittan told the Commons that the decision was up to Westland; on Wed 18 Dec Heseltine won the backing of the Commons Defence Committee for the European Consortium’s latest bid. On Thurs 19 Dec the matter was discussed at Cabinet for ten minutes: Cabinet approved leaving the decision to Westland and Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for the European option.

Over Christmas, Thatcher discussed with close colleagues the option of sacking Heseltine, as Brittan had urged her to do so, but Chief Whip John Wakeham cautioned against. Thatch later admitted in her memoirs that she shrank from sacking Heseltine as he was too popular and weighty a political figure.

Wakeham would later become Lord President of the Council, 1988-89 and following that, he was Peter Morrison’s boss at the Dept for Energy, when Morrison served as Minister of State in that Dept (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’).

 

Thatcher and ministerial colleagues spent two and a half hours writing three successive drafts of a letter threatening Heseltine with the sack, but did not send it as her Press Adviser Bernard Ingham advised that Heseltine might use it an excuse to resign.

By now the political row was being discussed in the media, ‘partly because of the lack of other news in Dec 1985′. There was plenty of news worth reporting in north Wales but no-one actually gave a stuff because the victims of the serious organised crime prevailing were kids in care and psych patients.

John Cuckney wrote to Thatcher, at her behest, asking for reassurance that the Sikorsky deal would not damage Westland’s business prospects in Europe. Heseltine was not satisfied with Thatcher’s draft reply when he saw it and consulted Sir Patrick Mayhew (Solicitor-General and acting Attorney-General as Sir Michael Havers was ill) on the grounds that the Gov’t might be legally liable for any incorrect advice.

Patrick Mayhew, in his capacity as Attorney-General, 1987-92, authorised a number of prosecutions of me for contempt of court – my imprisonment was sought on each occasion – on the basis of the perjury of the Top Doctors and Gwynedd Social Services. Forged documents were also involved. The MDU lawyers acting from Tony and Sadie Francis admitted that there was not the evidence for the claims that were being made about me in Court. Andrew Park, the crooked lawyer who was employed by the Welsh Office, also admitted in writing that the evidence for claims being made about me on oath did not exist.

Mayhew was N Ireland Secretary, 1992-97. While in office, Sein Fenn accused Mayhew of using forged documents. Now there’s a surprise.

Mayhew’s assistance to Top Docs abusing vulnerable people went back a long way. It was Mayhew who was the QC at the 1970s GMC’s fitness to practice hearing involving Dr Morris Fraser, a Top Doctor (child psychiatrist) from Belfast who had been convicted of sexually abusing a child. Fraser was allowed to continue practising and subsequently worked at St George’s/Springfield and UCH. Fraser had been involved with the Kincora Boys’ Home.

 

Heseltine supplied extra material about the risk of Westland losing European business, which Thatcher did not include in her reply to Cuckney. Thatcher replied to Cuckney to the effect that the British Gov’t would continue to support Westland in gaining orders in Europe.

In early Jan 1986, Heseltine wrote to David Horne of Lloyds Merchant Bank, who was advising the European consortium (in reply to planted questions from Horne which had been dictated to him over the phone by one of Heseltine’s staff), giving him the advice which Thatcher had declined to include in her letter to Cuckney. Contradicting Thatcher’s reassurances to Cuckney, Heseltine claimed that the Sikorsky deal would be ‘incompatible with participation’ in European helicopter projects. Heseltine’s letter was leaked to ‘The Times’. This was a blatant challenge to Thatcher’s authority as Heseltine had not consulted Downing Street, the DTI or Mayhew before writing to Horne.

Heseltine’s letter to Horne, on Thatcher’s request, was referred to the Solicitor-General, Patrick Mayhew. Mayhew sent a reply to Heseltine, noting ‘material inaccuracies’ in Heseltine’s letter, and asking Heseltine to write to Horne again, correcting them. Mayhew’s letter of rebuke to Heseltine – marked ‘Confidential’ – reached Heseltine at lunchtime on Mon 6 Jan and was immediately and selectively leaked to the Press Association by Colette Bowe, Chief Information Officer at the DTI, at Brittan’s request.

Bowe’s leaked letter led to the resignations of both Heseltine and Brittan, for which someone must have been grateful because Colette Bowe is now Dame Colette.

Bowe was Chairman of Ofcom, 2009-14, Chairman of Electra Private Equity plc, 2010–14 and Chairman of the Council of Queen Mary University of London, 2004–09. She has also served on the boards of Thames Water Utilities, London and Continental Railways, Axa IM, Morgan Stanley and the Yorkshire Building Society. She founded and was first Chairman of the Telecoms Ombudsman Service (now Ombudsman Services) in 2002–3. She was the first Chairman of the Ofcom Consumer Panel (2003–08) and has worked as the Executive Chairman of the distribution arm of Fleming Asset Management.

Bowe is the Chairman of the Banking Standards Board and the Associated Board of the Royal Schools of Music. She is the President of the Voice of the Listener and Viewer, a Trustee of The Tablet and of the Nuffield Foundation. Bowe is also a visiting fellow of Nuffield College. She is also a Board member of the UK Statistics Authority and a non-executive Director of the Dept for Transport.

An extra safe pair of hands is clearly possessed by Colette.

There was controversy over whose orders Colette Bowe was following when she dropped the clanger. The Attorney-General, Sir Michael Havers, ‘took a stern view of leaks’, especially of confidential legal advice and threatened to resign if an official inquiry was not set up to look into it. Thatcher agreed to do this.

It was Michael Havers who in his capacity as Attorney-General blocked the prosecution of a number of VIP child sex offenders, including the diplomat Sir Peter Hayman. Michael Havers was the Tory MP for Winbledon, 1970-87. A lot of Top Doctors from St George’s lived at Wimbledon, including Prof Geoffrey Chamberlain. Chamberlain was a friend of Prof Oliver Brooke, who was jailed for child porn offences in Dec 1986. Havers was Lord Chancellor, 13 June 1987-26 Oct 1987. Oliver Brooke was released on appeal in June 1987, after Lord Chief Justice Geoffrey Lane heard the appeal in May 1987. Lane compared Brooke’s enormous collection of kiddie porn – Brooke was a major figure in a pan-European paedophile ring – to a collection of cigarette cards.

I was illegally arrested and imprisoned in Denbigh by Dafydd in the same month that Oliver Brooke was jailed. Alison Taylor was suspended from her job as a social worker by Gwynedd County Council in the same month.

Havers’s sister was Lord Elizabeth Butler-Sloss, who Chaired the Inquiry into the havoc that Dafydd’s mates caused which resulted in the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal and utterly failed to grasp the enormity of what was happening (see post ‘Twas The Night Before Christmas And The Culprits Were Named’).

Cabinet met on the morning of Thurs 9 Jan 1986, with Thatcher already having agreed her position with close colleagues at Chequers that weekend and arranged that Scottish Secretary George Younger should take over as Defence Secretary if Heseltine resigned. Westland was first on the agenda, and Heseltine and Brittan were permitted to put their cases. Heseltine had won the moral high ground over the leaking saga, but Nigel Lawson recorded that he seemed obsessive at Cabinet and attracted little sympathy. Thatcher reiterated her position, which had already been endorsed by the Cabinet, that Westland’s future was a matter for Westland to decide and announced that as this was a time of business negotiations, all answers to questions about Westland must be cleared through the Cabinet Office. Heseltine agreed. In response to a question by Nicholas Ridley, Thatch then confirmed that this also applied to statements which had already been made. Heseltine argued that he should be allowed to reaffirm statements he had already made but Thatcher disagreed, arguing that Cabinet collective responsibility should be observed. Heseltine protested that there had been no collective responsibility, gathered up his papers and left.

Although eyewitness accounts differ as to the exact details, Peter Jenkins claimed that Heseltine lost his cool and proclaimed ‘I can no longer be a member of this Cabinet’. Heseltine then walked out of Downing Street and announced his resignation to the assembled media.

Thatcher then adjourned the Cabinet for a brief break. George Younger was then offered and accepted the office of Secretary of State for Defence, which Heseltine had just relinquished. The Prime Minister’s office then requested Malcolm Rifkind to take up Younger’s previous job, Secretary of State for Scotland, which he accepted. Cabinet then resumed.

At 4 pm that day – 9 Jan 1986 – at the Ministry of Defence (rather than waiting to make a statement to the Commons when it resumed four days later) Heseltine delivered a 22 minute resignation statement detailing his grievances. He blamed Thatcher’s intransigence, saying his views were ignored. He may well have prepared this earlier, although his Private Secretary Richard Mottram says not. To Thatcher’s fury, Defence officials had helped him throughout the crisis and in preparing this document. Thatcher sent a letter to Heseltine, as is customary on these occasions.

Sir Richard Mottram  entered the civil service in 1968 aged 22 after graduating from Keele University. At that time -and indeed since – Keele employed a number of people who were either paedophiles’ themselves, such as social work academic Peter Righton, or concealed and colluded with organised abuse.

Mottram served in the Defence and Overseas Secretariat of the Cabinet Office, 1975-77. He was then the Secretary of two study groups on the rationale for and system options for a successor to the UK’s strategic nuclear deterrent which led subsequently to the decision to adopt Trident. Mottram was then appointed Private Secretary to the Permanent Under Secretary, of the MoD, Sir Frank Cooper. From 1982-1986, Mottram was Private Secretary to a succession of Secretaries of State for Defence – John Nott, Heseltine and George Younger.

In 1985, as Private Secretary to Heseltine as Secretary of State for Defence, Mottram was a witness for the prosecution in the trial of Clive Ponting who was later acquitted of an offence under the Official Secrets Act for passing information to Labour MP Tam Dalyell regarding the sinking of the Belgrano. When Mottram was asked whether answers to parliamentary questions should be truthful and not deliberately ambiguous or misleading, there was a long silence before he replied: ‘In highly charged political matters, one person’s ambiguity may be another person’s truth’.

Mottram: they were trying to kill us and they did kill other people. There is no ambiguity in that.

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From 1986-89, Sir Richard Mottram was the Under-Secretary responsible for the defence programme and from 1989-92, the Deputy Secretary with responsibilities for UK defence policy and strategy and defence relations with other countries at the time of the end of the Cold War.

Mottram retired in 2007 from his most recent senior post as Permanent Secretary, Intelligence, Security and Resilience in the Cabinet Office.

This lot were so resilient that they couldn’t even deal with Dafydd.

Mottram serves on the Board of a number of private and public sector organisations, including Chairing the board of Amey PLC. He is a Visiting Professor at the LSE and member of the Advisory Board of LSE IDEAS. Mottram is a Trustee of the Royal Anniversary Trust, which oversees The Queen’s Anniversary Prizes for Higher and Further Education.

 

As a fairly high ranking British Army officer who lived in Somerset at the time, Brown’s dad will have known a number of the people involved in all of this.

On 13 Jan 1986, Thatcher held a meeting with Whitelaw, Brittan, George Younger and John Wakeham to decide what should happen. The conclusion was that Brittan, rather than the PM, should reply to Heseltine’s statement on that day.

In his resignation statement in the House of Commons Heseltine accused Brittan of pressuring Sir Raymond Lygo, CEO of British Aerospace, to withdraw from the European Consortium. In response to questions in the House from Heseltine, Brittan denied that he had received a letter from Lygo, but later had to admit that he had received a letter from Sir Austin Pearce, Chairman of British Aerospace; he had not disclosed it, he claimed, because it was marked Private and Strictly Confidential. He was forced to return to the House a few hours later to apologise.

Admiral Sir Raymond Lygo joined the Royal Navy in 1942 during WW II. He was appointed the commanding officer of the frigate Lowestoft in 1961, the frigate Juno in 1967 and the aircraft carrier Ark Royal in 1969. Lygo was Director General, Naval Manpower and Training,  Feb 1974-June 1975. He went on to be Vice Chief if the Naval Staff in 1975 and retired in 1978.

After retirement, Lygo joined British Aerospace, becoming Chief Executive in 1986.

Lygo will have known Admiral Sir Alec Bingley and all the other senior figures in the Royal Navy and Admiralty who concealed the organised sexual abuse of young people or who were alleged to have been abusing underaged children themselves, such as Lord Louis Mountbatten (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’).

Sir Raymond Lygo
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Juno
Goddess of marriage and childbirth
So that is why there is so much child abuse, sexual exploitation and repressed homosexuality in this sorry tale!
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Raymond Lygo was also Chairman of the Rutland Trust in 1991, Chairman of TNT (Express) UK Ltd in 1992 and Chairman of the Liontrust First UK Investment Trust in 1997. He was Patron of the Fleet Air Arm Association.

 

Sir Austin Pearce, was Chairman of British Aerospace, 1980-87 and steered the company through its privatisation by Margaret Thatcher’s Gov’t. Although Pearce had spent his entire working life with Esso, of which he had been Chairman and Chief Executive for eight years, he had some experience of the aerospace industry: in 1976 he had been appointed to the organising committee for the nationalisation of the industry and the formation of British Aerospace.

The Gov’t sold 52 per cent of BAe in 1981. Four years later it decided to sell the remaining 48 per cent, Pearce arguing successfully for a price of 375p, rather than the 400p which the government originally wanted.

Known to his colleagues as ‘Tin’, Pearce faced a number of problems at BAe, including inefficiency and over-staffing. During his tenure there were unsuccessful attempts by Thorn EMI and GEC to take over the company. Also, the Nimrod Airborne Early Warning programme was running four years late and substantially over budget; eventually the Gov’t cancelled the programme.

Pearce also faced difficulties over BAe’s involvement in the project to build the Airbus. At first the British Gov’t refused to support the BAe application for aid for the A 320 aircraft. The other partners in Airbus – the French, Germans and Spanish – already had their Gov’ts’ approval and would be happy to take over BAe’s work on the wings. Without financial help, Pearce knew that BAe would be out of Airbus and would consequently be faced with massive redundancies. Without telling either his colleagues or the DTI, he asked for a personal meeting with Thatch. He got the money. During the Westland affair, because BAe hoped to become a partner in a European consortium it aligned itself with Heseltine against Thatch. At one stage, at a meeting with the MoD, Pearce was asked if BAe would take over Westland, but he refused on the ground that BAe had enough spare capacity to take on Westland’s entire workload without assimilating more than a few of its employees.

Austin Pearce was born in Plymouth in 1921. He was educated at Devonport High School for Boys and then went to Birmingham University. As a member of the University Senior Training Corps of Royal Engineers, Pearce was assigned to the Petroleum Warfare Department, working on flame-thrower fuels and incendiary bombs. At the same time he completed a PhD in Chemical Engineering.

In Sept 1945 Pearce joined the AGWI (later the Esso) refinery at Fawley as a junior engineer. In 1950 he was promoted to process superintendent, in charge of the running of all the refinery units. In 1956 Pearce became general manager (refining) for Esso in the UK. In 1963 he joined the Esso Board, with responsibility for the marine and pipelines systems; this included taking charge of the tanker fleet and overseeing the building of the pipeline from Milford Haven to the Midlands and Manchester. In 1968 he was appointed Managing Director and 1972 Chairman and Chief Executive of Esso UK.

Austin Pearce was the first President of the UK Petroleum Industry Association and as Esso’s representative, participated in the negotiations with the Department of Energy, British National Oil Company and Shell on the North Sea participation agreements.

In 1973 Pearce joined the board of Williams and Glyn’s Bank, becoming its last Chairman before it was incorporated into the Royal Bank of Scotland, of which he was appointed a Vice-Chairman.

In 1985 Austin Pearce was appointed Chairman of the Trustees of the Science Museum. He Chaired the meeting that introduced entrance charges; this helped the museum to improve and create new galleries and to rebuild the Railway Museum at York.

Pearce served on the Council of Surrey University, the site of so much skulduggery when I worked there in 1988. He was a Director of Jaguar, Smiths Industries, Pearl Assurance and was Chairman of Oxford Instruments.

Austin Pearce was married first to Maglona Twinn and then to Dr Patricia Grice.

On 15 Jan 1986 there was a debate on Westland in the Commons in which Thatcher replied to the Windbag. Thatcher listed all the ministerial, committee and Cabinet meetings on Westland. Heseltine then made a speech criticising the way collective responsibility had been damaged over Westland.

Sir Robert Armstrong, the Cabinet Secretary, held an inquiry into the leaking of Mayhew’s letter and reported his findings to Thatch on 21 Jan 1986. Armstrong concluded that Brittan had told Colette Bowe to leak Mayhew’s letter through a telephone conversation to Roger Mogg, Brittan’s Private Secretary. Thatcher is said to have asked Brittan four times: ‘Leon, why didn’t you tell me.’ Havers, who demanded the inquiry, later claimed: ‘Unless the PM is the most marvellous actress I’ve ever seen in my life she was as shocked as anybody that in fact it was on Leon Brittan’s instructions.’ At the time Brittan claimed he had misunderstood Thatcher’s wishes but later (on the TV programme The Thatcher Factor on 7 April 1989) admitted that he had acted on the ‘express’ instructions of Charles Powell and Bernard Ingham, Thatcher’s two senior advisers. On 23 Jan 1986, Thatcher had to make a speech to the Commons on Armstrong’s inquiry.

Brittan was being heavily criticised because of the fallout from the leak of the Mayhew letter and because of his lack of candour about the letter from British Aerospace. At a meeting of the 1922 Committee, Conservative back-benchers, demanded Brittan’s resignation. The Chairman of the 1922 Committee at the time was Cranley Onslow, a former MI6 agent who was forced to stand down as Chairman in 1992 by Thatcher’s old mates, who partly blamed him for her previous departure. On 24 Jan 1986 Brittan resigned, because ‘it has become clear to me that I no longer command the full confidence of my colleagues’.

On 27 Jan 1986, Labour set down an adjournment motion. Whitelaw, Howe, Wakeham, John Biffen and Douglas Hurd helped Thatcher draft her speech for this occasion.

In Jan 1986 John Biffen was Lord Privy Seal. John Biffen grew up on a farm about three miles away from where I lived in Somerset. Biffen went to Dr Morgan’s School in Bridgwater along with my father and many others who remained in Somerset. Biffen’s parents remained living at their farm in Combwich and occasionally made trips to London to marvel at their famous son and his associates. John Biffen was a swotty kid who was badly bullied by the locals and he didn’t waste his time with his former tormentors and he did fall out with Thatcher eventually. However, I can’t imagine that he will have resisted if pressurised over all this, there will just have been far too many careers of ruthless dangerous nutters at stake.

Biffen was MP for Oswestry and then North Shropshire. John Allen had a children’s home in Shropshire, there was an abuse ring in operation in the region and many children’s home staff migrated between Bryn Estyn and Shropshire. The family seat of the unfortunate Ormsby-Gores was at Oswestry and David Ormsby-Gore aka Lord Harlech preceded John Biffen as MP for Oswestry. Ever since Lord Harlech served at US Ambassador during JFK’s Presidency, the Ormsby-Gores have had a penchant for dying young and in unfortunate circumstances. The biography of Francis Ormsby-Gore, who farmed near Harlech and was found dead at his home relatively recently, had all the signs of one of someone who was under sustained attack by the paedophiles’ friends (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’).

Douglas Hurd was Home Secretary, presiding over the carnage in north Wales.

Ronald Miller, one of Thatch’s friends, was asked to help revise the speech and Thatcher remarked to him that she might not be PM by six o’clock that evening if things went badly.

The Windbag, who knew Tony Francis from their days as students in Cardiff, was generally thought to have made a poor opening speech.

Heseltine was frustrated at the Windbag’s failure to exploit the moment and claimed that Thatcher’s statement brought ‘the politics of the matter to an end’ and that he would support the Gov’t in the lobby.

Sikorsky then bought Westland, aided by mysterious prior purchases by mystery buyers, suspected by Cuckney and others, although without clear proof, of being an illegal concert party.

 

Westland damaged Thatcher’s credibility and made her look anti-European for the first time. It has been suggested that Thatcher’s keenness on American control of Westland may have been linked to the Al-Yamamah arms deal which was mired in allegations of corruption, or that the US might have wanted Westland to sell Black Hawk helicopters to Saudi Arabia in circumvention of Congressional rules which prevented US arms sales to that country at the time.

Leon Brittan’s behaviour was thought in part to have been motivated by resentment at his demotion from Home Secretary to the Secretary for DTI in Sept 1985. He also thought Heseltine’s mooted European consortium to be monopolistic and anti-competitive.

Apart from his clash of personalities with Thatcher, it was thought that Heseltine, concerned at having to take responsibility for Defence cuts which had been put back until 1986 and worried that Thatcher was unlikely to promote him further, was looking for an excuse to resign. Resigning would put him in good stead to be elected Party leader after, as seemed likely at the time, the Conservatives lost the next election, due by summer 1988.

Heseltine retired to the back benches and spent nearly five years conducting an undeclared campaign for the Party leadership. Although the Thatcher Gov’t was re-elected in 1987, Heseltine eventually challenged her in Nov 1990, polling well enough to hasten her resignation.

Three months after Heseltine ‘resigned from the Cabinet as a matter of honour’, my close friend and house mate on Anglesey was killed in a head-on collision with another car. Our friend Geoff Johnson was a passenger and was left severely brain-damaged. The young man who drove the TR7 straight into Anne somehow only walked away with a broken arm. It was acknowledged that Anne had not been at fault – the other car had been driving on Anne’s side of the road at high speed – but there was no investigation and no prosecution. Anne knew everything that was happening to me at the hands of the Top Docs. Weeks before she was killed, D.G.E. Wood remarked that he always knew when Anne drove past his house – he lived in the same village as us – because he could recognise her car.

Two days after Anne was killed, Liz Stables, the Angel who worked in the UCNW Student Health Centre, took Anne’s file out of a locker and wrote ‘DEAD’ in capital letters across it in front of me. Liz then said that I couldn’t hang around mourning, there were things to do. Some two weeks later Wood yelled at me to ‘forget about everything that has happened here and go away and make a new life for yourself’. Presumably so Wood’s accomplices could kill the rest of us off miles away from Bangor to avoid the fickle finger of suspicion ever being pointed at them.

Heseltine, the man who would do anything, anything at all to become PM, came from Swansea. Heseltine never became PM. Another procession of empty headed narcissistic oafs did instead.

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All together now -‘I’m ready to serve’.

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Now for a bit more info on the lady who worked in a junior capacity at Westland when the almighty ding dong broke out and who – along with a few others – did very nicely out of it all. This blog post is already quite long, so I won’t dissect Janet’s career bit by bit, highlighting who assisted her and when they did so, I’ll leave it up to readers to make the links to police investigations, the Waterhouse Inquiry etc. Regular readers will by now be familiar with the skulduggery and those involved.
 Janet Mitchell, CEng FRAeS:
Janet worked as a Stress Engineer, Westland Helicopters, Product Support Division, 1982-87.

Then Janet was Future Projects Engineer, Airbus, 1987-89: Reporting to Head of Future Projects for BAE Commercial Aircraft Division.

Janet was Stress Engineer, Stresswork Ltd, 1989-91.

supported the Aerospace, Automotive and Civil Engineering Industries. It also covered Nuclear Power, Engineering Design of a Composite Commercial Vehicle Chassis and engineering project management of the structural certification for the A340 Wing Composite Components.
From 1993-94, Janet was Senior Principal Engineer on the Future Large Aircraft Composite Wing Study for BAE Systems.
Between 1994-95, Janet worked on the Airbus Composite Wing Strategy for BAE Systems. She was:

‘Accountable for leading and delivering the BAE/AIRBUS Composite Wing Strategy, this was a significant business transformation programme, I successfully led all business functional specialists to deliver a Strategy for acquiring the Composite Capability for Airbus Wing Business including programme plans and costs of the Technology Development programme. This was delivered to the Airbus Senior Management Board at AUK and BAE SYSTEMS Head Quarters – Directorate for Engineering.’

From 1995-99, Janet was Project Manager of the Low Cost Composite Technology Research for the Airbus Group. She was: ‘Accountable for developing the capability in low cost, low weight Composite Technologies for Airbus UK Wing Technology including materials, manufacturing processes, design and analytical methods and assembly technology. Successfully delivering the bid content for the wing contribution to the 83 million euro EC Framework 5 “TANGO” programme, the DTI funded AMCAPSII programme, private venture, national collaborative projects with research institutes, universities and national industries. Development of specific research project management and financial management processes and the Composite Strategy in line with business objectives’.

Between 1999-02, Janet was Head of Research and Technology Programme, Airbus UK Airbus Group. She was the: ‘Executive accountable for all Airbus UK Research and Technology Projects in Composites, Metallic’s Systems and Advanced Wing Technologies ( including Aerodynamics,Structures, Manufacturing, Assembly Technology and Wing Integration). This team was in excess of 250 people and an annual budget in excess of 100 million euros. Accountabilities included the R & T Operational Business Plan for the UK, contribution to the Airbus Technology Strategy, Technology Plan for UK, Primary interface for Airbus UK into the DTI and European Commission (EC) and Academia for technology projects. Project management of the Airbus Composite Wing technology programme which was funded by the EC and called TANGO’.
Between Oct 2002-06, Janet was head of A400 Military Transport Aircraft Wing Programme for Airbus.

In Jan 2007 Janet Mitchell set up her own consultancy, McSquared Consultants Ltd, of which she has been the CEO since its foundation

When we were kids, everyone had great difficulties playing with Janet although she was a good laugh, because she used to cheat in all the games. Everybody’s mother used to say ‘ooh it’s because Janet’s an only child, she’s not used to playing with others or sharing’. That may well have been the case when we were seven Janet, but I’m not sure that’s an excuse for the last 30 years.

Janet’s family were unusual among the people whom I knew when I was young in that they were not from Somerset. They were from Chorley and Janet’s entire extended family, to whom she and her parents were still close, all lived in Chorley. She was also much doted upon by the Chorley clan because she was the only grandchild of a big family. Chorley is an area which suffered badly in the 20th century post-industrial decline. There were two main employers in the area until recently – Leyland Trucks and BAE Systems. BAE systems closed its doors in 2008. That was OK though, Janet had set up her own consultancy by then and all her elderly relatives whom I remember who always batted so hard for Janet will have died by 2008.

I receive more names every day of those in Somerset whom I am told maxed out on their knowledge of what happened to me. I’m not putting them all up here, because I’m loathe to do so without a degree of evidence, at least circumstantial. However I have been told to enquire into the means by which a farming family by the name of Hill near Fiddington transformed their farm into a premier equestrian centre, Stockland Lovell Manor. The Hills were never at all horsey, but at the height of my difficulties with those we known and love, they raised an enormous sum of money and came up with very flash equestrian centre. Neighbouring farmers could not work out how the Hills had persuaded an investor to part with so much money, even if the farm had been used as security. The Hills had a daughter whom they told everyone was ‘working in the financial services’ in Europe, but she wasn’t a trader or a banker, didn’t possess professional qualifications and from what I was told it sounded as though she was actually a PA. Another daughter was a midwife – in Nottingham. Where I used to work and where a big research fraud between the Cancer Research Campaign and an American drug company was taking place in labs located at Nottingham University (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’). The Hills also had a son, whom I am told now works for Somerset County Council Social Services, with disadvantaged youngsters.

The Hills used to give one of those who received money in return for their silence about what was happening to me a lift to Fiddington Church every Sunday. Mr Michael Hill was a churchwarden and a leading light in Somerset Cricket Club, so there’ll have been a few hobnobbing opportunities there. Ah the good old days, when stars like Ian Botham and Viv Richards played for Somerset, who would get pissed down the Anchor Inn in Combwich, in the company of the man who suddenly found himself with so many celebrity friends and so much money from about 1990 onward…

I think that Michael Hill and his wife Lavinia have both died now, so perhaps their offspring Diane, Jenny and Martin could explain how the family laid their hands on such a huge amount of dosh. Jenny Hill is probably the person to ask.

Series titles over a docklands terrace street

Two other Top Tossers who were tripping over themselves in the 1990s to make unlikely friendships with people in Somerset who knew what was happening in north Wales were Dangerous Sports Club members Ding Boston and Martin Lyster. Boston and Lyster are both veterans of pointless dangerous activities dressed up as ‘extreme sports’ in which people sustain injuries or even die (only a prosecution for manslaughter, not murder and even then that nice lady judge at Bristol Crown Court directed the jury to acquit!). The dear old Dangerous Sports Club had the wind taken out of its sails some years ago, what with its founder the conman David Kirke going to prison and then the death of that Bulgarian student, but I note that Ding now describes himself as ‘Co-Ordinator, Oxford Universities Motorsport’. Don’t ask me what Ding’s real name is, he refuses to give it, even in toadying media profiles. ‘Dickhead’ will suffice.

Ding’s mate Martin Lyster did a first degree and then a PhD in physics at Oxford in the 1980s and then years later a Masters at Loughborough University in Renewable Energy. His Linked In profile describes his present position as an R&D Project Manager for SSE Power Distribution.

So who with links to Thatcher/Major – apart from Tommy Leigh-Pemberton’s father obviously – was the source of all the dosh then Ding and Martin?

When I was discussing all this with Brown, he remarked that the emissaries of Thatcher’s and Major’s Gov’ts will have seen me as doubly dangerous. Not only had I gathered huge amounts of crap on Dafydd and related sex trafficking rings in other parts of the country with links to Tory Ministers, but coming from Tory stock myself I’ll have been seen as a renegade who really had to be stopped. Brown commented that while we were having our friends murdered and our careers destroyed, a lot of older people in Somerset would have been able to remember my grandfather, who was the leading campaigner for Sir Gerald Wills, the Tory MP for Bridgwater, 1950-69. Indeed. The vacuous shite Tom King built on the solid Tory support that had accumulated in Bridgwater.
I reminded Brown that I think that Tom et al will have seen me as far more than doubly dangerous. My grandpa was a high Tory who hung out with the Sir Bufton Tuftons, but he did a few things that pissed people like Tom King off. Such as: denouncing Edward du Cann as a crook (du Cann was later demonstrated to be, er, a crook); turning down a knighthood – Lord King and Lady Jane would never have found it within themselves to do that; refusing an invitation to a Buck House garden party; taking the piss out of the Freemasons and, I understand, the Water Buffaloes as well.
In 1979, one day at school I and my friends were in the library reading the ‘Bridgwater Mercury’ and we happened upon the ’25 years ago today’ column. Everyone howled with laughter, because the snippet chosen was a speech that my grandfather had made to the Somerset Tories, in which he had said that ‘the Conservative Party today is not what it used to be’. Well it certainly wasn’t by the late 1980s, it was trying to murder his granddaughter because she’d stumbled across the Westminster Paedophile Ring.
Anyone for a Buck House garden party?
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The Turn Of The Screw

I have explained in previous posts how my documentation demonstrates that following my complaints about Dafydd and the paedophile gang, managers of Gwynedd Health Authority, Gwynedd Social Services and Clwyd Health Authority were tracking my addresses even when I was living in England. I have also detailed some of the unlawful methods that Alun Davies et al were using to gain this information when they were not passing the information directly on to each other as a result of the addresses that I had supplied in my letters of complaint. I have been told that the Top Docs in north Wales and their associates in other parts of the UK also used my CV – which accompanied my job applications – to trace people whom I went to school with or who taught me in order to nobble or bribe them or their families and friends. A lot of people who knew me at school or in the sixth form went into nursing and Brown and I knew a few others who went into medicine. It seems that nearly everyone was approached with a view to bribing or blackmailing them. Close friends of ours who would not be paid or threatened into doing dreadful things paid a high price for standing by us.

 

In 1986 I left Anglesey to begin my MSc at Hammersmith Hospital/RPMS. Getting affordable accommodation in London at that time was very difficult, so for my first few weeks in London I crashed out at my friends’ house in Bethnal Green. In my post ‘Oh, Lordy! It’s CR UK’ I described how I was targeted by a known sex offender who lived near Bethnal Green. Dafydd and the paedophile gang knew my address when I lived at Bethnal Green, because it was then that I was trying to pursue my complaint regarding my illegal detention in Ysbyty Gwynedd by Jackie Brandt and a Dr Perera of Gwynedd Health Authority, as well as the threats that had been made to me by Dafydd. My complaint was never investigated. After my second letter of complaint, Gwynedd County Council obtained a High Court injunction against me, on the basis of the perjury of social workers Jackie Brandt and Keith Fearns, although Fearns had never met me and Brandt had met me only two or three times (see post ‘ Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’). The injunction prevented me even writing to Gwynedd to pursue my complaints. Documents now in my possession show that Ron Evans, the crooked solicitor employed by Gwynedd County Council and Lucille Hughes, the Director of Gwynedd Social Services (and Dafydd’s mistress), had carefully planned and co-ordinated everything with the Top Doctors.

Not only was I targeted by the sex offender, but within days of moving in with my friends at Bethnal Green, one of my friends was followed home by some NF men every evening when he got off the tube who threatened to do him damage and insulted him for being gay. My friend isn’t gay, but he supposed that this was happening because he isn’t aggressively macho and there was NF activity/gay bashing in the area at the time. It could have been coincidental, this was before Bethnal Green had become gentrified, but now  that I know how many other of the unpleasant things happened because Dafydd and the gang sent thugs and nasties after us, I do wonder.

My friends in Bethnal Green were two of the friends who’s careers in the media were destroyed in 1991-92, along with my own career. I only stayed with them for a short while, because I was lucky enough to find a place in a shared house in Harringay fairly quickly. Interestingly enough, one of the other girls in the flat in Bethnal Green was incredibly hostile to me, although she knew that I had known one of her flatmates since I was 12 and another one since he was at university. I discovered the other day that Jules, the young woman who was so aggressive – and who constantly demanded of my friends that I should be pressurised into moving out, although she knew that I didn’t know anyone else in London with whom I could stay – was the girlfriend of John O’ Farrell, the writer and author who is a high profile Labour supporter. O’Farrell wrote for ‘Spitting Image’, ‘Alas Smith and Jones’, ‘Have I Got News For You’ and has written columns for the Indie and the Guardian as well as jokes for Blair and Gordon.

John O’Farrell is now married to someone else, but the lovely Jules knew some of what was happening in north Wales. Happy days John! Pursued by sex offenders and subjected to attempts to kill me and my friends!

 

Eventually my two friends moved out of Bethnal Green and into a house at Archway, near Highgate Cemetry. They were by then working for the Royal Television Society and the BBC. After I completed my MSc, I worked at the Cancer Research Campaign laboratories at Nottingham University and then worked for a team funded by the CRC at Surrey University, under Prof Vincent Marks, the brother of the then Chairman of the BMA Dr John Marks. Previous posts have detailed the research fraud and wrongdoing that I witnessed in these workplaces, the stealing of my data and its publication by someone else completely unknown to me and the links between people at my workplaces and Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends in north Wales. By the time that I was working at Surrey, Ken Clarke was Health Secretary and was in full battle with the BMA. Clarke knew about the criminality in north Wales and concealed it, as did the BMA. Because both parties were concealing the same criminals, their battle ended in stalemate.

My friends paid three months rent upfront when they moved into the house in Archway. They paid by cheque, so it could be demonstrated that they had paid. They did not deal with the owner of the property, but with the landlord’s agent, an Irishman going under the obviously false name of Mr Murphy, who described himself as an ‘hotel manager’. Mr Murphy looked frankly menacing, sporting sunglasses, a camel hair coat and leather gloves at all times. Furthermore Mr Murphy was often standing outside of the house without letting my friends know that he was there when I was visiting or staying with them.

My friends had only been in the house about three weeks when Mr Murphy ordered them to move out. He claimed that he had no record of them paying their rent. So they underwent the process of tracing the passage of their rent cheque and it was clear that the cheque had indeed been paid and to Mr Murphy. Murphy then simply started intimidating them. The tactics included cutting off the electricity and then the water, after telling the utility companies involved that my friends were squatters. My friends stood up to him, so Murphy arrived with builders who removed their bathroom. They were determined not to be intimidated but realising that they were dealing with a crook and an increasingly threatening crook, they sought advice from the harassment officer of Islington Council, knowing that Islington boasted of such a service for tenants receiving aggro. Murphy then had a load of rubble dumped in their house.

When my mates were living in Archway, the gangster Nicholas van Hoogstraten’s methods of dealing with his tenants – Hoogstraten owned huge swathes of property in London and Brighton – received a lot of publicity and they were identical to Mr Murphy’s. Hoogstraten too never dealt with tenants himself, he used intermediates. There was much discussion as to whether my friends might be living in one of Hoogstraten’s properties. They were subsequently offered a flat in Peckham, which Islington Council had organised for them.

My mates were very relieved to get away from Mr Murphy, but they found themselves out of the frying pan into the fire. After moving into the flat at Peckham, a friendly neighbour – of which there were some – warned them that the estate was so dangerous that they should not go out alone after dark and furthermore, it had somehow become known on the estate that they worked in professional jobs and were at risk of being ‘yuppy taxed’ – beaten up and robbed – although they were young with not much money. Two weeks after they moved in, whilst they were at work, their flat was broken into and cleared out. The door had been smashed right in, in spite of the multiple locks. They replaced it with an iron grate thing which they called ‘the portcullis’.

After a few weeks in Peckham, one of my friends was out driving when an addict loaded up with heroin crashed into her. My friend was injured, but not seriously, yet the addict was not prosecuted. When my friend went to the GP in Peckham about her injury he accused her of malingering in an attempt to gain compensation. My friend had made no claim for personal injury. The same GP subsequently prescribed her medication which would have had serious consequences for her health had she taken it as he recommended. By this time, Brown, me and my friends had experienced such malpractice and hostility from so many Top Docs that we just concluded that there was a lot of it about.

It was when my friends lived at Peckham that they were unlawfully forced out of their jobs, at the same time as I was forced out of my job at St George’s. Hospital Medical School. We used to ring each other up every few days and compare the awful things that had happened to us at work. Another friend from my Bangor days who knew about my problems with those we know and love in north Wales was working for a drug company in Kent and in early 1991, he too was forced out of his job. He had also been subjected to attempts to blackmail him after he left Bangor, but I don’t know the full details. My friends left London, as did I.

During those years, 1986-92, those two friends, Brown, Brown’s brother and I just assumed that we were having a run of terribly bad luck. We were offered jobs which seemed to be wonderful opportunities and were then ferociously bullied out of those jobs, cars crashed into us, we were harassed and forced out of accommodation and someone tried to kill Brown’s brother and Brown. My housemate Anne from Anglesey was killed just before I moved to London.

My friends with whom I shared the flat at Bethnal Green had been to Stirling University and from their time at Bethnal Green onward, they found that friends from Stirling began behaving in a very hostile manner towards them. Stirling was quite political in the 1980s and a lot of people whom my friends knew were involved in politics, usually the SNP or the Labour Party. Including dear old Jack McConnell, who became Scotland’s FM, after years of concealing organised sexual abuse. Jack McConnell is good mates with Kirsty Wark, of ‘Newsnight’ fame.

 

Kirsty Wark – known for asking politicians ‘tough questions’
Kirsty wark podium.jpg

 

I have received info that virtually everything that happened to us during those very difficult years was the work of the paedophiles and their friends. They had set us up constantly, using information that they had about us – after all members of the security services were involved – to arrange splendid offers of jobs and accommodation, only to ensure that the opportunities would destroy us.

 

Bethnal Green was in the Borough of Tower Hamlets. Dafydd and the gang had excellent contacts there – Tower Hamlets sent kids in care to children’s homes in north Wales, despite repeated complaints of abuse and kids from north Wales were trafficked back to the area as sex workers (see posts ‘Tower Hamlets, Paul Boateng and Tessa Jowell’, ‘Apocalypse Now’ and ‘The Bodies Beneath Canary Wharf’). The constituency MP for the area until 1983 was Labour MP Ian Mikardo, who was on the left of the party. Mikardo  and his wife Mary retired to Cheshire, where the north Wales gang operated and they died in the mid 1990s. Peter Shore succeeded Mikardo as MP, again for Labour. Peter Shore knew about the organised sexual abuse of kids in care (see post ‘Apocalypse Now’).

My friends’ house at Archway was in the Borough of Camden. One leading light in Camden Borough Council whilst they were being terrorised was Tessa Jowell. Tessa was a social worker who had worked as a child care officer for Lambeth Borough Council, whilst children in the care of Lambeth were abused both in Lambeth and sent to children’s homes in north Wales where they were abused. Then Tessa worked as a psychiatric social worker at the Maudsley, the hospital where Dafydd ‘trained’ and whose staff concealed his crimes for years (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’ and ‘The Mentor’). Tessa was Deputy Director of MIND when MIND worked with paedophiles’ rights groups. Dafydd was involved with MIND in the 1960s and MIND subsequently concealed his crimes for many years (see previous posts). Tessa was married to David Mills, who was found guilty in an Italian court of receiving a bribe from Blair’s mate Silvio Berlusconi, but Mills avoided prison on a technicality. For further information on Tessa and David, see posts ‘News From Sicily’ and ‘Baroness Tessa Jowell – A Tribute’.

David Mills was the brother of John Mills, Camden resident, Camden Councillor and  massive donor to the Labour Party. John Mills was married to Dame Barbara Mills QC, who worked as a GMC assessor and was DPP, 1992-98, when no charges were brought against anyone in relation to the police investigation into child abuse in north Wales, despite hundreds of complaints and a file being sent to the DPP. However Dame Babs managed to go ahead with a prosecution against me for staring at Jackie Brandt in Safeways. I was found guilty and it cost me £60, even though Brandt started crying in the witness box and admitted that she’d lied in her evidence.

Dame Barbara’s remains are interred in Highgate Cemetery on Mr Murphy’s manor. Here’s Dame Babs having a good laugh:

 

Dame Barbara Mills, British barrister, Director of Public ...

 

For more info re Dame Babs and John Mills, see posts ‘News From Sicily’ and ‘A Future Leader Of The Labour Party’.

Camden Borough Council was famously the training camp for many New Labour big wigs and was home to a lot of them as well. But they weren’t having rubble dumped in their houses by gangsters. One Camden Borough Councillor was Frank Dobson, who was later the MP for Holborn and St Pancras and Health Secretary, 1997-99. Dobbo ignored the organised abuse of children and mental health patients when he was a Councillor, an MP and Health Secretary (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part IV’).

When my friends lived in Archway, the constituency MP was the Tory Geoffrey Finsberg. Finsberg was educated at the City of London School and was a ‘Bevin Boy’, 1945-47, as was Jimmy Savile. Savile dined out on his status as a Bevin Boy and shamelessly used the connections that he made in that role throughout his long and successful sex offending career.

Finsberg was active in the Conservative Party from a young age and was founder Chairman of Mansfield Young Conservatives, 1946-47. He served as National Chairman of the Young Conservatives, 1954–57 and took senior rules in the National Union of Conservative and Unionist Associations, 1953–79 and the Greater London Area of the National Union of Conservative and Unionist Associations. Finsberg was Vice-Chairman, Conservative Party Organisation, 1975–79 and 1983–87.

Finsberg was elected a Borough Councillor in Hampstead in 1949 at just 22 years old – where he remained until 1965 – and on the new London Borough of Camden, 1964-74, serving as Leader, 1968-70. He was Deputy Chairman, 1969–1971 and Vice-President of the Association of Municipal Corporations, 1971-74.

In 1970, Finsberg was elected MP for Hampstead, serving 1970-83, then for Hampstead and Highgate, 1983 -92. He acted as Opposition spokesman on Greater London, 1974–79; junior Minister in the Dept of the Environment, 1979–81 and junior Minister in the DHSS, 1981-83. So Finsberg will have known much about the wrongdoing in the NHS and social services, including in north Wales. Many of the Top Docs, analysts and therapists colluding with Dafydd and the gangs with which he had connections were Finsberg’s constituents. Finsberg was President of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, 1991-92. 

Finsberg retired from the Commons at the 1992 General Election and in the same years was given a life peerage. Days after the 1992 General Election, five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed by a firebomb which was thrown into a building in Brighton, where they had been invited to a party. It is believed that the property was owned by Nicholas van Hoogstraten. See posts ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’ and ‘Sleeping With The Fishes’.

Finsberg was also active in business and charities: he was Controller of Personnel and Chief Industrial Relations Adviser at Great Universal Stores, 1968–79; Member, 1983–1986, and Deputy Chairman, South East Regional Board, TSB, 1986–89; Member, Post Office Users National Council, 1970–77; Member of the Council, CBI, 1968–79. He was Joint National Treasurer, 1993–1995, and Joint National Honorary Secretary, Council of Christians and Jews; Patron, Maccabi Association of Great Britain; Trustee, Marie Curie Cancer Foundation; a JP for Inner London from 1962.

 

In 1992 Finsberg was succeeded as MP by Glenda Jackson. My friends had gone from Archway by then, but Mr Murphy will have just moved onto his next victims. Glenda Jackson was born in Birkenhead and was educated at the West Kirby County Grammar School for Girls. Merseyside was part of Dafydd’s empire (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’). In 1954 Jackson went to RADA.

Jackson was a member of the RSC, 1964-68, along with a number of other luvvies known to Dafydd and his associates. Jackson joined the RSC for director Peter Brooke’s ‘Theatre of Cruelty’ season, which included Peter Weiss’ Mara/Sade (1965) in which Jackson played an inmate of an asylum. I was the real article Glenda, it’s why the Hampstead crowd did nothing when gangsters went after my mates.

Glenda stood for election in 1992 and has stated that she felt Britain was being ‘destroyed’ by the policies of Thatcher and the Conservative Gov’t, so she was willing to do ‘anything that was legal’ to oppose Thatch. Except for blowing the whistle on a sex trafficking ring which involved Thatcher’s Ministers obviously – because unfortunately people from the Labour Party were involved as well.

Following the 1997 General Election, Jackson was appointed as a junior Minister in Blair’s Gov’t with responsibility for London Transport, a post from which she resigned in 1999, before an unsuccessful attempt to be nominated as the Labour candidate for the election of the first Mayor of London in 2000.

The Secretary of State responsible for Transport at the time was Prezza. Prezza comes from north Wales – he returned to his past territory to campaign in the 2001 General Election and smacked a constituent in the face, twice, because Prezza was traumatised by an egg being chucked at him. It was an egg Prezza, only an egg, it doesn’t call for two punches to the face you big thug. Prezza studied at Ruskin College at the same time as Matt Arnold, the Head of Bryn Estyn, taught there and when Peter Howarth, Arnold’s friend and colleague, studied at Ruskin (see post ‘A Study In Tyranny’). Howarth was one of those who did go to prison for serial sexual assaults on the boys at Bryn Estyn.

I don’t know whether Matt Arnold taught Prezza at Ruskin, but whoever did needs to explain why their famous old boy came out with corkers such as ‘this Labour government will increase ‘omelessness’. Well they did among Empowered Service Users. At least if Prezza ever lost his house, he could sleep in one of the two jags that were famously needed to transport the Lady Pauline a few yards down the road lest the wind messed up her hairstyle. Lady Pauline had a trauma as big as that suffered by Prezza with regards to that egg. Lady Pauline was home alone – except for the presence of an armed police bodyguard – when some Greenpeace protesters climbed onto the roof of her place. Lady Pauline kicked up a dreadful stink, she wept and wailed and explained that she was by herself ‘with no man in the house’ and that she thought that the vegans from Greenpeace who were prancing about on the roof had come to kill her. Greenpeace activists being known for doing that sort of thing, that must have been why the Rainbow Warrior was blown to smithereens.

 

An Alpha Male:
John Prescott on his last day as Deputy Prime Minister, June 2007.jpg

 

The Lord Prescott and a Friend:

 

Male ‘silverback’ gorillas are usually the alpha animal and may receive preferential treatment such as being groomed by other group members.

 

Glenda Jackson became a regular critic of Blair and called for him to resign following the Hutton Inquiry in 2003 surrounding the reasons for going to war in Iraq and the death of Dr David Kelly. Dr Kelly was no means the only person who died as a result of Blair’s decisions and activities. Jackson is a Republican. Glenda: Carlo was Chancellor of UCNW when the institution was used to facilitate a paedophile gang and he ignored correspondence directly telling him about the activities of that ring; a Tory paedophile’s sister, Dame Mary Morrison, was Woman of the Bedchamber to Lilibet; and the Royals were mates with Jimmy Savile as well. You didn’t think to mention any of this as a means of suggesting that the Royals had probably outlived their usefulness then?

On 31 Oct 2006, Jackson was one of 12 Labour MPs to back Plaid and the SNP’s call for an inquiry into the Iraq War. Most Plaid MPs colluded with Dafydd and the gang and of course more than a few SNP MPs kept schtum about the same, or similar, matters.

In April 2013, Jackson gave a speech in Parliament following the death of Thatch. She accused Thatch of treating ‘vices as virtues’. Another speech of Jackson’s in June 2014 was a scathing assessment of Iain Duncan Smith’s tenure as Secretary of State for the DWP, telling him that he was responsible for the ‘destruction of the welfare state and the total and utter incompetence of his department.’ IDS certainly didn’t help, but the ‘professionals’ employed by the welfare state were highly effective at wrecking their lives of some of their clients before IDS ever arrived.

 

Glenda’s son Dan Hodges is a journo who, since March 2016, has written a weekly column for ‘The Mail On Sunday’. Prior to this, Dan was a columnist for the Torygraph and in 2013 was described by James Forsyth in ‘The Spectator’ as Cameron’s ‘new favourite columnist’. Originally a member of the  Labour Party, Hodges is known for his Blairite views.

Hodges worked as a parliamentary researcher for his mother, 1992-97, describing it as ‘straight-forward nepotism’, before working in public relations for the Road Haulage Association, GMB and the Freedom To Fly lobby group. Hodges worked briefly as Head of Communications at the London Development Agency and as Director of News for Transport for London in 2007.

Dan supported Jon Cruddas in the 2007 deputy leadership election as a member of Compass, but has since been critical of the organisation. See post ‘He Knows Where The Bodies Are Buried’ for my horrendous experience with Lisa Nandy and Compass. Dan supported David Miliband in David’s unsuccessful campaign for the 2010 Labour leadership contest and was very critical of the winner Ed. It doesn’t matter which of those two tossers Dan supported, their dad Ralph knew about Dafydd and the gang (see post ‘The Village’) and I bet that Miliband minor and Miliband even more minor did as well. Their Uncle Harry’s colleagues were mates of Dafydd’s and colluded with him for years.

In August 2013, Hodges expressed strong approval for the border detention of David Miranda, the spouse of journalist Glenn Greenwald, under the Terrorism Act, who despite not being under suspicion of planning terrorist acts, was found to be carrying an external hard drive containing 58,000 highly classified UK intelligence documents. Miranda’s detention was subsequently ruled lawful by the UK High Court, which accepted that Miranda’s detention and the seizure of computer material was ‘an indirect interference with press freedom’ but said this was justified by legitimate and ‘very pressing’ interests of national security. Hodges expressed support for the government suppressing whistleblowers spreading ‘information highly detrimental to the UK national interest’. 

Thanks Dan, Brown and me were never warned of murder plots against us and the murder of others known to us was concealed in the interests of ‘national security’. It was this particular Miranda who’s career benefited as a result of the idiocy:

 

Tony Blair crop.jpg

 

 

 

Islington Borough Council, the organisation which found my friends an equally dangerous place to live after they fled Mr Murphy who’s crimes were being ignored by Miranda’s mates on Camden Borough Council, was of course led by Margaret Hodge from 1982. Hodge stood down from the Council to take up a job with Price Waterhouse in 1992, when the extent of the years of organised sexual abuse of children in care in Islington became clear. By 1992, my career in medical research had been killed and my friends who had sought sanctuary at the hands of the Islington harassment officer were finished as well.

Hodge was educated at Bromley High School, followed by Oxford High School. She went on to study at the LSE, graduating with a third-class degree in 1966. A number of those involved with the paedophile gang in north Wales studied at the LSE at about the same time that Hodge did.

From 1966-73, Hodge worked at Unilever in market research and in PR at Weber Shandwick. Prof Fergus Lowe, who established the corrupt empire of paedophiles’ friends at the School of Psychology at Bangor University from the late 1980s after overthrowing Dafydd’s influence in that School, did it substantially on the back of a very big grant from Unilever in 1992 (see post ‘Feet In Chains’).

From 1992-94, Hodge was a senior consultant at Price Waterhouse. 

Hodge was married to Henry Hodge, a solicitor and fellow Labour Borough Councillor. Henry Hodge became a High Court judge, but prior to that, he was Chairman of the NCCL (Liberty) when it had links to PIE.

Margaret Hodge was first elected as an Islington Councillor in 1973. She soon became Chairman of the Housing Committee. At one point, Hodge’s Deputy Chairman was Jack Straw. The Islington Labour Party was badly affected by the defection of members and elected representatives to Dr Death’s merry band, the SDP.

Dr Death had personal connections with some of the Top Doctors who facilitated the trafficking ring in north Wales and his other unpleasant activities are detailed in my post ‘Dr Death’. I discovered something further about Dr Death a few days ago. I purchased one of Dr Death’s books that he wrote years ago – when he still expected to end up as PM – after seeing it for £1 in a second hand bookshop. The book is dreadful actually, it is just Dr Death droning on in his pompous manner, but the £1 was well spelt nonetheless, because the blurb about Dr Death inside tells us that after his election in 1966, Dr Death was appointed PPS to the Minister of Defence Administration and then he was junior Minister for Defence (Royal Navy), 1968-70. So Dr Death knew about all those senior figures in the Royal Navy and Admiralty who were concealing the sexual abuse of minors, as well as the associated security risks (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’). As did Dr Death’s boss at Defence, the Secretary of State Denis Healey. I’m just reading Healey’s autobiography at the moment, he was friends with people who later became Top Docs and paedophiles’ friends from his teenage years.

 

The Islington Child Abuse Scandal was as impressive as the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, with children being found dead and whistleblowers being ignored, intimidated or disappearing off the face of the earth. After Hodge was elected as the MP for Barking in 1994, she insulted one of the by then adult victims of the Islington paedophile gang and implied that he was mad. He successfully sued her. Since then, Hodge has apologised several times for the child abuse scandal which was directly linked her to her tenure, admitting that it was a ‘shameful disgrace’. So were the murders of the witnesses Margaret.

In 1994, Labour leader John Smith died – after a heart attack – at Bart’s Hospital, who found that they ‘could not revive him’. Bart’s was pretty much run by Dafydd’s mate Prof Linford Rees and the family of Lady Juliet Bingley, who in their various roles including in MIND and at the Mental Health Act Commission colluded with Dafydd and the paedophiles. Barts was under threat of serious cuts or even complete closure at the time of Smith’s death. After Smith’s death, Hodge endorsed Tony Blair, her former neighbour in Islington, for Labour Leader.

Blair returned the favour. Hodge held various Gov’t positions, including junior Minister for Disabled People, 1998-01; Minister for Universities, 2001-03; Minister for Children, 2003-05. Between 2012-15 Hodge was Chair of the Public Accounts Committee and in this capacity she insulted various people who were summoned to appear before her. For some reason none of them said ‘I don’t have to take this from a ruthless lying cow like you who presided over the murders of witnesses’.

Much of the aggro that I received from the paedophiles’ friends during my time as a teacher and when I did my PhD and then subsequently worked at Bangor University occurred curiously near to the time when Hodge had responsibilities for those areas.

Further information about Dame Lady Margaret Hodge, Sir Henry and their associates can be read in my post ‘The London Connection’.

 

Jeremy Corbyn has been the MP for Islington North since 1983. Jeremy previously worked for NUPE, which was the union to which many of those who stood accused of child abuse or colluded with it belonged. NUPE were happy to represent them. However, NUPE refused to represent Alison Taylor in her fight with Gwynedd County Council after she blow the whistle on the abuse of children in north Wales, although Alison was a fully paid up member of NUPE. Alun Michael, whom Blair imposed upon Wales as First Minister after the National Assembly came into being, had a close relationship with NUPE – it was believed that he did whatever they told him to do (see post ‘The Paedophiles’ Friends Of Cardiff North’). For information about the paedophile-friendly trade unions of which NUPE was one, see post ‘A Very COHSE Relationship With Some Very Nasty People’.

Jeremy’s election agent Derek Sawyer was a business partner of paedophile Derek Slade who was imprisoned for sex offences against boys (see post ‘Another Episode Of Friends’). The Islington whistleblower Dr Liz Davies maintains that she told Jeremy of the abuse of children in care in the Borough, but Jeremy did not act on her concerns.

 

In Jan 1987, after I was released from the North Wales Hospital Denbigh where I had been illegally imprisoned by Dafydd, Dafydd told me that he knew that I was living in Harringay and that he had told Haringey Social Services where I was living so that they could ‘keep an eye on me’. This was not a referral for any sort of ‘service’ or aftercare. Immediately after Dafydd told me that, I was driven to a railway station by two Angels and physically put on a train to London, after being told to ‘shut your mouth about DA’ and ‘don’t ever come back to north Wales again’. Clwyd Health Authority even paid for the train ticket. I now have documents showing that records were forged regarding my date of leaving the hospital. It was documented that I had left in February and had been discharged by a Top Doc of whom I had never heard who had diagnosed me with ‘paranoid schizophrenia’.

It was after I left Denbigh that I was followed and threatened repeatedly by the sex offender in Bethnal Green when I went back to the flat to see my friends.

Jezza sat on the Board of an NHS authority covering Camden and Islington and Haringey.

 

A woman who wilfully ignored serious organised crime:

  • Margaret Hodge: ‘Companies have to pay their share. Tax is ...

 

Dave Spart:

 

BBC News - The Jeremy Corbyn Story: Profile of Labour's ...

 

A git:

 

Alun Michael, Author at Policing Insight

 

An expert on psychosis caused by mari-jew-ana:

 

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

 

Peckham, the area in a state of terminal decay where it was too dangerous for residents to go out at night and where the neighbourhood street robbers had somehow been alerted to my friends’ arrival, the area employing a lethal offensive GP and the area where young women smacked out of their heads could drive into my friend causing injury with no consequences, was the domain of Harriet Harman. Well, it was in name, but Jack Dromey was the substantial driving force. At one point the residents of Peckham were so fed up of their shite, dangerous environment and the lack of facilities that there was a plan to oust Harriet. Harriet’s husband Jack Dromey saved the day by drumming up support from his mates in the unions. Those in Peckham who did favours for Harriet were richly rewarded, sometimes with peerages.

Harriet based much of her election campaigning on her support for the NHS. Harriet’s dad John Harman was a Harley Street Top Doc. I was working at St George’s Hospital Medical School when my mates were living in Peckham. When one of the medical secretaries head that my friends lived there, she stated that ‘Peckham is a vile area’.

Ah! Your life in their hands! The NHS treats everybody equally and it particularly looks after the poor!

 

Harriet Harman:

 

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

Dr Jeremy Alun Spart:

 

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

 

 

I have been told that it was Sir Paul Fox, one of Thatcher’s favourite media executives, who was responsible for my friend being forced out of the Royal Television Society, although it was the fuckwit Claire Price who did the dirty work (see post ‘Radical Leicester And Some Other Free Radicals’). My friend was forced out of the RTS when she wanted to make a film about what had happened to me in north Wales. One RTS employee had an unfortunate taste for sex with children and on one occasion molested a 10 year old boy. Price’s colleague Tony Pilgrim commented that it was ‘sad that he had been caught’.

The Chairman of the BBC when my friend’s husband was forced out of his job with them was Thatcher’s mate Marmaduke Hussey, who’s wife Lady Susan Hussey was Woman of the Bedchamber to Lilibet. So she’ll have known the other Woman of the Bedchamber to Lilibet, Dame Mary Morrison. I wonder how many women Lilibet needs in her bedchamber. Lady Susan is godmother to Prince William.

Duke Hussey had numerous roles in public life (see post ‘Oh No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks’), among them Chairman of the Royal Marsden Hospital, until 1998. So Hussey will have been in post at the time that the Royal Marsden was involved in a research fraud in which Tony Francis’s former colleague Dr Peter Mcguire participated, which resulted in the Nov 1990 death – stated to be by suicide – of Prof Tim McElwain, an oncologist from the Royal Marsden (see post ‘Reports Of Death Were Greatly Exaggerated’). In June 1996 Hussey was given a life peerage – the month after William Hague announced the Waterhouse Inquiry.

Sir Michael Checkland was DG of the BBC, 1987-92 and was Vice-President of the RTS, 1985-94. So Sir Paul Fox obviously received a helping hand. Checkland, like Hussey, was Thatcher’s choice.

Following his retirement from the BBC, Checkland became closely associated with the National Children’s Home. A number of people involved with the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal and other child abuse scandals were involved with NCH, including Glanville Owen, Deputy Director of Gwynedd Social Services (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’), when the paedophile gang operated within its children’s homes and when Gwynedd County Council staff were perjuring themselves in attempts to have me imprisoned.

Checkland has since become involved in a range of other charities and public bodies: Director of the National Youth Music Theatre, 1992–02, Chairman of the City of Birmingham Symphony Orchestra, 1995–2001, Governor of Westminster College, Oxford, 1993–97 and Governor of Birkbeck College, London, 1993-97.

For many years Professor Eric Hobsbawm had a holiday home in Croesor in north Wales, a village in the region in which Dafydd et al wrecked lives (see post ‘The Village’). Hobsbawm was an academic at Birkbeck and was involved with the institution for many years, eventually becoming President in 2002. Eric Hobsbawm undoubtedly knew about the activities of Dafydd and the gang. An entertaining article on the net entitled ‘What would George think?’ claims that Eric Hobsbawm – a communist – was under surveillance by MI5 for decades and the site provides a link to what it is claimed is intelligence gathered by MI5 on Hobsbawm. Call me naive, but I don’t think it likely that MI5 are going to be posting up their info online. Unless it’s a case of Python’s ‘joining the secret services’ vision: ‘Can you keep a secret?’ ‘Yes.’ ‘Well you’re in then.’

Hobsbawm was a member of the Cambridge Apostles. A number of whom were double agents working for the British security services.

Whether Hobsbawm was spy, spied upon, or both, he knew that people were being killed at the hands of a gang which supplied children for Thatcher’s mates, Ministers and associates of the Royal Family to have sex with. As for what would George think, consider this: Dafydd was supplying young people to politicians of all parties, celebs and others; he was using his status as a local born Welshman and Top Doctor to convince people that he could be relied upon to act in the interests of the region’s unfortunates; he’d do anything for money, was incredibly dangerous and enjoyed protection from the highest echelons. I imagine that George was in despair. George would also have been on his own in the face of the myriad assorted tossers and dipsticks colluding with Dafydd. Furthermore if George is thinking what I am thinking, he’ll be wondering why, in the face of the considerable resources available to the security services, that they could not have dealt effectively with an insane old man like Dafydd.

 

Michael Checkland was Visiting Professor at the International Academy of Broadcasting, Montreux, 1995–97; the Peabody Awards Board of Jurors, 1994-2000 and Chairman of HEFCE, 1997–2001.

In 1997-8 Checkland was elected Vice-President of the British Methodist Conference, the highest lay position in the Methodist Church. George Thomas, the Labour MP, Speaker of the House and friend of Thatcher, who molested children for decades, was a leading figure in the Methodist Church (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’). George Thomas was also involved with the NCH.

Checkland is a Trustee of Reuters, Chairman of Horsham YMCA, Chairman of Horsham Arts Festival, Chairman of the University of Brighton and a Board member of the Wales Millennium Centre. He was a member of the  ITC, 1997-03, and Chairman of Brighton Festival, 1993-02.

John Allen owned brothels in Brighton to which he trafficked kids from north Wales. The firebomb attack in 1992 which killed the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal happened in Brighton.

 

When my friend worked at the BBC, he said that not only were the senior managers endorsing the corruption within that organisation but it was rumoured that a few of them were molesting under-aged boys. I was also told that Esther was truly hated and a ruthless, insincere bully.

Previous posts have described how I wrote to Esther about Dafydd and Denbigh when she launched her mental health campaign in the late 1980s. I did not receive a reply.

Regular readers will know that Dafydd’s targets compensated by taking the piss out of him. One of the things that we did was to enter Dafydd for awards and quiz shows. I, in collaboration with others, entered Dafydd for Esther’s ‘Hearts Of Gold’ show in 1988 and we also entered Dafydd for ‘Bob’s Full House’, to appear with Bob Monkhouse. So imagine my surprise when, upon receipt of my medical records, I found copies of the letters to the BBC that we had written to enter Dafydd for Esther’s and Bob’s shows. So someone at the BBC had a hotline to Dafydd.

 

  • TV Cream Lord Bob of Monkhouse

 

  • Bob's Full House - Bingo based quiz | Thinking Bob

 

 

 

I do not know whether my friend was forced out of the BBC because he refused to accept bribes, because his wife wanted to make a film about north Wales, because they were both friends with me or because I wrote to Esther and then took the piss out of Dafydd.

The BBC will never recover from Savile, Stuart Hall and Rolf Harris, but before those three were exposed, some people in north Wales were quite vexed by the BBC, although they were dismissed as nutters. There was a journalist who lived at Brynsiencyn on Anglesey during the 1980s, Ian Skidmore, who broadcast Radio Brynsiencyn from his own cottage. Ian Skidmore constantly alleged that the BBC were trying to ruin him – although he had previously worked with them –  but I’m not aware of the details of his allegations.

 

Ian Skidmore worked for Radio 4, making his mark in 1987 by presenting the ‘Archive’ programme and going on to present the nostalgic ‘Times Remembered’. Radio Brynsiencyn parodied the commercial broadcasters of the time. Recorded in the kitchen of his cottage and given a final polish by BBC Radio Wales, the programme created the illusion of coming from an independent outfit and gained an international following during the 1980s.

The former BBC foreign correspondent Angus McDermid was Skidmore’s ‘foreign editor’: they had first met while working on the ‘North Wales Chronicle’ in Bangor, Gwynedd. The Skidmores’ cleaner, Rose Roberts, appeared on Radio Brynsiencyn and Aled Jones was used as an interviewer when his voice broke.

The ‘North Wales Chronicle’ was an organ of the paedophiles’ friends. Angus McDermid began his career on the ‘North Wales Chronicle’ in 1939, based in his home town, Bangor.

 

In 1963, McDermid became the BBC’s central African correspondent and in 1964, he was appointed the BBC’s west African correspondent. By the end of the 1960s, McDermid was working as the BBC’s South Africa correspondent, based in Johannesburg. During his time in Africa, he reported on the death of Congolese PM Patrice Lumumba.

McDermid was a regular contributor to Radio 4’s ‘From Our Own Correspondent’. One of his pieces, according to fellow BBC journalist John Simpson, focused on a censor in Zanzibar who kept a revolver and a hand grenade under his desk. Yet McDermid never managed to utter a word about Dafydd.

McDermid’s career included a stint as the BBC’s Washington correspondent in the 1970s.

McDermid’s daughter Kate Dickens is a former journalist. His grandson Andrew Dickens is senior press officer at the Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government and was previously chief reporter at international television publication C21 Media.

 

In 2009 the ‘Daily Post’ reported that a series of plaques were going to be erected in Bangor to commemorate famous people associated with the town, one of those being McDermid. The famous people honoured had all concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophile gang. Cllr Douglas Madge was most enthusiastic about the plaques. Douglas Madge is a retired technician from Bangor University, who, if one cuts his head open and counts the rings, can be dated back to the time when Dafydd and the paedophiles completely ran the institution. In retirement and in his capacity as a Councillor, Madge was one of those who declared war on the one VC of Bangor University who was not a paedophiles’ friend. Madge could be seen out and about in Bangor seething and fuming, co-ordinating coups and plots against that Very Naughty Boy who just would not do what a gang of paedophiles told him to. The paedophiles’ friends even generated a phrase which was the call to arms: ‘he’s destroying my culture, my language and my university’. That’s Welsh for ‘the whole damn lot of us could be behind bars if anyone re-opens the investigation into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal’.

 

I can highly recommend the famous Welshman Iolo Morganwg to Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends. From an early date Edward Williams aka Iolo Morganwg was concerned with preserving and maintaining the literary and cultural traditions of Wales. To this end he forged a large number of manuscripts as evidence for his claims that ancient druidic tradition had survived the Roman conquest, the conversion of the populace to Christianity, the persecution of the bards under King Edward I and other adversities. Morganwg’s forgeries develop an elaborate mystical philosophy, which he claimed represented a direct continuation of ancient druidic practice. Williams’s reported heavy use of laudanum may have been a contributing factor.

Williams first came to public notice in 1789 when he produced Barddoniaeth Dafydd ab Gwilym, a collection of the poetry of the 14th-century Dafydd ap Gwilym. Included in this edition was a large number of previously unknown poems by Dafydd that Williams claimed to have discovered; these poems are regarded as Williams’s first forgeries. His success led him to London in 1791. There he founded the Gorsedd, a community of Welsh bards, at a ceremony on 21 June 1792 at Primrose Hill. Iolo organised the proceedings, which he claimed were based on ancient druidic rites. In 1794 he published some of his own poetry, which was later collected in the two-volume Poems, Lyric and Pastoral. Essentially his only genuine work, it proved quite popular.

 

 

Here’s a Welsh woman in traditional dress:

 

 

This traditional dress was invented by Lady Llanover aka Augusta Waddington (21 March 1802 – 17 January 1896). She made her servants wear it. The Traditional Welsh Hats – or at least plastic versions of them – are still sold in Rhyl today to the delight of small girls who are there on holiday from Birkenhead.

Yma O Hyd!

 

Ian Skidmore’s books included several on the history of north Wales. His 1983 autobiography was read on Radio 4 and the World Service. A new version, more than twice the original length, was published in 2008.

Born and brought up in Manchester, Ian was the son of a policeman. Skidmore left Didsbury Central School at the age of 12 when his mother took him to Derbyshire. His father responded to his journalistic aspirations by getting him a job as an apprentice printer on the ‘Evening Chronicle’ (later merged into the ‘Manchester Evening News’). At the age of 18 Skidmore was called up for national service, undertaken in the Black Watch, his stint including 56 days in a military prison. Upon his release, he joined the British Army PR unit. Mere mention of the ‘Chronicle’ had the staff there assuming that he was a reporter, and so he was posted to Berlin as a sergeant with the 7th Armoured Division. He was assigned to covering the Berlin Airlift of 1948-49 and within a year had made his first British Forces Radio broadcast.

After leaving the Army, Skidmore joined the ‘Manchester City News’ – which evolved into the ‘Yorkshire Evening Post’ – the ‘Daily Dispatch’ in Liverpool and the ‘Daily Mirror’ in Manchester. He became one of the youngest night news editors on a national paper, with spells at the ‘News of the World’, ‘Daily Mirror’, ‘Sunday Pictorial’, ‘Sunday Mirror’ and ‘Sunday People’. Then Skidmore worked as a freelance based in Chester, where in 1966 he covered the Moors murders trial of Ian Brady and Myra Hindley. Nearly all the lawyers involved in that trial were paedophiles’ friends.

Skidmore married a fellow journalist, Celia Lucas, his second wife, in 1971, and they moved to Anglesey. The MP for Anglesey, 1951-79, was paedophiles’ friend, Lord Cledwyn, aka Cledwyn Hughes. My post ‘Little Shop Of Horrors’ discussed how many people involved in agriculture in north Wales/Cheshire – both in the Agri Dept of UCNW, but also in their capacity as landowners/farmers – were colluding with and concealing the criminality of Dafydd and the gang. Cledwyn was a key mover and shaker among them.

In 1968 PM Harold Wilson moved Cledwyn Hughes from his position as Welsh Secretary to become Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food. Hughes was disappointed to leave the Welsh Office, not least because he had done much preparatory work for the investiture of the Prince of Wales scheduled for 1969. This included sending a monthly letter on Welsh affairs to Carlo, then at Cambridge University.

At Agriculture, Hughes replaced Fred Peart, who was strongly opposed to the Common Market. Hughes was a supporter and a great admirer of paedophiles’ friend and later mentor to Blair, Roy Jenkins. During his time as Secretary of State for Wales, Hughes had favoured extending the nascent Dept’s powers over agriculture and health; as Minister of Agriculture, he transferred powers over agriculture in Wales to the Welsh Office. Which meant that the corrupt civil servants in the Welsh Office doing Dafydd et al so many favours then had responsibility for yet another domain colonised by the paedophiles’ friends, lest anyone was in danger of constraining them.

Cledwyn was succeeded as Secretary of State for Wales by George Thomas, who was mates with Harold Wilson.

Lord Cledwyn was close to paedophiles’ friends Roy Jenkins and Callaghan and was a long standing friend of Glenys Kinnock’s parents. In March 1977, Cledwyn Hughes was actively involved in the negotiations which led to the Lib-Lab pact. In the autumn of the following year, when the Callaghan Gov’t did not have a majority in the Commons, Hughes persuaded the three Plaid members to support the Gov’t in return for a commitment to legislate for compensation to workers suffering from silicosis as a result of working in the slate quarrying industry. When I lived near Bethesda in the 1990s, the old boys who could hardly breathe as a result of silicosis were still waiting for their compensation. Many of them died before they received it. Dafydd Wigley was very angry about the matter, but was in no position to put a boot into various carregs to ensure that the quarrymen received compensation before they died, because the politicians were all concealing the same bunch of criminals. Hard luck quarrymen, but here’s another media story about the wonderful NHS.

In late 1978 Lord Cledwyn was dispatched as an envoy to Rhodesia, seeking to accelerate the handover of power to the majority population, but as in 1965 when Cledwyn had previously attempted negotiations, he made little headway in persuading Ian Smith to co-operate. Hughes also failed to persuade Joshua Nkomo to give up the armed struggle. If I was Ian Smith or Joshua Nkomo I don’t think that I’d listen to a paedophiles’ friend from Anglesey either.

Keith Best, one of the greatest friends that Dafydd and the paedophiles had, was MP for Anglesey, 1979-87. Until he went to prison.

For further details on Lord Cledwyn and Keith Best, see my post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’.

 

It was a chance meeting with Lord Langford – aka Geoffrey Rowley-Conwy – which led to the first of Ian Skidmore’s more than 30 books. ‘Escape from the Rising Sun: The Incredible Voyage of the Sederhana Djohanis’ tells the story of the then Geoffrey Alexander Rowley-Conwy’s escape from the Japanese invasion of Singapore and his eventful journey to Ceylon.

The Rowley-Conwys are a land-owning family from Denbighshire. They are associated with many of those who concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al.

Col Geoffrey Alexander Rowley-Conwy, 9th Baron Langford, (8 March 1912 – 12 November 2017), was a British-Irish peer and British Army officer. His second wife was Grete von Freiesleben, the daughter of Colonel Erik Theodor Christian von Freiesleben, of Hjortekaer, Copenhagen, Ch Kings’s Adj’s Staff to His Majesty The King of Denmark. One of their three children is the Hon. Peter Alexander Rowley-Conwy. One of his two daughters is Gabrielle Catrin Rowley-Conwy. Gabby Rowley-Conwy’s biography can be found on Swansea University’s website. It reads:

‘I am a Clinical Skills Tutor in the Department of Nursing. My background is in Emergency and Critical Care, especially Burns Intensive Care. I have worked in Saudi Arabia and France as well as around the UK, and am passionately interested in international and cultural aspects of nursing. My other interests are clinical skills and resuscitation, particularly simulation based training. I have published several articles on burns care and am passionate about evidence based practice.’

I expect that Gabby is one of the Angels who is using foodbanks that we hear about.

Gabby’s grandfather’s third wife was Susan Winifred Denham, daughter of Cyril Henry Charles Denham, of Wrexham, Denbighshire. Lady Langford is a patron of St Kentigern Hospice, St Asaph, an institution founded and run by the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘A Vampire At Glyndwr University!’).

 

In 1978 Skidmore joined the newly launched BBC Radio Wales, where for 15 years he hosted the interview series ‘In Conversation’, as well as making entertaining contributions to the quiz Chaired by Vincent Kane. Skidmore’s 15 television series were made for BBC Wales, HTV and Granada and he was a popular guest on chat shows.

In 1998, after more than 1,000 programmes, Skidmore was awarded a Golden Microphone for services to broadcasting, but a fortnight later was controversially dropped by BBC Radio Wales. This he put down to growing anti-English prejudice by the station’s management.

In 2003, Skidmore retired to Cambridgeshire, where he continued to write and blog.

Skidmore died in 2013 and is survived by Celia and by the two daughters, Gay and Lynn, and son, Nicholas, from his first marriage, to Leah, which ended in divorce.

Ian Skidmore worked with so many paedophiles’ friends in so many capacities that he will have known plenty about what they were doing. Dafydd was a regular on Vincent Kane in the 1990s as the police investigations into the abuse of children in north Wales began and as there was pressure on Dafydd to retire. Dafydd lived on Anglesey, not that far away from Ian Skidmore. Dafydd didn’t have to go on the bus like the Empowered Service Users, he had a gold coloured Range Rover, he could have soon nipped across to Brynsiencyn.

A Celia Lucas wrote a book called ‘Living Hell’ but I don’t know whether that was the Celia Lucas who was married to Skidmore.

What Skidmore’s ranting re the BBC was all about I don’t know – it could have been a publicity stunt in the way that people like the Pythons and Spike Milligan insulted the BBC while making a very good living from it.
The other person whom I knew who maintained that the BBC had done dreadful things to him was a quarryman from Llanberis with whom I made friends in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, Peter Webb. Peter was just denounced as a nutter by the Angels and declared to have paranoid schizophrenia, but that was said about everyone in Denbigh. I got to know Peter quite well, because he taught me a bit of Welsh and history of the slate industry. He was not a stupid man and like everyone in Denbigh, he was held there illegally. He had been detained – again illegally – some months previously, which had led to him losing the tenancy of his council house. When Peter finally got out, he returned to Llanberis and, being destitute, he slept in a derelict building. He was picked up by the North Wales Police immediately, charged with ‘breaking into’ the derelict building and taken straight back to the North Wales Hospital. This was a typical Everyday Story Of Denbigh Folk – unlawfully detained long enough until they had lost their jobs and homes, released without a penny and with no aftercare and then immediately arrested and sectioned after arrest for a trivial – or non-existent – offence, relating to either their destitution or attempts to pursue a complaint about the unlawful detention. The diagnoses of people detained in Denbigh were meaningless. Everyone was held there unlawfully after pissing off the paedophile gang or their associates.
Peter repeatedly told me that the BBC ‘came into my house’ and that they had colluded with Dafydd to cause him problems. Like me, his response to the Angels and Top Docs was ‘you have grossly and unlawfully interfered in my life, I have no interest in you and I don’t want to know’.
Some months ago I read a couple of books about the history of BBC Wales, but I didn’t have time to blog about them. Again and again I noticed people who knew Dafydd et al and who had begun their careers in Wales who later hit the big time in the ‘main’ BBC. I have blogged about the paedophiles’ friend Huw Wheldon who went to Friars School in Bangor, retained close links with UCNW (Bangor University), sat on the University Council and ended up as an incredibly influential person in the BBC (see previous posts), alleged to exert as much influence as some of the Director Generals. Then there was Elwyn Parry Jones from Llangollen, who became a significant figure in BBC current affairs in the 1970s and 80s. Parry Jones became Deputy Editor of ‘Panorama’, 1977-85 and also produced ‘Rough Justice’. So that’s why we never saw a programme about any of the many whom Dafydd et al fitted up then.
During his career, Parry Jones travelled the world and palled up with Rupert Murdoch. After his divorce in 1978, one of his girlfriends was newsreader Anna Ford and another girlfriend introduced him to Silvio Berlusconi. Parry Jones left the BBC in 1986, after a dispute with the Lord Chief Justice Geoffrey Lane. Who was the man who so effectively assisted well-connected paedophiles. Parry Jones returned to north Wales and set up an independent production company, making films for S4C. He lived with his Czech girlfriend on their small holding in Trevor. Which is just down the road from where so many kids in a number of different children’s homes were being raped, battered and sold for sex. Parry Jones never mentioned any of it in any broadcast. He died in 2013, after Operation Pallial was launched.
 Then there were all the colleagues of Wheldon and Parry Jones, legions of them. And of course their children who followed their parents into the media. No wonder the only programmes about the horrors of north Wales that we ever saw on TV were free plugs for Dafydd in his capacity as an ‘expert’ on the Kane Debates or Kilroy or such like.
The biggest mate in the BBC that Dafydd et al had was of course Sir Robin Day.
My post ‘Dates For Your Diary’ detailed the rise to stardom of Top Doc’s wife Vanessa Feltz just as the Top Docs and paedophiles’ friends of north Wales needed assistance. I have previously mentioned other people linked with the paedophiles’ friends who achieved stardom in the wake of people going public about Dafydd’s activities.
‘Ooh there’s a lovely little cherub who sings in Bangor Cathedral and he has the voice of an Angel. His name is Aled Jones and he looks sweet and sings in Welsh and has been given a recording contract by Dafydd Iwan’s company SAIN. It is time that the BBC made him a star’. Translate as: ‘Oh SHIT, a young woman from Llandegfan has caught Gwynne the lobotomist forging documents after she complained about him, she won’t keep quiet and now her friends are backing her up. PAEDOPHILES IN DISTRESS, ASSISTANCE, ASSISTANCE. Call for that choirboy who goes to school with D.G.E. Wood’s children and lives just down the road from him. Dafydd Wigley – tell your wife to get that harp out, all hands to the pump. Get in a supply of Welsh cakes and Bara Brith and tell the kids to hide their mari-jew-ana, we’ve got the cameras coming round.’

Then there was, in April 1986, in the wake of Brown and me – as well as a few others – complaining about Gwynne the lobotomist and other Top Docs, the appearance on Welsh news of the paedophiles’ friend Prof J.B. Owen from the Agri Dept at UCNW, sharing his wisdom about Chernobyl, a subject on which he very obviously knew nothing. The appearance of this sheep farmer from Anglesey spouting bullshit caused massive embarrassment to the University, but of course, no-one mentioned anything to J.B. Owen. Meri Huws caused a similar degree of excruciating embarrassment years later by a TV appearance, but as ever it was a case of ‘I’m a paedophiles’ friend and you can’t get me’.

Hush Hush, Whisper Who Dares, Bangor University Are Saying Their Prayers. Because another paedophiles’ friend has appeared on TV again and has made the institution a laughing stock.

 

I have previously mentioned that people known to me in Somerset were paid a great deal of money for several years from approximately 1991 to lie about me and not ask any questions if I was found dead or imprisoned (see post ‘The Village’). Not only that, but one of them began appearing on reality shows and even starred with celebs on some occasions. I’d love to know how – he had no education, no expertise and no TV experience. But he was mates with some of the idle rich offspring of some leading Tories of the time, including Robert Leigh-Pemberton, the Governor of the Bank of England. Leigh-Pemberton was a member of the John Major’s ‘team’ who had caused the financial crash on Black Wednesday, 16 Sept 1992 (see post ‘Running The Country – And All That Jazz’). Leigh-Pemberton was also a member of Major’s ‘team’ who were charged with dealing with the aftermath and containing the disaster. They couldn’t, the whole bloody lot of them were clueless.

 

One of the Somerset contingent knew their constituency MP Tom King very well. King was elected as the Tory MP for Bridgwater in 1970. Among his positions, he was Secretary of State for Employment, Oct 1983-Sept 1985. For the entire time that King was in that role, Sir Peter Morrison was Minister for Employment.

Here’s a coincidence. Morrison was appointed Minister for Employment on 13 June 1983, when Norman Tebbit was Employment Secretary. That role was then transferred to King on 16 Oct 1983. It was during the summer of 1983 that I became so ill that Brown had to look after me and do very little else. He approached D.GE. Wood, the GP in the UCNW Student Health Centre, for advice repeatedly but Wood would not give any advice. Instead Wood told Brown to leave me and ‘get on with your own life’. Neither was Wood willing to give me any appropriate or effective treatment. By this time, Brown had received murder threats – D.G.E. Wood knew about this as did tutors in UCNW, because I told them. It was ignored and the man who made the threats later tracked Brown down and tried to kill him. So after all these events, Tom King, a man personally known to Tories in Somerset who knew Brown and me, was moved from his job as Secretary of State for Transport, to the Secretary of the Dept in which a Minister was a member of the paedophile gang which D.G.E. Wood was facilitating.

On 3 Sept 1985 – by which time Brown and I had begun to get very concerned about the mental health services in north Wales and had already been repeatedly threatened after we made formal complaints about Gwynne the lobotomist – Tom King was appointed Secretary of State for N Ireland. In which capacity he concealed the paedophile ring at Kincora Boys’ Home in Belfast, which had links to Dafydd and the gang. Meanwhile, Morrison was Minister of State for the DTI, 2 Sept 1985-10 Sept 1986, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan. Brittan has constantly been at the centre of allegations that he abused children and he definitely concealed the organised abuse of children, as well as the criminality in north Wales when he was Home Secretary, 11 June 1983-2 Sept 1985.

From 10 Sept 1986-11 June 1987, Morrison was Deputy Chairman of the Tory Party. Tebbit was Chairman, 2 Sept 1985-13 June 1987. By which time havoc was breaking out in north Wales and my friends had started to come under attack, Anne being killed in the spring of 1986.

 

Here’s a man who considered gay relationships between consenting adults wholly unacceptable:

 

Official portrait of Lord Tebbit crop 2.jpg

 

Peter Morrison was Minister of State for Energy, 11 June 1987-23 July 1990, under Secretaries of State Cecil Parkinson and John Wakeham (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’). Between 23 July -28 Nov 1990, Morrison was Thatcher’s PPS and he organised her failed leadership campaign before the Tories gave her the boot. Weeks later, St George’s, the BBC and the RTS gave me and my friends the boot, all unlawfully.

On 24 July 1989, Tom King was appointed Secretary of State for Defence, a post he retained until 11 April 1992. Days later, the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed by the firebomb in Brighton (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’). By this time, those known to me in Somerset had found themselves in receipt of a great deal of money.

Between 1994-01 King served as Chairman of the Intelligence and Security Select Committee. King was in the post throughout the Waterhouse Inquiry and at the time of the publication of the Waterhouse Report. When the fuss had died down in 2001, King was a given a peerage.

I met Tom King. When I was 10! He shook my hand whilst wearing his blue Vote for Tom King rosette. I met many other Somerset Tories but not old Tom again, because Tom didn’t have much time for Bridgwater, so he didn’t condescend to go there very often. You didn’t tell me that associates of your Gov’t were going to try to kill or imprison me when I grew up Tom and then pay your supporters to keep quiet when the dirty deed had been completed!

 

David Cameron made use of Tom’s talents by appointing King as Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party’s Policy Group on National and International Security, which Cameron set up in 2006.

 

 

In June 1983, an unknown female journalist was propelled to stardom in a Venessa Feltz-like way, was soon the centre of numerous tabloid stories and became the Queen of daytime TV – Anne Diamond. The ‘Bridgwater Mercury’ went into overdrive, because Anne Diamond had worked for them back in the mid-1970s. No-one could explain why the talent that was Diamond had been plucked from the many hundreds of other bland, banal young female journos to sit on a sofa smiling vacuously.

Diamond began her television career with BBC West in Bristol, before moving over to ATV Today as a reporter and newsreader in 1979. When ATV became Central Television in 1982, she was paired up with Nick Owen, to present the new East Midlands edition of Central News. 

The launch of the Nottingham-based service was initially delayed for a month, but then extended indefinitely. With no end in sight to the dispute, Diamond left ITN before rejoining the BBC, becoming a reporter on the nightly programme ‘Nationwide’, along with being a presenter on BBC News After Noon.

On Monday 6 June 1983, Diamond joined TV-am, owned and run by Tories Jonathan and Tim Aitken. Greg Dyke, the newly appointed programme director, spoke with Nick Owen about replacements for sacked presenters Anna Ford and Angela Rippon. Owen suggested Diamond and later that evening they met in a pub. Six weeks later Diamond joined the station.

Nick Owen went to Leeds University and graduated in 1970. His first job was as a graduate trainee on the Doncaster Evening PostAfter two years Owen moved to a job at the ‘Birmingham Evening Post’, where he reported local news. He started working for the BBC’s local radio station Radio Birmingham in 1973, as a news producer and later as Sports Editor. So Nick Owen has known about the paedophile gangs in Yorkshire and the West Midlands for a long time. Nick will have known about the corruption in the West Midlands Serious Crime Squad, that kids in care from the West Midlands were being sent to the children’s homes in north Wales and were being abused in Birmingham as well. He’ll have known about Dafydd’s mate Professor Robert Bluglass and the wrongdoing in the NHS In Birmingham. It was known that the ‘Birmingham Evening Mail’, the sister paper of the ‘Birmingham Evening Post’, would not report bad news NHS stories because it was dependent upon maintaining a good relationship with the Top Docs for its survival. The ‘Birmingham Evening Mail’ found itself compromised in lots of other ways as well.

The man who tried to kill Brown grew up in Birmingham and lived in Birmingham. By the time that he tried to kill Brown, he had beaten up and nearly killed an old man who lived in the flat above him. He was charged, but acquitted. His defence claimed that the old man had dementia and that his injuries were self-inflicted. The West Midlands Police were of the opinion that the elderly man’s assailant presented a considerable danger to the public.

 

Diamond left TV-am in 1990, to work full-time on TV Weekly, first produced by TVS and later by Topical Television, which she had presented since 1989. The programme looked behind the scenes of various television programmes and interviewed various personalities from in front and behind the camera. Diamond was rejoined with Nick Owen to present the BBC daytime show ‘Good Morning With Anne And Nick’, which ran four years, 1992-96.

In the late 1990s Diamond presented the breakfast show on the London radio station LBC. LBC also gave David Mellor a home.

Diamond married Mike Hollingsworth, a TV exec, in 1989. There was much fuss before the wedding, because Hollingsworth was married to someone else when he began his relationship with Diamond. The other Glendas really didn’t like Anne Diamond, she was constantly the centre of tabloid stories and they really went to town re Hollingsworth.

Anne and Mike had five sons, one of whom died of SIDS – cot death – in July 1991. The couple subsequently divorced in 1999.

Diamond became involved in raising awareness of SIDS after her son, Sebastian, died from the syndrome. She fronted ‘Back to Sleep’, a campaign telling parents to ensure that babies slept on their backs. I always wondered how Diamond got away with running that campaign and why she wasn’t crucified by the Top Docs. There was evidence that babies were more likely to die if placed on their bellies – but hospitals, NHS and private, until Diamond’s campaign, TOLD new mothers to place babies on their bellies to sleep, because they believed that it was safer. At the time, if you walked into a post-natal ward, all the babies would be lying there, very carefully placed on their bellies. The Top Docs’ advice had contributed to SIDS deaths. I was gobsmacked that they didn’t go after Diamond, because IF she was correct, she had exposed massive clinical failure. The Top Docs didn’t fight back and they didn’t fight her. Most unusually for Top Docs they shut their mouths and Anne lapped up the praise. Yet there was no class action on behalf of parents who had lost their babies after following the Top Docs’ deadly orders.

But then people involved with MIND at senior levels all did very well for themselves; they also knew that Dafydd et al were running a paedophile gang with connections to the highest in the land.

Diamond was awarded the Gold Medal of the Royal College of Paediatrics and Child Heath, the only time it has ever been awarded to a non-medic. You bet that they gave her a medal, they’d have given her anything to keep her mouth shut.

I wonder why they tried to kill me  and my friends instead of giving us medals?

Perhaps agents of the Top Docs did sting Diamond, because her career went very flat for a while and she was mightily mocked by the amassed Glendas for being washed up. Anne subsequently enjoyed a bit of a comeback. At about the time of oooh, Operation Pallial wasn’t it Anne?

On 28 November 2011 Diamond gave evidence at the Leveson Inquiry into the culture, practice and ethics of the press. She gave detailed accounts of intrusion by journalists into her life and her dealings with tabloid newspapers. I’m sure that it wasn’t pleasant Anne, but try being the target of the sex trafficking gang about whose activities you remained silent and made a mint out of.

 

  • Nick Owen slams Good Morning Britain and ITV’s breakfast ...

 

Being a West Country journo in the 1970s, Anne would have known the truth behind the Jeremy Thorpe scandal. She and Nick Owen would also have known about Greville Janner and his associates from their stint as journos in the east midlands.

 

In 2007 the Torygraph ran a story in which Hollingsworth’s partner – a woman much younger than him – alleged that he had been seriously violent towards her. At the time, Hollingsworth was working for Cancer Research UK.

 

Lord Max Beloff was one of the founders of the University of Buckingham, which was strongly associated with Thatcher (see previous posts). Max Beloff was also a friend of Ioan Bowen Rees, who was Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council, 1980-91. Bowen Rees was an adviser to Dafydd Wigley, the MP for Caernarfon, 1974-2001. Lord Max’s son Michael Beloff QC was Cherie’s friend and colleague and was the legal adviser to Clwyd County Council’s insurers. It was on Beloff’s advice that Clwyd County Council kept the contents of the 1996 Jillings Report into the abuse of children in the care of Clwyd County Council completely secret (see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’).

Michael Beloff and Cherie know Michael Mansfield QC, whom I wrote to about Gwynedd Social Services in 1993. Mansfield lived in Wandsworth, just down the road from St George’s Hospital Medical School, along with many of the staff of that institution. The Top Docs at St George’s were colluding with organised child abuse in collaboration with Wandsworth Social Services, who were directly in contact with Lucille Hughes, Director of Gwynedd Social Services. Donald Naismith, the Director of Education for Wandsworth, was known to be a paedophile who was abusing boys in care in the Elm Guest House at Barnes, Richmond-upon-Thames. Louis Minster was Director of Social Services for Richmond-upon-Thames and was also known to be abusing boys in care. The police were concerned that the Elm Guest House was being used as a brothel with boys in care being sold for sex there, so a raid was organised. One boy in care was found in the Elm Guest House at the time of the raid but no charges were brought. It was discovered that Louis Minster has been told in advance about the raid, on the grounds that he was Director of Social Services, rather than that he was a suspect. See post ‘Always On The Side Of The Children’.

Dr Alice Levinson, a Top Doctor employed at St George’s/Springfield who was one of those who colluded with Dafydd and the gang in 1990-91, runs a private psychotherapy practice at Richmond-Upon-Thames (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London…’).

In 1986 the Professor of Paediatrics at St George’s, Oliver Brooke, was jailed for the possession of child porn and procuring an indecent image of a 14 yr old girl. Brooke was a key figure in a pan-European paedophile ring, but was nevertheless let out of prison on appeal by Lord Chief Justice Geoffrey Lane in 1987. It was Geoffrey Lane who would have been responsible for changing the presiding judge and the court when Gwynedd Social Services tried to have me imprisoned in July 1990 on the basis of the perjury of Jackie Brandt, Keith Fearns, Bob Ingham and Maggie Fookes, employees of Gwynedd Social Services and Gwynedd Health Authority. My barrister was not told of the change of court and judge, although documents in my possession show that Gwynedd County Council knew days in advance. The perjurers of Gwynedd received handwritten instructions explaining this to them, giving them directions to the correct court and were told to introduce themselves to the clerk of the court at least 20 mins before the trial, where they would be given instructions. They were told to ‘familiarise themselves with the affidavits’. Which suggests that they hadn’t seen them before, although they were alleged to have written and sworn them previously. See post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’.

My documents show that one of those lawyers who helped prepare the evidence against me at that time was a Frances Jones. Frances Jones still practices in north Wales. I was told that she is very, very good and is the lawyer of choice for the crooks of north Wales. Before I left Bangor University, I was attending the memorial service for a member of staff who had died and I heard a bunch of paedophiles’ friends who were sitting behind me throwing around allegations about the Vice Chancellor. Frances Jones was one of them. I recognised Frances because she had attended the police station to help me after I had been wrongfully arrested by the paedophiles’ friends just months before. Frances got me out of the police station for which I was very grateful. But I heard no more after I was released. I’m fairly sure that if one of Frances’s other clients had been wrongfully arrested after a conspiracy between the Top Docs, NHS managers and the North Wales Police, there would have been questions asked.

 

In November 1985, a group of men led by paedophile Sidney Cooke each paid £5 to gang-rape 14-year-old Jason Swift in what the media described as a homosexual orgy. After Jason’s body was found in a shallow grave by a dog walker, an investigation by the Met led to the arrest of Cooke, along with three accomplices – Leslie Bailey, Robert Oliver and Steven Barrell. Cooke was sentenced at the Old Bailey to 19 years in Wandsworth Prison in May 1989 for the manslaughter of Swift. The Top Docs of St George’s who colluded with Dafydd et al in 1990-91 (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London…’) had doings with Wandsworth Prison in their capacity as ‘expert witnesses’.

Bailey had informed authorities that Cooke was among those who murdered 7-year-old Mark Tildesley in Wokingham, who disappeared while visiting a funfair in Wokingham on the evening of 1 June 1984. Bailey alleged that Tildesley was lured away from the fair by Cooke for the promise of a 50p bag of sweets. His bicycle was found chained to railings nearby. Cooke’s role in the murder was not investigated until 1999; by this time, Bailey was dead, having been murdered in prison in October 1993. In 1991, the CPS declined to prosecute Cooke for Tildesley’s murder as he was already in prison for the manslaughter of Swift. Cooke has indicated he knows where Tildesley’s body is buried, but refuses to tell the police, or the boy’s family, the exact location.

Cooke’s sentence for the murder of Swift was reduced to 16 years on appeal in 1989 and he was paroled nine years later in April 1998. He told an appeals court that Bailey was the ringleader of the gang, who are believed to have killed at least nine victims. Cooke’s parole caused huge public outrage. This was exacerbated by a plan to move him to a hostel near two schools and Cooke himself admitted that he might re-offend; while in prison, he refused to take part in rehabilitation sessions. Police refused to disclose the location where he was to be moved, smuggling him out of jail to avoid a vigil for his victims.

At one point it was revealed that Cooke had been housed near Yeovil in Somerset. The constituency MP for Yeovil, 1983-01, was Lib Dem Paddy Ashdown. Paddy knew about Dafydd and the paedophiles and other organised child sexual abuse, including the offences committed by Cyril Smith. Paddy knew about Jeremy Thorpe and probably Clement Freud as well. Paddy held negotiations with the paedophiles’ friends from other parties on a number of occasions regarding matters such as possible coalitions to form a Gov’t, Europe and the passing of budgets.

Following an investigation by the Channel 4 documentary programme ‘Dispatches’, Thames Valley Police began the reinvestigation of a series of rape and other serious sexual offences against young boys. On 26 January 1999, Cooke was again arrested by Thames Valley Police and charged at Reading Police Station with committing 18 sex offences which occurred between 1972 and 1981. Many of the offences had come to public attention after they were disclosed in the Channel 4 documentary.

At his trial on 5 October 1999, Cooke pleaded guilty to sexually abusing two brothers on ten occasions in 1972 and 1973. He admitted to having carried out five counts of indecent assault and five counts of buggery but denied the remaining eight charges, which were four counts of rape, three further counts of indecent assault, and one of buggery, that occurred in 1981. These were abandoned by the judge, who ordered them to lie on file. Following Cooke’s sentencing, NSPCC director Jim Harding said:

I would take Jim Harding’s outrage and concern a little more seriously if I did not know that the NSPCC colluded with child abuse for years, as did the police and judiciary. Furthermore, the security services recorded that abuse and placed targets under surveillance as long ago as the late 1970s. None of the targets were warned. Some of them were subsequently murdered.

On 17 December 1999, Cooke received two life sentences and the judge told Cooke that he would only be considered for release after he had served a five-year prison sentence.

 

Nicholas van Hoogstraten was jailed as a young man in 1968 for paying a gang to attack a business rival. In 2002 Hoogstraten was jailed for 10 years for the manslaughter of a business associate. The verdict was overturned on appeal, but in 2005 he was ordered to pay the dead man’s family £6 million in a civil case. Hoogstraten is estimated to be worth about £500 million.

Some years ago Hoogstraten was investigated for tax evasion. His trial was abandoned when it was discovered that there was a plan to assassinate the presiding judge. The risk to the judge was considered too high to be taken. Hoogstraten subsequently went to live in Zimbabwe – he was a mate of Robert Mugabe.

In 1988 Hoogstraten was a guest on Channel 4’s ‘After Dark’ chat show. SO fascinating – do you know, he’s a real live gangster??? Of course he only kills the little people. And I was told by an Angel that they were known to be dangerous. They’d been Assessed. Are we all going to the 70th anniversary of the NHS then? Ah, they’re wonderful really aren’t they, you can’t complain!

 

‘Be ye ever so high, the law is above you’. Although there are exceptions of course.

 

  • Nick Owen slams Good Morning Britain and ITV’s breakfast ...

 

 

 

Little Shop Of Horrors

This blog has already featured many people who knew me who used their knowledge of what happened to me at the hands of Dafydd et al for personal gain, often in the shape of securing jobs or promotions. I’m revisiting some of these people in this post, but now I’ll explain the links between them.

 

Throwback Thursday 'Little Shop of Horrors' (1986)

 

I’ll begin with Dr Dee Gray – formerly known as Dee Jones – as well as a frequent star of this blog, Meri Huws. Dee and Meri both worked at Bangor University when I did my PhD there and for a few years subsequently as well. I have discussed Dee previously, but not by name. However, what she did was disgusting and the paedophiles’ friends won’t stop squealing, so I’m naming her now.

Dee is a former Angel from Liverpool who shared an open plan office with me and Meri was Head of the Dept of Lifelong Learning. Meri was subsequently appointed PVC for Welsh Language and Cultural Affairs at Bangor, which resulted in comparisons between Meri and Sir Les Patterson, the Cultural Attache. Meri’s promotion also led to even more bawdy jokes circulating than had been doing the rounds previously, as a result of allegations that she had only landed the job as a result of pressure on the University from the Welsh Gov’t after Meri had relationships with Welsh Gov’t Ministers Alun Pugh and Andrew Davies and was rumoured to have had a fling with Rhodri Morgan as well (see post ‘People With Energy’). Regular readers will know that in the 1980s Meri was a ‘community social worker’ for Gwynedd Social Services on the Maesgeirchan estate in Bangor, which was the location of Ty’r Felin children’s home. Kids at Ty’r Felin were severely abused and trafficked to local venues where they were sold for sex and boys were taken to Dolphin Square in London as well (see post ‘Are You Local?’). I suspect that it was Meri’s role in or knowledge of this which was her real source of influence, rather than her multiple flings with people in the Welsh Gov’t, although that will have helped.

Meri was widely loathed by other paedophiles’ friends, but because they are all utterly pathetic and not very good at anything, the whole lot of them rely upon their own and each others’ pasts as paedophiles’ friends to land jobs and research grants. One person who particularly loathed Meri was Dee. Dee was a source of crude comments about Meri – references to Meri’s ‘oral skills’ were made when Meri’s many roles on bodies concerned with the Welsh language were mentioned and it was also observed that Meri was indulging in ‘animal behaviour’ as she tripped over herself in her unsuccessful attempts to bag another man who would have given her career a boost.

The irony was that whilst Dee sat in our office hurling insults at Meri, Dee was manager of a NHS ‘risk assessment’ project in collaboration with the NW Wales NHS Trust, the funding of which had been obtained by Meri. My post ‘Inside Information About A Hergest Unit Death’ discussed how Dee’s colleagues on the risk management project – Patricia Gaskell, the solicitor for Ysbyty Gwynedd and John Bowles, the risk manager for the NW Wales NHS Trust – were two of the very people who were failing to investigate serious complaints and perverting the course of justice and destroying/fabricating evidence in order to secure convictions against patients who had complained. When Dee had project meetings, the drinks and nibbles would be carefully placed on tables next to my desk, so the delightful Mr Bowles would stand next to me reading the papers on my desk, having a good look at what was on my computer screen and listening in to my phone calls.

Whilst I worked in that office, someone rifled through my desk and accessed my computer when I was out of the office. I suspected that it was Dee or an accomplice. Then John McTernan’s brother-in-law stole my computer.

I have covered the excesses of Dee and Gaskell and Bowles in previous posts, as well as Dee’s anger when she saw that Brown and me had appeared in the lay press discussing the slaughter in the mental health services in north Wales. Days after the piece about the mental health services appeared – I had also previously featured in ‘The Guardian’ in an article about HE policy – Dee approached me in private and asked me if I could get an article about Bangor University in the press. I presumed that she meant an article about some aspect of the University’s research – I thought that she was angling for a free plug for her lame NHS propaganda. Er – no. When I asked Dee what she was thinking of, she told me that I ought to write an article about the VC, who was ‘causing so much damage to the university’. This was the VC who had challenged the paedophiles’ friends and who was at that time under full attack from them. I said no and days later Dee screamed at me that me writing about the NHS was damaging her career.

In fact Dee did really well out of me. She was in the office on the day that I was showing a friend the letter that Alun Davies had written and CC’d to Top Docs and other managers in which he detailed his plans to fit me up in court. She called across the office that Alun Davies should be ‘exposed and pilloried in the press’. Then Dee let the NW Wales NHS Trust know that she knew about that letter and screwed a research grant out of them in return for her silence. That was only the beginning. Keith Thomson, the Trust CEO, had resigned the day after my lawyers had subpoenaed him to appear before a judge in the High Court in Cardiff, who had threatened him with prison if he didn’t hand over my medical records. Dee knew about that. She knew about Dr Robert Kehoe, the ‘expert witness’, who lied in his report about me, Brown and some of my colleagues (see post ‘An Expert In Resistant Service Users’). Dee knew about the assaults on and deaths of Hergest patients; about an agreement between the Top Docs and Angels at Ysbyty Gwynedd to refuse a witness to the serious wrongdoing all NHS treatment, although it was acknowledged that this man had a life-threatening condition; and she also knew about the misconduct of the obstetricians and gynaecologists at Ysbyty Gwynedd, which had included a sexual assault on one patient. Dee herself had previously suffered at the hands of the obstetric service of Gwynedd Health Authority. She successfully sued them.

Dee also knew that there was such a serious bullying problem in the School of Healthcare Sciences that at least two members of staff had become ill and had been forced out of their jobs. One, an Angel, Jan Stanley-Smith, then joined the paedophiles’ friends of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team and the other, Professor Fiona Poland, relocated to UEA. Jan and Fiona know much about the paedophiles’ friends and the abuse of patients in north Wales and Fiona’s knowledge of the abuse of vulnerable people stretches back to her days in Manchester in the late 1970s.

Dee sued someone else as well as Gwynedd Health Authority. After her NHS risk management project imploded because neither she, Bowles or Gaskell knew what they were doing, Dee sued Bangor University, because her incompetence and deceit was somehow their fault. The two PhD students whom Dee had failed to supervise who did not get their PhDs were seething and told me that Dee had somehow shafted the University and walked away with a great deal of money, but no-one knew how she did it.

I have recently been told that Dee and some corrupt union reps used their knowledge of what was happening to me at the hands of the NHS as leverage – some Bangor University staff have dual appointments with the University and the NHS. I have also been told that Meri Huws played a role in it all.

Dee then rocked up in a senior role at Public Health Wales. Leading on leadership no less. Only the NHS would ever employ someone to lead on leadership, let alone someone who had been sacked from at least three previous jobs and who, when working as an Angel, had given the wrong advice to a man with diabetes such that he fell into a coma. In her role at Public Health Wales, Dee was given control of some purse strings. She later delighted in telling staff at Bangor University that in this role, Public Health Wales sent her to see the VC of Bangor University. According to Dee, the VC realised that she was now ‘a very important person’ and that ‘he had fear in his eyes’.

Interestingly enough, when Dee turned up, what the VC actually did was tell her that he was too busy to see her and told his PA to send her to see Meri Huws. So as Brown summarised, Dee was sent off to wander the corridors with Meri. Yeh, he had so much fear in his eyes Dee, that he knew just how well a pair of pig-shit thick paedophiles’ friends who have spent their entire lives screwing people over would get on together and he wasn’t going to waste time with either of you.

The Very Important Person subsequently left Public Health Wales under a cloud and set up an ‘executive coaching agency’ – ‘Gray’s Learning’ – and was recently paid thousands of pounds by her old mates at the Betsi for her ‘consultancy’ in teaching Top Doctors about transformational change, learning organisations and, no doubt, leadership. Since I blogged about her executive coaching agency, Dee has disappeared from the internet, but her photo remains so she can be recognised if she is bumped into on a dark night. I think that Dee still lives at Deiniolen should any customers of the executive coaching agency wish to ask for a refund. Dee’s website didn’t explain that she is an Angel who has been sacked three times and who nearly killed a patient, it stated that she was a university senior manager and a Gov’t adviser.

 

Meri of course had rather bigger ambitions than Dee. Meri’s track record has already featured on this blog, including her unlawful sacking of a member of staff because they dared have a visual impairment. A local psychotherapist who was employed by the Dept of Lifelong Learning sued Meri for unfair dismissal. Meanwhile, Meri et al were running courses in partnership with Dafydd’s charity CAIS. Someone else knew about the numerous complaints from students, the litigation and the failed ‘research projects’ run by Lifelong Learning – the former UCNW Dean of the Faculty of Science Dr Eifion Jones’s daughter, who is Prof Richard Bentall’s ex-wife (see post ‘Interesting Facts’). Richard Bentall had done his degree and PhD at UCNW whilst Dafydd ruled the roost in the Psychology Dept and Richard then returned to take up a Chair of Psychology at Bangor when Prof Fergus Lowe had expanded his empire after overthrowing Dafydd.

Fergus was Senior PVC when Meri was PVC. Fergus befriended Meri, pumped her for info – guess what and who that info was about?? – and then treated her with complete contempt. Meri eventually departed for the greener grass of Trinity St David University, where she joined other paedophiles’ friends, including some former theologians from Bangor University. One of whom was Dr Catrin Haf Williams, who’s father was the clergyman who officiated at the wedding of William and Ffion Hague (see post ‘The Battle Of The Cowshed’).

Trinity St David is located in west Wales, where a paedophile ring operated which had links to Dafydd’s gang in north Wales. By the time that Meri had arrived in a senior job at Trinity St David, Keith Thomson had been appointed CEO of the NHS Trust for Pembrokeshire and Dyfed. Thomson was given that job when Dr Brian Gibbons was Health Minister. The Gibbons who wrote to me telling me that our correspondence was ‘closed’ after I told him that I had evidence of serious criminal activity in the NHS in north Wales. The evidence related to Keith Thomson, amongst others.

I mentioned in my post ‘History Repeats Itself, First As Tragedy, Second As Farce’ that I have in my possession documents demonstrating that e mails sent from me to friends of mine at Bangor University somehow ended up in the hands of the civil servants of the Welsh Gov’t – it seems to have happened when Lesley Griffiths was Health Minister – and that the identity of my friends had been commented upon. This info had been communicated to two corrupt mental health service managers in the Betsi, Dr Adrian Harris and Simon Pyke. There was also a fallacious allegation that I had visited the home of a Welsh Gov’t Minister. God knows who dreamed that one up, but I expect that I went to murder them in cold blood, it’s what I’m usually up to. My e mails to my friends had concerned a vicious unprovoked attack on me – which resulted in injury – by the daughter of a local barrister. The attack was never investigated by the police because when a Top Doc was called to document my injuries, instead of doing that, he sectioned me when he heard who had attacked me. I was taken to Wrexham Maelor Hospital, where they admitted that I had been unlawfully detained – the section papers had not been signed. I was told that I was free to go, so I did (see post ‘Five Find A Mystery (Partially) Illuminated’). Whereupon I was reported missing by the Betsi Board, my mugshot appeared in the ‘Daily Post’ and I was then traced by the police to Cumbria, where I was on a walking holiday. A mental health team from Cumbria were sent to section me but refused to do so (see post ‘The Real Check And Balance – Which Was Ignored’).

One friend whom I e mailed about the assault on me also knew that I and another witness had been threatened by a rogue policeman with a gun. Why might the civil servants and the Betsi have been interested in the identity of my friend I wonder? Someone else knew that I was friends with this man as well – Dee Jones. She asked me who he was one day.

This man shared an office at Bangor University with another member of staff, Jamie Burrows. Jamie’s mum was Mary Burrows, who was the CEO of the Betsi and who came under such sustained attack by the BMA and the paedophiles’ friends that she resigned. My friend told me that Jamie was being treated appallingly at Bangor University because of who his mum was.

Fergus Lowe will have known a great deal about all these matters, but he’s dead so sadly he can’t be arrested and questioned.

 

As for Meri, not only did she get completely pissed at every University function that she attended, but she would drive back to her home on Anglesey immediately afterwards. On one occasion, a senior member of staff physically removed Meri’s car keys from her to stop her getting into her car bladdered, but most people don’t have the stomach to fight a pissed, screaming Meri, so she was frequently behind the wheel drunk. I witnessed her regularly driving whilst using her mobile phone as well. Was Meri ever prosecuted? Of course not. But then she had previously facilitated a paedophile gang with which the police had colluded. The University police officer was a paedophiles’ friend, as was at least one of the Ysbyty Gwynedd police officers.

Meri did her first degree at Aberystwyth University and claims to have a postgrad social work qualification from Oxford, but no-one is quite sure if this is true. However, because Meri worked as a social worker for Gwynedd in the 1980s, she will know that the Student’s Union Community Action group in UCNW colluded with the abuse of children at Ty’r Felin, because the students volunteering with CA used to work at Ty’f Felin. CA was the wealthiest student society in UCNW, it employed a paid manager and owned and ran a minibus in which the abused kids were ferried around. Perhaps Meri could let us know where all that dosh for CA came from.

One of the leading lights in CA in the late 1970s/early 1980s was an English Lit student called Anita Purkis. Her younger sister Ros was a student at UCNW when I was there. I was friends with Ros, she was my neighbour in hall in the first year. Ros became ill and attempted suicide after an encounter with Gwynne the lobotomist. She ended up in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh under the care of Tony Francis and killed herself a few years ago after years of neglect at the hands of one of Tony Francis’s former colleagues in Manchester. Francis knew that Ros’s sister had been involved with CA.

Meri’s neighbour Prof Bob Woods knew about Meri and the drunk driving. Not that it will have bothered him, Bob Woods is a clinical psychologist colleague