Rivers Of Blood

The day before yesterday’s edition of the ‘Morning Star’ was certainly poignant in the light of recent posts on this blog.

It seems that Michael Crick recently interviewed Theresa May on Channel 4 News and as part of a discussion regarding previous Conservative Gov’ts stance on apartheid South Africa, Crick asked Theresa if she ever attended any anti-apartheid protests. Theresa testily observed that Michael Crick knew that she had not.

The ‘Morning Star’ reported that John McDonnell remembered that he and Jeremy Corbyn campaigned against apartheid in the 1970s and 80s and that on one occasion, Jeremy was arrested outside the South African Embassy during a protest. McDonnell remembered that at the time the Federation of Conservative Students were wearing ‘Hang Nelson Mandela’ badges. I remember it all well.

Sadly while those on the left were making a lot of noise about apartheid, many of them remained silent about the en masse abuse of kids in care and vulnerable adults in their own constituencies/Councils, including Jeremy and John McDonnell. What was happening to some dispossessed people was not only no secret but one had to work really hard at not noticing it.

Brown and I attended an anti-apartheid protest outside South Africa House in 1987. The police weren’t quite as violent as they sometimes were – on another protest Brown was kneed in the knackers by a policeman and I was shoved – but on that particular day in 1987 we didn’t see any police violence, although we did see a few people trying to wind the police up. We did however have quite an adventure in a tube station on our way back from the demo, after we stopped to help a girl whom we found kneeling over the semi-conscious body of a young man, crying ‘please don’t die’. It transpired that the young man was called Smurf, he had been inhaling solvents which was not a good idea and he was now in a bad way. Brown and I did what we could to keep Smurf breathing and chatted to his girlfriend at the same time. She was 15 and had run away from a children’s home in Swansea. Smurf had also run away from a children’s home. The tube station was busy and for more than an hour and a half while we waited for an ambulance – it couldn’t get through because of the anti-apartheid protest – hundreds of people passed us by. Two people offered to help – TWO. A middle aged lady – she was the one who called the ambulance – and a snappily dressed young man. Not only did hundreds of people ignore what was going on, but while we sat with Smurf and his girlfriend, about eight of their mates appeared. All of them had run away from ‘care’ and were living on the streets in London. Then a tramp appeared and offered to help. So out of all those hundreds of people – many of whom had been part of the anti-apartheid protest – who witnessed a boy who had run away from ‘care’ and who was in difficulty, only three people stopped and one of those was a tramp.

When the ambulance finally arrived, the ambulance staff took one look at their intended patient – Smurf had a red mohican and because he had inhaled solvents he had saliva running from his mouth – and refused to touch him lest ‘he’s got AIDS and he spits at us’. I told the ambulancemen that there was no risk of HIV being transmitted via saliva. Brown reiterated that. They still refused to touch Smurf. Smurf’s mates all ran away when the ambulance appeared because it was accompanied by a police officer. After much umming and ahhing and donning of protective gear, the ambulance staff finally agreed to touch Smurf, eventually got him into the ambulance and told us that they were taking him to – I seem to remember – the Westminster Hospital. The next day Brown and I popped in to see Smurf, only to find that they had discharged him just hours after he had arrived, when they considered his life to be no longer at risk. A teenaged boy who had run away from ‘care’ and was living on the streets – the leading Top Docs and Angels of London had sent him right back onto the streets.

At the time I was living in Harringay and the girlfriend of one of the boys in our house was an Angel. I told her that I was appalled that so few people had stopped to help Smurf and she told me that it was hardly surprising, whoever would want to help a young man on the streets with a red mohican? Well not the NHS, obviously.

When Brown and I met Smurf and his mates, I had not long escaped the clutches of Dafydd after he had illegally imprisoned me in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. I have mentioned in previous posts that after I’d been there a few weeks, one day without warning Dafydd arrived on the ward, told me that he would release me if I agreed to go straight back to London and never return to north Wales again. Dafydd told me that he knew where I was living in London and that he had rung Haringey Social Services to alert them to my presence in the area. This was not any sort of referral for ‘after-care’, it was a threat. I was then driven to a train station by two Angels and literally put on the next train to London, after being told to ‘shut your mouth about DA’ and never to return to north Wales again.

The Leader of Haringey Council at the time was Bernie Grant, who was subsequently elected as the MP for Tottenham in June 1987. Bernie Grant was born in British Guiana and in 1963 his parents took up the UK Government’s offer at the time to people from the crown colonies to settle in the UK. Grant attended Tottenham Technical College and went on to take a degree course in Mining Engineering at Heriot-Watt University. In the mid-1960s, Grant was for a period a member of the Socialist Labour League, led by Gerry Healy, who was notorious for his sexual aggression towards women. The Socialist Labour League later became known as the Workers Revolutionary Party. Grant quickly became a trade union official, moved into politics and became a Labour councillor in the Haringey in 1978.

When Thatch introduced ‘rate capping’, Grant led the fight against it in Haringey, which created division in the local constituency Labour Party and it was through this split that Grant became the Borough of Haringey leader in 1985.

So Bernie had his feet well under the table at Haringey by the time that Dafydd knew someone there well enough to give them a ring without my knowledge or consent and alert them to my presence in the Borough. When I was living in Haringey, I witnessed at first hand the neglect and abuse of vulnerable people who were the responsibility of Haringey Social Services. Haringey Social Services have now been condemned repeatedly in a whole series of deaths of vulnerable children. In every case, Haringey Social Services and Council have been revealed to have been in chaos.

Tony Smythe – who was a self-styled anarchist involved with MIND when Dafydd was a leading light in MIND, as well as being involved with the NCCL when that organisation campaigned for paedophiles’ rights and the Campaign for Homosexual Equality when some branches of CHE (including Chester) were alleged to be a front for paedophile activity – in later life was a leading light in Haringey MIND. Smythe and his wife Jean were involved in a number of other community charities, including some in Haringey. See previous posts.

Bernie Grant was associated with the Socialist Campaign Group and spoke out against police racism. He didn’t speak out against the appalling social services, or indeed the truly dreadful local GPs, two of whom I encountered in Harringay myself. One Top Doc, a Dr Lippitch or it may have been Liptrott, listened to my concerns regarding what had happened to me at the hands of Dafydd et al, asked me what I did for a living and when I told him that I was doing a Masters in Experimental Pathology at Hammersmith Hospital he told me that he would be contacting Dafydd immediately. I walked out of the surgery and registered with another Harringay GP under a false name because I could see that the cosy relationship between Dafydd et al in north Wales and folk in the Haringey area was going to be difficult. Fortunately for me, the next GP was so negligent that he barely noticed my presence and never noticed that he was unable to trace the records of his newly-registered patient, if indeed he ever tried. He’d have had a shock if he had, because when decades later my lawyer finally obtained my medical records, I discovered that records relating to me at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh had been forged. There was no record of me being discharged on the day that I was put on that train to London let alone Dafydd’s phone call to Haringey Social Services, but there was a discharge note signed by a Top Doc of whom I’d never heard stating that I had been discharged some weeks later and was suffering from paranoid schizophrenia no less. At the time that Top Doc was discharging me from Denbigh and discovering that I had paranoid schizophrenia, I was sitting in a lecture theatre at the Royal Postgraduate Medical School.

Bernie Grant died from a heart attack at the Middlesex Hospital – Gwynne the lobotomist’s alma mater, who’s network protected Gwynne for the rest of his career –  on 8 April 2000, aged 56. Grant was a diabetic and needed to maintain a good relationship with the Top Doctors, because it is quite easy to cause a diabetic to peg out. I note that Bernie died two months after the Waterhouse Report was published, among the many angry shouts of ‘massive cover-up’.

According to The Guardian′s report, after Bernie died ‘An estimated 3,000 people… turned out to salute the black radical. There were dancers and singers, a Highland piper and African drums. Also present were Home Secretary, Jack Straw, Chris Smith, Culture Secretary, Clare Short, Minister for International Development, and Paul Boateng and Keith Vaz, Britain’s most senior Black ministers’.

 

Jack Straw knows much about the crimes discussed on this blog, he has been actively involved in concealing them for decades, since his early years in political life. Jack got off to a flying start, both in terms of being a leading light in Islington Council, which at the time was hosting a paedophile ring in its children’s homes and of course as Barbara Castle’s adviser at the DHSS, when Castle was refusing to investigate the deaths of scores of disabled children in the care of Hackney Council.

Chris Smith, now Lord Smith, was the Labour MP for Islington South and Finsbury. Chris Smith made history for being the first MP to admit that he was HIV positive. As an older man, Smith has been in a long term relationship. He has never made it public whether he was ever a partner of many of the young men involved with sex work who were HIV positive.

Clare Short knew much about Dafydd and related gangs from her time as a civil servant in the Home Office, as a West Midlands MP whose constituency included Aston University when the VC was Thatcher’s corrupt mate Sir Freddie Crawford and from her many years in the Labour Party working with colleagues who were concealing Dafydd et al (see post ‘Remember Girls – Never Get Into A Car With A Stranger!’).

Paul Boateng knew all about Dafydd, because Boateng was working as a solicitor for Birnberg & Co when Mary Wynch sued Dafydd and the paedophiles in the 1980s – Mary was represented by Birnberg & Co (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). Boateng’s wife Janet was a social worker who was Chair of Lambeth’s Social Services Committee when Tyra Henry died in the care of Lambeth Social Services in 1987 (see post ‘A Few More Who Might Be Able To Answer Questions’). There was a big paedophile ring operating within Lambeth Social Services with links to Dafydd’s gang in north Wales. For more information about Paul Boateng, see post ‘Tower Hamlets, Paul Boateng and Tessa Jowell’.

Bernie’s widow, Sharon Grant, was on the shortlist to succeed him as the official Labour candidate for Tottenham, but was beaten by David Lammy, who won the by-election in June 2000.

On 5 December 2017, a portrait of Bernie Grant was unveiled in Parliament.

In 1987, Bernie Grant was one of the first UK Black British MPs to be elected. The others were Paul Boateng and Diane Abbott. Before she became an MP Diane Abbott was the PR/press officer for Lambeth Borough Council.

When I was living in Harringay, Jeremy Corbyn was the MP for nearby Islington North. Jeremy also sat on a Health Authority which covered the Haringey area.

 

The MP who preceded Bernie Grant was the Labour member Norman Atkinson, who was elected for Tottenham in 1964. Atkinson was born in Manchester, educated at technical school and became a design engineer at Manchester University. Atkinson was a councillor on Manchester City Council, 1945-49. A member of Labour’s NEC for five years, Atkinson also served as the Party’s national treasurer, 1976-81. As treasurer, he clashed with Chancellor Denis Healey at the 1976 Labour Party Conference. Healey was yet another person who concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al, but then so did everyone on the Labour Party’s NEC. Atkinson was a Marxist on the left of the Party, a founding member of the Socialist Campaign Group and at one point he Chaired the Tribune Group.  In 1981 Atkinson backed Tony Benn’s campaign for the Deputy Leadership. Tony Benn was someone who actively looked in the opposite direction when I drew his attention to the abuse of psychiatric patients in north Wales (see post ‘No Cuts’).

In 1983 boundary changes enlarged the Tottenham constituency and before the 1983 General Election, Atkinson won the nomination for the constituency over a rival, another left winger, Reg Race. Atkinson was comfortably elected, yet in 1985 Atkinson was deselected by the constituency party in favour of Bernie Grant. In 1987 the Windbag was Leader of the Labour Party and Mandy was pushing the boat out in a desperate attempt to make him electable (see post ‘I Warn You…’). Atkinson, Grant, the Windbag and Mandy all knew about Dafydd and the gang, so presumably Atkinson was deselected for reasons unrelated to a pan-European paedophile ring who were murdering witnesses.

 

To return to John McDonnell’s memories of the Federation of Conservative Students and their desire to Hang Nelson Mandela; the FCS did of course become so excruciatingly embarrassing that Tebbs disbanded the organisation after they went on the rampage in a sea side resort where a conference was being held and indulged in extensive vandalism. There was someone in Bethnal Green who was keen on the notion of hanging Mandela the year that Dafydd was unleashing the hounds of Haringey in my direction. I described in my post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’ how my best friend from school and her husband who both knew what happened to me at the hands of Dafydd et al were sacked from their jobs and found gangsters after them at the same time that Brown and I did. When I first went to London in the autumn of 1986, I stayed with them in their flat in Bethnal Green, which they shared with a group of people with whom they had been at Stirling University. Within months, virtually all their friends at Stirling became very cool towards them and two of those ‘friends’ caused havoc in their lives. One of the people who had been in their circle at Stirling was Jack McConnell, who later became Scotland’s FM, the year after the Waterhouse Report was published. Jack had only been an MSP for two years when he became FM! See previous posts and comments for accounts of Jack’s staggering rise to the top of Scottish Labour politics.

Parts of Bethnal Green had begun to become gentrified at the time – an expensive shoe shop had just opened and Bob Geldof came to look around a posh apartment block which had been recently developed – but most of it was still quite rough. When we used to go to Brick Lane market, there’d be a line of skinheads flogging NF/fascist mags there. One night my friends went out and painted ‘Free Nelson Mandela’ on a wall opposite their flat. Within a week, the slogan had been re-graffitied to read ‘Hang Nelson Mandela’.

My mates had been grumbling about all the fascists that were in Bethnal Green, so when we started getting hassled we just thought that it was because we were lefties. My friend’s husband was followed home from the tube station every night by skinheads who threatened him with serious damage and he thought that it was because he wasn’t macho and they’d mistaken him as being gay. Then a bunch of skinheads tried to gatecrash one of my friends’ parties and it got very nasty. The worst happened after I had escaped from Dafydd’s clutches in early 1987. I wasn’t living at the flat in Bethnal Green by then, but I used to go over to visit my friends from my place in Harringay. Every time I that got off the tube a seriously unpleasant man who would be waiting outside as I arrived followed me to my mates’ place threatening sexual violence. Brown later found out that this man was a serial rapist who had recently been released. Since I began writing this blog I have been told that at least some of these scumbags were presents from Dafydd and the gang who had been clocking my whereabouts and the whereabouts of my friends.

Dafydd and the gang were running a trade in kids/underaged sex workers between north Wales and the east end at the time. The local MPs were Ian Mikardo (see previous posts) and Peter Shore, who both knew what was going on. When the sexually exploited kids in care began dying from HIV/AIDS, Shore helped conceal the scandal all over again (see post ‘Apocalypse Now’).

 

On 18 Nov 1987 a fireball ripped through King’s Cross Station, killing 31 people. I was due to pass through the station at the time of the fire but my plans had been disrupted so I missed it. Since I began this blog I have been told that the fire was an attempt to kill me. The cause of the King’s Cross fire was never positively identified.

 
A police car, three fire engines and an ambulance outside King's Cross

 

The ‘Morning Star’ also reported that UCU members in England are going to be balloted over strike action. Sally Hunt, the General Secretary of UCU, has been spouting off about the wages of staff in universities being ‘held down’ and ‘fat cat’ VCs raking it in. It is true that some universities are now paying their VCs enormous salaries, but Sally Hunt has been using this discourse for a very long time, before the recent trend for astronomical VCs’ salaries. Back in 2006 when I was working at Bangor University, I and other post-docs and PhD students were doing the work of a contingent of senior lecturers who did not show their faces in the Dept for weeks on end. None of us had permanent jobs or even full time salaries and the PhD students weren’t being paid at all. Sally Hunt paid a visit to Bangor University at that time and amazingly enough I found her sitting behind me in a coffee lounge. Had Sally come to help the oppressed ie. the post docs and PhD students? No. Sally Hunt was holding court with those we know and love, who were pulling in £45k pa or sometimes considerably more, for not coming into the University for more than one day per week – if that – and  giving their teaching and marking to the rest of us to do.

Sally Hunt had rocked up at the invitation of the Bangor University UCU rep, Eileen Tilley. Tilley was a laugh a minute, not least because she was colluding with the corrupt Director of Human Resources, Lyn Meadows, who is now a member of the Betsi Board. Meadows was a frightful bully, breached confidence after accessing confidential details about staff and offered jobs to people who, when they arrived to take up their post, would find that their contract stated that they would be paid £2000 pa less than had been agreed when they accepted the post. See previous posts for details of Meadows’ wrongdoing. Meadows had previously worked for the Welsh Ambulance Trust and was a big mate of the paedophiles’ friends who were constantly harassing and threatening me. I was told that Tilley was systematically ingratiating herself to my friends in order to gain information as to whether I was going to sue the NHS. Tilley reached a peak when she saw a witness to the threats that I was receiving from NHS staff reading through his witness statement in the library. Tilley walked up behind him, stopped, looked over his shoulder and very obviously read his witness statement.

I was told that Tilley’s ambition was to become a rep on the UCU national executive and that she had thrashed out a deal with Lyn Meadows in order to achieve this, which involved Tilley failing to support anyone who had been on the receiving end of Meadows’s bullying and unlawful practices.

At one point Tilley appeared in the press grumbling about the salary of the VC of Bangor University. The VC had made no secret of his salary and he had not been involved in any of the negotiations regarding his remuneration. Furthermore his salary was nowhere near the top of the scale in terms of VCs salaries, he actually earned less than the VC of the chaotic mess that was Glyndwr University. Unfortunately for the VC of Bangor University, he had challenged the paedophile gang, as had one of his close friends and therefore He Had To Pay. When his wife developed a serious illness, they found that there was nothing that the Top Docs could do. She died. Interestingly enough, she had a virtually identical condition to one of the social workers who had facilitated Dafydd’s gang, who made a complete recovery at the hands of the very same Top Docs. It might have been a coincidence, but what was not a coincidence was the plan on the part of some members of staff to wait until the VC’s wife had died and then ‘blacken his name’ and frame him for a criminal offence. I gained the impression that Tilley knew all about those plans.World war i

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Fancy popping up to Bangor to have a word with them all then Ms Hunt? How about a march through Gwynedd, where the average income is I think still less than £18k pa, to plead the case of the paedophiles’ friends who have to scrape by on £45 k pa?

Before working as the HR Director at Bangor University, Lyn Meadows was a non-executive Director of an NHS Trust on Merseyside. Meadows was named in Hansard and on Frank Field’s blog as having colluded with a group of Top Doctors on Merseyside who committed a fraud from which they all benefited financially. There were rumours circulating around Bangor University that Meadows had made a packet from her dodgy deals and she was also boasting to her mates in the NHS regarding the scams that she was working at Bangor University.

So why did the VC of Bangor University appoint a poisonous corrupt cow like Lyn Meadows as HR Director? As far as I could work out he didn’t. Because his wife was ill and had been told by the Top Doctors that there was nothing that they could do, he had taken some months off work for the purpose of compassionate leave. When he was absent, the decision to employ Lyn Meadows was made by Professor Fergus Lowe, who had built his entire empire on his knowledge of Dafydd’s crimes and who in high places had colluded with Dafydd (see post ‘Feet In Chains’). Fungus was ably assisted by Elfed Roberts, a member of the Council of Bangor University. Elfed was formerly acting Assistant Chief Constable of the North Wales Police who had left the force amid allegations of corruption.

The Welsh Gov’t – when Rhodri was FM – appointed Elfed as Chair of the North West Wales NHS Trust, which automatically gave Elfed a seat on Bangor University Council. When Chair of the Trust, Elfed had me unlawfully arrested on a number of occasions, once because I had pink hair and called his car a penismobile (see previous posts). None of my complaints about Elfed’s abuse of his position were ever investigated. On one occasion a PhD student- who had witnessed the harassment of and threats made towards me by NHS staff – and I were followed around the University by an unidentified man who did his best to intimidate us. I knew who he was – he was a bent copper who many years ago had been stationed at Bangor. I recognised him from the Good Old Days when people were trying to set fire to my house and I and others were threatened with arrest ourselves when we went to the police to report offences against us.

Many moons ago, Elfed had been the Sergeant at Llangefni Police Station, where, I was told, he was known to be corrupt. Dafydd lives about three miles away from Llangefni and always had a very cosy relationship with the police there.

When Elfed was obliged to leave the North Wales Police, he led a campaign against the Chief Constable who had kicked him out, Richard Brunstrom, who was desperate to clean up a rotten force. The ‘Daily Mail’ was happy to publish stories about the sins of Mr Brunstrom that Elfed had given them. The ‘Daily Mail’ reported that Richard Brunstrom was known in north Wales as the ‘Mad Mullah of the Traffic Taliban’. The only person who called Mr Brunstrom that was Elfed.

When the NW Wales NHS Trust was abolished because even the Welsh Gov’t could no longer stomach the stream of deaths and scandal, Elfed declared war on the CEO and Chairman of the new Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board which replaced the NW Wales NHS Trust. The Chairman of the new Heath Board was the VC of Bangor University – who’s wife by then had died after the loving neglect dispensed by the Top Docs of the Walton Centre on Merseyside. After the VC’s wife died, Edwina Hart, the Health Minister, proposed that elective neurology patients should no longer be treated at the Walton Centre. A campaign was launched immediately, both to get rid of Edwina and to ensure that all neurology patients from north Wales should continue to risk their lives at the Walton Centre.

The leader of the campaign was Professor Robert Owen, Dafydd’s mate from Liverpool University who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang in 1989 after I complained about them (see post ‘In Memoriam – Professor Robert Owen’). In support of Professor Owen’s attempts to ensure that Dafydd’s mates at the Walton Centre should be allowed to kill off grasses, a ‘memorandum’ was submitted to Parliament’s Welsh Affairs Committee. The ‘memorandum’ was submitted by a ‘group of retired professional people from north Wales’. Every one of the names on the memorandum was that of an associate of Dafydd and the gang (see post ‘A Vampire At Glyndwr University!’).

Oh, I need to mention a small matter re the unfortunate death of the VC’s wife at the hands of the Top Docs. Not only had her husband and her husband’s friend dared take on the paedophile gang, but many years ago, she did as well. So they fucking killed her.

Get it straight Top Docs – someone should have dropped a bomb on you lot a very, very long time ago. 10,000 documents. I haven’t mentioned half of the contents of them so far on this blog you worthless toe rags. Now piss off, sod off, bugger off.

The icing on the cake re Elfed Roberts was that although he wasn’t recycled into the new Health Board, Edwina Hart appointed him to the Board of the Welsh Ambulance Trust – Lyn Meadows’ former employers. Just look at what is happening at the Welsh Ambulance Trust… But Edwina had to give the old bastard another job. Not only because Edwina and Elfed had mountains of dirt on each other, but Edwina doesn’t want to die slowly and painfully should she become ill…

Dim problem Top Docs, you refused me all treatment years ago and then people armed with guns began pursuing me! There’s not much more that you can do to me is there. So you’ve got this blog….

 

The ‘Morning Star’ also told us that Theresa is visiting Nigeria to tackle human trafficking and slavery. That’s the Theresa who was a Councillor for Merton, an area served by St George’s Hospital Medical School when that institution was facilitating a pan-European trafficking ring (see post ‘Comedies Of Menace’), the Theresa who as Home Secretary organised a review of the Waterhouse Inquiry by Lady Justice Macur which was yet another cover-up and the Theresa who organised the IICSA and so far has appointed a series of Chairs who have all been associates of paedophile rings, except for Dame Lowell Goddard, who returned to New Zealand in despair because the Home Office wouldn’t let her do the job properly.

Diane Abbott said that Theresa’s ‘warm words’ ‘rang hollow’ considering that it was her hostile policies as Home Secretary that ‘worsened the plight of victims of slavery and trafficking in Britain’. I’m not sure that Diane helped such people very much when she worked as the PR/Press Officer for Lambeth when kids in care in that Borough were being abused and trafficked. Diane is the former partner of Jeremy Corbyn, who ignored warnings that a paedophile gang was operating in his Islington constituency and who’s election agent was the business partner of a man who was jailed for a series of sex offences against school boys, as detailed in previous posts…

Diane stated that border guards and police officers ‘are the front line in the fight against modern slavery’ and that the Labour Party will employ hundreds more border guards and 10,000 new police officers. Diane, if the border guards and police officers themselves are corrupt and colluding with the trafficking gangs – and believe me, they are – your additional officers are only going to add to the problem.

 

Today’s ‘feature’ in the ‘Morning Star’ concerned ‘clergy’s sex abuse cover-ups’. The ‘Morning Star’ reminded us that there have now been numerous sex abuse scandals within organised religion, including at Ampleforth, Downside, Buckfast Abbey and of course that of former Archbiship of Canterbury George Carey covering up the offences of Bishop Peter Ball. The ‘Morning Star’ failed to mention that colluding Top Docs played a major role in concealing all these matters. The ‘Morning Star’ reported that the IICSA has found that the 2000-01 Review on Child Protection in the Catholic Church in England and Wales which Lord Nolan Chaired was a ‘whitewash’. Nolan carried out that Review in the immediate aftermath of the publication of the Waterhouse Report.

When Lord Michael Nolan was growing up, his family home was at Bexhill-on-Sea in East Sussex, a centre of paedophile activity where many of those who later concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang were based. (Sally Hunt lives in the area.) Michael Nolan went to Ampleforth, then did his national service in the Royal Artillery, 1947-49. Following that, Nolan read law at Wadham and Gomorrah when the debauched Maurice Bowra was Warden of that College (see post ‘Comedies of Menace’). At Oxford, Nolan became close friends with Sir Patrick Mayhew and Stephen Tumim.

Patrick Mayhew became a barrister, worked for the MDU and was responsible for ensuring that the child psychiatrist Dr Morris Fraser continued to work as a psychiatrist after he committed sex offences against children. Mayhew became a Tory MP, then Attorney General and in that capacity he authorised three prosecutions of me for contempt of court, although he knew that the paedophile gang had perjured themselves on each occasion (see previous posts). Mayhew wound up as Secretary of State for N Ireland, where he concealed the ‘VIP’ abuse ring at Kincora Boys’ Home in Belfast, an institution with which Dr Morris Fraser had been involved. Judge Stephen Tumim never tried to imprison me like Mayhew did, but Tumim knew that many of those in prison were victims of organised abuse/trafficking gangs and had been fitted up and was a friend and associate of many of the people involved with this (see post ‘Conference At Cold Comfort Farm’).

Michael Nolan was called to the Bar at Middle Temple in 1953. Sir Ronnie Waterhouse was of a similar vintage to Nolan and was also a member of Middle Temple, then a Bencher and served as Treasurer to Middle Temple. Nolan became a Bencher at Middle Temple in 1975. Nolan became a QC in 1968, was called to the Bar in N Ireland in 1974 and became a QC in N Ireland at the same time. Nolan was a member of the Bar Council, 1973-74 and a member of the Senate at the Inns of Court, 1974-80.

Nolan was a recorder in the Crown Court in Kent, 1975-82 and then in 1982 was appointed a High Court judge. It was Michael Nolan who in 1984 granted injunctions to the NCB to stop the NUM using flying pickets. In 1985 Nolan granted an injunction to Westminster Council stopping the GLC from pursuing a poster campaign against its own abolition. The Tory Westminster Council was led by the Tesco heiress Shirley Porter who famously flogged off three cemeteries for literally a few pence to developers and also orchestrated gerrymandering on a huge scale, cleansing the area run by Westminster Council of poor people who were in danger of voting Labour. When Porter was finally held to account for her illegal practices and fined a great deal of money, she buggered off to live in Israel, although she later returned to the UK when the coast was clear.

Nolan was Presiding Judge of the Western Circuit, 1985-88. He was promoted to the Court of Appeal in 1991. Nolan heard appeals in many high-profile cases. In 1991 Nolan was a member of the Court of Appeal which rejected claims for compensation for psychological damage brought by relatives of those who died in the 1989 Hillsborough football stadium tragedy. Nolan reviewed the decision not to bring prosecutions after the Marchioness Disaster in 1989.

Nolan quashed the conviction of Judith Ward for involvement in the bombing of a coach on the M62 in 1974. Judith Ward was a vulnerable young woman who was known for confessing to crimes which she had very obviously not committed. Reviewing that case in 1992 will have left Nolan in no doubt as to the level of corruption prevailing within the criminal justice and legal/judicial system and he described the conviction of Judith Ward as ‘a grave miscarriage of justice’. Judith Ward was convicted at a time when, in a number of cases, the prosecution did not disclose to the defence material which might have been helpful to them and the jury. In 1992 the North Wales Police were investigating the possibility of a VIP paedophile ring operating in north Wales and Cheshire, a possibility which they dismissed in 1993. In the case of the north Wales/Cheshire gang, a running theme has been the non-disclosure of evidence, including the non-disclosure of evidence which would have helped those who were fitted up by the gang. Such as the existence of the scores of documents in my own case which demonstrated perjury, conspiracy and attempts to pervert the course of justice.

After just over two years in the Court of Appeal, in 1994 Nolan became a Law Lord, retiring from this position in 1998.

Nolan chaired the Committee on Standards in Public Life, 1994-98. John Major’s Gov’t set up the Committee in late 1994 after the cash-for-questions scandal, which involved Sir Peter Morrison as well as others. No-one mentioned that Morrison was molesting kids in care in north Wales as well as in other locations when he was named in the lobbying scandal. Morrison was found safely dead in July 1995, so that was one less thing for Nolan to worry about.

The Nolan Committee produced its first report in 1995 and ‘created waves’ by recommending full disclosure of MPs’ outside interests. Nolan also produced a report regarding standards of conduct in local government in July 1997. The principles embodied and articulated in the first report have since become embedded in public life in Britain and are often referred to as the Nolan Principles.

It was in 2000, at the request of the Archbishop of Westminster Cardinal Cormac Murphy-O’Connor who was a big admirer of Lord Longford who – along with his extended family – spent his entire life keeping quiet about the abuse of vulnerable people in ‘care’ settings which he found out about in detail through his penal reforming and charitable activities (see post ‘Comedies Of Menace’), that Nolan investigated the issue of paedophile priests in the Nolan Report.

Nolan was Chancellor of the University of Essex, 1997-2002 and was described as ‘hands-on’. When Nolan was Chancellor of Essex University, that institution was housing Professor Andrew Radford, who in the 1980s had been Chair and Head of Linguistics at UCNW, where he caused great concern as a result of his Ugandan discussions with female undergrads and even greater concern when it was noticed that there was a high correlation between students who had entertained Radford and students who had been awarded Firsts. See post ‘Today We Have Naming Of Parts’.

Nolan also served as Deputy Lieutenant for Kent. He died in 2007.

In the words of his obituary in ‘The Guardian’ “Lord Nolan .. made a profound mark on national life by substantially cleansing the Augean stable of corrupt politics as founding chairman of the Committee on Standards in Public Life.”

So that’s why there was the Parliamentary expenses scandal in 2010 which resulted in one MP going to prison and the revelations that a great many more should have but their bacon was saved by a massive shifting of goalposts. Then there are all the recent revelations regarding the sexual misconduct of those in Parliament and no-one’s even got round to doing anything about those who colluded with far more serious organised abuse…Margaret Hodge - Wikipedia

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It was Nolan who declared that MPs ‘should end their cosy self-regulation with the introduction of a permanent, independent, anti-sleaze Parliamentary Commissioner’. That will be the independent, anti-sleaze Parliamentary Commissioner who has consistently refused to take action against the many MPs who have since been exposed as being involved with sleaze.

While maxing out on Clergy Abuse, the ‘Morning Star’ feature reminded us that ‘fellow establishment stalwart Lady Butler Sloss’ – had to apologise for her inaccurate 2011 Report into the way that the Church of England handled allegations in a Sussex sex abuse case and that Butler-Sloss’s brother Sir Michael Havers limited the scope of the Inquiry into the Kincora Boys’ Home in the 1970s. This is all true – although Lady Butler-Sloss is actually Lord Justice Butler-Sloss because when she was appointed no woman had ever held the position of a Lord Justice of Appeal and no-one had the wit to call her ‘Lady’, so she was known as ‘Lord’. However, the sort of PR that Lord Butler-Sloss receives has certainly changed recently.

Butler-Sloss was appointed to Chair the Inquiry into the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal, which reported in 1988. That scandal resulted entirely because of the insanity of those who had concealed the paedophile ring in the north of England and who had links to Dafydd et al (see post ‘Twas The Night Before Christmas And The Culprits Were Named…’). The Cleveland crisis, which was a consequence of Dafydd’s Friends In The North ‘discovering’ that huge numbers of children had been anally raped by their own parents which gave Dafydd’s colleagues an opportunity for repeatedly committing what in any other context would be considered sexual assaults on children, occurred most conveniently when Alison Taylor, Mary Wynch and I were making a lot of noise about Dafydd’s gang in north Wales. Furthermore a few innocent people from Cleveland who had dared complain about the Top Docs found themselves in prison, one of whom committed suicide in there.

At the time of the Cleveland Scandal, the right wing press frothed at the mouth regarding the excesses of pinko social workers and Guardian-reading paediatricians. However, the liberal/left press uncritically took the side of the Top Docs who were causing havoc in Cleveland. I knew by that time that no matter what happened to us in north Wales, the mainstream press just would not report it. All coverage was of ‘caring’ doctors and dangerous patients, there was no other angle. Furthermore, every time that the Guardian was obliged to report a disaster – such as a suicide – resulting from Cleveland, it would be routinely accompanied by an article explaining to Guardian readers that child sexual abuse was a huge unacknowledged problem. None of those articles mentioned that Top Docs and social workers were facilitating organised abuse, although journos were well aware of that.

When Butler-Sloss was drafted in to hold an Inquiry because Dafydd’s associates had brought the NHS in Cleveland to a standstill with their idiocy and the Cleveland police refused to work with them any longer, the many profile articles of Butler-Sloss were hagiographies. It was repeatedly stressed that she was a Woman, so was by her very nature caring, warm, child-centred, level-headed and honest. Furthermore she was a Woman who had Broken A Glass Ceiling and a Woman of Fine Legal Pedigree to boot, so she was uniquely genetically endowed to be a judge and being a Woman she’d be a better judge than all the rest of them.

At no point did anyone mention that Butler Sloss’s brother Michael Havers, the Attorney General, was a corrupt Tory and had actively blocked the prosecution of a number of high profile paedophiles, including the diplomat Sir Peter Hayman, a senior officer in MI6. No-one mentioned that the entire Havers clan had reached their exalted positions in life by being born into well-connected privilege – the father of Butler-Sloss and Havers was Sir Cecil Havers, the High Court judge who presided over the trial of Ruth Ellis. Neither did anyone mention that Elizabeth Butler-Sloss had not made it to university and instead had worked as a secretary, only becoming a lawyer when she was older. Had Butler-Sloss fought with disadvantage, that would have been very admirable, but anyone familiar with her biography knows that this was a rather dim massively privileged woman who ended up as a Lord Justice Of Appeal because of who she was related to. Furthermore Elizabeth Butler-Sloss had tried to get elected as a Tory MP and was a leading light in the Church of England. ‘The Guardian’ and ‘New Statesman’ loved Butler-Sloss, because she was the best chance that their millions of readers who worked in the welfare services had of ensuring that the en masse trafficking of children in care which was happening at that time would be concealed in the face of the explosions in Cleveland and in north Wales.

Thirty years after Cleveland, with Peter Morrison, Cyril Smith, Greville Janner, Norman St John Stevas, George Thomas et al all safely dead, along with most of the judges who helped them and Dafydd and Lucille looking into their own graves, we can now be told the truth about Butler-Sloss and her nearest and dearest. What a pity that didn’t happen in 1988, when Dafydd’s gang were running dozens and dozens of children’s homes in north Wales containing hundreds of kids who were being beaten, raped and trafficked and who would find themselves in Risley Remand Centre, the dungeon in Denbigh or a secure hospital if they complained.

Peter Preston was the Editor of ‘The Guardian’ at the time. Preston knew about the organised abuse of vulnerable people in the welfare system, but welfare professionals were his bread and butter. Preston is now dead. The Mili Tants who wrote many a feminist column at the time reassuring us that the poor Top Docs and social workers of Cleveland had been hung out to dry for daring to tell the Truth have still not admitted that it is welfare professionals who are the key figures to the success of these trafficking gangs and instead now construct the problem as being one of male sexuality. I await their explanation for the many women who lied about me in Court in an attempt to see me in prison because I complained about those facilitating the trafficking ring of which they were part or indeed the comments of the feminist commentators regarding the many innocent boys/men whom were fitted up by Dafydd’s gang – often for sex offences – because they were witnesses who would not keep quiet.

Here’s a Caring Angel who knows a great deal about the trafficking ring in north Wales,  Grace Lewis-Parry, Board Secretary, Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board:

Grace Lewis-Parry

Following a career in nursing, midwifery and health visiting which included time spent in Australia and Canada, Grace Lewis Parry joined the Gwynedd Family Health Services Authority in 1993 and subsequently the North Wales Health Authority in 1996 as Assistant Director of Patient Care. In August 2001 Grace took up the position of General Manager to the Gwynedd Local Health Group based in Caernarfon and was then appointed as Chief Executive to the new Local Health Board for Gwynedd. Grace has continued her professional development, gaining a degree from Bangor and a Masters degree from Manchester University in leadership studies.  She attended an Executive Programme on Leadership at Harvard, Boston in 2007. As an experienced health care professional with substantial leadership, senior management and board level experience, Grace is passionate about improving health and health services.
When Grace was told directly of patients being threatened, unlawfully refused treatment or even assaulted, Grace would simply reply that she had been ‘appraised of the situation’ or berate the complainant for using ‘strong words’.
Here’s a few strong words for you Grace – ‘people trafficking callous lying bitch’.
Grace is a Roman Catholic and was torn between sending her children to a Welsh-medium school or a Catholic one. The Catholic education won the day.
I’m glad to say that facilitating a paedophile gang didn’t result in Grace losing her Wimmin’s Wisdom and Compassion. On one occasion Grace gave me a very hot cup of tea to drink and when I drank it, naturally I broke out into a minor sweat. Grace then asked me if I was menopausal because she had noticed that I was of a certain age. Actually Grace, I was not of a certain age, I was 52 and I was sweating because you’d given me a boiling hot drink. It’s called physiology and it would have happened if I had been 22, it was unrelated to the menopause. Furthermore I have never been traumatised by ‘hot flushes’, I found that taking off my cardigan and opening a window proved remarkably effective. Grace will have been on the HRT herself because she wouldn’t have been able to understand the results of the clinical trials which suggest that for most people, it isn’t a particularly good idea. In the light of what Grace’s colleagues did to me and others, I wasn’t going to touch it with a barge pole.

 

The ‘Morning Star’ feature on Clergy Abuse reminded readers that in 2014, the Archbishop of York apologised for previous cover-ups of abuse by Robert Waddington, the former Dean of Manchester Cathedral, who was once in charge of church schools.

Robert Murray Waddington, (24 October 1927 -15 March 2007) was the Dean of Manchester, 1984-93. He additionally served as Superior of the Oratory of the Good Shepherd (a dispersed community of Anglicans), 1987-90.

Dafydd’s old colleague and mate Dr Bob Hobson relocated to Manchester from the Maudsley in 1974. Hobson facilitated organised sexual abuse while he was at the Maudsley and he continued to do so when he moved to Manchester, where one of those who ‘trained’ with him was Tony Francis (see post ‘The Mentor’).

Robert Waddington was born in West Sussex and educated at Dulwich College, Selwyn College, Cambridge and Ely Theological College. Ordained in 1954, he began his career at St John’s, Bethnal Green. Afterwards he was Chaplain at Slade School in Warwick, Queensland. He returned to England in 1959 to join the Oratory of the Good Shepherd, an order of celibate priests. After 18 months, he returned to Australia to become Headmaster of St Barnabas School, Ravenshoe, where he remained nine years.

Returning to England in 1971 he was at Oxford University’s Department of Education before becoming a Canon Residentiary at Carlisle Cathedral and Bishop’s Adviser Adviser for Education, then General Secretary of the National Society until his appointment as Dean. In 2007, Waddington died in West Sussex.

Waddington was accused of abusing boys in Australia and Manchester, as far back as the 1960s. In April 2013, it was revealed by the press that as a result of allegations of child sexual abuse made against Waddington in 1999 and in 2003, his right to officiate at services was removed by the then Archbishop of York, Lord David Hope. However, Waddington was not reported to the police; Hope had cited his ‘[concern] about Waddington’s state of health’ as the reason for not doing so. It is likely that claim was backed up by a Top Doc’s opinion in order to tick the appropriate boxes.

One of Waddington’s reported victims told ‘The Times’ in May 2013 that the abuse by Waddington began when he was a choir boy at Manchester Cathedral in the 1980s when he was 13 and continued until he moved away to university. David Hope, among others, was censured for failing to act when complaints were made which put other children at risk. Bishop David Walker praised the Archbishop of York, John Sentamu for starting an enquiry. However, Sentamu has been accused of concealing other instances of abuse by clergy. Sentamu’s wife Margaret is a non-executive Director of the Leeds and York Partnership NHS Foundation Trust (see post ‘Apocalypse Now’). NHS professionals in Yorkshire concealed organised abuse, including that involving Jimmy Savile, for decades.

Bishop Walker praised the courage of those who spoke out about abuse and said:

Every time a survivor of abuse speaks out it makes it just a little easier for the next person to speak. Thank you for the courage you have found.

Bishop Walker might like to consider that in north Wales, many, many people complained about abuse. They were harassed, threatened, arrested, imprisoned, denounced as insane, incarcerated – often unlawfully – in secure mental hospitals, fired from jobs, subjected to vicious slander and libel, physically attacked and quite a few were found dead. They might well have been brave but I suspect that far from making it easier for the next person to speak out, they have acted as a highly effective deterrent. As one person screamed down the phone at me in terror after being on the receiving end of the Hergest Unit, ‘you complained and looked what happened to you’…

If Bishop Walker wants to drop me a line, he can e mail me or leave a comment on the blog. I can’t arrange to meet him because I’m in hiding and I don’t use phones with people whom I do not know because they can be used to trace me. Bishop Walker might be interested to know that a number of other people who were on the receiving end of Dafydd et al left the UK. Their attitude to Operation Pallial was ‘I’m buggered if I’m going to give evidence, everyone knew what was happening to us and they didn’t give a stuff’. A great many people knew what was happening to me as well. Those who did give a stuff and tried to help found themselves under attack, along with me.

 

The ‘Morning Star’ reported that in 2015 the Methodist Church apologised after an independent investigation unearthed nearly 2000 reports of sex abuse cases dating back to 1950. Two of those who helped me were active in the Methodist Church. They provided witness statements regarding the threats to which they had seen me subjected by NHS/social services ‘professionals’. They were hounded out of their jobs at Bangor University by Professor Fergus Lowe, with the assistance of Fungus’s mate Professor Lew Hardy; their letter to the Chairman of the NW Wales NHS Trust about an attempt to wrongfully arrest me for making ‘hoax calls’ when I dialled 999 in an emergency was ignored; and a Top Doc expert witness described them as ‘naive academics’ who had been ‘manipulated’ by me. One of them had a stroke and was told by his GP from Bethesda – a man who back in the 1990s was one of the Bethesda GPs who ignored the abuse of kids and psych patients – that he had an ear infection. He subsequently had another more serious stroke. He recovered well because he knows about strokes and knew what to do to give him the best chance of regaining speech and movement, but he has since found that for some reason, there are constant delays and missing test results within the Betsi Board regarding another health problem that he has had for about two years now.

I very much hope that my Methodist friends do not ever find themselves referred to the Walton Centre.

 

The ‘Morning Star’ feature on ‘Clergy Abuse’ mentions the multiple police investigations currently underway into historic allegations of child sexual abuse by church staff throughout Britain and N Ireland. The man who wrote the feature, Steven Walker, the ‘Unicef children’s champion’ and an expert on safeguarding, does not mention that virtually every Social Services Dept in the UK is now under police investigation for child abuse and trafficking.

No-one at all has mentioned the role that the Top Doctors are playing in all this.

‘Brain tumour love? Ooh, inoperable and incurable I’m afraid. We should know here at the Walton, we’re the best.’

‘Stroke? Don’t be daft, you’ve got an ear infection.’

‘Kidney stone when an in-patient at the Hergest Unit? Go and lie on your bed and stop making a fuss.’

‘Cluster headaches, one of the most serious forms of pain that you can experience which are also called suicide migraines because people used to kill themselves to get away from the pain? Oh you’ve got a borderline personality disorder. We’ll now section you and keep you in a locked ward for a year under constant bright lights while failing to provide any pain relief.’

‘In labour and the foetal heart monitor showed that the baby was in distress? We ignored it and the baby died. Legal action? Don’t even bother, the staff are all going to lie on oath, they’ve been briefed already.’

Let’s hear it for the Top Doctors, what would we do without them?

 

The day before yesterday ‘The Times’ ran a feature on Jan Morris, the travel writer. I used to live just a few fields across from Jan Morris’s house near Llanystumdwy. Jan’s son Twm Morys is well-known locally because of his gigs with his Welsh language folk/rock band. Twm is also a writer of serious Welsh verse and won the Chair at the National Eisteddfod some years ago. Since then Twm has been children’s laureate for Wales. Jan Morris herself jokes that when she dies – Jan is in her 90s now – the obituaries will make more of the ‘sex change’ that she underwent many years ago than they will of her writing. Jan used to be James and she underwent gender reassignment when it was very rare indeed and she was subjected to the most appalling hostility and abuse as a result. Jan went to I think Casablanca for surgery to avoid the excesses of the UK Top Docs who at that time treated people with gender dysphoria appallingly. I really admire Jan Morris for doing that at a time when it was damn near impossible to do such a thing without running a high risk of physical violence from the great British public.

There is however a mystery surrounding Jan. Jan – and her son Twm – must know about Dafydd and the paedophiles, not only because of the circles in which they have moved for decades now (see post ‘Heart Of Darkness’), but because of Jan’s early career. James Morris was a journo for ‘The Times’ and he was a member of the 1953 Everest expedition. Another member of the expedition was Sir Charles Evans, the neurosurgeon from Liverpool, who regular readers of this blog will know spent decades as the Principal of UCNW, throughout the years when Dafydd and the gang dominated the college and ran their trafficking ring from within. Sir Charles personally knew Gwynne the lobotomist and Dafydd, because of his Top Doctoring activities. Sir Charles was at the heart of the medical corruption on Merseyside, part of Dafydd’s empire and then ensured that the UCNW branch of the trafficking ring continued untouched.

The leader of the 1953 Everest expedition was Lord John Hunt, an Army officer who worked for the security services. Charles Evans undoubtedly used his contacts in the security services to ensure that the trafficking ring was protected and to send troublesome people the way of Brown and I, as described in previous posts. I’m fairly sure that James Morris must have been working for the security services as well, it will have come with the territory of being a journo with ‘The Times’ in the early 1950s. Charles Evans was known to be a very difficult and unpopular man who when he was older fell out with his old Everest comrades so badly that he refused to go to the Everest team reunions. I knew someone who was close to Charles Evans who told me that even on his death-bed, Evans had ‘bitter words’ regarding his Everest colleagues. So Jan could well have been one of those whom fell out with Sir Charles in a big way.

However, whatever the state of Jan’s relationship with Sir Charles, she knew about the trafficking ring and what was happening to those of us who were targeted. Whatever Jan was doing in the security services and whatever sort of pioneer she has been for people with gender dysphoria, she was doing bugger all to save the lives of the people whom that gang were trying to kill and in some cases succeeded in killing.

 

The past activities of the security services were mentioned on Radio 4 this morning, in the programme ‘The Reunion’. The programme looked back on the murder of the Bulgarian dissident Georgi Markov, who famously died on 11 Sept 1978 after an unknown person in London stabbed him in the thigh with the tip of an umbrella on 7 Sept 1978 which had been loaded with a ricin pellet. Georgi’s assassin was never caught and this has always been blamed on the incompetence of Scotland Yard, which at the time was famously corrupt. The Commissioner of the Met when Markov was killed was Sir David McNee, who had only recently succeeded Sir Robert Mark who was notorious for having presided over a corrupt force. Mark served in Manchester and then in Newcastle, where there was corruption and organised abuse and then hit the jackpot as Chief Constable of Leicester, 1957-67. Mark served on the Mountbatten Inquiry into Prison Security, when his abilities were spotted by paedophiles’ friend Woy Jenkins who was at the time Chancellor of the Exchequer. In 1967 Mark was appointed Assistant Commissioner of the Met and eventually became Deputy Commissioner of the Met and then Commissioner in 1972.

The Met had recently been rocked by exposure of massive corruption in the CID and Mark set about attempting to reform it. He changed disciplinary procedures, returned many detectives to uniform, made a number of television appearances praising the uniformed branch following student unrest and protests against Vietnam and began to gather around him a group of loyal, ambitious uniformed officers. The uniformed branch began to gain precedence and CID was increasingly put under uniformed command. In 1971 Mark had formed A10, a special unit established to investigate corruption. Among those rooted out were Commander Kenneth Drury, Head of the Flying Squad and DCS Bill Moody, Head of the Obscene Publications Squad and ironically also of the Anti-Corruption Squad. Both were jailed, along with several other officers and nearly 500 more were dismissed or forced to resign. The rest of Dafydd’s mates remained in the there.

Robert Mark was responsible for the introduction of the SPG who enjoyed removing their identification and beating up black people. It was one of the SPG who killed Blair Peach, but as all his colleagues in the SPG kept schtum no-one ever discovered who inflicted the fatal blow. See previous posts. Mark resigned in 1977 when he fell out with Woy, who was by then Home Secretary.

‘The Reunion’ mentioned that it was presumed that Markov was killed by either the KGB or the Bulgarian secret services. The Bulgarian security services were keen to assist in the murder investigation and it was only after the event that people realised that the Bulgarian security services almost certainly offered to help in order to acquire information about the British security services and their techniques. So ‘The Reunion’ touched on the possibility that Markov’s killer got clean away because of collusion/fuckwittery on the part of the police and the security services.

As ever, the possible role of another group of people who regularly assisted with crime and flouted the law was ignored – the Top Doctors. The Top Doctor who treated Georgi appeared on ‘The Reunion’. He was Dr Bernard Riley, who at the time worked as a forensic pathologist at St James’s Hospital. Balham. St James’s merged with St George’s Hospital Medical School in 1980 and the St James’s building was closed in 1988 and the staff relocated to St George’s. The staff of St James’s were colluding with Dafydd and the paedophile gang and were operating as many scams as their neighbours down the road at St George’s were (see post ‘The Rakes’ Progress’).

Dr Riley freely admitted that when Markov turned up at St James’s explaining that he was concerned that he had been the victim of an assassination attempt by the Soviet or Bulgarian regimes, Riley thought that Markov was ‘a nutter’ or another ‘paranoid defector’. This is odd, because in 1978 everyone was acutely aware of the Cold War and tales of the horrible fates that tended to befall defectors. No intelligent person faced with a defector from the Soviet bloc would ever believe that they were a nutter or paranoid – it was well-known that defectors would be targets of assassins for the rest of their lives. Furthermore, after Markov defected he worked for the BBC World Service. He was an intelligent, multilingual man but had already been dismissed as a lunatic by one GP, which is why he turned up at St James’s.

It was mentioned on ‘The Reunion’ that after Markov died, samples of his tissue were sent to Porton Down – Bernard Riley had extracted a pellet from Markov’s muscle tissue after Markov died, but it was Porton Down who identified the ricin in the pellet. Porton Down is the Gov’t biological/chemical warfare research establishment and it had such a grim reputation that when I was working in biomedical research in the late 1980s, the salaries offered there were very high because no-one wanted to work at Porton Down. If you wanted the grimmest, nastiest, most unethical medical experiments, you bypassed the Institute of Psychiatry with its primates in cages being electrically shocked and decapitated and the Huntingdon Institute with its thousands of animals being subjected to pointless cruel toxicity tests and you went straight to Porton Down to sign the Official Secrets Act and pick up your big pay cheque.

Dr Bernard Riley’s colleagues at St James’s were concealing a pan-European peadophile and trafficking ring. They’d be well capable of not saving the life of Georgi Markov for any number of reasons.

At the time of Markov’s murder, Jim Callaghan was the PM and Dr Death was the Foreign Secretary. Why are we not surprised that the assassination of a Bulgarian dissident in broad daylight on Waterloo Bridge was never satisfactorily resolved, even though the victim went to two different Top Doctors and clearly explained that he believed that he had been poisoned by either the KGB or the Bulgarian security services?

Dr Bernard Riley is now a Top Doctor at Nottingham, a city which has featured previously on this blog with regard to misconduct and research fraud among the Top Docs there (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK!’).

In 2015 ‘The Liverpool Echo’ reported on three deaths of patients at the Walton Centre who had been given far too much anaesthetic, resulting in their deaths. One of the second opinions used in one of the cases was Dr Bernard Riley, who testified that the patient had been given far too much of the drug concerned. There was a police investigation but no member of staff at the Walton Centre was disciplined or prosecuted.

 

The success story that is the Top Doctors continues, with all national newspapers reporting medical breakthroughs and miracle cures at a very impressive rate. The Top Docs are finding cures for previously serious or  incurable conditions at such a pace that there is not the scope to cover them on this blog. It is clear that these stories are actually either accounts of very much more modest research programmes which have been written by journos who do not understand the research, or PR pieces prepared by the researchers who are being dishonest about the miracles which they claim to have witnessed but who are putting in for a follow-up grant so they need to report major advances. Some of the ‘discoveries’ were discovered years ago and have either been discredited or have become part of accepted knowledge so it is a mystery as to why they are being rehashed at the moment as ‘major new breakthroughs’.

These numerous medical miracles are taking place against a more sober background of serious healthcare failure in the UK. The Torygraph today reports on the scandal at the St George’s Hospital Medical School’s heart unit which is the centre of allegations that patients have died as a result of ‘a feud between surgeons’ – 15 patients have died over five years. The Westminster coroner has been asked to re-open inquests on the dead patients.

There’s more trouble at t’mill at the Shrewsbury and Telford Hospitals Trust. The 2017 inquiry into seven deaths at their maternity unit is now to be widened. Independent consultant Donna Ockenden has now been appointed to review further maternal deaths and the cases under review now number 23. The Trust are currently denying that there have been 60 maternal deaths. Should anything really terrible be happening at the Trust, Donna can be relied upon not to admit it.

Donna Ockenden was commissioned as the ‘independent’ consultant to review events regarding the Tawel Fan Scandal by the Betsi Board, after undercover filming by a whistleblowing nurse revealed elderly mentally ill naked patients crawling around on floors covered with urine and faeces while Angels swore at them. One patient had an untreated broken arm. See post ‘The Tawel Fan Scandal’. The police investigated but no charges were brought. The Angel who blew the whistle was sacked and struck off and has received death threats. The staff filmed abusing the patients told the ‘Daily Post’ that they had done nothing wrong and that the scandal was the fault of ‘trouble making relatives’. The staff were transferred to work on another ward, where months later some of them were caught abusing patients again. No staff have yet been sacked or struck off, except of course for the whistleblower. The staff refused to co-operate with an investigation into the abuse.

When Donna Ockenden was commissioned to investigate Tawl Fan, she made public that she wanted to hear from anyone who had experience of the mental health services in north Wales. I contacted her and she invited me to meet her and a surgeon who was assisting her with the investigation to discuss my experiences with the mental health services. Donna also asked me to send her any evidence that I had. I sent Donna evidence of patient abuse, assault, perjury, threats to patients, a flat refusal by the NHS to investigate serious complaints and the destruction of evidence by Martin Jones, the former CEO of the NW Wales NHS Trust. Donna explained to me that Martin was helping her investigate the Tawel Fan Scandal. She then e mailed me cancelling our meeting and I heard no more from her. Neither did another patient who also sent Donna documentary evidence as damning as that from my own case. A few weeks ago Donna appeared in the media explaining that she had investigated Tawel Fan and had told the Betsi Board that things had to change and that they did not have a functioning mental health service. Donna then went away and has not returned. The relatives of the Tawel Fan patients told the media that they felt ‘let down’ by Donna (see post ‘Conference At Cold Comfort Farm’). I am now in hiding. Martin Jones has now been appointed as the Chief Investigator for the Wales NHS.

The Shrewsbury and Telford NHS Trust has absolutely nothing to worry about now that Donna is on the job, no matter how many patients they have killed.

 

Here’s another Top Doctor who knew about the trafficking ring in north Wales who probably thinks that he’s gone under the radar – Dr Evans. I can’t remember Dr Evans’s first name, but he was another of the GPs who arrived to do a few shifts at the Student Health Centre in 1984-85, when Dr D.G.E. Wood was facilitating the trafficking ring. Dr Evans was based at Bodnant Surgery…

RAUS, RAUS, I’ll be naming more of you soon…

 

Those Who Are Ready To Serve

Some of my recent posts eg. ‘The Village’ and ‘The Turn Of The Screw’ and additions to my posts by the use of the ‘comments’ facility have mentioned how a number people in Somerset with links to the Tory Party who knew me before I went to UCNW (Bangor University) in 1981 found out about my battles with Dafydd and the sex trafficking gang and put this information to good use, receiving large quantities of dosh from persons unknown in return for their silence in the face of the horrific things which were happening to me and my friends as well as in return for their silence if I went to prison or was found dead.

I continue to receive information about – and yet more names of – those who knew me who decided to take advantage. I did notice at the time that a number of people whom I’d known in Somerset seemed to do spectacularly well for themselves, inexplicably so.  I have been told that less fortunate people who knew Brown and me who drifted into petty crime were paid to smear us and for info, but it was of course those who aspired and with influential connections whom I have been told really spotted the potential.

So let me introduce one of my playmates from when I was about six yrs old, along with some information regarding her later career – Janet Mitchell. Janet was Janet Sims when I knew her and most unusually for a girl in Somerset in those days, Janet became an engineer. Janet’s dad Fred Sims was a lecturer in mechanics at Bridgwater College. Janet wanted to follow in her dad’s footsteps, but had rather more academic aspirations so she aimed for an engineering degree. She didn’t do very well in her A levels, so she didn’t go to university after the sixth form, she took up an apprenticeship and completed academic qualifications when she was a bit older.

In 1982 Janet began working as an engineer at Westland Helicopters in Yeovil. Westland was a company which struggled all the way through the 1970s. It was a major news item on ‘Points West’ if somebody actually bought a helicopter, or even looked as though they might be reaching for their chequebook. In mid-1980s, by the time that Brown and I had begun writing to Ministers and the GMC about the Top Docs et al in north Wales, Westland became world famous as a result of the then Secretary of State for Defence Michael Heseltine’s robust support for the ailing company. People in Somerset thought it entirely reasonable that Heseltine seemed to be staking his career on the future of Westland, but the big wigs in politics and the London-based media ranted on about Heseltine’s inexplicable interest in a ‘small West Country company’.  It was a company which employed my former childhood playmate who’s mum and a few others knew what was happening to me at the hands of a branch of the Westminster Paedophile Ring and that had at some point been brought to Heseltine’s attention. Securing Heseltine’s backing was a real coup for Westland, it ailed no more and Janet’s career soon took off like a meteorite.

 

The Westland Affair involved Thatch and Heseltine going public over a Cabinet dispute with questions raised about whether the conventions of Cabinet Gov’t were being observed and about the integrity of senior politicians.

Westland was Britain’s last helicopter manufacturer and in 1985 was to be the subject of a rescue bid. Heseltine favoured a European solution, integrating Westland with a consortium including British Aerospace (BAe), Italian (Augusta) and French companies, but Thatch and the Trade and Industry Secretary, Leon Brittan, while ostensibly maintaining a neutral stance, wanted to see Westland merge with Sikorsky, an American company.

Heseltine refused to accept Thatcher’s choice and claimed that Thatcher was refusing to allow a free ministerial discussion about the matter, even suggesting she had lied about cancelling a scheduled meeting. When Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for his European consortium, he resigned and walked out of a Cabinet meeting in Jan 1986. Brittan was then forced to resign for having (on the orders of Thatcher’s aides, as he admitted some years later) previously ordered the leaking to the press of a confidential legal letter critical of Heseltine and for his lack of candour to the Commons about his efforts to persuade BAe to withdraw from Heseltine’s consortium. Thatcher’s survival as PM appeared to be in question, although she rode out the crisis. The episode was an embarrassment to Thatch’s Gov’t and undermined her reputation.

Now for the details of the scrap and those involved.

 

The rescue of Westland came as a great relief to the MPs in the area, Westland having previously been in deep trouble and an embarrassment. MPs with an interest included Tom King (Tory, Bridgwater), Paddy Ashdown (Lib Dem, Yeovil); Bob Boscawen (Tory, Somerton and Frome), David Heathcoat-Amory (Tory, Wells) and Jerry Wiggin (Tory, Weston-Super-Mare).

I have mentioned that Tom King was personally known to the people in Somerset who knew me and who received money in return for their silence, but at least one of them knew Jerry Wiggin as well and one of them aspired to get up close and personal with Paddy Ashdown, but I don’t know if that plan succeeded.

 

At the beginning of the Westland crisis Tom King was Secretary of State for Employment and his Minister of State was Sir Peter Morrison, who was abusing kids in north Wales, Cheshire as well as in other locations. On Sept 2, 1985, King was made N Ireland Secretary, where he was involved in concealing the scandal at the Kincora Boys’ Home, which was even worse than, but linked to, Dafydd and the gang in north Wales. On Sept 2, 1985, Peter Morrison was appointed Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan – who was involved in the decisions regarding Westland…

Tom King was given a peerage in 2001, the year after the Waterhouse Report was published, as the voices denouncing it as a whitewash began to fade.

 

Sir Jerry Wiggin was a farmer who was on the right of the Tory Party, a member of the Monday Club and a supporter of Ian Smith in Rhodesia. Wiggin was something of a bon viveur with his own ‘set’, usually high-living and right-wing Sir Bufton Tuftons. I remember well the Sir Buftons from my youth. Wiggin’s judgement was doubted by senior Tories and ‘Private Eye’ called him ‘Junket Jerry’ because of his frequent trips abroad. In 1981 Wiggin became a junior Minister at the Ministry of Defence, covering the armed forces; it was left to him to defend the withdrawal of the naval ice patrol ship Endurance from the South Atlantic, which is often seen as having been the trigger for the Argentine invasion of the Falklands in 1982. Wiggin was dismissed from the post a year later. On the eve of a Gov’t reshuffle in June 1983, Wiggin anticipated a promotion and was surprised to be sacked. Despite his pleading and invocation of his experience as a major in the TA, Thatch was unmoved. It was speculated that she may have heard rumours that Wiggin was something of a ‘chancer’ who had diverted an RAF helicopter to visit a girlfriend. At the time, he and his wife Rosemary Orr had recently divorced and Wiggin claimed massive trauma.

Wiggin’s son from his first marriage, William, the Conservative MP for Leominster from 2001, was a year ahead of David Cameron at Eton and married a former girlfriend of Cameron’s. Wiggin’s son Thomas is an asset manager and his daughter Audrey an ‘executive coach’. Wiggin married for a second time in 1991 when Morella Bulmer – who had previously married into the family of the cider group – became his wife.

After Wiggin’s sacking, he ‘seemed to nourish a grudge’ against Thatch. In 1989 he voted for Sir Anthony Meyer when Meyer made a token challenge for the leadership, an extraordinary step given Wiggin’s political views. I have no idea whether Wiggin was aware of this, but Anthony Meyer knew about the havoc that Dafydd and the gang were causing in north Wales and Meyer not only decided to wound Thatch, but also fought a battle to prevent the toxic Beata Brookes, Dafydd and Lucille’s partner in serious organised crime, from becoming the MP for Clwyd West (see post ‘The Celtic Iron Lady And Yet More Recent History’).

Wiggin frequently rebelled in the Commons. In 1996 he defied the Whips over the Firearms Bill, which tightened the use of guns after the massacre of children in Dunblane. His objection was that the proposed level of compensation for those affected by the banning of firearms was inadequate, adding, ‘I am deeply ashamed of my government’. As indeed should he have been, but not for that reason.

Wiggin was knighted in 1993, at about the time (or shortly after) the North Wales Police wound up their investigation into child abuse in north Wales and announced that there was no evidence of a VIP paedophile ring in the region subjected to a high level cover-up. Wiggin retired from Parliament in 1997. Just as the Waterhouse Inquiry got going.

William Rees-Mogg, a former Editor of ‘The Times’, described Wiggin as ‘a shrewd politician — though perhaps closer to the intellectual tone of the rugby XV than of All Souls’. Mystic Mogg lived in Somerset himself whilst all this was going on.

 

I note that Jerry Wiggin was a junior Minister in the MoD at the time of the Falklands conflict. The village in Somerset where the people who knew me and received thousands of pounds in hush money also contained a family with two sons who had both joined the Army after leaving school – they both went to school with me. The older boy joined the Army first and then two years later his younger brother followed. The younger boy alleged the most terrible experiences – what would now be described as very, very serious bullying from NCOs, the sort of thing that was alleged to be happening at Deepcut. This young man was rash enough to try and give back what he was receiving – or at least claimed to be – and he belted an NCO. He was subjected to MoD disciplinary measures, but everything just backfired. He went wild, absolutely beserk, was transferred to what I think must have been a military prison and then there was some sort of Top Doc’s intervention. According to him, he was ferociously beaten constantly, kept naked in cells for days on end, denied contact with anyone etc. Eventually he was discharged and went straight home to his family, which was the first that they knew about it all, because he had not been allowed to communicate with anyone.

This young man’s father was a trade union activist – he was a farm worker who had been involved with the union for years – and he hit the roof when he heard what had happened. He approached the union movement, numerous politicians, lawyers, he really was determined to elicit an investigation into what had happened. He fought for quite a few years and got absolutely nowhere. Meanwhile, his eldest son, who seemed to get on much better in the Army, had been sent to serve in the Falklands conflict. When he returned to Somerset, he was angry and disillusioned with the Army, claiming that the other ranks had been put at risk by the incompetence of the officers and that his mates had died as a result. No-one wanted to hear what he had to say – Somerset was True Blue and nearly everyone supported Thatcher’s adventure in the South Atlantic. This man was viewed not as a voice from the front line but as a wicked traitor.

I don’t know how much substance there was in the allegations made by the two sons of this family, but I imagine that the same politicians who spent years doing the most disgusting deals in order to keep a lid on Dafydd et al crushed these two young men and their family underfoot.

 

Jerry Wiggin was the MP for Weston-super-Mare. Jeffrey Archer grew up there and his mother used to write a column on the ‘Weston Mercury’. When Archer was given a peerage, he became Lord Archer of Weston-super-Mare. I imagine that he will have retained many links with the area, despite being based in Cambridgeshire and London. Archer and his wife had a number of connections with people known to Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘Tuppence And His Fragrant Wife’). Peter Morrison succeeded Tuppence as Deputy Chairman of the Tory Party.

 

Paddy Ashdown, the MP for Yeovil at the time, is a former Royal Marine who was in the SBS and worked as an intelligence officer with MI6. Yeovil was Paddy’s wife Jane’s home town and in 1976 when Paddy was selected as the Liberal Party’s prospective parliamentary candidate for Yeovil, he took a job with Normalair Garrett, then part of the Westland Group. Paddy wasn’t elected until 1983. In 1981 he became a youth worker with Dorset County Council’s Youth Service, working on initiatives to help the young unemployed.

In the early 1980s, Rob Evans, the senior manager in Gwynedd Social Services with responsibility for child protection when the children’s services in Gwynedd hosted a paedophile ring, had been a social work Team Manager in Dorset. In 1992 Evans was given responsibility for managing the community mental health services in Gwynedd. Patients were threatened, assaulted and fitted up for crimes by mental health staff. The area had one of the highest suicide rates in the UK. Complaints were never investigated and even when Evans condescended to meet patients who had the most terrible experiences, Evans simply talked around the subject and nothing was ever resolved (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’).

 

Paddy Ashdown knew about Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith and the numerous other Parliamentary molesters. He knew about the biggest, most dangerous bag of shit of all, Kincora Boys’ Home in Belfast, as well as much else because of his work with MI6. Paddy was living the high life in Geneva before he rocked up scratching a living in Yeovil. It wasn’t an obvious career move and it is highly probable that Paddy had been deployed to the West Country by the security services because of Thorpe’s shenanigans in north Devon at the time. At the time of Westland, David Steel was leader of the Liberal Party and the Liberals had formed their Alliance with Dr Death’s bunch. David Steel was told about Cyril Smith abusing boys and ignored it and Dr Death was mates with some of the Top Docs in north Wales with whom I was having such terrible problems. Paddy became leader of the newly merged party, the Lib Dems, in 1988 and was always a one for attempting back room deals with the paedophiles’ friends in a desperate attempt to get into Gov’t.

At the time of the Westland Affair, the brother of the former Liberal MP John Pardoe lived in the same village as those receiving the dosh to keep quiet about events in north Wales. John Pardoe had been the MP for North Cornwall who lost his seat in 1979, because, it was perceived, as a result of his strong support for Jeremy Thorpe, who was at the time standing trial at the Old Bailey for conspiracy and incitement to murder Norman Scott (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). In the 1987 General Election campaign, John Pardoe was campaign manager for the SDP-Liberal Alliance. When he was at Cambridge, John Pardoe was in Footlights with Top Tosser Jonathan Miller, who was called upon himself to come to the rescue of the paedophiles’ friends of north Wales (see post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’).

I have not been told that John Pardoe’s brother was involved with those we know and love – Brown and me knew him quite well and liked him, we spent a summer working on his farm, as did friends of ours – but this was such a heap of crap with the security services and others nobbling people who knew Brown and me and either bribing them to shaft us or wrecking the lives of those who stood by us, that I would be very surprised if Robin, John Pardoe’s brother, had not been approached. Furthermore, Robin Pardoe’s son Simon was an Aberystwyth graduate who at that time was working for ILEA, an organisation which was complicit with kids from inner London being sent to children’s homes in north Wales and his daughter Rachel had recently graduated from Sussex University. I really don’t think that Dafydd’s protectors will have been able to resist the opportunity.

 

At about this time, a company which could only be described being run by crooks and spivs, FPS (Financial Planning Services), arrived in Somerset. For a short while one of the Somerset contingent known to me took a job as a ‘financial consultant’ with FPS. She was told at the time that FPS were conmen and after she had spent a few weeks working for them, this became evident. She did eventually wave a fond farewell to them, but not before she found out that one of the leading lights in FPS was a former SBS action man of a Paddy-type. The SBS man was also a complete thug who terrorised everyone and sexually exploited young women. Was he known to you Paddy? Because you were all down there near Yeovil at the same time.

If you were sent to Somerset on Lilibet’s secret service Paddy, you did a bloody awful job. DAFYDD!!?? For God’s sake, was he really worth protecting??

 

Robert Boscawen, Tory MP for Wells, was the fourth son of Evelyn Hugh John Boscawen, 8th Viscount Falmouth. Boscawen’s ancestors included PM Charles Grey, 2nd Earl Grey.

After serving in the British Army during WWII, Boscawen served during 1947-48 in Hamburg, with the British Red Cross civilian relief teams organised by his mother, Lady Falmouth, a Vice-Chairman of the Tory Party. From 1948, Boscawen spent two years with Shell Petroleum before joining the family-owned Cornish china clay business, Goonveen. He became a Lloyd’s underwriter in 1952. Boscawen’s political career began in 1948 when he joined the Young Conservatives.

Boscawen was a member of the Monday Club and was MP for Wells, 1970-83 and then, as the result of boundary changes, he moved over to the nearby constituency Somerton and Frome. Boscawen supported the restoration of capital punishment, drastic cuts in the welfare state and student grants, but opposed abortion. He also became a leading supporter of Ian Smith after Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence.

Boscawen was interested in the NHS and sat on its London Executive Council, 1954-65. He was on the backbenchers’ Health Services Committee and Vice-Chairman, 1974-79. So it wouldn’t have been too difficult for leading Tories to lean on Boscawen if they thought that Dafydd et al were about to be exposed.

Boscawen served as a Lord Commissioner of the Treasury from 1981. Peter Morrison had been Lord Commissioner of the Treasury, 1979-81, during which time Boscawen had been an Assistant Gov’t Whip.

Boscawen was Vice-Chamberlain of Her Majesty’s Household 1983-86 and Comptroller of the Royal Household until 1988. Peter Morrison’s sister Dame Mary Morrison spent most of her life as Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Lilibet.

Boscawen became a member of the Privy Council in 1992, the same year that he retired from the Commons. Days after his retirement, the Brighton firebomb killed the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

Boscawen married Mary Codrington in 1949 and they had two daughters and one son, who followed him into the Coldstream Guards. Boscawen was a rower and yachtsman. He stroked the Trinity boat and rowed in the University trial eights. He was a member of the Royal Yacht Squadron and regularly sailed in international races, including the Fastnet.

 

Now here’s a funny thing. The MP who succeeded Boscawen in 1992, days before that firebomb did its best, was Mark Robinson. Mark Robinson was the man who wrote to me when I first raised concerns about Tony Francis, Dr D.G.E. Wood and Gwynne the lobotomist witholding my medical records from me and in the case of Gwynne, altering them. At the time, Robinson was the Tory MP for usually safe Labour seat of Newport West. He ended up writing to me because in 1985 Robinson was appointed a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, under Secretary of State Nicholas Edwards and it was Robinson who wrote to me after I paid a visit to Keith Best, the Tory MP for Ynys Mon, who was not only my constituency MP, but also a Minister in the Welsh Office (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). I had no idea at the time that Best was a crooked barrister who had previously lived in the Brighton area, had served as a Brighton Councillor when John Allen was trafficking kids in care in north Wales to brothels owned by Allen in Brighton and from the moment that Best arrived in north Wales concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang. Indeed I expect that’s why Best was sent to Ynys Mon as part of the reinforcements to assist the paedophiles’ friends.

Nicholas Edwards was still Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the Westland Affair (see posts ‘The Cradle Of Filth’ and ‘Old Nick Bites The Dust’).

Mark Robinson was born in Bristol to John Foster Robinson and Margaret, née Paterson. Mark Robinson’s father was High Sheriff of Avon in 1975, so he almost certainly knew Brown’s dad.

Dr D.G.E. Wood’s family came from Bristol, where his father worked as a Top Doctor. Wood went to medical school in Bristol. Lord David Hunt, who has spent most of his career concealing and colluding with Dafydd and the gang, did his degree in law at Bristol University and then in 1970 unsuccessfully contested Bristol South for the Tories. For some unfathomable reason, in the 1973 Birthday Honours Hunt was awarded an MBE for ‘political services in the west of England’. After unsuccessfully contesting Kingswood in 1974, Hunt was sent to contest the Wirral in a by-election in 1976 to provide back-up for Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Hunt subsequently provided the best of services to the paedophiles’ friends for decades, in his various roles at the Welsh Office and in his capacity as an international lawyer acting for the MDU and others.

By the mid-1970s, John Allen and others were flocking into north Wales purchasing isolated old buildings which were converted into children’s homes or residential schools. Nearly all of these establishments were part of the same paedophile ring. After the Children Act 1975, business really boomed. The Children Act 1975 was the work of Leo Abse who skilfully bullied and manipulated others into getting it onto the statute books. It was Dr Death who was roped into doing the crucial bit, introducing the private member’s bill that was necessary. See posts ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’ and ‘The History, Boys…’. Just before the Act was passed, Peter Morrison was selected as the Tory candidate for Chester, was then elected and a local authority reorganisation resulted in the creation of Gwynedd and Clwyd County Councils, which kicked off with Chief Executives David Alun Jones and T.M. Hadyn Rees respectively (see posts ‘I Know Nuzzing…’ and ‘Ain’t Nothing Clean – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists’). North Wales had opened for business as a production line for trafficked young people.

 

John Robinson’s family ran ES & A Robinson, the paper and packaging conglomerate that later became Dickinson Robinson Group. Apart from paper, the Robinsons were famous for cricket: Mark Robinson’s grandfather, Sir Foster Robinson, was captain of Gloucester; other members of the family played for, and captained, Gloucestershire. Mark Robinson was educated at Harrow and Christ Church, Oxford, where he read Modern History.

Mark Robinson spent six years at the UN: at the UN Relief Operation to Bangladesh; in the Office of the Under-Secretary General; and in the Office of the Secretary General, Kurt Waldheim. From 1977–83 Robinson was Assistant Director in the Office of the Commonwealth Secretary-General, who was then Sir Shridath Ramphal.

 

‘Sonny’ Ramphal was born in British Guiana. After attending schools in Georgetown, Ramphal studied law at King’s College London and was called to the bar at Gray’s Inn in 1951. So Sonny will have known Sir William Mars-Jones, who grew up in Denbighshire, a leading light at Gray’s Inn who was a mate of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse and President of UCNW. Mars-Jones and his family in north Wales provided years of protection for Dafydd et al.

As a pupil barrister Ramphal worked with the British politician and lawyer Dingle Foot. Sir Dingle Foot was born in Plymouth and was Liberal MP for Dundee, 1931-45. He joined the Labour Party in 1956 and was the Labour MP for Ipswich, 1957-70. John Allen came from Ipswich before arriving in north Wales in the late 1960s and opening the Bryn Alyn Community. Ipswich was also the base of Dr John W. Paulley and his wife. Paulley carried out harmful experimentation on his patients and Paulley’s wife ran a counselling and family therapy centre, which I suspect concealed organised abuse. Paulley was involved with the establishment of the University of Buckingham. See post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’ for further information on Paulley and his network.

Dingle Foot was Solicitor General, 1964-67, in Harold Wilson’s Gov’t. Wilson’s Gov’t concealed the abuse and criminality in north Wales and of course the sexual offences of George Thomas, who got on very well with Harold Wilson. Thomas was a junior Minister in the Welsh Office whilst Dingle was Solicitor General. The Secretary of State for Wales above Thomas was Lord Cledwyn, Labour MP for Anglesey, 1951-79 and friend of the Windbag and his extended family (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’).

Dingle Foot was the eldest son of Isaac Foot, solicitor and founder of the Plymouth law firm, Foot and Bowden. Isaac was Liberal MP for Bodmin, 1922-24 and again from 1929-35 and also a Lord Mayor of Plymouth. Dingle’s brother was Michael Foot, who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang and of course of George Thomas (see post ‘Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks…’). Another brother was Lord John Foot, a Liberal politician; another was Hugh, Lord Caradon, Governor of Cyprus and British Ambassador to the UN and yet another brother was Christopher, a solicitor who joined the family firm. Dingle also had two sisters. His nephew, Hugh’s son, was the journalist Paul Foot. Who campaigned on behalf of many people experiencing injustices but not anyone who was the victim of the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles or their friends.

Dingle Foot died on 18 June 1978 in a hotel in Hong Kong, after choking on a bone in a chicken sandwich. I don’t know if anyone actually witnessed his death. Peter Morrison, who had been the Tory MP for Chester since 1974 and who was looking forward to a Cabinet career when his mate Thatch became PM, must have been quite relieved when old Dingle pegged out. As must have been a great many other people, who weren’t Labour supporting paedophiles like George Thomas, but were paedophiles who supported the Tories. Croesor in north Wales was a village where many radicals and activists on the left spent the summer and they knew about Dafydd and the gang (see post ‘The Village’). Bertrand Russell, who lived in nearby Penrhyndeudraeth, was friends with some of this crowd and he knew about Dafydd et al as well. I suspect that Dafydd proved quite useful to Russell. Many of the Croesor contingent were lefties who knew Michael Foot and would have been delighted to bring Thatcher down, but the problem was that many people on the left were colluding with the sexual exploitation of young people as well.

 

Dingle’s pupil barrister Ramphal also studied law at Harvard. Ramphal started his legal career as a Crown Counsel in the Attorney-General’s Office in 1953, becoming Solicitor-General and then Assistant Attorney-General of the short-lived West Indies Federation. After a period in private practice in Jamaica he returned to Guyana in 1965 to be the Attorney General. Two years later Ramphal was also appointed Minister of State in the Ministry of External Affairs, later becoming Minister of Justice (from 1973) and Minister of Foreign Affairs (from 1972). In 1975 he left Guyana to be Commonwealth Secretary-General.

Ramphal served as the Chancellor of the University of Warwick, 1989-02, was at the University of the West Indies until 2003 and was then Chancellor of the University of Guyana. In 1995, along with Swedish PM Ingvar Carlsson – who became PM after the assassination of Olof Palme in 1986 – Ramphal was one of the co-chairs of the Commission on Global Governance. In the same year, the Commission on Global Governance produced a controversial report, ‘Our Global Neighbourhood’. The report was attacked because it calling for UN reforms that would increase the UN’s power. It was also criticised for the use of the term ‘global governance’ rather than ‘world federalism’.

The Commission on Global Governance was established in 1992 with the full support of the UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who oversaw the UN at a time when it dealt with several world crises, including the breakup of Yugoslavia and the Rwandan genocide. Neither of which were the UN’s finest hour.

 

Mark Robinson’s background at the UN and Commonwealth resulted in his appointment to the Foreign Affairs Select Committee after his election for Newport West in 1983, a position he held until in 1985 when Thatch transferred him to the Welsh Office. By 1985, I had already written to the GMC about Gwynne and raised concerns with UCNW (Bangor University) regarding his presence in the Student Health Centre. By that time Mary Wynch had been given leave by the Master of the Rolls Lord Donaldson to sue Dafydd et al after she was unlawfully arrested and imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and then in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and Alison Taylor had raised concerns about the abuse of children in care in north Wales.

At the time of the Westland Affair, Mark Robinson was still a Minister in the Welsh Office, colluding with Dafydd and the gang.

Robinson lost his seat at the 1987 General Election and was re-elected in 1992 for Somerton and Frome. By that time I and my two friends who worked in the media had been hounded out of our jobs (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). Robinson was appointed PPS to the Minister for Overseas Development, Baroness Lynda Chalker and the Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary, Douglas Hurd. Robinson has since served as a Commonwealth election observer.

 

Lynda Chalker was Tory MP for Wallasey, 1974-92. Wallasey is a constituency in Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Chalker was educated at Roedean, Heidelberg University, Queen Mary University of London and the Poly of Central London (now the University of Westminster). She worked as a statistician and market researcher, including a spell with Shell-Mex, before entering the Commons. Chalker held a number of Gov’t posts, including spell at the DHSS, 1979–82. Being a statistician, Chalker would have noticed the very high suicide rate in north Wales, the high number of deaths at Risley Remand Centre, the fact that Dafydd had more patients on 12 month sections than any other Top Doc in the UK and the enormous number of children in care from right across the UK who had been placed in the numerous children’s homes in north Wales. Chalker would have noticed the dire state of the finances at Gwynedd Health Authority and Clwyd County Council. She’d have known about Mary Wynch’s case as well because the shit hit the fan as a result of that in 1979-80.

Chalker served as a junior Minister at the Dept of Transport, 1982–83. In 1983 she became Minister of State at Transport and she was Minister for Europe, 1986-89. Professor Oliver Brooke of St George’s Hospital Medical School was jailed for the possession of child porn in Dec 1986. Brooke was a key figure in a pan-European paedophile ring and was involved in an international trade in child porn. Brooke’s colleagues at St George’s continued to facilitate and collude with Dafydd et al in north Wales and a paedophile ring in south London. John Allen owned a villa in the south of France where he took kids in care ‘for holidays’ and Dafydd ‘held clinics’ in France.

Chalker was Minister for Overseas Development and Africa, 1989-97.

In June 1974, Chalker was awarded an Honorary Citizenship from President Guebuza for services to Mozambique.

Chalker was given a peerage in 1992, after losing her seat in the General Election, days before that Brighton firebomb.

Chalker is the Founder and President of Africa Matters Limited, an ‘independent consultancy providing advice and assistance to companies initiating, developing or growing their activities in Africa’. She is a member of the international advisory board of Lafarge, a French company which produces cement, aggregates and concrete. The victims of Dafydd probably end up in their products as parts of flyovers. Chalker sits on the Board of Trustees of the Investment Climate Facility for Africa. She is a Consultant for Uganda’s Presidential Investors Roundtable (PIRT) that advises the President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, on ways to improve Uganda’s investment climate and competitiveness.

Chalker is a founding Member of the Global Leadership Foundation, an organisation which works to ‘support democratic leadership, prevent and resolve conflict through mediation and promote good governance’ in the form of democratic institutions, open markets, human rights and the rule of law. Chalker’s having great success on that front then. The Global Leadership Foundation achieves its aims ‘by making available, discreetly and in confidence, the experience of former leaders to today’s national leaders’. Is Blair involved? It sounds like the sort of thing that would appeal to him. The Global Leadership Foundation ‘is a not-for-profit organisation composed of former heads of government, senior governmental and international organisation officials who work closely with heads of government on governance-related issues of concern to them.’

Chalker is a Member of the Board of Trustees of Sentebale, a ‘charity set-up to reach Lesotho’s neediest children, many of whom are the victims of extreme poverty and the HIV/AIDS epidemic of that area’. Chalker founded the Chalker Foundation, which seeks to support the improvement of healthcare in Africa. Somehow I doubt that the needy children of Africa are going to benefit from Lynda’s largesse.

Chalker held the position of Non-Executive Director and Chairman of the Corporate Responsibility and Reputation Committee for Unilever, retiring in May 2007 having served three terms of three years. She joined the Board of Unilever as an Advisory Director in 1998, becoming a Non-Executive Director in 2004.

Professor Fergus Lowe’s empire at the School of Psychology at Bangor University was built on the back of huge grants from the ESRC and Unilever in 1992 (see post ‘Feet In Chains’). Fungus created his empire by overthrowing Dafydd’s influence in the School and then holding everyone who had colluded with or concealed Dafydd’s crimes over a barrel. Including Liverpool University, Dafydd’s alma mater, which employed – and continues to employ – many of Dafydd’s friends and associates. Philip Lever – Lord Leverhulme – was an advisory Director of Unilever  and was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1980-93 (see post ‘Heart of Darkness’).

Dr Death was MP for Plymouth Sutton and Plymouth Devonport, 1966-92 and was friends with some of the Top Docs associated with Dafydd and the north Wales gang. The Foot family were still very much a presence in Plymouth when Dr Death was the MP down there. Dr Death was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1996-09.

 

Lynda Chalker has served on the Africa Advisory Board of Renaissance Capital. She is a former Chairman of the Medicines for Malaria Venture and a former Non-Executive Director of Group Five. Chalker was shortlisted for the Grassroot Diplomat Initiative Award in 2015 for her work with ‘Africa Matters’.

In 2018, it was announced that Chalker would take over as President of the Royal Geographical Society.

Here she is, lest any disadvantaged children encounter her and need to run for their lives:

Official portrait of Baroness Chalker of Wallasey crop 2.jpg

 

Lynda Chalker holds the 20th-century record for continuous Gov’t service, along with Kenneth Clarke, Malcolm Rifkind, Tony Newton and Patrick Mayhew, as she held office for the entire duration of the Conservatives’ 18 years in power. Clarke, Newton and Mayhew knew about the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales and elsewhere, saw mountains of documentary evidence and actively concealed everything for years.

 

Chalker succeeded Ernest Marples as MP for Wallasey. Ernest Marples was a Minister under Macmillan and Douglas-Home throughout the Tory Gov’t, 1957-64. Marples was embroiled in much controversy throughout his political career, as a result of allegations of conflict of interest and dodgy financial deals, often involving companies which had been given Gov’t contracts.

In the late 1940s Marples was a director of a company called Kirk & Kirk, which was a contractor in the construction of Brunswick Wharf Power Station. Marples met civil engineer Reginald Ridgway, who was working as a contractor for Kirk & Kirk. In 1948 the two men founded Marples Ridgway and Partners, a civil engineering company. The new partnership took over Kirk & Kirk’s contract at Brunswick Wharf and in 1950 Marples severed his links with Kirk & Kirk. Marples Ridgway’s subsequent contracts included building power stations in England, the Allt na Lairige dam in Scotland, roads in Ethiopia and (significantly) England as well as a port in Jamaica. The Bath and Portland Group took over Marples Ridgway in 1964. Brunswick Wharf Power Station (also known as Blackwall) was built by Poplar Borough Council after WW II. Poplar was a borough where the organised abuse of children had existed for generations – by the 1970s, those children were being sent to children’s homes in north Wales.  By the 1990s, the stench of the scandal was so bad that people in north Wales and very rich high places in London were busy scratching each others backs to ensure that the truth never emerged (see posts ‘Apocalypse Now’ and ‘The Bodies Beneath Canary Wharf’).

Blackwall Power Station was built for the BEC (British Electricity Company), the predecessor of the CEGB. Walter McLennan Citrine, 1st Baron Citrine was Chairman of BEC/CEB (Central Electricity Board), 1947-57. Citrine was a leading British and international trade unionist. He was General Secretary of the TUC, 1926-46 and helped transform the Labour Party into a substantial force for government from 1939. Citrine was also President of the then influential International Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU), 1928-45. He was joint Secretary of the key TUC/Labour Party National Joint Council from 1931 and a Director of the UK ‘Daily Herald’, 1929-46, a mass circulation Labour paper.

Citrine was highly influential in the Labour movement. His involvement helped secure its recovery after the crushing defeat which followed the fall of the British Labour Gov’t in 1931. Citrine played a key role from the mid-1930s in reshaping Labour’s foreign policy, especially as regards re-armament and through the all-party anti-Nazi Council in which he worked with Churchill.

Citrine strengthened the TUC’s influence over the Labour Party. After Ramsay MacDonald formed a coalition with the Tories to force his policies through, Citrine led the campaign to have MacDonald expelled from the party. Citrine later supported the Attlee Gov’ts policy of nationalisation and served on the National Coal Board as well as Chairman of the CEB.

Citrine was in Liverpool and left school at the age of 12. He was a member of the ILP from 1906 and joined the Electrical Trades Union (ETU) in 1911. He was soon the leading activist for the ETU in Merseyside, the first full-time District Secretary in 1914, a post he served in until 1920, gaining much experience negotiating with major employers all round Birkenhead docks, as well as with electrical contractors in the area. Citrine became Secretary of the regional Federation of Engineering and Shipbuilding Trades (FEST) in 1919 and was elected Assistant General Secretary of the ETU in 1920. In 1924, he was appointed Assistant General Secretary of the TUC. Citrine was an enthusiastic acting General Secretary of the TUC during the General Strike of 1926 and was confirmed in that position afterwards.

With other leading figures, such as Ernest Bevin, Citrine helped change the face of British trade unionism. They took the unions from class conflict rhetoric to co-operation with employers and Gov’t in return for union recognition and industrial advances, ie. ‘from Trafalgar Square to Whitehall’.

Citrine accepted the position of Privy Councillor and this gave him total access to Churchill, the then Prime Minister and considerable influence with all Ministers on behalf of the TUC throughout WW II. Who’d have thought that Walter Citrine, born into the working classes on Merseyside and who left school at 12 would be sitting there drinking Chateau de Chasselas…

Citrine acted as an envoy for Churchill with the U.S and Soviet trade unions. This strengthened the position of the Labour ministers in Churchill’s Gov’t of 1940-45 which greatly assisted Labour’s election in 1945.

Citrine’s battled with the Communist International (the Comintern) after the General Strike. The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) and its front organisation in the unions, the Red International of Labour Unions (RILU)/later the Minority Movement, blamed the TUC leadership for the defeat of the strike. Citrine exposed this attempt by the Comintern to subvert the leaders of the British trade unions and this helped isolate British communists in the trade unions and Labour Party.

Many of the summer visitors to Croesor in north Wales during the middle years of the 20th century and their friends and colleagues who knew what Dafydd et al were up to (see post ‘The Village’) were members of the Communist Party of Great Britain and will have known about Walter Citrine and his battles. Such as Ed and David’s dad Ralph Miliband.

Citrine had originally been a keen supporter of the Russian Revolution and trade with the Soviet Union. He was one of the first to visit the Soviet Union in 1925 and did so again in 1935, 1941, 1943 and 1956. However, as President of the IFTU, based in Berlin from 1931-6, Citrine saw the rise of Hitler and the destruction of the huge German trade union and labour movement as partly the fault of the communists’ divisive tactics. He and Bevin were determined to prevent such an occurrence in Britain and this perhaps gave them a heightened sense of communist conspiracy in their dealings with internal opposition within the unions and the Labour Party. This caused much hostility to him amongst minority Left forces, such as the Socialist League, which would colour the attitude of many on the Left to him thereafter. Michael Foot’s biography of Nye Bevan is indicative of this.

In April 1940 Citrine and his colleagues in the TUC sued the ‘Daily Worker’ (which later became the ‘Morning Star’) for libel. Mr Justice Stable found for Citrine and the TUC. Sir Ronnie Waterhouse was friends with Justice Owen Stable’s son Philip. Citrine and his colleagues were awarded substantial damages and costs, but these were never paid, as the ‘Daily Worker’ changed publishers two days after the judgement. The TUC subsequently published the full judgement in a pamphlet by Citrine entitled ‘Citrine and others v Pountney: The Daily Worker Libel Case 1940’.

Citrine visited Finland in Jan 1940, at the height of its Winter War against the Soviet Union. In Oct 1941, a TUC delegation under Citrine’s leadership travelled to the Soviet Union as part of Churchill’s diplomatic efforts following the German invasion of Russia to bring the Soviet Union into the alliance against Germany.

It was at the invitation of the Minister of Fuel and Power, Manny Shinwell MP, that in 1946 Citrine was invited to join the newly nationalised NCB and given a welfare role for its then 700,000 or so miners (pithead baths, Summer Schools and machinery for joint consultation). Citrine served for a year until Shinwell again recommended his appointment as Chairman of the BEC (from 1955 the Central Electricity Authority) and in 1947, PM Attlee confirmed this appointment. Citrine served in this capacity for ten years, then remaining on the Board until 1962 in a part-time capacity.

Walter Citrine was given a peerage in 1946 and was an active attender of debates in the Lords in the 1960s.

 

In his capacity as Chair of the BEC/CEA, Walter Citrine will have been involved with Windscale Power Station. It is possible that Windscale was built by Marples Ridgway, but I haven’t been able to confirm this. On 10 Oct 1957 a fire at Windscale led to Britain’s worst nuclear accident. The reactors at Windscale had been built as part of the British post-war atomic bomb project. Windscale Pile No. 1 was operational in Oct 1950 followed by Pile No. 2 in June 1951. The 1957 fire burned for three days and there was a release of radioactive contamination that spread across the UK and Europe. On the morning of 11 Oct 1957, when the fire was at its worst, eleven tons of uranium were ablaze. Temperatures became extreme (one thermocouple registered 1,300 °C) and the biological shield around the stricken reactor was in severe danger of collapse.

The fire released an estimated 740 terabecqueres (20,000 curies) of iodine -131, as well as 22 TBq (594 curies) of caesium-137 and 12,000 TBq (324,000 curies) of xenon-133, among other radionuclides. Later reworking of contamination data has shown national and international contamination may have been higher than previously estimated. The Three Mile Island accident in 1979 released 25 times more xenon-135 than Windscale, but much less iodine, caesium and strontium. Estimates by the Norwegian Institute of Air Research indicate that atmospheric releases of xenon-133 by the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster were broadly similar to those released at Chernobyl and thus well above the Windscale fire releases.

Radioactive releases compared (TBq)
Material Half life Windscale Three Mile Island (compared to Windscale) Chernobyl Fukushima Daiichi
(atmospheric)
Iodine-131 8.0197 days 740 much less 1,760,000 130,000
Caesium-137 30.17 years 22 much less 79,500 35,000
Xenon-133 5.243 days 12,000 6,500,000 17,000,000
Xenon-135 9.2 hours 25 × Windscale
Strontium-90 28.79 years much less 80,000
Plutonium 6,100

 

The presence of the chimney scrubbers at Windscale was credited with maintaining partial containment and thus minimising the radioactive content of the smoke that poured from the chimney during the fire. These scrubbers were installed at great expense on the insistence of John Cockcroft and were known as Cockcroft’s Folly until the 1957 fire.

In 2007, tapes released to the BBC revealed that there had been a major cover-up regarding the Windscale fire and the reasons why this was. Scientists had been warning about the dangers of an accident for some time and the safety margins of the radioactive materials inside the reactor were being further and further eroded. Physicists at the Nuclear Research Laboratory in Harwell, Oxfordshire, were among those highlighting the potential dangers. However politicians and the military ignored the warnings; instead they increased demands on Windscale to produce material for an H-bomb. A succession of British PMs since WW II had been determined to persuade the Americans to share the secrets of their nuclear weapons with Britain. Harold Macmillan believed that if Britain could develop an H-bomb on the scale of the Americans, Britain would be treated as a nuclear equal and an alliance would be formed. At the very time that the fire at Windscale was being fought, with everyone involved unsure of whether they’d be able to bring the incident under control, Macmillan was arranging a summit in Washington. It laid the foundation of Britain’s ‘special relationship’ with the US.

Macmillan realised that if the American Congress knew that the fire at Windscale had been the result of reckless decisions taken in an attempt to produce an H-bomb, they might veto Macmillan’s and Eisenhower’s plans. Thus Macmillan covered up the true cause of the fire and issued a report saying that the accident had been caused by an ‘error of judgement’ by the Windscale workers. For 50 yrs, the official record on the accident was that the men who had in fact averted a potentially devastating accident were to blame for causing it. A subsequent inquiry cleared the Windscale workers.

 

Gov’t lies about the cause of the fire at Windscale might explain the roots of one of the many mysteries in which I have taken an interest. It does of course concern Dafydd. Before Dafydd embarked upon his glorious career in medicine at Liverpool University, in the early 1950s, he had already been thrown out of another degree course – I think that it was chemistry – at another university. Dafydd had been given a prestigious scholarship and the world was very angry when the Bethesda boy who had been given such an opportunity screwed it up. I don’t know why Dafydd was kicked out, but I expect that the wrongdoing involved will have been substantial, Dafydd doesn’t do things by halves. Yet somehow, after this huge disgrace that was very well-known and on his record, Dafydd subsequently bagged a place to do medicine at Liverpool – and the money to support himself while he did it. Back in Dafydd’s day, places at medical school weren’t as precious as they are now and medicine was not such a prestigious subject academically, but if one had previously buggered up a university place, one did not get another chance.

So how did Dafydd get through the doors of Liverpool University? It will have been nepotism because Dafydd and Liverpool Medical School only operate on nepotism, but knowing Dafydd, it won’t have been based on the nepotistic kindness of someone thought that he was a lovely young man who would make a good doctor. Dafydd will have had shit on someone so great that arms were twisted.

Before Dafydd went to Liverpool University, he worked at Windscale. The Legend of Dr DA that has been handed down through the Welsh mists tells us that it was whilst he was working as ‘an atomic scientist at Windscale’ that Dafydd decided that his future lay in medicine. Dafydd won’t have been an atomic scientist, but he was doing something at Windscale. Being Dafydd, if he was just cleaning the loos he’d have been creeping around variously ingratiating himself to or threatening people. Dafydd found something out whilst he was working at Windscale, which must have been very soon after Windscale opened, that had people jumping when he told them to jump for the rest of his life…

Dafydd’s adventures at Windscale might also explain why Gov’ts of all hues appointed nuclear physicists to preside over Top Docs when the Top Docs became even more uncontrollable than usual. Nuclear physicist Sir Alec Merrison Chaired an Inquiry regarding the pay and conditions of the Top Docs set up by Keith Joseph in 1973 (which reported in 1975) as well as the Royal Commission on the NHS, set up in 1976 by Barbara Castle, which reported in 1979. Barbara Castle as Secretary of State, along with her Health Minister Dr Death, allegedly chose Merrison to Chair the Royal Commission because he was a supporter of the NHS (see post ‘The History, Boys…’). It was of course nuclear physicist Lord Brian Flowers of Imperial College who was given domain over the Top Docs of London University whilst they committed huge research frauds and colluded with Dafydd’s sex trafficking gang.

Merrison and Flowers both had years of experience in the nuclear industry. Merrison had worked at the Atomic Energy Research Establishment Harwell, 1946-51. It was the physicists at Harwell who raised concerns about the dangerous design of/practices at Windscale. Merrison left Harwell for a post at the University of Liverpool. He was in that post when Dafydd was given a place to study medicine at Liverpool. Sir Alec Merrison remained at Liverpool until 1969, when he became VC of Bristol University. Dr D.G.E. Wood studied medicine at Bristol in the late 1960s and of course David Hunt had an association with Bristol University. Somehow I don’t think that Merrison being a supporter of the NHS will have been the driver behind him Chairing Royal Commissions concerning that organisation.

Even if Dafydd didn’t find out about the cause of the fire at Windscale, he probably did know that there had been some sort of cover-up. Dafydd would have also known something else that would have given him great blackmailing potential and ideas for his future business. That Ernest Marples, the MP for Wallasey, Minister in Macmillan’s Gov’t and the Director of the company that was building power stations and many other major infrastructure projects for the Gov’t, was using prostitutes. As of course were Harold Macmillan’s friends and Ministers (see post ‘In Memoriam – Bronwen, Lady Astor’). Macmillan’s wife was enjoying herself with various people as well, including the Conservative politician Lord Bob Boothby, who was bisexual and hanging out with gangsters, including the Krays (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’).

 

When Lord Denning conducted his 1963 investigation into the security aspects of the Profumo Affair and the rumoured affair between the Minister of Defence Duncan Sandys and the Duchess of Argyll, Denning confirmed to Macmillan that the rumour that Marples regularly used prostitutes was true. The story was suppressed and did not appear in Denning’s final report. By that time, Dafydd was working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and had been put in charge of the women’s wing. Nine hundred women, virtually all of them banged up because they had pregnancies which were inconvenient to other people or were saying things that might cause embarrassment to other people. For example that certain people were having sex with them or others when those certain people really didn’t want anyone to know that. Furthermore, not so far away from Denbigh, in Croesor were Sir Clough Williams-Ellis and his wife Amabel, who was a member of the Strachey family of ‘Bloomsbury set’ fame. Then there were all Clough’s friends who visited him or rented cottages on his estate, an assortment of alternatives and radicals. Including Bertrand Russell, who was highly sexually exploitative and had a few members of his family banged up on the grounds that they were insane as evidenced by their outrageous allegations about him (see post ‘So Who Was Angry About What?’).

 

Ernest Marples was given a peerage in 1974, but then in early 1975 suddenly fled to Monte Carlo, just before the end of the tax year, fearing that he would otherwise be liable for a substantial tax bill.

The flight came at a time when Marples was facing problems on several fronts. Tenants of his block of flats in Harwood Court, Upper Richmond Road, Putney, were demanding that he repair serious structural faults and had threatened legal action. Marples was being sued for £145,000 by the Bankers Trust merchant bank in relation to an agreement made with the French company Ernest Marples et Cie. He was also being sued by John Holmes, the chartered surveyor and Director of Marples’ property company Ecclestone Enterprises, for wrongful dismissal and who was claiming £70,000 in damages. The Inland Revenue was demanding that he pay nearly 30 years back taxes on his residence in Eccleston Street, Belgravia, London, as well as capital gains tax on his properties in Kensington. In addition, in 1974, Marples had lost 130 cases of wine to a fire in a store he owned under a railway line in Brixton and he had been convicted of drinking and driving for which he received a one-year ban and a £45 fine.

Marples’s departure came in the wake of the failure of a plan to avoid paying tax on his properties by involving a Liechtenstein-based company with which he had been involved for more than ten years. He was to sell his Harwood Court block of flats for £500,000 to Vin International which would refurbish and sell them for between £2.25 million and £2.5 million. Marples would only be liable for capital gains tax at 30% on the transfer to Vin which, as an offshore company, would only be liable for stamp duty at 2%. The plan failed following the change of Gov’t in 1974. After reports of this plan were published in the ‘Daily Mirror’, the Treasury froze Marples’ assets in Britain. In Nov 1977, he paid £7,600 to the British government in settlement of his breach of exchange control regulations, following which Marples made a return to London.

Marples’ final years were spent on his 45-acre vineyard estate in Fleurie, France. He died in a Monte Carlo hospital on 6 July 1978.

 

It is only since researching for this blog post that I have found out who Marples was and the extent of his wrongdoing. But there is someone in north Wales who knew of Marples – the Hergest patient, F, whom I discussed in my posts ‘Killing Floor – I Know Cos I Was There!’ and ‘An Appalling Vista’.  F is the man who claimed to have detailed information about the death of Jimi Hendrix and F alleged medical negligence; it was F who was fitted up for drugs and violently assaulted by the North Wales Police and who then experienced a psychotic episode as a result and set fire to his house after being refused help by Til, the thuggish neighbour in Carneddi who worked for S4C; F who was then arrested by the officers who had fitted him up and was detained in Risley Remand Centre where he heard the other inmates screaming as the screws beat them up; F who was then sent into the care of Dafydd at Denbigh although by that time he was no longer psychotic, but was given amphetamines by one of Dafydd’s drugs patients and was then kept in Denbigh for a year. There was never any investigation into any part of this. F disappeared within the psychiatric system and was forever after dismissed as a ‘chronic schizophrenic’.

F however had a sense of humour and thought that Dafydd was ‘a bit of a twat’. F knew that Dafydd was sexually exploiting female patients and F also knew that Mary Wynch’s mother died in questionable circumstances in one of Dafydd’s ‘nursing homes’. So F used to take the piss out of Dafydd. It was F who said to Dafydd after Dafydd accused him of lying, ‘I lied, you murdered’.

F used to talk about the Minster for Transport Marples a great deal, although for some reason F confused Ernest Marples with his wife, Lady Marples. But the reason why F made frequent references to ‘Mrs Marples’ was that F’s mother, a middle class business woman in Surrey, took part in a campaign to have Marples removed as a Minister back in the 1950s. F’s mother had attended an angry meeting of concerned people who confronted Marples and she lost her temper and hit Marples with a placard that read ‘Marples Must Go’. F’s mum then rushed back to the family home and there was concern that she might be arrested, but she wasn’t. F told everyone he knew about the day that his mother ‘hit Mrs Marples over the head with a placard and nearly got arrested’.

The game that the Angels played in north Wales was to maintain that the patients were all completely mad and could not be believed. However, if a high profile name was mentioned, or a mention of an influential friend or relative, those Angels clocked it, noted it and it was conveyed back to Dafydd Central. On every occasion. Even if F had never mentioned ‘Mrs Marples’ in front of Dafydd or an Angel – which he almost certainly had – F sat in my house and told me about it, several times and he told Brown as well. We now know that the security services had us under surveillance and had been bugging us and just about everyone else back as far as at least the early 1980s. They will have known about F’s mum and Ernest Marples and they were using all info gathered to protect Dafydd and the paedophile gang, not us.

The mountain of manure which was being concealed became ever higher with every minute that passed.

 

Now to return to Mark Robinson, the junior Minister who was the first umbrella of Dafydd’s to write to me and who subsequently found himself as the MP for a constituency near many people from my days in Somerset who were paid to keep quiet about what was happening to me.

Mark Robinson’s boss after Lynda Chalker was Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd. Hurd’s stint as Foreign Secretary, 1989-95, followed his time as Home Secretary, 1985-89. It was while Hurd was Home Secretary that Dafydd and the paedophile gang fitted people – including me – up with the assistance of the Home Office and corrupt police officers. Kids in care and mental health patients in north Wales were the victims of serious crimes on the part of the paedophile gang and their associates, but there were no investigations. Documentation was forged and this was happening in the Home Office as well. Hurd was the nephew of the botanist Prof Edred Henry Corner, who was known to some of the botanists at Bangor University who were colluding with Dafydd and the gang, one of whom was Dr D.G.E. Wood’s wife. For further details see posts ‘Security, Security’ and ‘Additional Security Measures’.

Hurd had been a favourite pupil of Baroness Jean Trumpington’s husband Alan Barker when Hurd was at Eton and in her autobiography Trumpers boasts that it was Hurd who, at the request of Barker, in 1979 secured her the position of UK delegate to the UN Commission on the Status of Women, in which role Trumpers managed to cause a few diplomatic incidents. In 1980 Thatch made Trumpers a Baroness and before long a junior Health Minister and it was in this capacity that Trumpers appointed Jimmy Savile to the management of Broadmoor Hospital – where some of the victims of Dafydd and the gang were ending up (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’). Savile visited Bryn Estyn on one occasion and a former resident of Bryn Estyn alleged that Savile witnessed him being sexually assaulted by a group of men.

Hurd also knew that kids in care were being found dead in Risley Remand Centre and that a visiting clap clinic was deemed necessary for the ‘medical wing’ – which was full of Dafydd’s patients. It was Hurd who was Home Secretary when Risley finally erupted into an uncontrollable riot in 1989. For details of the shameful state of Risley under Home Secretary Hurd, see post ‘Include Me Out’.

 

David Heathcoat-Amory, the Tory MP for Wells, 1983-2010, was another Somerset MP who would have had an interest in Westland. Heathcoat-Amory is the son of Brigadier Roderick Heathcoat-Amory and the nephew of Harold Macmillan’s Chancellor of the Exchequer, Derick Heathcoat-Amory.

David Heathcoat-Amory was educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford. He was President of the Oxford University Conservative Association and was a contemporary of John Redwood, William Waldegrave, Edwina Currie and Gyles Brandreth. Redwood was Secretary of State for Wales, 1993-95, when Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends made repeated attempts to have me imprisoned on the basis of their perjury. By that time, the dosh was certainly rolling into the pockets of people in Somerset. Waldegrave was Health Secretary, 1990-92, so his term of office covered the stuffing over of me at St George’s Hospital Medical School and my friends at that the Royal Television Society and the BBC (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). It was in about 1990 that the fortunes of the Somerset contingent seemed to take an inexplicable upward turn. Edwina was a junior Minister in Health at the same time as Trumpers and Trumpers allowed Edwina to take the blame for Savile being let loose in Broadmoor. Edwina admitted in 1990 in her ‘Diaries’ that it was widely known that Peter Morrison was molesting children and such was the panic in the Tory Party that she feared what people would do to conceal this.

Well now you know Edwina, they tried to murder my friends and I and had already succeeded in killing one of us by the time that you wrote that entry.

Gyles Brandreth succeeded Morrison as the MP for Chester. He discusses in his autobiography how local people and members of the constituency association openly shuddered at the recent memories of Morrison molesting ‘little boys’. See posts ‘I Want Serious Money Now Please’ and ‘It’s The Sun Wot Won It’.

Heathcoat-Amory qualified as an accountant in 1974 and joined Price Waterhouse. In 1980, he was appointed as the assistant finance director of the British Technology Group (BTG) where he remained until he was elected as MP in 1983. He is also a farmer with employees. Heathcoat-Amory’s various positions in Parliament included PPS to John Moore in 1985, when Moore was Financial Secretary to the Treasury. Moore was Secretary of State for Social Services/Social Security, 1987-89, in which capacity he concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al. Heathcoat-Amory was PPS to Douglas Hurd, 1987-88, when Hurd was Home Secretary. Heathcoat-Amory was Minister of State for Europe, 1993-94.

Heathcoat-Amory’s younger son, Matthew, committed suicide in 2001. His nephew Edward Heathcoat-Amory used to write for the ‘Daily Mail’ and has written for ‘The Spectator’. Paul Johnson, who was a youthful Labour supporter and mates with Sir Ronnie Waterhouse but then evolved into a right wing journalist involved with ‘The Spectator’, purchased an estate at Over Stowey in Somerset in approx the late 1970s. Johnson’s son Cosmo was friendly with at least one of those known to me who found themselves in receipt of so much money. Johnson’s wife is psychotherapist and former Labour parliamentary candidate Marigold Hunt, daughter of Dr Thomas Hunt who was physician to Churchill, Attlee and Eden. Johnson’s son Luke is the former Chairman of Channel 4. Marigold’s niece is Celia Walden, who is married to Piers Morgan.

 

There was another politician whom I believe played a major role in the good fortune of some of those who knew what was happening to me in north Wales – in particular Janet Mitchell – and that was Graham Watson, the Lib Dem MEP for Somerset and North Devon, Somerset and North Devon, 1994-99 and for South West England, 1999-14. Graham Watson might not have been a player at the time of the Westland Affair, but he certainly proved useful a few years down the line.

Watson was born on the Isle of Bute. His father was an officer in the Royal Navy and his mother a teacher. Watson was educated at the City of Bath Boys’ School and attended Heriot-Watt University where he studied languages.  He worked as an administrator at Paisley College of Technology (1980-83). He now speaks four European languages.

Watson had begun his political activity in the National League of Young Liberals in 1972. As international officer of the Scottish Young Liberals he became involved in the International Federation of Liberal Youth, becoming a Vice-President (1977) then General Secretary (1979) of the organisation. Watson was a founder of the European Communities’ Youth Forum. He served as a Council member of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party, 1983-93. Between 1983-87 Watson also served as head of the private office of then leader of the Liberals, Sir David Steel. 

Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith, Paddy Pantsdown, Dr Death… I need not continue. Graham had accumulated dynamite on a great many people.

In 1988 Graham Watson began work for HSBC in London and Hong Kong. His work there included three months with the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and gave him an interest in the Far East. He is now an adviser to the Asia Pacific Public Affairs Forum and is learning Mandarin Chinese.

Watson was Leader of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party in the European Parliament, 2002-04. He was Leader of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe in the European Parliament, 2004-09 and President of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party, 2011-15. Watson is a supporter of the Campaign for the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly, an organisation which advocates for democratic reformation of the United Nations. Obviously, Watson will want to be their leader.

Watson and his wife lived in Langport for years, but they now live in Brussels and Edinburgh, having extracted every drop of capital possible from the victims of a vicious paedophile gang and having found that they have bled Somerset and its opportunities dry.

 

The Westland Affair originated with Alan Bristow’s £89 million bid for the company in April 1985. Thatcher’s Gov’t forced the Westland Board to accept the bid from Bristow Rotorcraft. By June, Bristow was threatened to pull out unless the Gov’t assured him that there would be future orders for the company from the MoD and that the repayment of over £40 million of launch aid for Westland’s newest helicopter from the DTI was waived.

 

Alan Bristow was born in south London and after serving in WW II, he joined Westland as its first helicopter test pilot but was sacked after attacking the company’s sales manager. Bristow worked as a freelance helicopter pilot and then started his own helicopter trading and operating company in 1949. Bristow then provided helicopter spotting services for Aristotle Onassis’s pirate whaling fleet in the Antarctic. Bristow started operating flights in aid of oil exploration in the Persian Gulf. Bristow Helicopters Ltd eventually expanded to cover most of the globe outside Russia and Alaska, with notable profit centres in the British North Sea, Nigeria, Iran, Australia, Malaysia and Indonesia.

In 1968, Bristow took over from Freddie Laker as the Chairman of British United Airways. After leading the 1970 merger with Caledonian Airways to form British Caledonia, Bristow then returned to Chair Bristow Helicopters.

 

Bristow’s reign over the British helicopter sector came to an end in 1985 after he fell out with Lord Cayzer, whose family holding company British & Commonwealth was one of the shareholders brought in by Freddie Laker. Bought out by the Cayzers, Bristow retired and the company’s fortunes declined with the North Sea oil industry.

A keen equestrian, Bristow represented Great Britain at four-in-hand carriage driving with Phil the Greek.

Bristow claimed to have been offered a knighthood if he would return to the negotiating table to help Thatcher’s Gov’t out of its embarrassment re Westland.

 

Defence Secretary Heseltine was uninterested in Westland helicopters when initially approached by Tebbit, the then Trade and Industry Secretary, because plenty of American helicopters were available to meet Britain’s defence requirements. Heseltine attended two meetings about Westland’s future in June 1985, Chaired by Thatch. It was decided that Tebbit should persuade the Bank of England to co-operate with the main creditors in the hope that a recovery plan and new management would end the threat of receivership.

Brown and I had raised serious concerns with the Top Docs and Bangor University about Gwynne the lobotomist in the summer of 1984, after which Brown and I were threatened several times by Dr D.G.E. Wood. I also wrote to the GMC. It was in approx June 1985 that I also raised concerns about Dr Tony Francis. Francis had lied to me, denied that he had lied and was unlawfully witholding my medical records. For a long time I thought that perhaps Francis had simply made a mistake, not felt able to admit to it and the situation escalated unnecessarily. It was only relatively recently that I have discovered that Francis was actually fully on board with Dafydd, Gwynne and the paedophiles, was doing some pretty terrible things to patients without their knowledge and was probably far more dangerous than Dafydd and Gwynne because he wasn’t obviously identifiably mad to anyone within five minutes of meeting him. However, everybody who worked with Tony Francis did know that he was a troubled and dangerous doctor. No-one was warned. Patients remained on his list, were told by Angels that he was doing his best for them and were urged to return for more appointments  if they said that they didn’t want any more ‘services’ and new patients were referred to Francis as well.

 

Bristow withdrew his bid and in late June Sir – later Lord – John Cuckney was brought in as Chairman of Westland. Cuckney was educated at Shrewsbury School and then read medicine at the University of St Andrews, returning to the University after service with the Royal Northumberland Fusiliers and the King’s African Rifles during WWII to study history and economics. He was recruited by MI5 ‘with whom he served until 1959’. Although I doubt if he stopped serving then. ‘No-one leaves the Mafia’ after all. Particularly if there are lefties and service users Who Know to be dealt with and a load of greedy bastards from Somerset.

 

Cuckney’s time in MI5 featured in Peter Wright’s book ‘Spycatcher’ where Wright described him as ‘a tough, no-nonsense’ officer. After leaving MI5, Cuckney worked in the City at stockbrokers Standard Industrial Group, before joining merchant bank Lazards, where he became the first Director to resign in over 100 years. Cuckney then established Anglo-Eastern Bank with Sir David Alliance, specialising in trade finance between Britain and the Middle East.

Cuckney was appointed Chairman of the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board in 1970. He left in 1972 to become the first Chief Executive of the Property Services Agency to set up to manage the Gov’ts property estate. In 1974 Cuckney moved to the Crown Agents, which was in financial difficulty. He joined as Chairman and separated out the military sales arm as International Military Services (an MoD company), which he also became Chairman of and served until 1985. He left the Crown Agents in 1978, and briefly joined the Port of London Authority.

Cuckney subsequently became Director and/or Chairman of various companies, including travel company Thomas Cook, Midland Bank, tea company Brooke Bond, engineering firm John Brown, Westland, Royal Insurance, Investors in Industry (later 3i), Glaxo and Orion Publishing Group.

Cuckney had gained a reputation as a ‘the company doctor who never lost a patient’ following his involvement with the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board, Crown Agents, and John Brown. As Chairman of Westland, Cuckney’s favoured option of Sikorsky merging with Westland prevailed. You might not have lost your patient Westland Lord Cuckney, but a great many patients in north Wales died.

Following the Westland Affair, in 1992 Cuckney was appointed as an adviser to Peter Lilley, Secretary of State for Social Services – who also concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang – following the death of Cap’n Bob and the discovery that the Cap’n had stolen hundreds of millions of pounds from his companies’ pension funds. Cuckney headed the Maxwell Pensioners’ Trust and in 1995, brokered a £276 million out-of-court settlement, known as the Major Settlement, between the pension schemes and those institutions against which the schemes had potential legal claims.

So Cuckney sorted out the mess left behind by Cap’n Bob, but Dafydd was too much for him. If your mates from MI5 had helped extract my medical records for me Lord Cuckney, I could have published an insider’s account of the Top Docs’ criminality for you all years ago. You wouldn’t have had to keep paying the BMA whatever they demanded and Blair would never have become PM on the basis of his knowledge of the sordid business involved in concealing the Westminster Paedophile Ring and then caused a few more hundred layers of problems.

John Cuckney was given a peerage in 1995. When the world was told lies about Dafydd retiring, about the North Wales Hospital closing down, about there being no paedophile ring in north Wales, oh you all get the picture. John Cuckney sleeps in the Lords as a Conservative. Don’t bother to wake him up, he couldn’t stop a firebomb being thrown into a building with five key witnesses in there when his MI5 colleagues had every hospital, docs surgery, university, phone line and even the houses of targets bugged, whatever would he be able to contribute to the the Lords.

 

Re Westland, Cuckney proposed that a new minority shareholder of 29.9% be introduced. No British firm was willing, but Sikorsky was interested. Cuckney proposed that Westland merge with United Technologies Corporation, of which the US company Sikorsky was a subsidiary. Heseltine opposed this plan after realising that Westland would probably become responsible for assembling the Sikorsky UH-60 Black Hawk, which the Ministry of Defence would then be under great pressure to buy, whereas he preferred Westland to go into receivership so that British companies GEC and BAe could buy the viable parts of the business.

In mid-Oct 1985 Heseltine suggested a European consortium which would include French Aerospatiale, German MBB and Italian Agusta (Sikorsky was now negotiating a strategic linkup with Italian Fiat). Leon Brittan, who had replaced Tebbit as Trade and Industry Secretary in Sept 1985, at first urged Thatcher to consider a European option (Heseltine later claimed Brittan preferred this option, although Brittan denied this).

By mid-Oct 1985 I had contacted MPs, Ministers and the GMC about the mental health services in north Wales. People in Somerset knew that I was encountering very serious problems in north Wales. The security services had placed Brown and me under surveillance and we had already had extraordinary and upsetting encounters with two people whom we now know were working for the security services, a man called Leslie Gore, who was a psychotherapist working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’ and ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’) and a Jewish teacher from Stoke Newington, Naomi Grunfeld (see post ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’).

Leon Brittan knew all about the criminality in north Wales, as well as about the other sex trafficking rings across the UK with which the north Wales gang was linked, because Brittan had been Home Secretary, 1983-85 and was one of those concealing what was happening. It was Leon Brittan who as Home Secretary ‘lost’ files naming Westminster figures who were alleged to be abusing children and it was on Brittan’s watch that the Home Office gave a grant to an organisation campaigning on behalf of paedophiles’ rights.

By mid-Oct 1985, Alison Taylor had told the North Wales Police about the abuse of children in care in north Wales which she had witnessed. She was accused of lying and malice.

On 2 Sep 1985, Peter Morrison was moved from his position as a Minister for Employment, where his boss had been Tom King, to the role of Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan, who was at the centre of the Westland Affair.

 

Two other people who played a major role in enabling the abuse and crime in north Wales to continue unchecked also lived in Somerset at the time of Westland. Clifford Graham, who in the late 1980s and the early 1990s was the Dept of Health’s mandarin responsible for mental health as well as much else, lived in Somerset. My post ‘The Old Devils’ discusses how Cliff Graham not only presided over a totally corrupt Dept, but how everything that Cliff Graham did ensured that the abuse of patients continued to be embedded deeper and deeper into the mental health system. Graham was at the highest level of the DoH when patients were murdered in Ashworth and Broadmoor and while Savile was dropping into secure hospitals raping whichever patient he felt like. Ian Dunlop, the tame Prison Service Governor whom Hurd appointed to conduct the Inquiry after the 1989 Risley Remand Centre riots, also lived in Somerset (see post ‘Include Me Out’).

 

The Gov’t was officially neutral regarding the deals involving Westland (ie. arguing that it was a matter for Westland directors and shareholders) but by Nov 1985, Heseltine was lobbying hard for the European option. In late November Peter Levene, Chief of Procurement at the Ministry of Defence, had a meeting at the Ministry with his French, West German and Italian counterparts (the National Armaments Directors or NADs) and the representatives of the consortium, and agreed to ‘buy European’ for certain classes of helicopters. If Westland went ahead with Sikorsky, then its helicopters, under this new agreement, would be unable to be bought by the four governments. The meeting was later praised by the House of Commons Defence Select Committee. Thatcher, who only learned of the meeting through Cuckney, was displeased, as were Brittan and the Treasury, who thought the US option might be cheaper, although Thatcher and Leon Brittan kept to their official pretence of neutrality.

In Nov 1985, Sikorsky made an offer which was favourable to Westland’s management.

On 5 and 6 Dec 1985 Thatcher had two ad hoc meetings with Heseltine, Brittan, Tebbit, Willie Whitelaw (Deputy PM), Geoffrey Howe (Foreign Secretary) and Nigel Lawson (Chancellor of the Exchequer).

All of the above people knew about the crimes of Dafydd et al in north Wales. Willie Whitelaw had concealed them in numerous different roles, most obviously as Home Secretary, 1979-83, but also in his capacity as Lord President of the Council, 1983-88, which gave Whitelaw the role of visitor for the University of Wales. At the time, Wood, Dafydd, Gwynne and many others in UCNW were facilitating the trafficking ring. Carlo was Chancellor of UCNW and the sister of Peter Morrison who was a member of the sex ring was of course Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Carlo’s mum.

Geoffrey Howe, a good friend of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse, had worked for years as a lawyer on the corrupt Chester and Wales circuit and was Solicitor General under Heath. Howe was Lord President of the Council, 1989-90. It was of course Geoffrey Howe who put the fatal boot into Thatcher towards the end of 1990 for which many people were grateful, but it really was too little too late, look at the scale of the problem.

Nigel Lawson also damaged Thatcher and got rid of the idiot Alan Walters, but again, huge damage had already been done. Lawson’s constituency was in Leicestershire, bang in the middle of the paedophile gang of which Frank Beck and Greville Janner were part, which was being concealed by Top Doctors who also colluded with Dafydd (see post ‘An Expert From England’), as well as scores of people in Leicester University (see posts ‘Radical Leicester And Some More Free Radicals’ and ‘Gwlad y Menig Gwynion’), local lawyers and judges as well as Leicester City Council. And Keith Vaz of course. After Beck was jailed, the Kirkwood Report admitted that the degree of negligence on the part of the police was inexplicable. Although Kirkwood himself forgot to mention a few salient facts regarding Greville Janner.

Nigel’s daughter Nigella had been friends with some of the members of the Dangerous Sports Club when she was at Oxford. Some members of the DSC were personal friends of one of those in Somerset who bagged all that dosh (see post ‘The Village’).

Tebbit, like Whitelaw, concealed the criminality in north Wales in every way that he could. Tebbit was Chairman of the Tory Party whilst Peter Morrison was Deputy Chairman, Sept 1986-June 87 and has latterly admitted that perhaps there was a little bit of a sort of cover-up of Morrison’s  crimes.

 

Regarding the possibilities for rescuing Westland. Brittan argued that the NADs’ opposition should be set aside, but Howe and Tebbit were not unsympathetic to Heseltine’s proposed consortium, and the decision was deferred to the Cabinet Economic Affairs Committee (E(A)) on Monday 9 Dec 1985. Cuckney and a Westland financial adviser were invited to attend the E(A) meeting. Cuckney said that it was the management’s view that the Sikorsky option was the best one. A majority of the E(A) meeting agreed to dismiss the NADs’ opposition. Thatcher, who complained that three hours had been spent discussing a company with a market capitalisation of only £30m (a tiny amount in Gov’t terms), allowed Heseltine until 4 pm on Friday 13 Dec to submit a viable proposal for a European deal. He did (with BAe and GEC now part of his consortium), but Westland’s Directors rejected it and chose Sikorsky.

Heseltine had expected that there would be a second meeting of E(A) to discuss his consortium, but no such meeting was called; Thatcher later claimed that the Monday meeting had agreed to leave the decision to Westland to take, but it later emerged that Nicholas Ridley and Lord Young had placed such a meeting in their diaries and had been told by No 10 that it had been cancelled. Heseltine threatened resignation for the first time.

At Cabinet on Thurs 12 Dec 1985 Heseltine had an angry exchange with Thatcher about the allegedly cancelled meeting (Thatcher claimed that no such meeting had ever been scheduled). Westland was not on the Cabinet agenda that day and Thatcher refused to permit a discussion on the matter, arguing that Cabinet could not do so without the necessary papers. Heseltine asked for his dissent to be minuted and this was not done, although Cabinet Secretary Robert Armstrong claimed that this had been an error and added it himself.

 

Robert Armstrong was Principal Private Secretary to Ted Heath, 1970-75. Between 1979-87 he was Secretary to the Cabinet under Margaret Thatcher. He was elevated to the peerage in 1988 and sits as a crossbencher. It was Robert Armstrong who, in 1986, coined the phrase ‘economical with the truth’ when he was giving evidence in the Spycatcher trial. Armstrong was a key witness for the British Gov’t, which sought to suppress the publication of the book written by Peter Wright, a former senior member of MI5. Wright’s lawyer at the time was Malcolm Turnbull, who later became the PM of Australia. The British Gov’t were ultimately unsuccessful and Spycatcher was published.

Armstrong was Chancellor of the University of Hull, 1994-2006 and until 2013, the Chairman of the Sir Edward Heath Charitable Fund.

Armstrong has admitted that he knew about the paedophilia of Sir Peter Hayman, the British diplomat who was a member of PIE. Armstrong stated: ‘I was aware of it at the time but I was not concerned with the personal aspect of it’. It was Armstrong who gave Thatcher a veiled warning not to give Jimmy Savile a knighthood because of the allegations of child sexual abuse swirling around him – advice that Thatcher ignored.

It July 2015, the ‘Mail Online’ reported that in 1986, the then head of MI5 Sir Antony Duff wrote to Armstrong and told him that an MP had a ‘penchant for small boys’. Armstrong’s response was that ‘at the present stage…the risks of political embarrassment to the Government is rather greater than the security danger’.

In 2015 Armstrong told the ‘Mail Online’ that ‘if there is evidence it would have been properly examined at the time. I don’t think this is a matter of important people being protected. You  can’t pursue inquiries unless you have evidence on which you can base the enquiry’.

See post ‘Lord Robert Armstrong’ for more background on Armstrong.

 

On Mon 16 Dec 1985 Brittan told the Commons that the decision was up to Westland; on Wed 18 Dec Heseltine won the backing of the Commons Defence Committee for the European Consortium’s latest bid. On Thurs 19 Dec the matter was discussed at Cabinet for ten minutes: Cabinet approved leaving the decision to Westland and Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for the European option.

Over Christmas, Thatcher discussed with close colleagues the option of sacking Heseltine, as Brittan had urged her to do so, but Chief Whip John Wakeham cautioned against. Thatch later admitted in her memoirs that she shrank from sacking Heseltine as he was too popular and weighty a political figure.

Wakeham would later become Lord President of the Council, 1988-89 and following that, he was Peter Morrison’s boss at the Dept for Energy, when Morrison served as Minister of State in that Dept (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’).

 

Thatcher and ministerial colleagues spent two and a half hours writing three successive drafts of a letter threatening Heseltine with the sack, but did not send it as her Press Adviser Bernard Ingham advised that Heseltine might use it an excuse to resign.

By now the political row was being discussed in the media, ‘partly because of the lack of other news in Dec 1985′. There was plenty of news worth reporting in north Wales but no-one actually gave a stuff because the victims of the serious organised crime prevailing were kids in care and psych patients.

John Cuckney wrote to Thatcher, at her behest, asking for reassurance that the Sikorsky deal would not damage Westland’s business prospects in Europe. Heseltine was not satisfied with Thatcher’s draft reply when he saw it and consulted Sir Patrick Mayhew (Solicitor-General and acting Attorney-General as Sir Michael Havers was ill) on the grounds that the Gov’t might be legally liable for any incorrect advice.

Patrick Mayhew, in his capacity as Attorney-General, 1987-92, authorised a number of prosecutions of me for contempt of court – my imprisonment was sought on each occasion – on the basis of the perjury of the Top Doctors and Gwynedd Social Services. Forged documents were also involved. The MDU lawyers acting from Tony and Sadie Francis admitted that there was not the evidence for the claims that were being made about me in Court. Andrew Park, the crooked lawyer who was employed by the Welsh Office, also admitted in writing that the evidence for claims being made about me on oath did not exist.

Mayhew was N Ireland Secretary, 1992-97. While in office, Sein Fenn accused Mayhew of using forged documents. Now there’s a surprise.

Mayhew’s assistance to Top Docs abusing vulnerable people went back a long way. It was Mayhew who was the QC at the 1970s GMC’s fitness to practice hearing involving Dr Morris Fraser, a Top Doctor (child psychiatrist) from Belfast who had been convicted of sexually abusing a child. Fraser was allowed to continue practising and subsequently worked at St George’s/Springfield and UCH. Fraser had been involved with the Kincora Boys’ Home.

 

Heseltine supplied extra material about the risk of Westland losing European business, which Thatcher did not include in her reply to Cuckney. Thatcher replied to Cuckney to the effect that the British Gov’t would continue to support Westland in gaining orders in Europe.

In early Jan 1986, Heseltine wrote to David Horne of Lloyds Merchant Bank, who was advising the European consortium (in reply to planted questions from Horne which had been dictated to him over the phone by one of Heseltine’s staff), giving him the advice which Thatcher had declined to include in her letter to Cuckney. Contradicting Thatcher’s reassurances to Cuckney, Heseltine claimed that the Sikorsky deal would be ‘incompatible with participation’ in European helicopter projects. Heseltine’s letter was leaked to ‘The Times’. This was a blatant challenge to Thatcher’s authority as Heseltine had not consulted Downing Street, the DTI or Mayhew before writing to Horne.

Heseltine’s letter to Horne, on Thatcher’s request, was referred to the Solicitor-General, Patrick Mayhew. Mayhew sent a reply to Heseltine, noting ‘material inaccuracies’ in Heseltine’s letter, and asking Heseltine to write to Horne again, correcting them. Mayhew’s letter of rebuke to Heseltine – marked ‘Confidential’ – reached Heseltine at lunchtime on Mon 6 Jan and was immediately and selectively leaked to the Press Association by Colette Bowe, Chief Information Officer at the DTI, at Brittan’s request.

Bowe’s leaked letter led to the resignations of both Heseltine and Brittan, for which someone must have been grateful because Colette Bowe is now Dame Colette.

Bowe was Chairman of Ofcom, 2009-14, Chairman of Electra Private Equity plc, 2010–14 and Chairman of the Council of Queen Mary University of London, 2004–09. She has also served on the boards of Thames Water Utilities, London and Continental Railways, Axa IM, Morgan Stanley and the Yorkshire Building Society. She founded and was first Chairman of the Telecoms Ombudsman Service (now Ombudsman Services) in 2002–3. She was the first Chairman of the Ofcom Consumer Panel (2003–08) and has worked as the Executive Chairman of the distribution arm of Fleming Asset Management.

Bowe is the Chairman of the Banking Standards Board and the Associated Board of the Royal Schools of Music. She is the President of the Voice of the Listener and Viewer, a Trustee of The Tablet and of the Nuffield Foundation. Bowe is also a visiting fellow of Nuffield College. She is also a Board member of the UK Statistics Authority and a non-executive Director of the Dept for Transport.

An extra safe pair of hands is clearly possessed by Colette.

There was controversy over whose orders Colette Bowe was following when she dropped the clanger. The Attorney-General, Sir Michael Havers, ‘took a stern view of leaks’, especially of confidential legal advice and threatened to resign if an official inquiry was not set up to look into it. Thatcher agreed to do this.

It was Michael Havers who in his capacity as Attorney-General blocked the prosecution of a number of VIP child sex offenders, including the diplomat Sir Peter Hayman. Michael Havers was the Tory MP for Winbledon, 1970-87. A lot of Top Doctors from St George’s lived at Wimbledon, including Prof Geoffrey Chamberlain. Chamberlain was a friend of Prof Oliver Brooke, who was jailed for child porn offences in Dec 1986. Havers was Lord Chancellor, 13 June 1987-26 Oct 1987. Oliver Brooke was released on appeal in June 1987, after Lord Chief Justice Geoffrey Lane heard the appeal in May 1987. Lane compared Brooke’s enormous collection of kiddie porn – Brooke was a major figure in a pan-European paedophile ring – to a collection of cigarette cards.

I was illegally arrested and imprisoned in Denbigh by Dafydd in the same month that Oliver Brooke was jailed. Alison Taylor was suspended from her job as a social worker by Gwynedd County Council in the same month.

Havers’s sister was Lord Elizabeth Butler-Sloss, who Chaired the Inquiry into the havoc that Dafydd’s mates caused which resulted in the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal and utterly failed to grasp the enormity of what was happening (see post ‘Twas The Night Before Christmas And The Culprits Were Named’).

Cabinet met on the morning of Thurs 9 Jan 1986, with Thatcher already having agreed her position with close colleagues at Chequers that weekend and arranged that Scottish Secretary George Younger should take over as Defence Secretary if Heseltine resigned. Westland was first on the agenda, and Heseltine and Brittan were permitted to put their cases. Heseltine had won the moral high ground over the leaking saga, but Nigel Lawson recorded that he seemed obsessive at Cabinet and attracted little sympathy. Thatcher reiterated her position, which had already been endorsed by the Cabinet, that Westland’s future was a matter for Westland to decide and announced that as this was a time of business negotiations, all answers to questions about Westland must be cleared through the Cabinet Office. Heseltine agreed. In response to a question by Nicholas Ridley, Thatch then confirmed that this also applied to statements which had already been made. Heseltine argued that he should be allowed to reaffirm statements he had already made but Thatcher disagreed, arguing that Cabinet collective responsibility should be observed. Heseltine protested that there had been no collective responsibility, gathered up his papers and left.

Although eyewitness accounts differ as to the exact details, Peter Jenkins claimed that Heseltine lost his cool and proclaimed ‘I can no longer be a member of this Cabinet’. Heseltine then walked out of Downing Street and announced his resignation to the assembled media.

Thatcher then adjourned the Cabinet for a brief break. George Younger was then offered and accepted the office of Secretary of State for Defence, which Heseltine had just relinquished. The Prime Minister’s office then requested Malcolm Rifkind to take up Younger’s previous job, Secretary of State for Scotland, which he accepted. Cabinet then resumed.

At 4 pm that day – 9 Jan 1986 – at the Ministry of Defence (rather than waiting to make a statement to the Commons when it resumed four days later) Heseltine delivered a 22 minute resignation statement detailing his grievances. He blamed Thatcher’s intransigence, saying his views were ignored. He may well have prepared this earlier, although his Private Secretary Richard Mottram says not. To Thatcher’s fury, Defence officials had helped him throughout the crisis and in preparing this document. Thatcher sent a letter to Heseltine, as is customary on these occasions.

Sir Richard Mottram  entered the civil service in 1968 aged 22 after graduating from Keele University. At that time -and indeed since – Keele employed a number of people who were either paedophiles’ themselves, such as social work academic Peter Righton, or concealed and colluded with organised abuse.

Mottram served in the Defence and Overseas Secretariat of the Cabinet Office, 1975-77. He was then the Secretary of two study groups on the rationale for and system options for a successor to the UK’s strategic nuclear deterrent which led subsequently to the decision to adopt Trident. Mottram was then appointed Private Secretary to the Permanent Under Secretary, of the MoD, Sir Frank Cooper. From 1982-1986, Mottram was Private Secretary to a succession of Secretaries of State for Defence – John Nott, Heseltine and George Younger.

In 1985, as Private Secretary to Heseltine as Secretary of State for Defence, Mottram was a witness for the prosecution in the trial of Clive Ponting who was later acquitted of an offence under the Official Secrets Act for passing information to Labour MP Tam Dalyell regarding the sinking of the Belgrano. When Mottram was asked whether answers to parliamentary questions should be truthful and not deliberately ambiguous or misleading, there was a long silence before he replied: ‘In highly charged political matters, one person’s ambiguity may be another person’s truth’.

Mottram: they were trying to kill us and they did kill other people. There is no ambiguity in that.

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From 1986-89, Sir Richard Mottram was the Under-Secretary responsible for the defence programme and from 1989-92, the Deputy Secretary with responsibilities for UK defence policy and strategy and defence relations with other countries at the time of the end of the Cold War.

Mottram retired in 2007 from his most recent senior post as Permanent Secretary, Intelligence, Security and Resilience in the Cabinet Office.

This lot were so resilient that they couldn’t even deal with Dafydd.

Mottram serves on the Board of a number of private and public sector organisations, including Chairing the board of Amey PLC. He is a Visiting Professor at the LSE and member of the Advisory Board of LSE IDEAS. Mottram is a Trustee of the Royal Anniversary Trust, which oversees The Queen’s Anniversary Prizes for Higher and Further Education.

 

As a fairly high ranking British Army officer who lived in Somerset at the time, Brown’s dad will have known a number of the people involved in all of this.

On 13 Jan 1986, Thatcher held a meeting with Whitelaw, Brittan, George Younger and John Wakeham to decide what should happen. The conclusion was that Brittan, rather than the PM, should reply to Heseltine’s statement on that day.

In his resignation statement in the House of Commons Heseltine accused Brittan of pressuring Sir Raymond Lygo, CEO of British Aerospace, to withdraw from the European Consortium. In response to questions in the House from Heseltine, Brittan denied that he had received a letter from Lygo, but later had to admit that he had received a letter from Sir Austin Pearce, Chairman of British Aerospace; he had not disclosed it, he claimed, because it was marked Private and Strictly Confidential. He was forced to return to the House a few hours later to apologise.

Admiral Sir Raymond Lygo joined the Royal Navy in 1942 during WW II. He was appointed the commanding officer of the frigate Lowestoft in 1961, the frigate Juno in 1967 and the aircraft carrier Ark Royal in 1969. Lygo was Director General, Naval Manpower and Training,  Feb 1974-June 1975. He went on to be Vice Chief if the Naval Staff in 1975 and retired in 1978.

After retirement, Lygo joined British Aerospace, becoming Chief Executive in 1986.

Lygo will have known Admiral Sir Alec Bingley and all the other senior figures in the Royal Navy and Admiralty who concealed the organised sexual abuse of young people or who were alleged to have been abusing underaged children themselves, such as Lord Louis Mountbatten (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’).

Sir Raymond Lygo
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Juno
Goddess of marriage and childbirth
So that is why there is so much child abuse, sexual exploitation and repressed homosexuality in this sorry tale!
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Raymond Lygo was also Chairman of the Rutland Trust in 1991, Chairman of TNT (Express) UK Ltd in 1992 and Chairman of the Liontrust First UK Investment Trust in 1997. He was Patron of the Fleet Air Arm Association.

 

Sir Austin Pearce, was Chairman of British Aerospace, 1980-87 and steered the company through its privatisation by Margaret Thatcher’s Gov’t. Although Pearce had spent his entire working life with Esso, of which he had been Chairman and Chief Executive for eight years, he had some experience of the aerospace industry: in 1976 he had been appointed to the organising committee for the nationalisation of the industry and the formation of British Aerospace.

The Gov’t sold 52 per cent of BAe in 1981. Four years later it decided to sell the remaining 48 per cent, Pearce arguing successfully for a price of 375p, rather than the 400p which the government originally wanted.

Known to his colleagues as ‘Tin’, Pearce faced a number of problems at BAe, including inefficiency and over-staffing. During his tenure there were unsuccessful attempts by Thorn EMI and GEC to take over the company. Also, the Nimrod Airborne Early Warning programme was running four years late and substantially over budget; eventually the Gov’t cancelled the programme.

Pearce also faced difficulties over BAe’s involvement in the project to build the Airbus. At first the British Gov’t refused to support the BAe application for aid for the A 320 aircraft. The other partners in Airbus – the French, Germans and Spanish – already had their Gov’ts’ approval and would be happy to take over BAe’s work on the wings. Without financial help, Pearce knew that BAe would be out of Airbus and would consequently be faced with massive redundancies. Without telling either his colleagues or the DTI, he asked for a personal meeting with Thatch. He got the money. During the Westland affair, because BAe hoped to become a partner in a European consortium it aligned itself with Heseltine against Thatch. At one stage, at a meeting with the MoD, Pearce was asked if BAe would take over Westland, but he refused on the ground that BAe had enough spare capacity to take on Westland’s entire workload without assimilating more than a few of its employees.

Austin Pearce was born in Plymouth in 1921. He was educated at Devonport High School for Boys and then went to Birmingham University. As a member of the University Senior Training Corps of Royal Engineers, Pearce was assigned to the Petroleum Warfare Department, working on flame-thrower fuels and incendiary bombs. At the same time he completed a PhD in Chemical Engineering.

In Sept 1945 Pearce joined the AGWI (later the Esso) refinery at Fawley as a junior engineer. In 1950 he was promoted to process superintendent, in charge of the running of all the refinery units. In 1956 Pearce became general manager (refining) for Esso in the UK. In 1963 he joined the Esso Board, with responsibility for the marine and pipelines systems; this included taking charge of the tanker fleet and overseeing the building of the pipeline from Milford Haven to the Midlands and Manchester. In 1968 he was appointed Managing Director and 1972 Chairman and Chief Executive of Esso UK.

Austin Pearce was the first President of the UK Petroleum Industry Association and as Esso’s representative, participated in the negotiations with the Department of Energy, British National Oil Company and Shell on the North Sea participation agreements.

In 1973 Pearce joined the board of Williams and Glyn’s Bank, becoming its last Chairman before it was incorporated into the Royal Bank of Scotland, of which he was appointed a Vice-Chairman.

In 1985 Austin Pearce was appointed Chairman of the Trustees of the Science Museum. He Chaired the meeting that introduced entrance charges; this helped the museum to improve and create new galleries and to rebuild the Railway Museum at York.

Pearce served on the Council of Surrey University, the site of so much skulduggery when I worked there in 1988. He was a Director of Jaguar, Smiths Industries, Pearl Assurance and was Chairman of Oxford Instruments.

Austin Pearce was married first to Maglona Twinn and then to Dr Patricia Grice.

On 15 Jan 1986 there was a debate on Westland in the Commons in which Thatcher replied to the Windbag. Thatcher listed all the ministerial, committee and Cabinet meetings on Westland. Heseltine then made a speech criticising the way collective responsibility had been damaged over Westland.

Sir Robert Armstrong, the Cabinet Secretary, held an inquiry into the leaking of Mayhew’s letter and reported his findings to Thatch on 21 Jan 1986. Armstrong concluded that Brittan had told Colette Bowe to leak Mayhew’s letter through a telephone conversation to Roger Mogg, Brittan’s Private Secretary. Thatcher is said to have asked Brittan four times: ‘Leon, why didn’t you tell me.’ Havers, who demanded the inquiry, later claimed: ‘Unless the PM is the most marvellous actress I’ve ever seen in my life she was as shocked as anybody that in fact it was on Leon Brittan’s instructions.’ At the time Brittan claimed he had misunderstood Thatcher’s wishes but later (on the TV programme The Thatcher Factor on 7 April 1989) admitted that he had acted on the ‘express’ instructions of Charles Powell and Bernard Ingham, Thatcher’s two senior advisers. On 23 Jan 1986, Thatcher had to make a speech to the Commons on Armstrong’s inquiry.

Brittan was being heavily criticised because of the fallout from the leak of the Mayhew letter and because of his lack of candour about the letter from British Aerospace. At a meeting of the 1922 Committee, Conservative back-benchers, demanded Brittan’s resignation. The Chairman of the 1922 Committee at the time was Cranley Onslow, a former MI6 agent who was forced to stand down as Chairman in 1992 by Thatcher’s old mates, who partly blamed him for her previous departure. On 24 Jan 1986 Brittan resigned, because ‘it has become clear to me that I no longer command the full confidence of my colleagues’.

On 27 Jan 1986, Labour set down an adjournment motion. Whitelaw, Howe, Wakeham, John Biffen and Douglas Hurd helped Thatcher draft her speech for this occasion.

In Jan 1986 John Biffen was Lord Privy Seal. John Biffen grew up on a farm about three miles away from where I lived in Somerset. Biffen went to Dr Morgan’s School in Bridgwater along with my father and many others who remained in Somerset. Biffen’s parents remained living at their farm in Combwich and occasionally made trips to London to marvel at their famous son and his associates. John Biffen was a swotty kid who was badly bullied by the locals and he didn’t waste his time with his former tormentors and he did fall out with Thatcher eventually. However, I can’t imagine that he will have resisted if pressurised over all this, there will just have been far too many careers of ruthless dangerous nutters at stake.

Biffen was MP for Oswestry and then North Shropshire. John Allen had a children’s home in Shropshire, there was an abuse ring in operation in the region and many children’s home staff migrated between Bryn Estyn and Shropshire. The family seat of the unfortunate Ormsby-Gores was at Oswestry and David Ormsby-Gore aka Lord Harlech preceded John Biffen as MP for Oswestry. Ever since Lord Harlech served at US Ambassador during JFK’s Presidency, the Ormsby-Gores have had a penchant for dying young and in unfortunate circumstances. The biography of Francis Ormsby-Gore, who farmed near Harlech and was found dead at his home relatively recently, had all the signs of one of someone who was under sustained attack by the paedophiles’ friends (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’).

Douglas Hurd was Home Secretary, presiding over the carnage in north Wales.

Ronald Miller, one of Thatch’s friends, was asked to help revise the speech and Thatcher remarked to him that she might not be PM by six o’clock that evening if things went badly.

The Windbag, who knew Tony Francis from their days as students in Cardiff, was generally thought to have made a poor opening speech.

Heseltine was frustrated at the Windbag’s failure to exploit the moment and claimed that Thatcher’s statement brought ‘the politics of the matter to an end’ and that he would support the Gov’t in the lobby.

Sikorsky then bought Westland, aided by mysterious prior purchases by mystery buyers, suspected by Cuckney and others, although without clear proof, of being an illegal concert party.

 

Westland damaged Thatcher’s credibility and made her look anti-European for the first time. It has been suggested that Thatcher’s keenness on American control of Westland may have been linked to the Al-Yamamah arms deal which was mired in allegations of corruption, or that the US might have wanted Westland to sell Black Hawk helicopters to Saudi Arabia in circumvention of Congressional rules which prevented US arms sales to that country at the time.

Leon Brittan’s behaviour was thought in part to have been motivated by resentment at his demotion from Home Secretary to the Secretary for DTI in Sept 1985. He also thought Heseltine’s mooted European consortium to be monopolistic and anti-competitive.

Apart from his clash of personalities with Thatcher, it was thought that Heseltine, concerned at having to take responsibility for Defence cuts which had been put back until 1986 and worried that Thatcher was unlikely to promote him further, was looking for an excuse to resign. Resigning would put him in good stead to be elected Party leader after, as seemed likely at the time, the Conservatives lost the next election, due by summer 1988.

Heseltine retired to the back benches and spent nearly five years conducting an undeclared campaign for the Party leadership. Although the Thatcher Gov’t was re-elected in 1987, Heseltine eventually challenged her in Nov 1990, polling well enough to hasten her resignation.

Three months after Heseltine ‘resigned from the Cabinet as a matter of honour’, my close friend and house mate on Anglesey was killed in a head-on collision with another car. Our friend Geoff Johnson was a passenger and was left severely brain-damaged. The young man who drove the TR7 straight into Anne somehow only walked away with a broken arm. It was acknowledged that Anne had not been at fault – the other car had been driving on Anne’s side of the road at high speed – but there was no investigation and no prosecution. Anne knew everything that was happening to me at the hands of the Top Docs. Weeks before she was killed, D.G.E. Wood remarked that he always knew when Anne drove past his house – he lived in the same village as us – because he could recognise her car.

Two days after Anne was killed, Liz Stables, the Angel who worked in the UCNW Student Health Centre, took Anne’s file out of a locker and wrote ‘DEAD’ in capital letters across it in front of me. Liz then said that I couldn’t hang around mourning, there were things to do. Some two weeks later Wood yelled at me to ‘forget about everything that has happened here and go away and make a new life for yourself’. Presumably so Wood’s accomplices could kill the rest of us off miles away from Bangor to avoid the fickle finger of suspicion ever being pointed at them.

Heseltine, the man who would do anything, anything at all to become PM, came from Swansea. Heseltine never became PM. Another procession of empty headed narcissistic oafs did instead.

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All together now -‘I’m ready to serve’.

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Now for a bit more info on the lady who worked in a junior capacity at Westland when the almighty ding dong broke out and who – along with a few others – did very nicely out of it all. This blog post is already quite long, so I won’t dissect Janet’s career bit by bit, highlighting who assisted her and when they did so, I’ll leave it up to readers to make the links to police investigations, the Waterhouse Inquiry etc. Regular readers will by now be familiar with the skulduggery and those involved.
 Janet Mitchell, CEng FRAeS:
Janet worked as a Stress Engineer, Westland Helicopters, Product Support Division, 1982-87.

Then Janet was Future Projects Engineer, Airbus, 1987-89: Reporting to Head of Future Projects for BAE Commercial Aircraft Division.

Janet was Stress Engineer, Stresswork Ltd, 1989-91.

supported the Aerospace, Automotive and Civil Engineering Industries. It also covered Nuclear Power, Engineering Design of a Composite Commercial Vehicle Chassis and engineering project management of the structural certification for the A340 Wing Composite Components.
From 1993-94, Janet was Senior Principal Engineer on the Future Large Aircraft Composite Wing Study for BAE Systems.
Between 1994-95, Janet worked on the Airbus Composite Wing Strategy for BAE Systems. She was:

‘Accountable for leading and delivering the BAE/AIRBUS Composite Wing Strategy, this was a significant business transformation programme, I successfully led all business functional specialists to deliver a Strategy for acquiring the Composite Capability for Airbus Wing Business including programme plans and costs of the Technology Development programme. This was delivered to the Airbus Senior Management Board at AUK and BAE SYSTEMS Head Quarters – Directorate for Engineering.’

From 1995-99, Janet was Project Manager of the Low Cost Composite Technology Research for the Airbus Group. She was: ‘Accountable for developing the capability in low cost, low weight Composite Technologies for Airbus UK Wing Technology including materials, manufacturing processes, design and analytical methods and assembly technology. Successfully delivering the bid content for the wing contribution to the 83 million euro EC Framework 5 “TANGO” programme, the DTI funded AMCAPSII programme, private venture, national collaborative projects with research institutes, universities and national industries. Development of specific research project management and financial management processes and the Composite Strategy in line with business objectives’.

Between 1999-02, Janet was Head of Research and Technology Programme, Airbus UK Airbus Group. She was the: ‘Executive accountable for all Airbus UK Research and Technology Projects in Composites, Metallic’s Systems and Advanced Wing Technologies ( including Aerodynamics,Structures, Manufacturing, Assembly Technology and Wing Integration). This team was in excess of 250 people and an annual budget in excess of 100 million euros. Accountabilities included the R & T Operational Business Plan for the UK, contribution to the Airbus Technology Strategy, Technology Plan for UK, Primary interface for Airbus UK into the DTI and European Commission (EC) and Academia for technology projects. Project management of the Airbus Composite Wing technology programme which was funded by the EC and called TANGO’.
Between Oct 2002-06, Janet was head of A400 Military Transport Aircraft Wing Programme for Airbus.

In Jan 2007 Janet Mitchell set up her own consultancy, McSquared Consultants Ltd, of which she has been the CEO since its foundation

When we were kids, everyone had great difficulties playing with Janet although she was a good laugh, because she used to cheat in all the games. Everybody’s mother used to say ‘ooh it’s because Janet’s an only child, she’s not used to playing with others or sharing’. That may well have been the case when we were seven Janet, but I’m not sure that’s an excuse for the last 30 years.

Janet’s family were unusual among the people whom I knew when I was young in that they were not from Somerset. They were from Chorley and Janet’s entire extended family, to whom she and her parents were still close, all lived in Chorley. She was also much doted upon by the Chorley clan because she was the only grandchild of a big family. Chorley is an area which suffered badly in the 20th century post-industrial decline. There were two main employers in the area until recently – Leyland Trucks and BAE Systems. BAE systems closed its doors in 2008. That was OK though, Janet had set up her own consultancy by then and all her elderly relatives whom I remember who always batted so hard for Janet will have died by 2008.

I receive more names every day of those in Somerset whom I am told maxed out on their knowledge of what happened to me. I’m not putting them all up here, because I’m loathe to do so without a degree of evidence, at least circumstantial. However I have been told to enquire into the means by which a farming family by the name of Hill near Fiddington transformed their farm into a premier equestrian centre, Stockland Lovell Manor. The Hills were never at all horsey, but at the height of my difficulties with those we known and love, they raised an enormous sum of money and came up with very flash equestrian centre. Neighbouring farmers could not work out how the Hills had persuaded an investor to part with so much money, even if the farm had been used as security. The Hills had a daughter whom they told everyone was ‘working in the financial services’ in Europe, but she wasn’t a trader or a banker, didn’t possess professional qualifications and from what I was told it sounded as though she was actually a PA. Another daughter was a midwife – in Nottingham. Where I used to work and where a big research fraud between the Cancer Research Campaign and an American drug company was taking place in labs located at Nottingham University (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’). The Hills also had a son, whom I am told now works for Somerset County Council Social Services, with disadvantaged youngsters.

The Hills used to give one of those who received money in return for their silence about what was happening to me a lift to Fiddington Church every Sunday. Mr Michael Hill was a churchwarden and a leading light in Somerset Cricket Club, so there’ll have been a few hobnobbing opportunities there. Ah the good old days, when stars like Ian Botham and Viv Richards played for Somerset, who would get pissed down the Anchor Inn in Combwich, in the company of the man who suddenly found himself with so many celebrity friends and so much money from about 1990 onward…

I think that Michael Hill and his wife Lavinia have both died now, so perhaps their offspring Diane, Jenny and Martin could explain how the family laid their hands on such a huge amount of dosh. Jenny Hill is probably the person to ask.

Series titles over a docklands terrace street

Two other Top Tossers who were tripping over themselves in the 1990s to make unlikely friendships with people in Somerset who knew what was happening in north Wales were Dangerous Sports Club members Ding Boston and Martin Lyster. Boston and Lyster are both veterans of pointless dangerous activities dressed up as ‘extreme sports’ in which people sustain injuries or even die (only a prosecution for manslaughter, not murder and even then that nice lady judge at Bristol Crown Court directed the jury to acquit!). The dear old Dangerous Sports Club had the wind taken out of its sails some years ago, what with its founder the conman David Kirke going to prison and then the death of that Bulgarian student, but I note that Ding now describes himself as ‘Co-Ordinator, Oxford Universities Motorsport’. Don’t ask me what Ding’s real name is, he refuses to give it, even in toadying media profiles. ‘Dickhead’ will suffice.

Ding’s mate Martin Lyster did a first degree and then a PhD in physics at Oxford in the 1980s and then years later a Masters at Loughborough University in Renewable Energy. His Linked In profile describes his present position as an R&D Project Manager for SSE Power Distribution.

So who with links to Thatcher/Major – apart from Tommy Leigh-Pemberton’s father obviously – was the source of all the dosh then Ding and Martin?

When I was discussing all this with Brown, he remarked that the emissaries of Thatcher’s and Major’s Gov’ts will have seen me as doubly dangerous. Not only had I gathered huge amounts of crap on Dafydd and related sex trafficking rings in other parts of the country with links to Tory Ministers, but coming from Tory stock myself I’ll have been seen as a renegade who really had to be stopped. Brown commented that while we were having our friends murdered and our careers destroyed, a lot of older people in Somerset would have been able to remember my grandfather, who was the leading campaigner for Sir Gerald Wills, the Tory MP for Bridgwater, 1950-69. Indeed. The vacuous shite Tom King built on the solid Tory support that had accumulated in Bridgwater.
I reminded Brown that I think that Tom et al will have seen me as far more than doubly dangerous. My grandpa was a high Tory who hung out with the Sir Bufton Tuftons, but he did a few things that pissed people like Tom King off. Such as: denouncing Edward du Cann as a crook (du Cann was later demonstrated to be, er, a crook); turning down a knighthood – Lord King and Lady Jane would never have found it within themselves to do that; refusing an invitation to a Buck House garden party; taking the piss out of the Freemasons and, I understand, the Water Buffaloes as well.
In 1979, one day at school I and my friends were in the library reading the ‘Bridgwater Mercury’ and we happened upon the ’25 years ago today’ column. Everyone howled with laughter, because the snippet chosen was a speech that my grandfather had made to the Somerset Tories, in which he had said that ‘the Conservative Party today is not what it used to be’. Well it certainly wasn’t by the late 1980s, it was trying to murder his granddaughter because she’d stumbled across the Westminster Paedophile Ring.
Anyone for a Buck House garden party?
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