A Few of the Relevant Politicians Re Mary Wynch’s Case

My previous post ‘Those Lawyers and Judges Involved In The Mary Wynch Case’ gave some details about the various judges and lawyers who were getting their hands dirty where Mary was concerned. But what about the puppet-masters and of course those (very few) politicians who had supported her as the scandal became public? Mary’s shafting at the hands of the British state began when her mother died in 1972. Mary was finally spat out, ruined, in 1994/5 (please see previous posts ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’ and ‘Post-Script: The Mary Wynch Case – The Details’). So the Great Stuffing Over spanned the premierships of Ted Heath, Jim Callaghan, Margaret Thatcher and John Major. Political historians maintain that these administrations were all very different – yet the Ministers and Government Departments of all of them played a part in the ruination of a lady who had demonstrated serious wrongdoing on the part of the Home Office, the Public Trustee and the NHS.

Ted Heath was Conservative PM between 1970 and 1974 and leader of the Tories between 1965 and 1975. He remained a Tory MP until 2001. My post about the lawyers and judges who wrecked Mary’s life mentioned that Blackett-Ord, the deeply compromised judge riddled with conflicts of interests, had been appointed to the post of Vice-Chancellor of the County of Palatine of the County of Lancaster by the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster appointed by Heath in 1972. For most of 1972 the Lord Chancellor was Geoffrey Rippon, although in November, John Davies took over. So it is probable that it was Geoffrey Rippon who appointed Blackett-Ord. Geoffrey Rippon was Tory MP for Hexham between 1966 and 1987 and was a member of the far-right Monday Club. Blackett-Ord was a landowner who came from the Hexham area. Geoffrey Rippon stood down as an MP in 1987 – at the same time that Blackett-Ord stood down as Vice-Chancellor, which was pretty much at the same time that everyone involved in imprisoning Mary in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh admitted negligence! Geoffrey did alright for himself though – in the same year he became Lord Rippon of Hexham. The Lord Chancellor under Heath who was also involved in appointing Blackett-Ord was the notorious Quintin Hogg aka Lord Hailsham, whose father had been also been a Lord Hailsham and Lord Chancellor. Quintin Hogg equated to a caricature of a batty old judge from a previous era and maintained that God had helped Thatcher win the Falklands conflict. Of course, when all this was happening to Mary, devolution had not happened and matters Welsh were handled by the Welsh Office (please see my previous posts for details of the evidence of corruption in the Welsh Office’s legal and medical departments that I have in my possession regarding my own case). The Secretary of State for Wales throughout Heath’s time as PM was Peter Thomas. He was also Chairman of the Party between 1970 and 1972. Thomas was MP for Conway between 1951 and 1966, but was returned as the MP for Hendon South in 1970, retiring in 1987 – like a few other people did! As with Geoffrey Rippon however, Thomas fell on his feet – in 1987 he too was given a peerage, becoming Lord Thomas of Gwydir. Readers will remember that Mary’s original problem was her allegation that a number of local solicitors had been guilty of malpractice and had all been networked together. Peter Thomas was from Llanwrst – his father had been a solicitor. Thomas himself was a barrister who practiced on the Chester and Wales Circuit – the circuit where there were allegations of serious corruption and where so many very odd things happened in Court cases – and worked as a Crown Court Recorder between 1974 and 1988. Mary’s arrest and imprisonment occurred during that time. Thomas remained as the Tories Welsh spokesman after Heath lost the election in 1974, but returned to the backbenches when Thatcher took over as leader of the party. Peter Thomas was a member of the Gorsedd – as was Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and many people in his network.

At the time of Mary’s arrest and imprisonment, Jim Callaghan was the Labour Prime Minister. Callaghan was PM between 1976 and 1979 and leader of the Labour Party between 1976 and 1980. Callaghan held a seat in the Cardiff area continuously between 1945 and 1987. (A lot of people clearly decided to step down from their jobs in 1987. Which was not only the year that Dafydd et al admitted negligence in relation to Mary but was the year that Dafydd and his colleagues started telling everyone who would listen that I was ‘dangerous’. It was also of course the year that Alison Taylor the social worker who blew the whistle on the north Wales paedophile ring told Margaret Thatcher in person that she had witnessed children being abused in north Wales and was then sacked by Gwynedd County Council.) Shortly after stepping down from the Commons, Callaghan became Lord Callaghan of Cardiff.  Callaghan had a connection with the Top Doctors as well – his wife Audrey was Chair of the Governors of Great Ormond Street Hospital between 1969 and 1982. At the time of Mary’s arrest and imprisonment, the Lord Chancellor was Elwyn Jones. Jones was a barrister who came from Llanelli and was a Recorder at Merthyr. He led the prosecution of the Moors Murderers in 1966 at Chester. He was a Labour MP and Attorney General between 1964 and 1970, later becoming Lord Chancellor between 1974 and 1979. Harold Lever was Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster between 1974 and 1979. He was a barrister and Labour MP, later becoming Lord Lever of Manchester.

By the time that Mary’s appeal was heard – and granted – by Lord Donaldson and Lords Justice Parker and Balcombe, Margaret Thatcher was Prime Minister. I have written a lot in previous posts about events in north Wales relating to the mental health services and the north Wales child abuse scandal during Margaret Thatcher’s time as PM, particularly the corruption at the Welsh Office and I have discussed various Ministers and their aides. However the person that I am interested in for the purposes of this post is the Home Secretary at that time – remember, Mary was suing the Home Office as well as Dr Dafydd Alun Jones, Dr Paul Bishop and Clwyd Health Authority.  That Home Secretary was Leon Brittan. Brittan was Home Secretary between 1983 and 1985 and had been Minister of State at the Home Office between 1979 and 1981. He stood down as Home Secretary two months after Mary won her appeal. Brittan was first elected as MP for Cleveland and Whitby in 1974. In 1983 he was elected MP for Richmond and remained there until he resigned in 1989 when he became a European Commissioner. Like so many others who have featured on this blog, Brittan was a lawyer. Brittan’s time as Home Secretary was controversial – he was in post during the Miners’ Strike and took many of the very questionable decisions in relation to that dispute (the consequences of which the present Conservative Government are still not willing to discuss openly let alone submit to a public inquiry). Brittan personally suppressed a TV programme about the Troubles in Northern Ireland – he wrote to Stuart Young, the Chair of the BBC, asking him not to broadcast it. An emergency meeting of the Governors was called and the programme was cancelled, causing industrial action at the BBC. Another very unpleasant series of events occurred when Brittan was Home Secretary that seem to have faded from everyone’s memory. Brittan visited the University of Manchester in about 1984 and was met by a student protest. The students were violently attacked by the police and students were injured. The police continued to maintain that there had been no wrongdoing on their part, but some students spoke to the press and provided photos of their injuries. Over the following few weeks two students in particular claimed that they were followed around Manchester and constantly threatened with serious harm by unidentified police officers. One student was so terrified that he fled to mainland Europe and went into hiding. Another student was a medical student who refused not to be intimidated and continued giving interviews to the media. The police harassment of her became so serious that it was alleged that police were going into the hospital where she was on placement threatening to injure her. She stopped appearing in the media, but whether that was because Leon had ordered everyone to stop publicising what was happening or whether the student decided to keep quiet out of self-preservation I do not know. There was never an appropriate investigation into the police’s actions regarding those events. However, Leon certainly had a powerful effect on media folk. In 1984 or it might have been 1985, one of my friends worked as Box Office manager at the Edinburgh Festival. Very near to the opening of the Festival, my friend received an incredibly rude letter from one Samuel Brittan, a journalist on the Financial Times and brother of Leon. This letter consisted of only three lines or so and demanded tickets and accommodation for the Festival. The letter ended with the line ‘Anyone at the Financial Times can vouch for me’. Of course tickets for the festival had sold out weeks previously and accommodation in Edinburgh during the Festival is impossible to find, that gets booked up months in advance, so my friend wrote back to Samuel Brittan apologising but saying that she was unable to help him because both tickets and accommodation had sold out. Within days there was uproar. My friend was pulled up by her manager and shown an exchange of letters that had been precipitated by her inability to meet Samuel’s unreasonable demands. Samuel had been so incensed by my friend’s failure to produce tickets and accommodation at the last minute that he had sent a photocopy of her letter to one Michael Grade to show Grade just how mortally wounded he had been. Grade had then written back telling Samuel that he was ‘appalled’ at the Festival’s ‘rudeness’ and that Grade would definitely ensure that Samuel got into the Festival, even if Grade had to give Samuel his own ticket. My friend was given a Grade A bollocking and was reminded that Samuel was Leon’s brother and one had to do what he requested. Shortly after Grade shamelessly grovelled to Samuel Brittan, Grade was let loose on Channel 4. More recently Grade was Chairman of the BBC Board of Governors – at the time he banged on about his ‘independence’ and senior people at the BBC penned toadying articles about his ‘charisma’ and ‘energy’ and his penchant for red braces no less. Well I’ll put on a pair of red braces and someone can give me a job as Chair of the BBC and I won’t have to grovel to the likes of Samuel Brittan to show my charisma or energy. Grade has now been given a peerage and ‘came out’ as a Tory. No doubt if he thought that ingratiating himself to the Labour Party – or even to my friend – would have got him into the Lords he’d have done that.

By March 1991, when David Bellotti, LibDem MP for Eastbourne, tabled an Early Day Motion asking for a full investigation into Mary’s case, Thatcher had resigned and John Major had become PM. Before John Major had become an MP he had been a Councillor in Lambeth – he was elected in 1968 and lost his seat in 1971. He was elected as MP for Huntingdon in 1979. John Major’s administration memorably became mired in allegations of ‘sleaze’ and it was also on his watch that the ‘Cash For Questions’ scandal involving Neil Hamilton and others occurred. Of course there was no investigation into Mary’s case. So how did those MPs who signed the Early Day Motion asking for one fare? With the exception of Dafydd Wigley they were all Liberal Democrats. But not very well-known ones, except for Alan Beith. David Belotti, who led the charge, lost his seat the next year. He didn’t reappear as an MP again, although he did continue in local politics at Council level. He died a couple of years ago. Yet all the others – even the most obscure – were given peerages: Lord Beith of Berwick-Upon-Tweed (he became Deputy Leader of the LibDems, Shadow Home Secretary, Shadow spokesman for the Lord Chancellor’s Department and Chaired the Commons Justice Committee), Lord Bruce of Bennachie, Lord Fearn of Southport, Lord Taylor of Goss Moor, Lord Geraint Howells. Now something interesting happened to Lord Howells. He had been a leading Welsh LibDem and had been his party’s spokesman on Welsh affairs between 1979 and 1987. Yet the year after signing the Early Day Motion he unexpectedly lost his seat to Plaid Cymru. In the 1992 election when they they won the seat, Plaid moved from their previous position of fourth place to first. They did this by forming an alliance with the Welsh Green Party and thus picked up a lot of non-Welsh speakers votes. (The alliance broke down in 1995 – the year of the last mention of Mary’s case in the House or indeed anywhere else.) The man who won the seat for Plaid was Cynog Dafis, who served as the Plaid MP until 2000, as well as an AM in the National Assembly of Wales between 1999 and 2003. Interestingly enough, although he was elected in an alliance with the Wales Green Party, Cynog Dafis is on record as saying that he did not consider himself the ‘first Green MP’ – although he remained a robust campaigner on matters relating to the Welsh language. Ieuan Wyn Jones (who has featured on this blog previously) asked Dafis not to step down from the National Assembly in 2003. Dafis stood for the Party’s Presidency but lost to Dafydd Iwan – that’s the Dafydd Iwan who was one-time leader of Gwynedd County Council and who supported Leanne Wood’s bid for the Plaid leadership. Dafydd Wigley now also has a peerage. There is no mention of any of the people who signed the Early Day Motion asking for an investigation into Mary’s case doing anything further in support of her. Mary was mentioned in the House again by the LibDem MP for Montgomeryshire, Alex Carlile, in 1993 when he asked the Lord Chancellor’s Dept for an investigation into Mary’s case and asked when there was going to be a reply to a number of letters written about the case. In 1995 there was the last mention of Mary in the House, again in response to a question asked by Alex Carlile. There are no further indications of anyone fighting on behalf of Mary. What of Alex Carlile? Well he grew up in Rossett near Wrexham and Lancashire and worked as a barrister. After the 1992 election he was the sole LibDem MP in Wales. He was given a peerage in 1999 and is now Lord Carlile of Berriew. In 2001 he was appointed the Independent Reviewer of Terrorism Legislation. He became President of the Howard League for Penal Reform in 2006 and Chaired a 2006 Inquiry into children in prisons, secure training centres and children’s homes regarding practices such as restraint and strip searches. He Chaired a follow on inquiry in 2011. He is also a Deputy High Court Judge. He is co-director and co-owner of a consultancy, along with Sir John Scarlett, the former chief of MI6. So if anyone could have done a bit more digging re Mary’s case I reckon that Carlile could have. But he didn’t.

The Home Secretary whilst Mary’s name was being mentioned in the House re the request for an investigation was Kenneth Baker. He was born in Newport but represented a Surrey constituency. He was Party Chairman between 1989 and 1990. After the 1992 election he left the Government rather than accept the post of Welsh Secretary. He is now Lord Baker of Dorking.

So who was Home Secretary when the paltry payment to Mary in full and final settlement of her action against the Public Trustee was authorised before she was told to get lost and ignored for ever? It was Michael Howard, who was Home Secretary between 1993 and 1997. Howard was born Michael Hecht, in Swansea and was a lawyer – yet another one! He was obsessed with the need to imprison increasing numbers of people and coined the slogan ‘prison works’. Well it was certainly an effective way of preventing Mary from ever achieving her rightful inheritance or indeed any sort of justice at all. Howard is now Lord Howard of Lympne.

So somehow, somewhere, among all those peerages, Mary disappeared and was never heard of again. As with my previous posts, I’d just like to make a few links between a few of those mentioned above and the various child abuse scandals that have occurred in the UK – after all, previous posts have explained very clearly how the north Wales mental health services and Dafydd proved very useful in facilitating and concealing the paedophile ring which it is now admitted operated in north Wales during the 70s, 80s and 90s, which seemed to be the reason why a lot of people didn’t want the practices of Dafydd et al scrutinised too closely.

So back to Ted Heath. Heath has of course been the subject of some very lurid allegations regarding child sex abuse. Heath was the subject of Operation Conifer, an investigation by the Wiltshire Police. The evidence provided by some alleged victims to Conifer was described as ‘fantastical’ eg. it involved allegations of Satanic abuse via recovered memory therapy. Operation Midland, the Metropolitan Police investigation into the alleged child abuse and associated homicides by Heath and others centring around Dolphin Square in Pimlico after allegations made by a man called ‘Nick’ were discredited, was stopped on the orders of Justice Richard                    Henriques. Henriques has featured on this blog previously – along with Sir John Kay (the judge who issued a High Court Injunction against me at the request of Gwynedd County Council that was based on the affidavits of two people who perjured themselves, one who had never met me at all and one who had met me twice), Henriques dismissed the 2002 appeal against conviction of Jeremy Bamber. There is a growing body of opinion that Jeremy Bamber is the victim of a very big miscarriage of justice that is thought to have involved misleading ‘expert psychiatric testimony’ (please see post ‘Family Annihilation’). There have been a number of other police investigations into possible child abuse offences by Health conducted by other Forces. Of course there were allegations made by someone that Harvey Proctor, the former Tory MP, along with Ted Heath, abused him. Proctor angrily denied such allegations reminding everyone of just how much Heath and he hated each other. Proctor was a member of the Monday Club along with Geoffrey Rippon. I have no idea whether Ted Heath was a child molester or not and I too am very sceptical both about the notion of widespread ‘Satanic abuse’ and the value of ‘recovered memory therapy’. But the process by which Mary was imprisoned and destroyed by people personally appointed by Heath was shocking, both in terms of the laws broken and the conflicts of interest involved. Somebody clearly knew that if someone had been screwed over by the Public Trustee and needed silencing and unlawfully banging up, Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and the North Wales Hospital would serve this purpose. However Mary being subsequently treated fairly by Lord Donaldson et al seemed to precipitate a bit of anxiety with a lot of people deciding to ‘step down’ at that point.

Like Ted Heath, Leon Brittan has in recent years been the centre of allegations of child sexual abuse, although the allegations swirling around Brittan are not so easy to dismiss as those regarding Heath. It is known that in 1984 Brittan was given a dossier by the Tory MP Geoffrey Dickens which detailed paedophile activity in Westminster in the 1980s. Its whereabouts is unknown, along with other files on organised child abuse previously held by the Home Office. Brittan denied all knowledge of this in 2013, yet in 2014 declared that Dickens had met him at the Home Office and that he’d written to Dickens on 20 March 1984 explaining what he’d done in relation to the files. A review by Mark Sedwill, a Home Office civil servant, in 2013 found that copies of Dickens’s material ‘hadn’t been retained’, but that Brittan ‘acted appropriately’ in dealing with the allegations. A November 2014 review by Peter Wanless concluded that it was ‘impossible’ to say whether the files had been removed to cover up abuse. Keith Vaz MP, Chair of the Home Office Select Committee, stated that files had been lost on ‘an industrial scale’. Sedwill found that 114 files ‘potentially relevant’ to child abuse were known to have been lost or destroyed by the Home Office. At least four specific allegations relating to child abuse were not passed to the police for 35 years. In June 2014, Brittan was interviewed under caution about the rape of a 19 year old in 1967. He denied the claims and the CPS advised that there was insufficient evidence to charge him. After Tom Watson MP (Labour) lobbied Alison Saunders the DPP to investigate further, the police reopened the investigation. It was concluded that there would not have been enough evidence to charge Brittan even if he was still alive. It was slip-ups by the CPS and Alison Saunders that resulted in Greville Janner never being prosecuted for child abuse although it is now acknowledged that he should have faced charges… In October 2014, Jim Hood MP (Labour) used Parliamentary privilege to refer to Brittan being linked to child abuse. After his death in Jan 2015 Brittan was accused of multiple child rape. Tom Watson claimed to have spoken to male victims and the Independent On Sunday reported claims that Brittan had abused a pre-pubescent boy at the notorious Elm Guest House in 1982. It was also reported that he’d been photographed attending a rent boy orgy in 1986. The boys were allegedly picked up in Kings Cross and dropped off at a location in north London were they were repeatedly raped. The day before the planned arrest of Brittan and others including Cyril Smith, the investigation was inexplicably abandoned. In 2015 the Telegraph reported that Operation Midland detectives investigating sexual abuse by Westminster politicians and other ‘VIPs’ visited and searched two houses in London and Yorkshire, formerly owned by Brittan. Government documents in 2015 named Brittan as one of four senior Westminster figures named regarding child sex abuse, the context of the references being unknown. Along with Brittan, Sir Peter Hayman a former British Diplomat and former Ministers William van Straubenzee and Sir Peter Morrison (please see previous posts) were named in Government files after a review into historical child sexual abuse. In July 2015 it was reported that Brittan and Sir Peter Hayman were among suspects in an alleged Westminster paedophile ring in the 1980s, according to an Australian current affairs series, 60 Minutes. Brittan was accused by an alleged victim of the ring of abusing children at Dolphin Square – there were allegations that the ring involved politicians, police and high profile names. In March 2016 the Metropolitan Police confirmed that Operation Midland had been closed without any charges being brought – after Richard Henriques ordered it.

In the aftermath of the allegations against Brittan, his friends and former colleagues fumed at length about the outrage that it was that he had died with these allegations hanging over him and how distressing it must have been for his wife. It no doubt was – but Brittan oversaw a Home Office that ‘lost’ evidence of criminal activities and stood by whilst a woman from north Wales whom it was admitted had been wronged had her life destroyed completely, by a psychiatrist whose mistress was Director of a Social Services Dept which had a paedophile ring operating in it and who helped her facilitate this paedophile gang. In comparison to the lives of Mary Wynch and the scores of people in the ‘care’ of the children’s services or mental health services in north Wales, Leon ‘multiple homes’ and ‘seat in the Lords’ Brittan and his wife had a pretty comfortable existence. The least that he could have done was run his bloody department properly. Of course Fiona Woolfe, the second Chair of the National Inquiry Into Child Abuse, stepped down when it was revealed that she had links with Brittan. She didn’t remember at first – it only came back to her that he was one of her neighbours and had been to a few of her dinner parties when someone else mentioned it. I often forget who I’ve had over to mine for dinner regularly. Particularly when they’re the Home Secretary.

Regarding John Major and his stint as a Councillor in Lambeth – Lambeth Council has now paid out millions in damages to children in it’s care who were abused after it admitted that paedophiles were active in it’s children’s homes. It has ear-marked many more millions for future damages settlements. Further details can be read in my post ‘The London Connection’.

So The Great Stuffing Over was never mentioned again after 1995, what with David Bellotti safely out of Parliament and virtually everybody else involved having been given a peerage to buy their silence, or should I say ‘in recognition of their service to the nation’, even those whom nobody had ever heard of such was their great contribution. But there was still much trouble in north Wales. It was completely bloody obvious even to those most desperate to play it down that child abuse was endemic in children’s homes in north Wales and there had been an embarrassing number of allegations of a paedophile gang operating in the region and even a few convictions. In 1994 – the year in which Mary had received her final pathetic sum – an inquiry into abuse in north Wales children’s homes was ordered, which resulted in the Jillings Report in 1996. It’s results were so damning that it wasn’t published and an order was sent out that all copies should be destroyed. The team who conducted the inquiry were met with so much aggro that they nearly ended up resigning in despair and the North Wales Police refused to co-operate with the inquiry at all. So a full judicial inquiry was ordered, to be led by Sir Ronald Waterhouse, a High Court Judge. A man who had previously worked on the Chester and Wales Circuit – the Circuit alleged to be riddled with corruption. Waterhouse had been the junior prosecuting counsel at the Moors Murders trial in Chester – so he worked with Elwyn Jones, who as previously mentioned was Callaghan’s Lord Chancellor at the time that Mary was arrested and imprisoned. Waterhouse had grown up in Holywell and north Wales being what it is probably personally knew many of those featured on this blog such as Dr T. Gwynne Williams the lobotomist from the North Wales Hospital and dear old Dafydd. Waterhouse did find evidence of a paedophile ring operating in the Chester and Wrexham area but stated that there were no ‘prominent national figures’ involved. Which was just as well because had he found otherwise some very difficult questions might have been asked – like what on earth were the police, the lawyers, the judiciary and health and welfare services let alone the Government doing that allowed it to happen? He also might have had to name and shame a few of his mates. The inquiry was ordered by the Secretary of State for Wales, one William Hague. That was the William Hague who took over as MP for Richmond when Leon Brittan stood down. Hague was leader of the Tory Party between 1997 and 2001 and was then First Secretary of State and Foreign Secretary in the Coalition Government formed in 2010. David Cameron described him as ‘de facto political deputy’. Hague was given a peerage in 2015 and recently purchased a 2.5 million mansion in Powys – one can only hope that he is not swindled out of it by the Public Trustee. Until just before he became Tory leader Hague was single and was plagued by rumours that he was gay and was receiving grief from a certain sort of Tory about the undesirability of a man without a wife. Two weeks before the general election, Hague suddenly acquired a woman who wanted to marry him and announced his engagement which surprised everyone because no-one had realised that there was a lady on the scene. She was one Ffion Jenkins who had been Hague’s private secretary at the Welsh Office. Ffion’s father was Chief Exec of the Arts Council of Wales, her mother was a magistrate and her elder sister, at the time of Ffion’s wedding, was the assistant private secretary to Prince Charles. It was explained in the London based press that Ffion was a member of the ‘Crachach’ aka the Tafia, the Welsh speaking elite who wield much influence in Wales. However the notion of the crachach is rather in the eye of the beholder and I know of one woman from Caernarfon who has been seriously harmed by the mental health services who uses this term to describe social workers and teachers. However, one thing on which I think that everyone is agreed is that it isn’t the members of any crachach who get raped in children’s homes and then sectioned when they complain about it. Now that William Hague has retired he has been writing political biographies. Unlike a lot of his colleagues Hague is a genuinely clever man who no doubt is a very competent researcher and writer. With abilities like that and his Government experience, one wonders why he couldn’t see through the holes in the Waterhouse Report. Or indeed why he thought that appointing a judge who had worked on a notoriously corrupt circuit and who had grown up and gone to school in the heart of an area where a long-standing paedophile ring was operating which was being facilitated by corrupt professional people in the region was a good idea.

After Waterhouse, allegations of a cover up and whitewash would not go away, so in 2012 the then Home Secretary Theresa May, a member of David Cameron’s Government, ordered Lady Justice Macur to conduct a Review of the Waterhouse Report. That was the same David Cameron who when he was younger had been a special advisor to Michael Howard who had authorised the pittance to Mary in order to ensure that she shut up and died in penury. The Macur Review found that there had been no cover up at all on the part of the Waterhouse Report. Which was a jolly good thing considering how many political careers have been built on the basis of No Important People being involved. But just to make doubly sure, when the police began a reinvestigation into the north Wales paedophile ring, Leanne Wood attempted to derail it before it had even got off the ground. And as for Lord Carlile’s close business relationship with Sir John Scarlett – it has been consistently alleged that the security services have been involved in concealing organised child abuse.