A Few of the Relevant Politicians Re Mary Wynch’s Case

My previous post ‘Those Lawyers and Judges Involved In The Mary Wynch Case’ gave some details about the various judges and lawyers who were getting their hands dirty where Mary was concerned. But what about the puppet-masters and of course those (very few) politicians who had supported her as the scandal became public? Mary’s shafting at the hands of the British state began when her mother died in 1972. Mary was finally spat out, ruined, in 1994/5 (please see previous posts ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’ and ‘Post-Script: The Mary Wynch Case – The Details’). So the Great Stuffing Over spanned the premierships of Ted Heath, Jim Callaghan, Margaret Thatcher and John Major. Political historians maintain that these administrations were all very different – yet the Ministers and Government Departments of all of them played a part in the ruination of a lady who had demonstrated serious wrongdoing on the part of the Home Office, the Public Trustee and the NHS.

Ted Heath was Conservative PM between 1970 and 1974 and leader of the Tories between 1965 and 1975. He remained a Tory MP until 2001. My post about the lawyers and judges who wrecked Mary’s life mentioned that Blackett-Ord, the deeply compromised judge riddled with conflicts of interests, had been appointed to the post of Vice-Chancellor of the County of Palatine of the County of Lancaster by the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster appointed by Heath in 1972. For most of 1972 the Lord Chancellor was Geoffrey Rippon, although in November, John Davies took over. So it is probable that it was Geoffrey Rippon who appointed Blackett-Ord. Geoffrey Rippon was Tory MP for Hexham between 1966 and 1987 and was a member of the far-right Monday Club. Blackett-Ord was a landowner who came from the Hexham area. Geoffrey Rippon stood down as an MP in 1987 – at the same time that Blackett-Ord stood down as Vice-Chancellor, which was pretty much at the same time that everyone involved in imprisoning Mary in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh admitted negligence! Geoffrey did alright for himself though – in the same year he became Lord Rippon of Hexham. The Lord Chancellor under Heath who was also involved in appointing Blackett-Ord was the notorious Quintin Hogg aka Lord Hailsham, whose father had been also been a Lord Hailsham and Lord Chancellor. Quintin Hogg equated to a caricature of a batty old judge from a previous era and maintained that God had helped Thatcher win the Falklands conflict. Of course, when all this was happening to Mary, devolution had not happened and matters Welsh were handled by the Welsh Office (please see my previous posts for details of the evidence of corruption in the Welsh Office’s legal and medical departments that I have in my possession regarding my own case). The Secretary of State for Wales throughout Heath’s time as PM was Peter Thomas. He was also Chairman of the Party between 1970 and 1972. Thomas was MP for Conway between 1951 and 1966, but was returned as the MP for Hendon South in 1970, retiring in 1987 – like a few other people did! As with Geoffrey Rippon however, Thomas fell on his feet – in 1987 he too was given a peerage, becoming Lord Thomas of Gwydir. Readers will remember that Mary’s original problem was her allegation that a number of local solicitors had been guilty of malpractice and had all been networked together. Peter Thomas was from Llanwrst – his father had been a solicitor. Thomas himself was a barrister who practiced on the Chester and Wales Circuit – the circuit where there were allegations of serious corruption and where so many very odd things happened in Court cases – and worked as a Crown Court Recorder between 1974 and 1988. Mary’s arrest and imprisonment occurred during that time. Thomas remained as the Tories Welsh spokesman after Heath lost the election in 1974, but returned to the backbenches when Thatcher took over as leader of the party. Peter Thomas was a member of the Gorsedd – as was Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and many people in his network.

At the time of Mary’s arrest and imprisonment, Jim Callaghan was the Labour Prime Minister. Callaghan was PM between 1976 and 1979 and leader of the Labour Party between 1976 and 1980. Callaghan held a seat in the Cardiff area continuously between 1945 and 1987. (A lot of people clearly decided to step down from their jobs in 1987. Which was not only the year that Dafydd et al admitted negligence in relation to Mary but was the year that Dafydd and his colleagues started telling everyone who would listen that I was ‘dangerous’. It was also of course the year that Alison Taylor the social worker who blew the whistle on the north Wales paedophile ring told Margaret Thatcher in person that she had witnessed children being abused in north Wales and was then sacked by Gwynedd County Council.) Shortly after stepping down from the Commons, Callaghan became Lord Callaghan of Cardiff.  Callaghan had a connection with the Top Doctors as well – his wife Audrey was Chair of the Governors of Great Ormond Street Hospital between 1969 and 1982. At the time of Mary’s arrest and imprisonment, the Lord Chancellor was Elwyn Jones. Jones was a barrister who came from Llanelli and was a Recorder at Merthyr. He led the prosecution of the Moors Murderers in 1966 at Chester. He was a Labour MP and Attorney General between 1964 and 1970, later becoming Lord Chancellor between 1974 and 1979. Harold Lever was Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster between 1974 and 1979. He was a barrister and Labour MP, later becoming Lord Lever of Manchester.

By the time that Mary’s appeal was heard – and granted – by Lord Donaldson and Lords Justice Parker and Balcombe, Margaret Thatcher was Prime Minister. I have written a lot in previous posts about events in north Wales relating to the mental health services and the north Wales child abuse scandal during Margaret Thatcher’s time as PM, particularly the corruption at the Welsh Office and I have discussed various Ministers and their aides. However the person that I am interested in for the purposes of this post is the Home Secretary at that time – remember, Mary was suing the Home Office as well as Dr Dafydd Alun Jones, Dr Paul Bishop and Clwyd Health Authority.  That Home Secretary was Leon Brittan. Brittan was Home Secretary between 1983 and 1985 and had been Minister of State at the Home Office between 1979 and 1981. He stood down as Home Secretary two months after Mary won her appeal. Brittan was first elected as MP for Cleveland and Whitby in 1974. In 1983 he was elected MP for Richmond and remained there until he resigned in 1989 when he became a European Commissioner. Like so many others who have featured on this blog, Brittan was a lawyer. Brittan’s time as Home Secretary was controversial – he was in post during the Miners’ Strike and took many of the very questionable decisions in relation to that dispute (the consequences of which the present Conservative Government are still not willing to discuss openly let alone submit to a public inquiry). Brittan personally suppressed a TV programme about the Troubles in Northern Ireland – he wrote to Stuart Young, the Chair of the BBC, asking him not to broadcast it. An emergency meeting of the Governors was called and the programme was cancelled, causing industrial action at the BBC. Another very unpleasant series of events occurred when Brittan was Home Secretary that seem to have faded from everyone’s memory. Brittan visited the University of Manchester in about 1984 and was met by a student protest. The students were violently attacked by the police and students were injured. The police continued to maintain that there had been no wrongdoing on their part, but some students spoke to the press and provided photos of their injuries. Over the following few weeks two students in particular claimed that they were followed around Manchester and constantly threatened with serious harm by unidentified police officers. One student was so terrified that he fled to mainland Europe and went into hiding. Another student was a medical student who refused not to be intimidated and continued giving interviews to the media. The police harassment of her became so serious that it was alleged that police were going into the hospital where she was on placement threatening to injure her. She stopped appearing in the media, but whether that was because Leon had ordered everyone to stop publicising what was happening or whether the student decided to keep quiet out of self-preservation I do not know. There was never an appropriate investigation into the police’s actions regarding those events. However, Leon certainly had a powerful effect on media folk. In 1984 or it might have been 1985, one of my friends worked as Box Office manager at the Edinburgh Festival. Very near to the opening of the Festival, my friend received an incredibly rude letter from one Samuel Brittan, a journalist on the Financial Times and brother of Leon. This letter consisted of only three lines or so and demanded tickets and accommodation for the Festival. The letter ended with the line ‘Anyone at the Financial Times can vouch for me’. Of course tickets for the festival had sold out weeks previously and accommodation in Edinburgh during the Festival is impossible to find, that gets booked up months in advance, so my friend wrote back to Samuel Brittan apologising but saying that she was unable to help him because both tickets and accommodation had sold out. Within days there was uproar. My friend was pulled up by her manager and shown an exchange of letters that had been precipitated by her inability to meet Samuel’s unreasonable demands. Samuel had been so incensed by my friend’s failure to produce tickets and accommodation at the last minute that he had sent a photocopy of her letter to one Michael Grade to show Grade just how mortally wounded he had been. Grade had then written back telling Samuel that he was ‘appalled’ at the Festival’s ‘rudeness’ and that Grade would definitely ensure that Samuel got into the Festival, even if Grade had to give Samuel his own ticket. My friend was given a Grade A bollocking and was reminded that Samuel was Leon’s brother and one had to do what he requested. Shortly after Grade shamelessly grovelled to Samuel Brittan, Grade was let loose on Channel 4. More recently Grade was Chairman of the BBC Board of Governors – at the time he banged on about his ‘independence’ and senior people at the BBC penned toadying articles about his ‘charisma’ and ‘energy’ and his penchant for red braces no less. Well I’ll put on a pair of red braces and someone can give me a job as Chair of the BBC and I won’t have to grovel to the likes of Samuel Brittan to show my charisma or energy. Grade has now been given a peerage and ‘came out’ as a Tory. No doubt if he thought that ingratiating himself to the Labour Party – or even to my friend – would have got him into the Lords he’d have done that.

By March 1991, when David Bellotti, LibDem MP for Eastbourne, tabled an Early Day Motion asking for a full investigation into Mary’s case, Thatcher had resigned and John Major had become PM. Before John Major had become an MP he had been a Councillor in Lambeth – he was elected in 1968 and lost his seat in 1971. He was elected as MP for Huntingdon in 1979. John Major’s administration memorably became mired in allegations of ‘sleaze’ and it was also on his watch that the ‘Cash For Questions’ scandal involving Neil Hamilton and others occurred. Of course there was no investigation into Mary’s case. So how did those MPs who signed the Early Day Motion asking for one fare? With the exception of Dafydd Wigley they were all Liberal Democrats. But not very well-known ones, except for Alan Beith. David Belotti, who led the charge, lost his seat the next year. He didn’t reappear as an MP again, although he did continue in local politics at Council level. He died a couple of years ago. Yet all the others – even the most obscure – were given peerages: Lord Beith of Berwick-Upon-Tweed (he became Deputy Leader of the LibDems, Shadow Home Secretary, Shadow spokesman for the Lord Chancellor’s Department and Chaired the Commons Justice Committee), Lord Bruce of Bennachie, Lord Fearn of Southport, Lord Taylor of Goss Moor, Lord Geraint Howells. Now something interesting happened to Lord Howells. He had been a leading Welsh LibDem and had been his party’s spokesman on Welsh affairs between 1979 and 1987. Yet the year after signing the Early Day Motion he unexpectedly lost his seat to Plaid Cymru. In the 1992 election when they they won the seat, Plaid moved from their previous position of fourth place to first. They did this by forming an alliance with the Welsh Green Party and thus picked up a lot of non-Welsh speakers votes. (The alliance broke down in 1995 – the year of the last mention of Mary’s case in the House or indeed anywhere else.) The man who won the seat for Plaid was Cynog Dafis, who served as the Plaid MP until 2000, as well as an AM in the National Assembly of Wales between 1999 and 2003. Interestingly enough, although he was elected in an alliance with the Wales Green Party, Cynog Dafis is on record as saying that he did not consider himself the ‘first Green MP’ – although he remained a robust campaigner on matters relating to the Welsh language. Ieuan Wyn Jones (who has featured on this blog previously) asked Dafis not to step down from the National Assembly in 2003. Dafis stood for the Party’s Presidency but lost to Dafydd Iwan – that’s the Dafydd Iwan who was one-time leader of Gwynedd County Council and who supported Leanne Wood’s bid for the Plaid leadership. Dafydd Wigley now also has a peerage. There is no mention of any of the people who signed the Early Day Motion asking for an investigation into Mary’s case doing anything further in support of her. Mary was mentioned in the House again by the LibDem MP for Montgomeryshire, Alex Carlile, in 1993 when he asked the Lord Chancellor’s Dept for an investigation into Mary’s case and asked when there was going to be a reply to a number of letters written about the case. In 1995 there was the last mention of Mary in the House, again in response to a question asked by Alex Carlile. There are no further indications of anyone fighting on behalf of Mary. What of Alex Carlile? Well he grew up in Rossett near Wrexham and Lancashire and worked as a barrister. After the 1992 election he was the sole LibDem MP in Wales. He was given a peerage in 1999 and is now Lord Carlile of Berriew. In 2001 he was appointed the Independent Reviewer of Terrorism Legislation. He became President of the Howard League for Penal Reform in 2006 and Chaired a 2006 Inquiry into children in prisons, secure training centres and children’s homes regarding practices such as restraint and strip searches. He Chaired a follow on inquiry in 2011. He is also a Deputy High Court Judge. He is co-director and co-owner of a consultancy, along with Sir John Scarlett, the former chief of MI6. So if anyone could have done a bit more digging re Mary’s case I reckon that Carlile could have. But he didn’t.

The Home Secretary whilst Mary’s name was being mentioned in the House re the request for an investigation was Kenneth Baker. He was born in Newport but represented a Surrey constituency. He was Party Chairman between 1989 and 1990. After the 1992 election he left the Government rather than accept the post of Welsh Secretary. He is now Lord Baker of Dorking.

So who was Home Secretary when the paltry payment to Mary in full and final settlement of her action against the Public Trustee was authorised before she was told to get lost and ignored for ever? It was Michael Howard, who was Home Secretary between 1993 and 1997. Howard was born Michael Hecht, in Swansea and was a lawyer – yet another one! He was obsessed with the need to imprison increasing numbers of people and coined the slogan ‘prison works’. Well it was certainly an effective way of preventing Mary from ever achieving her rightful inheritance or indeed any sort of justice at all. Howard is now Lord Howard of Lympne.

So somehow, somewhere, among all those peerages, Mary disappeared and was never heard of again. As with my previous posts, I’d just like to make a few links between a few of those mentioned above and the various child abuse scandals that have occurred in the UK – after all, previous posts have explained very clearly how the north Wales mental health services and Dafydd proved very useful in facilitating and concealing the paedophile ring which it is now admitted operated in north Wales during the 70s, 80s and 90s, which seemed to be the reason why a lot of people didn’t want the practices of Dafydd et al scrutinised too closely.

So back to Ted Heath. Heath has of course been the subject of some very lurid allegations regarding child sex abuse. Heath was the subject of Operation Conifer, an investigation by the Wiltshire Police. The evidence provided by some alleged victims to Conifer was described as ‘fantastical’ eg. it involved allegations of Satanic abuse via recovered memory therapy. Operation Midland, the Metropolitan Police investigation into the alleged child abuse and associated homicides by Heath and others centring around Dolphin Square in Pimlico after allegations made by a man called ‘Nick’ were discredited, was stopped on the orders of Justice Richard                    Henriques. Henriques has featured on this blog previously – along with Sir John Kay (the judge who issued a High Court Injunction against me at the request of Gwynedd County Council that was based on the affidavits of two people who perjured themselves, one who had never met me at all and one who had met me twice), Henriques dismissed the 2002 appeal against conviction of Jeremy Bamber. There is a growing body of opinion that Jeremy Bamber is the victim of a very big miscarriage of justice that is thought to have involved misleading ‘expert psychiatric testimony’ (please see post ‘Family Annihilation’). There have been a number of other police investigations into possible child abuse offences by Health conducted by other Forces. Of course there were allegations made by someone that Harvey Proctor, the former Tory MP, along with Ted Heath, abused him. Proctor angrily denied such allegations reminding everyone of just how much Heath and he hated each other. Proctor was a member of the Monday Club along with Geoffrey Rippon. I have no idea whether Ted Heath was a child molester or not and I too am very sceptical both about the notion of widespread ‘Satanic abuse’ and the value of ‘recovered memory therapy’. But the process by which Mary was imprisoned and destroyed by people personally appointed by Heath was shocking, both in terms of the laws broken and the conflicts of interest involved. Somebody clearly knew that if someone had been screwed over by the Public Trustee and needed silencing and unlawfully banging up, Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and the North Wales Hospital would serve this purpose. However Mary being subsequently treated fairly by Lord Donaldson et al seemed to precipitate a bit of anxiety with a lot of people deciding to ‘step down’ at that point.

Like Ted Heath, Leon Brittan has in recent years been the centre of allegations of child sexual abuse, although the allegations swirling around Brittan are not so easy to dismiss as those regarding Heath. It is known that in 1984 Brittan was given a dossier by the Tory MP Geoffrey Dickens which detailed paedophile activity in Westminster in the 1980s. Its whereabouts is unknown, along with other files on organised child abuse previously held by the Home Office. Brittan denied all knowledge of this in 2013, yet in 2014 declared that Dickens had met him at the Home Office and that he’d written to Dickens on 20 March 1984 explaining what he’d done in relation to the files. A review by Mark Sedwill, a Home Office civil servant, in 2013 found that copies of Dickens’s material ‘hadn’t been retained’, but that Brittan ‘acted appropriately’ in dealing with the allegations. A November 2014 review by Peter Wanless concluded that it was ‘impossible’ to say whether the files had been removed to cover up abuse. Keith Vaz MP, Chair of the Home Office Select Committee, stated that files had been lost on ‘an industrial scale’. Sedwill found that 114 files ‘potentially relevant’ to child abuse were known to have been lost or destroyed by the Home Office. At least four specific allegations relating to child abuse were not passed to the police for 35 years. In June 2014, Brittan was interviewed under caution about the rape of a 19 year old in 1967. He denied the claims and the CPS advised that there was insufficient evidence to charge him. After Tom Watson MP (Labour) lobbied Alison Saunders the DPP to investigate further, the police reopened the investigation. It was concluded that there would not have been enough evidence to charge Brittan even if he was still alive. It was slip-ups by the CPS and Alison Saunders that resulted in Greville Janner never being prosecuted for child abuse although it is now acknowledged that he should have faced charges… In October 2014, Jim Hood MP (Labour) used Parliamentary privilege to refer to Brittan being linked to child abuse. After his death in Jan 2015 Brittan was accused of multiple child rape. Tom Watson claimed to have spoken to male victims and the Independent On Sunday reported claims that Brittan had abused a pre-pubescent boy at the notorious Elm Guest House in 1982. It was also reported that he’d been photographed attending a rent boy orgy in 1986. The boys were allegedly picked up in Kings Cross and dropped off at a location in north London were they were repeatedly raped. The day before the planned arrest of Brittan and others including Cyril Smith, the investigation was inexplicably abandoned. In 2015 the Telegraph reported that Operation Midland detectives investigating sexual abuse by Westminster politicians and other ‘VIPs’ visited and searched two houses in London and Yorkshire, formerly owned by Brittan. Government documents in 2015 named Brittan as one of four senior Westminster figures named regarding child sex abuse, the context of the references being unknown. Along with Brittan, Sir Peter Hayman a former British Diplomat and former Ministers William van Straubenzee and Sir Peter Morrison (please see previous posts) were named in Government files after a review into historical child sexual abuse. In July 2015 it was reported that Brittan and Sir Peter Hayman were among suspects in an alleged Westminster paedophile ring in the 1980s, according to an Australian current affairs series, 60 Minutes. Brittan was accused by an alleged victim of the ring of abusing children at Dolphin Square – there were allegations that the ring involved politicians, police and high profile names. In March 2016 the Metropolitan Police confirmed that Operation Midland had been closed without any charges being brought – after Richard Henriques ordered it.

In the aftermath of the allegations against Brittan, his friends and former colleagues fumed at length about the outrage that it was that he had died with these allegations hanging over him and how distressing it must have been for his wife. It no doubt was – but Brittan oversaw a Home Office that ‘lost’ evidence of criminal activities and stood by whilst a woman from north Wales whom it was admitted had been wronged had her life destroyed completely, by a psychiatrist whose mistress was Director of a Social Services Dept which had a paedophile ring operating in it and who helped her facilitate this paedophile gang. In comparison to the lives of Mary Wynch and the scores of people in the ‘care’ of the children’s services or mental health services in north Wales, Leon ‘multiple homes’ and ‘seat in the Lords’ Brittan and his wife had a pretty comfortable existence. The least that he could have done was run his bloody department properly. Of course Fiona Woolfe, the second Chair of the National Inquiry Into Child Abuse, stepped down when it was revealed that she had links with Brittan. She didn’t remember at first – it only came back to her that he was one of her neighbours and had been to a few of her dinner parties when someone else mentioned it. I often forget who I’ve had over to mine for dinner regularly. Particularly when they’re the Home Secretary.

Regarding John Major and his stint as a Councillor in Lambeth – Lambeth Council has now paid out millions in damages to children in it’s care who were abused after it admitted that paedophiles were active in it’s children’s homes. It has ear-marked many more millions for future damages settlements. Further details can be read in my post ‘The London Connection’.

So The Great Stuffing Over was never mentioned again after 1995, what with David Bellotti safely out of Parliament and virtually everybody else involved having been given a peerage to buy their silence, or should I say ‘in recognition of their service to the nation’, even those whom nobody had ever heard of such was their great contribution. But there was still much trouble in north Wales. It was completely bloody obvious even to those most desperate to play it down that child abuse was endemic in children’s homes in north Wales and there had been an embarrassing number of allegations of a paedophile gang operating in the region and even a few convictions. In 1994 – the year in which Mary had received her final pathetic sum – an inquiry into abuse in north Wales children’s homes was ordered, which resulted in the Jillings Report in 1996. It’s results were so damning that it wasn’t published and an order was sent out that all copies should be destroyed. The team who conducted the inquiry were met with so much aggro that they nearly ended up resigning in despair and the North Wales Police refused to co-operate with the inquiry at all. So a full judicial inquiry was ordered, to be led by Sir Ronald Waterhouse, a High Court Judge. A man who had previously worked on the Chester and Wales Circuit – the Circuit alleged to be riddled with corruption. Waterhouse had been the junior prosecuting counsel at the Moors Murders trial in Chester – so he worked with Elwyn Jones, who as previously mentioned was Callaghan’s Lord Chancellor at the time that Mary was arrested and imprisoned. Waterhouse had grown up in Holywell and north Wales being what it is probably personally knew many of those featured on this blog such as Dr T. Gwynne Williams the lobotomist from the North Wales Hospital and dear old Dafydd. Waterhouse did find evidence of a paedophile ring operating in the Chester and Wrexham area but stated that there were no ‘prominent national figures’ involved. Which was just as well because had he found otherwise some very difficult questions might have been asked – like what on earth were the police, the lawyers, the judiciary and health and welfare services let alone the Government doing that allowed it to happen? He also might have had to name and shame a few of his mates. The inquiry was ordered by the Secretary of State for Wales, one William Hague. That was the William Hague who took over as MP for Richmond when Leon Brittan stood down. Hague was leader of the Tory Party between 1997 and 2001 and was then First Secretary of State and Foreign Secretary in the Coalition Government formed in 2010. David Cameron described him as ‘de facto political deputy’. Hague was given a peerage in 2015 and recently purchased a 2.5 million mansion in Powys – one can only hope that he is not swindled out of it by the Public Trustee. Until just before he became Tory leader Hague was single and was plagued by rumours that he was gay and was receiving grief from a certain sort of Tory about the undesirability of a man without a wife. Two weeks before the general election, Hague suddenly acquired a woman who wanted to marry him and announced his engagement which surprised everyone because no-one had realised that there was a lady on the scene. She was one Ffion Jenkins who had been Hague’s private secretary at the Welsh Office. Ffion’s father was Chief Exec of the Arts Council of Wales, her mother was a magistrate and her elder sister, at the time of Ffion’s wedding, was the assistant private secretary to Prince Charles. It was explained in the London based press that Ffion was a member of the ‘Crachach’ aka the Tafia, the Welsh speaking elite who wield much influence in Wales. However the notion of the crachach is rather in the eye of the beholder and I know of one woman from Caernarfon who has been seriously harmed by the mental health services who uses this term to describe social workers and teachers. However, one thing on which I think that everyone is agreed is that it isn’t the members of any crachach who get raped in children’s homes and then sectioned when they complain about it. Now that William Hague has retired he has been writing political biographies. Unlike a lot of his colleagues Hague is a genuinely clever man who no doubt is a very competent researcher and writer. With abilities like that and his Government experience, one wonders why he couldn’t see through the holes in the Waterhouse Report. Or indeed why he thought that appointing a judge who had worked on a notoriously corrupt circuit and who had grown up and gone to school in the heart of an area where a long-standing paedophile ring was operating which was being facilitated by corrupt professional people in the region was a good idea.

After Waterhouse, allegations of a cover up and whitewash would not go away, so in 2012 the then Home Secretary Theresa May, a member of David Cameron’s Government, ordered Lady Justice Macur to conduct a Review of the Waterhouse Report. That was the same David Cameron who when he was younger had been a special advisor to Michael Howard who had authorised the pittance to Mary in order to ensure that she shut up and died in penury. The Macur Review found that there had been no cover up at all on the part of the Waterhouse Report. Which was a jolly good thing considering how many political careers have been built on the basis of No Important People being involved. But just to make doubly sure, when the police began a reinvestigation into the north Wales paedophile ring, Leanne Wood attempted to derail it before it had even got off the ground. And as for Lord Carlile’s close business relationship with Sir John Scarlett – it has been consistently alleged that the security services have been involved in concealing organised child abuse.

 

Those Lawyers and Judges Involved In The Mary Wynch Case

As promised, here’s a bit of background on the lawyers and judges involved in Mary’s case. (Please can I ask new readers of the blog to refer to my previous posts ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’ and ‘Post-Script: The Mary Wynch Case – The Details’ for the details of Mary’s case and why it was both so worrying and so important.)

Firstly, the solicitors who represented Mary – B.M. Birnberg. They are currently listed as a firm in Camden. I presume that they were London based when they represented Mary – I do not think that she would have been able to find a firm in north Wales to represent her after what had gone on. If one googles Colin Braham, who was named in the Court documents as Counsel for Mary, again one ends up at a firm of lawyers in Camden. The other Counsel who acted for Mary was John MacDonald. He too is a barrister based in Camden. MacDonald has a very successful practice and has been involved in some high profile cases but there’s no cases similar to Mary’s flagged up on his website. So Mary’s solicitors didn’t engage the services of someone like Michael Mansfield who was known for taking cases against the British state – although Mary had encountered very big problems with the British state indeed. Dafydd Alun Jones and Paul Bishop were represented by Hempsons, the solicitors who act for the Medical Defence Union. Some two years later, Hempsons acted for Dafydd Alun Jones’s colleague, Dr Tony Francis (previously referred to on the blog as ‘Dr X’). Francis had used Hempsons to obtain an injunction against me – although Francis had perjured himself in order to do this – in order to stop me writing to him no less, when I was trying to follow up a serious complaint which involved Francis and Jones breaking the law and to access my medical records. Come on Hempsons, you knew that something was going badly wrong in the mental health services in north Wales, because by the time that you were serving injunctions on me, negligence had been admitted in Mary’s case and I had mentioned Dafydd Alun Jones’s name repeatedly in the letters that I had written to Francis… (Please see previous posts for more information on the activities of Hempsons in my own case and one of their solicitors, Anne Ball.) The Counsel used by Hempsons was one Jon Williams – I have not been able to find any references to him (he may of course have been a John Williams, the Court documents are full of errors and misspellings). The Treasury Solicitor represented the Home Office and Paul Hayward’s estate and Counsel acting on their behalf was Christopher Symons. The Treasury Solicitor’s Department is now called the Government Legal Department. The Treasury Solicitor’s Department is described as ‘a non-ministerial Government department that provided legal services to the majority of central government departments and other publicly funded bodies in England and Wales’.

Now for the really interesting bit. Mary was committed to prison and then released into the ‘care’ of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones at the North Wales Hospital by one James Blackett-Ord, who enjoyed the title of ‘His Honour the Vice-Chancellor of the County of Palatine of Lancaster’. James Blackett-Ord was actually a circuit judge. However his glorious title conferred upon him another role- to exercise general supervision over the conduct of the Chancery Division business in the north of England. The Chancery Division is a Division of the High Court of England and Wales and deals with business law, trust law, probate law, insolvency and land law in relation to issues of equity. So Blackett-Ord was effectively judging on a case that it was his role to oversee. Conflict of interest anyone? It gets much worse. The Vice-Chancellor of the County of Palatine of Lancaster is appointed by the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster after consultation with the Lord Chancellor. The Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster is a Ministerial Office of Government appointed by the Queen on the advice of, or by, the Prime Minister. Mary’s mother’s estate – the original source of the dispute – was administered by the Public Trustee (one of Mary’s later legal actions was against the Public Trustee). The Public Trustee is appointed by the Lord Chancellor – as well as Blackett-Ord! There was nothing impartial about this judge. But I haven’t finished (not by a long way). The Lord Chancellor was also in charge of the investigation into Mary’s case that the MPs in Parliament were referring to in 1993 and 1995.

Are we surprised that Mary was ruined?

But my research into Blackett-Ord turned up something else interesting. After Blackett-Ord’s time as the Vice-Chancellor of the County of Palatine of Lancaster ended in 1987 (he is described as ‘stepping down’) from then on the office was held by a High Court judge of the Chancery Division. Was this perchance related to the shit that hit the fan over Mary’s case? Blackett-Ord died a few years ago and his obituaries described him as a ‘churchman’ and a ‘landowner’ from Northumberland – they also remarked on how much he enjoyed being the Vice-Chancellor of the County of Palatine of Lancaster. They do not explain why he completely shafted a respectable middle aged woman from north Wales who had been swindled by some local solicitors by having her arrested and then handed her over to man who’s mistress was facilitating a paedophile ring to be illegally banged up in an asylum for a year.

Before we leave the subject of Blackett-Ord, I’ll just take a brief diversion into politics. Previous posts mentioned that Mary’s problems occurred on the watch of Margaret Thatcher and John Major (more on the Ministers involved is coming in a future post as promised). But my co-researcher has reminded me of something very important. Mary’s problems began before Thatcher was elected. When Mary was arrested in October 1977, Jim Callaghan was Prime Minister and when Mary was swindled out of her mother’s estate Ted Heath was Prime Minister. Blackett-Ord was appointed in 1972 – the year of Mary’s mother’s death and the original dispute. When Blackett-Ord was appointed, the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster was Geoffrey Rippon or John Davies (Conservatives) and the Lord Chancellor was Lord Hailsham, Quintin Hogg (Conservative). (Hogg was the man who, after Argentina surrendered following the invasion of the Falklands, famously told a TV crew that it was God wot had won it for us. But being Quintin Hogg he said it in Latin. If the old bastard was still alive perhaps he could have explained why he appointed a crook to high office – in Latin of course.) At the time of Mary’s arrest, the Lord Chancellor was Lord Elwyn-Jones (Labour) and the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster was Harold Lever (Labour). There will be more on these politicians in a future post.

The judge who rejected Mary’s initial appeal was Justice Otton. This will have been Sir Philip Otton. I can find very little information about Otton, other than he once sentenced the Spectator’s notorious gossip columnist Taki to prison – Taki maintains that not only did Otton later express regret at imprisoning him, but that a key witness at the trial later admitted perjuring himself.

However of course Mary appealed to the Master of the Rolls, Lord Donaldson, who, sitting with Lords Justices Parker and Balcombe, allowed her appeal and gave her leave to sue. Lord Justice Parker was Sir Roger Parker who it was alleged by a colleague didn’t end up in the House of Lords because his ‘outspokenness on the administration of justice’ ruffled a few feathers. Were those feathers ruffled perhaps by his fair treatment of a lady who had been swindled and illegally imprisoned by an awful lot of people who had pals in high places? Lord Justice Balcombe was Sir John Balcombe. Lord Donaldson was Lord John Donaldson, Master of the Rolls between 1982 and 1992, succeeding Lord Denning. John Donaldson was the son of a Harley Street gynaecologist – Donaldson married a nurse from the Middlesex Hospital and when he was young had ambitions to be a Tory MP. He is remembered for presiding over the trials of the Guildford Four and MacGuire Seven, both notorious miscarriages of justice. He famously remarked that he wished that he could have sentenced the Guildford Four to hanging. Between 1971 and 1974 he was President of the Industrial Relations Tribunal – the Unions hated him, calling him ‘Black Jack’. He was appointed a Lord Justice of Appeal by Thatcher two months after she was elected. Despite his conservatism, Donaldson had a reputation even among radical lawyers as having a ‘passion for justice’ on civil liberties issues. Donaldson pushed through legal reforms, failed to do the Government’s bidding when they wanted Peter Wright’s ‘Spycatcher’ censored and also supported Private Eye in a number of cases. In retrospect, he is considered to have been relatively progressive. Interestingly enough I have found a quote from Lord Elwyn-Jones, the Lord Chancellor at the time of Mary’s arrest, who acknowledged that at the time Donaldson deserved promotion to the Court of Appeal but that it would be ‘more trouble than it was worth’.

NB. The former Labour MP for Conwy, Sir Elwyn Jones, had previously worked as a solicitor in Bangor. His son Elwyn Jones was also a solicitor in Bangor. Neither of these are the same man as Lord Elwyn-Jones.  It is interesting however that Mary’s original problems began with her allegations that there had been misconduct on the part of a number of local solicitors. Mary lived in Caernarfon – about eight miles away from Bangor – and even then provincial lawyers in north Wales seemed very well networked into bigger fish elsewhere.

The Mary Wynch Case – Details

I have previously mentioned the case of Mary Wynch. Mary made legal history by being the first person to sue for being wrongly detained under the Mental Health Act –Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was one of those whom she sued. Mary’s case received widespread media attention in the London based press when she won the case – such was the aggro that she received in north Wales that by then she had gone into hiding in Eastbourne. I contacted her via the ‘Guardian’ and met up with her. I think that Mary has probably died by now, so there are a number of outstanding questions that cannot be answered. I have been trying to research Mary’s case for some while but have had great trouble retrieving information. It’s almost as if there has been an attempt to airbrush this case from history. However my co-researcher has now managed to access some information, including a transcript from the appeal – Mary had to initially appeal to the Master of the Rolls Lord Donaldson for leave to sue Jones et al.

I first read about Mary’s case after it was reported in the broadsheets in 1985, after Lord Donaldson allowed her appeal. I had just had my first taste of bad behaviour on the part of the north Wales mental health services but had no idea of just how corrupt that they were at that point. Over the following few years I received very serious grief from them, so when I read at some point in the late 80s that Mary had won her case against Dafydd Alun Jones et al I was keen to speak to her.

Mary told me an even worse story than had appeared in the press. Despite the allegations of ‘madness’ that those we know and love threw at Mary she was actually very level headed and was acutely aware that she couldn’t make statements in press interviews that she did not have evidence for, so she never spoke in public about some very worrying matters. I will summarise what she told me here. Mary had lived in Caernarfon, worked as a secretary in the agriculture dept at Bangor University (known in those days as UCNW) and for a long while looked after her elderly mother. Mary had a sister whom she did not get on with. Mary told me that at one point her mother was in a care home owned by Jones. Mary was worried about the standard of care there – when her mother subsequently died, Mary was deeply concerned at the circumstances of her mother’s death. Mary’s worst fear was that her mother had died of an overdose that had been unlawfully administered. The story that Mary related to me was that when she saw her mother’s body, it was covered in blisters. Mary was later told that this could have been the sign of a barbiturate overdose. She talked at length of her deep frustration at never being able to prove this, although she was pretty sure that was what had happened. In the wake of her mother’s death there was a dispute between Mary and her sister over her mother’s estate. Mary described her sister as ‘evil’ and believed that her sister was in cahoots with both Dafydd Alun Jones and the solicitors whom Mary alleged had mishandled her mother’s estate. It seemed that Mary had encountered difficulties with a number of different local solicitors firms and she alleged that these solicitors were so closely linked that they effectively formed a ring. As a result of the dispute Mary was ordered to hand over certain documents but refused, as she believed that the law had been broken and corruption was at work. She was imprisoned for contempt of court and sent to the notoriously grim Risley Remand Centre. She was then declared to be suffering from ‘paranoia’ and was detained in the North Wales Hospital for a year. When Mary finally got out she started the tortuous process of suing Jones, Clwyd Health Authority, Dr Paul Bishop (a GP) and Dr Paul Hayward (the medical officer at Risley Remand Centre) and the Home Office. By the time that I met her, negligence had been admitted and press reports had stated that Mary had been awarded £27,5000 damages – but she told me that everyone involved was quibbling over actually paying the damages and that it looked as though she was going to have to go to Court again to enforce payment. Intriguingly, no more information about Mary’s case or indeed Mary appeared in the media, despite the huge media interest that there had been. I never saw Mary again and I never knew whether she did receive her damages or what the results of her outstanding legal cases against other parties involved with the mishandling of her case were. The lack of further media coverage was quite inexplicable. When I met Mary, as well as telling me about her suspicions and fears regarding her mother’s death, she told me that conditions in Denbigh were dreadful. Interestingly enough although Jones had been prescribing huge quantities of anti-psychotics for her, as with me the nurses did not suggest that she take it. Mary told me that her greatest challenge in Denbigh was not showing any emotion – she realised that these people were a law unto themselves and would leap on any excuse to demonstrate further ‘insanity’ and who knows what would happen to her. She also told me another interesting anecdote. That the ‘young people’s ward’ was visible from the ward where she was imprisoned. Every evening the staff from Mary’s ward would gather around the window and watch the activities in the young people’s ward – Mary explained that the staff told her that Jones encouraged the young people to have sex with each other and that the staff treated the action in the young people’s ward as a live sex show.

One thing that I remembered from the press reports was a statement that Mary had been a voluntary outpatient of Jones’s after her mother’s death. This claim also appears in the transcript from the appeal. Yet I got the distinct impression from Mary that she only encountered Jones when she was banged up in Denbigh. Now Jones lies, he lies under all circumstances and one thing that he lied about in my case was that he assessed me before ordering the police to take me to Denbigh. He did NOT see me beforehand and did not carry out any sort of ‘assessment’. I cannot now clarify anything with Mary, but I strongly suspect that Jones did not treat her as a voluntary outpatient. She believed that her sister, whom she did not get on with and suspecting of swindling her, was in cahoots with Jones, so I think it very unlikely that she was returning to see him as a voluntary outpatient. She spoke of how unpleasant he was when she met me, but she certainly didn’t speak about Jones in any way that suggested that she knew him as ‘her doctor’ – she barely remembered his name and referred to him as ‘the doctor at Denbigh’. As far as Mary was concerned, Jones was just one of many professional people who had done various things that they shouldn’t have. I note that the claim that Mary had been treated by Jones as a voluntary outpatient was central to the claim of him and his cronies that she was mentally ill – ie. that she had been ‘deeply affected’ by her mother’s death and had it was alleged that she had been referred to Dafydd by her GP. Even if the GP had made the referral this does not mean that Dafydd actually saw Mary. Dafydd cannot be believed and Mary is not here to ask, so this is one of the many unanswered questions about Mary’s case.

As well as appearing in the broadsheets and the Spectator, Mary’s case was also featured in the BBC Two series ‘Taking Liberties’ in an episode called ‘Who Will Listen To Mary Winch’ which was screened on March 5 1991. Readers will notice that in the title of this programme, Mary’s surname was spelt ‘Winch’, as it was in the other media reports and indeed on the Court papers. Yet in north Wales, Mary’s name was always spelt ‘Wynch’ and I seem to remember that this is how she signed her name on the letter to me when she agreed to meet me. This is yet another very odd thing about this case – although I knew from personal experience that Court documents are full of errors, including basic ones and serious ones.

After the BBC programme I never heard another thing about Mary either in the London based or north Wales media. Interest in her case disappeared overnight and I was been unable to gain any further information about it until my co-researcher came up with some gems a few days ago. He has dug out a brief potted history of Mary’s case that appeared in the Spectator and has also acquired a transcript of Mary’s appeal, which was heard on 9 July 1985 at the Royal Courts of Justice in London before Sir John Donaldson (Master of the Rolls), Lord Justice Parker and Lord Justice Balcombe. The case is listed as Mary Agnes Winch v Dr Dafydd Alun Jones, Clwyd Health Authority, representatives of the estate of Paul Eardley Hayward, Paul Manley Bishop, Home Office. John MacDonald and Colin Braham were instructed by B.M. Birnberg and Co for Mary and Jon Williams was instructed by dear old Hempsons (who else – the lawyers who act for the Medical Defence Union who have featured on this blog previously) on behalf of Dafydd Alun Jones and Paul Bishop and Christopher Symons was instructed by the Treasury Solicitor on behalf of the personal representatives of the estate of Paul Hayward and the Home Office. Mary appealed to the High Court for leave for two actions alleging negligence against 1. Dafydd Alun Jones and his employers Clwyd Health Authority 2. Against the late Paul Hayward and his employers the Home Office and Paul Bishop. Because all three of the doctors were purporting to be acting under the 1959 Mental Health Act, Mary had to apply for leave to bring actions against them. It is mentioned in the transcript that Mary had been previously refused leave by Justice Otten (elsewhere his name is spelt Otton).

The transcript states that Mary’s mother died in 1972 and that the Public Trustee administered her estate and subsequently brought an action against Mary and possibly also her sister. Mary was ordered to hand over certain documents and refused (Mary was alleging corruption and law breaking and also maintained that she had not been given the opportunity to attend a crucial court hearing.) Mary was sent to Risley Remand Centre for contempt of court by His Honour Vice-Chancellor Blackett-Ord. The committal was in October 1977 but Mary went into hiding so wasn’t actually arrested until July 1978. It is stated that in October 1978 Mary was discharged from Risley by order of Blackett-Ord to the North Wales Hospital Denbigh to the care of Dafydd Alun Jones, on Section 26 of the Mental Health Act 1959, which allowed her to be detained for up to 12 months. This was done on the recommendation of Hayward and Bishop, Hayward being the medical officer at Risley, Bishop being a GP. For 12 months Mary was subjected to section 26 ‘either in the North Wales Hospital or on leave’ (at no point did anyone or Mary ever suggest that she had been ‘on leave’ – it was stated at all times that she was banged up for 12 months). Mary’s case was that Hayward and Bishop failed to exercise ‘reasonable care in diagnosing her with paranoia’ and that Dafydd Alun Jones failed to exercise ‘reasonable care’ in considering her earlier release from the North Wales Hospital (I remember that a press report at the time stated that during the year in which she was in Denbigh, Jones did not visit Mary or review her case once). The transcript also mentions that Mary had consulted several solicitors and was now suing two of them for negligence. Her view was that all the solicitors that she consulted were conspiring to stifle her complaints. This was the first occasion that the Court had to consider an appeal regarding the Mental Health Act. The transcript stated that at the previous appeal Justice Otton had considered that Mary’s applications were not frivolous, vexatious nor an abuse of the process of the Court but that Mary hadn’t satisfied the Court regarding a prima facie case of negligence against each of the doctors. At Mary’s appeal to Lord Donaldson, Justice Parker stated that the case against Dafydd Alun Jones was ‘fit to be tried’, although this was ‘not so clear’ with regard to Hayward and Bishop. There is a Dr Fry mentioned in the transcript who seems to have provided an opinion on Mary at an earlier stage of her journey through the Courts. The transcript also makes reference to someone at some point providing evidence stating that ‘she has no insight into her condition and will break into the property she formerly owned and squat in it. She would not remain in hospital of her own accord’. Yet during the appeal it was noted that there is no evidence Miss Winch had ever broken into the property or squatted in it or had ever threatened to do so’. (So Mary had been the subject of ludicrous allegations and speculations for which there was no evidence and these allegations and speculations somehow had found their way into Court documents – this happened to me after I made complaint about the north Wales mental health services.) Justice Balcombe agreed that the appeal should be allowed. The transcript states that the case against Hayward and Bishop was based on Dr Fry’s evidence. John Macdonald submitted that Hayward and Bishop should have made enquiries of Jones and the Official Solicitor and that they did this.

Mary’s appeal was allowed with costs.

My co-researcher has dug up a few details of the ‘Taking Liberties’ programme screened by BBC Two on 5 March 1991. The producer was Rhonda Evans and the series producer was Elizabeth Clough, who until very recently was the partner of Jeremy Paxman. My co-researcher then discovered an Early Day Motion tabled on 19 March 1991, sponsored by David Bellotti, the LibDem MP for Eastbourne – ‘This House urges an immediate review by the Home Secretary of the gross injustices suffered by Miss Mary Winch, now resident in Eastbourne, and recorded in the BBC Two programme ‘Taking Liberties’ on Tuesday 5 March’. Six MPs signed this Motion: Alan Beith (Liberal Democrat, Berwick-Upon-Tweed), Malcolm Bruce (Liberal Democrat, Gordon), Ronnie Fearn (Liberal Democrat, Southport), Geraint Howells (Liberal Democrat, Ceredigion and Pembroke North), Matthew Taylor (Liberal Democrat, Truro and St Austell) and Dafydd Wigley (Plaid Cymru, Caernarfon).

My co-researcher has also dug up something very interesting from Hansard. On 31 March 1993, Alex Carlile asked the Parliamentary Secretary, Lord Chancellor’s Dept, to order a full investigation into Mary’s case and was asked when there was going to be a reply to letters concerning Mary’s case dated June 1991, August 1991, September 1991, October 1991 and May 1992. John M. Taylor replied that Mary had taken legal action against the Public Trustee which had not yet concluded and he wouldn’t comment because proceedings were before the Courts. At this point I thought that the trail had gone cold – despite so much concern being expressed at what had happened to Mary, there were no more mentions of her again in the media. But late last night I received another e mail from my co-researcher who had found something in Hansard, 27 April 1995. It is recorded that Alex Carlile asked the Parliamentary Secretary Lord Chancellor’s Department if he would make a statement on the actions of the Public Trustee in relation to legal proceedings brought by Miss Phoebe Winch (once more Mary Agnes Wynch’s name was misrecorded).  John M. Taylor replied that he was unable to comment on individual cases where legal proceedings have been brought against the Public Trustee, who was also Chief Exec of the Public Trust Office. Taylor commented that she was also ‘an independent statutory office holder’ and ‘decisions that she takes in exercise of her statutory functions are those of her office and are not taken on behalf of Government’. Taylor adds that as the question concerns a specific case, he had asked the Chief Exec to reply direct. There follows the text of a letter from Julia Lomas to Alex Carlile, 25 April 1995. The mistake with Mary’s name is acknowledged and corrected and Lomas goes on to state that in 1982 Mary brought proceedings against the Public Trustee in relation to the administration of the estate of her dead mother, Violet Wynch. The proceedings were defended. The case was ‘complicated’ and the hearing was ‘anticipated to be lengthy and expensive’ and therefore in 1994 a payment of £15,000 into Court to settle the matter was authorised. Mary accepted this payment, which was made with no admission of liability on the point of the Public Trustee. ‘The Public Trustee has always been confident that had the case been fought the Public Trustee would have won, albeit at a disproportionate cost to public funds. The payment into Court was and remains regarded by me payment to save public funds rather than any admission as to the merits of Miss Winch’s case’.

And that was the end of the matter – a respectable innocent woman had been ruined, swindled out of her inheritance by a bunch of small town crooked solicitors, illegally imprisoned and then banged up, again illegally, in a notoriously grim, lawless mental hospital for a year. And people occupying the highest offices of the British state colluded with all of it.

Followers of my blog know that in previous posts, I have compared the chronology of some of the things that happened in my own case – being arrested at the behest of the north Wales mental health services, being denounced as ‘dangerous’, being served with High Court Injunctions on the basis of affidavits sworn by people who were lying about me and who had sometimes not even met me – with the chronology of the actions of Alison Taylor and others drawing attention to the paedophile ring that was operating in the children’s homes in north Wales. The injunctions and arrests correlate nearly perfectly with the breaking of stories about the north Wales paedophile ring, the ring which we now know was being facilitated and concealed by a number of people employed and associated with the mental health services in north Wales. The shit raining down upon my head was particularly bad in 1991 – when all that media and Parliamentary attention was focused on what had happened to Mary. It was at this time that the north Wales mental health services, along with St Georges Hospital and Springfield Hospital, were using some of the most biggest names in UK forensic psychiatry to denounce me as so dangerous that I was a candidate for the likes of Broadmoor – although there was documentary evidence that the psychiatrists in London knew that patients in north Wales were being sexually exploited by psychiatrists and that they also knew there was no evidence at all for the very serious charges that I was facing which were eventually dropped. Springfield documented that I had become suicidal as a result of the stress that I was under as a result of the constant arrests and court cases – yet failed to support me at all and discharged me with no aftercare after three weeks. When I arrived home after being discharged from Springfield, I found a letter from my employers, St Georges Hospital Medical School – I had been working as a research assistant there. This letter stated that I had spent an ‘excessively long time on sick leave’ and was effectively telling me that I was sacked. I had been on sick leave for three weeks. I now have in my possession copies of letters signed by managers of the north Wales mental health services in which they ask each other if their friends and contacts at St Georges have found out which dept I was working in and letters describing how their contacts at St Georges were accessing mail sent to me at the hospital in order to find out my home address. I also have a copy of a letter signed by the occupational health physician at St Georges – who basically harassed me throughout my time there and constantly told me to stop my complaints about the mental health services in north Wales – confirming that my ‘behaviour at work’ ‘was not a problem’.

Just after I left St Georges in 1991, Dr Tony Francis from Ysbyty Gwynedd (who has previously been referred to on this blog as Dr X) ordered his solicitors – Hempsons – to take steps to have me committed to prison on the grounds that I was breaking a High Court Injunction that he’d obtained against me. He had obtained the injunction by perjuring himself and I have copies of letters demonstrating that his own legal advisors had advised him very strongly not to take legal action against me. Francis wanted me ‘committed to prison’ because I was writing letters of complaint stating that he and Dafydd Alun Jones were abusing patients and breaking the law. So who was the barrister who represented a man who was breaking the law – along with his colleagues – and tried to have the woman who was complaining about this imprisoned? It was one Robert Francis QC, a barrister who worked for the Medical Defence Union. Robert Francis is now Sir Robert Francis QC, a member of the Care Quality Commission and leading light of the Patients Association! He was also famously employed to Chair the Inquiry into the genocide that took place at Mid-Staffs – there were numerous allegations that Robert Francis played down the full horror of what happened at Mid-Staffs. Francis also led the Freedom To Speak Up review into whistleblowing in the NHS. Whistleblowers maintain that Francis sold them down the river and that his recommendations did nothing to protect them. Readers new to this blog can read the whole shameful saga in previous blog posts such as ‘St George’s Hospital Medical School 1989/90’, ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London…’ and ‘The Sordid Role of Sir Robert Francis QC’.

As for the Early Day Motion in 1991 urging an investigation into Mary’s case that was signed by Dafydd Wigley and others – this would appear to have been a noble action but obviously didn’t get anywhere. Yet only a year later, Dafydd Wigley signed another Early Day Motion, this time sponsored by Elfyn Llwyd, opposing the closure of Garth Angharad. Garth Angharad, which was described as a ‘hospital for mentally abnormal criminals’, contained people who complained that they’d been molested in children’s homes in north Wales and was owned and managed by a man who was mentioned in the Waterhouse Report as someone who also owned children’s homes and residential schools which had been at the centre of allegations of physical cruelty and sexual abuse (please see blog posts ‘More On Those Prisons For Folk Who Dared Complain’ and ‘Further Information On Garth Angharad Hospital’). So why in the course of a year did Dafydd Wigley move from a position of defending Mary on a Parliamentary level to working to ensure that the personal prison of Dafydd and the paedophile gang remained open? In about 1990 I received a very supportive letter from Dafydd Wigley after I contacted him about the abuses taking place at the North Wales Hospital. Yet when I wrote to him again a couple of years later I did not receive a reply. It is part of north Wales folklore that Dafydd Wigley was eventually shafted by Plaid for reasons that only members of the inner circle understand and was replaced as MP for Caernarfon by the fool Hywel Williams, a former psychiatric social worker who had worked with Dafydd Alun Jones and the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. Of course as a social worker based in Gwynedd, Hywel will have been employed by Gwynedd Social Services – that’s the Gwynedd Social Services that the Waterhouse Report admitted had a Director, Lucille Hughes, who knew that a paedophile ring was operating within the Social Services but failed to respond. All Williams achieved in the years following his election was to reduce Plaid’s majority in that constituency, which had been huge (recent boundary changes have bumped up the majority again, giving Hywel a bit of a breather). Dafydd Wigley was enormously popular locally – but interestingly enough the one person whom I know who was probably even more complimentary about Wigley than anyone else was Dr Tony Francis. So would anyone from Plaid – including Dafydd Wigley himself – like to explain to the rest of us what went on?

As for the final mention of Mary in Hansard in 1995 – by 1996 the Jillings Report was published, a result of the first investigation into the north Wales child abuse scandal (please see previous posts). This was the report that was so damning that it was famously not published and an order was sent out by Flintshire Council (which had succeeded Clwyd County Council after what looks like now a very convenient local authority reorganisation) that all copies should be pulped. The Jillings Report was commissioned by Clwyd County Council in 1994, so Jillings and his team will have been undertaking their investigation in 1995…

The information that my co-researcher has sent me about Mary’s case has prompted me to find out more about the judges and lawyers involved in her case – and the politicians behind the scenes. More posts on this will follow soon.

One more appeal to readers of the blog. Many years ago, sometime in the mid-1980s, Radio 4 broadcast a play called ‘Penrhyn Summer’. It had very obviously been written by someone like me, of my generation as well, who had studied at Bangor University and made friends with local people rather than only students. The play’s plot centred around a young woman who had just graduated and had taken a summer job at Penrhyn Castle and through this had learnt much of the grimmer history of north Wales and how local people had suffered at the hands of an economy dominated by the Anglicised landowners in the region. The North Wales Hospital featured in this programme and there were references to the dreadful things alleged to be happening there. One of the central characters in the play was a local man whom the young woman idolised who framed himself as a radical political activist – towards the end of the play this man announced that he’d been selected as a Plaid candidate for Westminster and dropped his enquiries into the North Wales Hospital… Most of what I hear about north Wales on Radio 4 is so inaccurate that it’s not worth listening to. But this play had the social and cultural landscape of north west Wales in the mid-1980s spot on (only of course Radio 4 used actors who all had perfect SOUTH Walian accents) and it was very obviously based on someone’s own experiences. I have tried to find out who wrote this play, or indeed to gain any more info about it at all, but have got nowhere. If any readers know anything about it – especially who the hypocritical Plaid candidate was based upon – I’d love to know more.

Whilst on the subject of memories of student life at Bangor in the 80s, one of the biggest and most well-funded of the student societies was ‘Community Action’. CA (as it was known) had it’s own minibus and I seem to remember had a full-time paid organiser. One of their specialities was ‘working with disadvantaged children’ in the Bangor area. Students are idealistic and probably would never have imagined that a vicious paedophile ring was operating in the local Social Services. But someone in authority in CA will have smelt a rat. And the one thing that students like me who mixed with local people noticed was how many seriously neglected children there were in Bangor. Children whose parents had abandoned them or gone to prison or who had parents who simply couldn’t cope were just left to their own devices, often left in the care of an older sibling who couldn’t look after them very well. And people did know that all was not as it should be. When I first complained about Gwynne Williams the lobotomist who was working sessions in the Student Health Centre no less, my first representations – after I’d been threatened by Dr DGE Wood the GP running the Centre and told by him that I ‘wasn’t allowed’ to complain about Williams – were made to the Welfare Officer in the Students Union. This young man admitted that there were major problems with Gwynne Williams and that there had been many complaints about him. He later denied saying this to the staff of the Health Centre. He then told me that if continued to complain about Williams I would get a ‘bad name’ – did he know that I’d be slandered, libelled and lied about in Court perhaps? After this he told me that he couldn’t take my complaint any further. Some five years ago I discovered that this man had become the Financial Director of an NHS Trust in the English Midlands (which was interesting because he graduated with a Third and I was told that he subsequently failed accountancy exams). Clearly Duncan Orme has done very well for himself after failing to challenge a lobotomist whose handling of one student was so negligent that they tried to kill themselves hours after seeing him. An ideal start to a glorious career in NHS senior management. But my God Duncan – the bastards were assisting a paedophile gang as well….