Additional Security Measures

The last couple of days has seen a flurry of excitement after the release of some Gov’t papers from the National Archives. Being a nerd I really enjoy such things, so I caught up with as many of the stories as I could.

It was revealed that in 1992  Sir Richard Lloyd-Jones, the Permanent Secretary in the Welsh Office, wanted John Major to hold a Cabinet meeting in Wales and wrote a letter suggesting this to Andrew Turnbull, Principal Private Secretary to Major, explaining that there were two buildings in Cardiff which were grand enough to host the Cabinet.  Andrew – now Lord – Turnbull told Richard Lloyd-Jones to speak to Sir Robin Butler, the Cabinet Secretary. The request was refused.

Sir Richard Lloyd-Jones was Permanent Secretary at the Welsh Office, 1985-93. So Sir Richard was the most senior civil servant there whilst children in care in north Wales were raped, buggered, beaten, starved, forced to labour in local businesses for no pay, trafficked to London and Brighton as well as to locations in Europe to work in the porn and sex trade and were found dead in questionable circumstances. Sir Richard was in post whilst care workers from north Wales were appearing in Court charged with physical and sexual assaults on children yet whilst the Welsh Office’s Social Services Inspectorate failed to inspect some of the children’s homes at all over a period of years and only undertook the most cursory inspections of others. Sir Richard was at the helm when serious complaints about the social services and mental health services in north Wales were either ignored or dismissed out of hand. He was in post when I – as well as other people – were unlawfully arrested and incarcerated in the psychiatric wards of Ysbyty Gwynedd and the North Wales Hospital Denbigh by Dr Dafydd Alun Jones, Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) and the staff of Gwynedd Social Services. Sir Richard ran the Welsh Office whilst it employed the corrupt lawyer Andrew Park, who held in-depth discussions with and advised the mental health services as to how to gain a High Court injunction against me and then subsequently prosecute me for allegedly breaching that injunction, although Park himself acknowledged that they were perjuring themselves because I had not committed the offences as accused. Sir Richard ran the Welsh Office when it employed Professor Robert Owen as its Medical Ombudsman. Robert Owen was appointed to investigate my complaints about the mental health services and then collaborated and colluded with Alun Davies (the manager of the Gwynedd mental health services), Dr D.G.E. Wood (the corrupt GP who had initially referred me to the mental health services) and others from Gwynedd Health Authority without my knowledge – some of the phone calls and correspondence were taken at and sent to Owen’s home at Colwyn Bay. Owen then asked Professor Robert Bluglass and Dr Colin Berry to investigate my complaint – every part of my complaint involving Tony Francis and Gwynedd Social Services went uninvestigated, Dafydd went unchallenged despite telling bare-faced lies at the inquiry and Bluglass could not bring himself to admit that Dafydd had broken the law repeatedly, although Bluglass received oral and written evidence from staff at the North Wales Hospital testifying that he had (see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’). No action of any sort was taken against Dafydd although a ‘discussion’ was held with him. I later found out that Bluglass had worked and co-authored with close colleagues of Francis and Dafydd.

At the time that I complained about Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities, the Welsh Office – under Sir Richard – had sent in a management team to Gwynedd Health Authority as a result of the serious mismanagement and dire financial situation that prevailed. The chaos was such that it was discussed in the Commons (see post ‘A Visit To Gwynedd Archives’).

Lloyd-Jones ran the Welsh Office whilst Alison Taylor repeatedly blew the whistle on the abuse of children in care in north Wales and was dismissed from her job as a social worker by Gwynedd County Council. He ran the Welsh Office when Mary Wynch won leave to sue Dafydd, Clwyd Health Authority and Risley Remand Centre and was in post when they fessed up and agreed to pay Mary compensation (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). Sir Richard was still in post when they all then refused to stump up the compensation as agreed.

This civil service mandarin spent years concealing the most serious criminality. He stepped down the year after five witnesss to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed in a firebomb attack (see post ‘The Silence of the Welsh Lambs’) and after allegations of a paedophile ring operating in the north Wales children’s homes involving politicians, civil servants, members of the security services, police officers, doctors, lawyers and others had appeared in the London-based media. In the year that Sir Richard stepped down, the North Wales Police – who conducted the investigation into the abuse despite allegations that some of their own officers had been involved – concluded that there was no evidence of a paedophile ring in north Wales/Cheshire. In the same year the demands for a Public Inquiry into events in north Wales grew and in the following year the Jillings Investigation into the abuse of children in care -but only in Clwyd – since 1974 began.

Lloyd-Jones had been concealing crime at Welsh Office level long before he became Permanent Secretary. He joined the Welsh Office as Under-Secretary in 1974 and remained in that role until 1978. He was then Deputy Secretary until 1985. So Sir Richard was in one of the most senior positions at the Welsh Office when Mary Wynch was unlawfully arrested, imprisoned and fleeced of her property by Dafydd and his partners in crime at Risley Remand Centre. He will have been involved in the earlier cover-ups regarding the abuse of children in care and patients at the North Wales Hospital under the Secretary of State in Wilson’s and Callaghan’s Govt’s ie. John Morris. Lloyd-Jones then continued the cover-up under Thatcher’s Secretaries of State ie. Nicholas Edwardes, Peter Walker and David Hunt.

Sir Richard, like Dafydd, is now elderly but he is still with us. Sir Richard – can you tell us anything about the lobotomies, the deaths, the abductions and the underground chamber where patients were confined at the North Wales Hospital? Like me, you will have known about it all.

Richard Lloyd-Jones began his career in the civil service in 1957 when he entered the Admiralty. He was Assistant Private Secretary to the First Lord of the Admiralty, 1959-62 -Lord Carrington. Richard Lloyd-Jones will therefore have known Admiral Sir Alec Bingley.

Sir Alec had a long and distinguished career in the Royal Navy. During World War II he was Commander-In-Chief of the home fleet. Subsequently Bingley was appointed Fifth Sea Lord and in 1954 Deputy Chief of Naval Staff (Air). In 1958 he became Flag Officer, Aircraft Carriers and in 1959 was appointed Commander-In-Chief, Mediterranean Fleet and Naval Commander of the Allied Forces in the Mediterranean in 1959. In 1961 Bingley became the Commander-In-Chief of Portsmouth and Allied Commander-In-Chief. He retired in 1963. Sir Alec’s wife Lady Juliet was the daughter of a Top Doctor and became a medical social worker. In 1972 Lady Juliet became involved with the National Association of Mental Health (MIND) and was appointed Chair in 1979. Sir Alec and Lady Juliet’s son William concealed the criminal activities of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones et al in north Wales as well as the serious abuse of patients in Moss Side/Park Lane/Ashworth Hospitals for many years from the early 1980s onwards whilst he was legal officer and then legal director of MIND and continued to conceal the criminality when he was Chief Executive of the Mental Health Act Commission (see post ‘Security, Security’).

Dr T. Gwynne Williams, the lobotomist at the North Wales Hospital and Dafydd’s partner in crime, spent years as a surgeon in the Royal Navy whilst Sir Alec occupied very senior roles in the service. Jim Callaghan, whose Gov’t concealed the wrongdoing of Dafydd and Gwynne by utilising the talents of Sir Richard Lloyd-Jones, also liked to flag up his Royal Navy credentials. Callaghan joined the Royal Navy in 1942 but in 1944 was hospitalised with TB in the Royal Naval Hospital Haslar, near Portsmouth. He was discharged from the Navy and assigned to duties in the Admiralty in Whitehall no less. Whilst he was on leave, Callaghan was selected as the Parliamentary candidate for the Labour Party for Cardiff South – Callaghan beat the future Speaker of the House child molester George Thomas aka Lord Tonypandy to win the nomination. In 1945 Callaghan then did a brief stint with the East Indies Fleet and after VE day returned to the UK and won a landslide victory in Cardiff South in the 1945 General Election.

Callaghan’s wiki entry states that he was the last Prime Minister to be an armed forces veteran and the only PM ever to have served in the Navy. Although it sounds as though Callaghan didn’t actually see much active service – he was in hospital or in Whitehall ingratiating himself to influential folk in the Admiralty for much of the time and when he did see active service he seems to have carefully kept himself out of danger. Which is exactly what he did throughout his political career. Could it possibly have been the case that old Callaghan was one of those with connections to MI5 or MI6 who was under suspicion of using those connections to conceal the paedophile ring in north Wales/Chester and the links to the Westminster Paedophile Ring?

Between 1969-70 Richard Lloyd-Jones was Private Secretary to Harold Wilson’s Cabinet Secretary, Burke Trend. Burke was an alumnus of Merton College, Oxford and after graduation joined the civil service. For most of his career Burke served in the Treasury, but he was Cabinet Secretary under Harold Wilson and then Ted Heath, 1963-73. Burke received a peerage in 1974 and also became Rector of Lincoln College, Oxford.

In the 1970s Burke led an investigation into allegations of penetration into the British security services from before World War II to the 1960s. Burke concluded that there was insufficient evidence to support the allegations. Thank goodness for that, it’s not as if we would ever want irresponsible people concealing criminal behaviour or even the murders of the victims of a paedophile gang working in the security services.

Burke’s son Michael Trend was educated at Westminster School and Oriel College, Oxford. He worked as a journalist for the Times Literary Supplement, History Today, the Spectator and was the chief leader writer for the Daily Telegraph, 1990-92.

Trend was Tory MP for Maidstone and Windsor, 1992-97 and then for Windsor (after the constituency was renamed and reconfigured), 1997-2005. Michael was elected in the General Election of 1992 – which saw the retirement of Sir Peter Morrison who had been the Tory MP for Chester and who was abusing kids in care from north Wales as well as elsewhere. 1992 saw the distributing of peerages to many who had concealed organised child abuse. Just days after Michael was elected, the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were murdered by that firebomb.

Michael Trend was Deputy Chairman and Chief Executive of the Conservative Party until 2000. He was Chair of the party’s International Office until Sept 2005. Trend is said to have participated in ‘extensive democracy building work with in the former Soviet Union and in Africa’.

In Dec 2002 Michael Trend agreed to repay £90k to the Commons after wrongfully claiming. In Feb 2003 he was found guilty of abusing the allowances system. Trend was briefly suspended from Parliament and did not stand for election again.

Lloyd-Jones was Assistant Secretary at the Ministry of Defence, 1970-74. The Secretary of State for Defence was one Lord Carrington. At the time, the British Army had been sent into N Ireland and the troubles were well underway – as was the concealing of the abuse of children in the Kincora Boys Home in Belfast, allegedly by Whitehall civil servants, Army Officers and others. The Secretaries of State for N Ireland during those years were Willie Whitelaw and Francis Pym. Whitelaw concealed the paedophile gang in north Wales for years in his capacity as Deputy Leader of the Conservative Party and as Chair of the Tory Party as well as in numerous other roles and he concealed the abuse of children at the Kincora Boys Home in Belfast. In July 1972 Whitelaw met an IRA leader in Minister of State Paul Channon’s house in Chelsea for discussions (see post ‘Is The Party Over Yet?’).

Richard Lloyd-Jones was Chairman of the Civil Service Benevolent Fund, 1987-93 and a Trustee between 1993-2000. He sat on the Advisory Committee on Local Gov’t Staff Transfers (Wales), 1993-94 and on the Local Gov’t Staff Committee for Wales, 1994-97. Lloyd-Jones was a member of the BBC General Advisory Council, 1994-96 and of the Commission for Local Democracy, 1994-95. He was Chairman of Age Concern Cymru, 1999-05 and President, 1996-99. Lloyd-Jones was involved with Age Concern England from 2000 until either the present day or very recently.

Margaret Hanson, the Vice-Chairman of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board was Chief Executive of Age Concern for North East Wales, 2004-14. Hanson previously worked as a social worker for children and families in Cheshire, whilst the paedophile gang that also operated in north Wales was active in Cheshire. Hanson was also a Councillor in Cheshire and Mayor of a Cheshire town. Hanson’s husband David Hanson is MP for Delyn and was also a Councillor in Cheshire whilst the paedophile gang was busy. David Hanson was PPS to Tony Blair from 2001 whilst the surviving witnesses to the wrongdoing in north Wales were threatened, harasssed and prosecuted on the basis of the paedophiles’ friends perjuring themselves (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part II’).

Richard Lloyd-Jones was Vice-Chairman of the Prince of Wales Committee, 1993-96 and was a member of the Prince’s Trust, 1996-99. He was a member of the Court of the University of Wales, 1995-2000 and the National Museum of Wales, 1996-99. Lloyd-Jones was appointed a member of the Court and Council of Cardiff University in 2004 and is either still there or was until very recently and was Vice-President of the University of Wales Cardiff, 1993-04.

Lloyd-Jones was a member of Groundworks Methyr and Rhondda Cynon Taff, 1996-present day (or until very recently) and has been President of Welsh Council of the Ramblers Association, 1993-2011. Sir Richard’s wife Helen is Chair of the Ramblers Association and was previously a member of the Countryside Council for Wales.

Between 1999-2005 Sir Richard was Chairman of the Fishguard International Music Festival. At one point Lloyd-Jones made a formal complaint to the Press Complaints Commission when The Times erroneously stated that ‘Folk at the Fish’ was part of the Fishguard Festival. The Times amended its records accordingly after Sir Richard made representation. What a pity that Sir Richard did not show as much concern about a vicious paedophile gang with links to organised crime which imprisoned and murdered its victims whilst it operated within the services for which he was responsible.

Sir Richard was Chairman of the Arts Council of Wales, 1994-97.

Richard Lloyd-Jones went to Balliol College, Oxford. As did a few others who have been outed on this blog.

 

The man to whom Sir Richard wrote to suggest a Cabinet meeting in Wales was Andrew Turnbull, who in 1992 was Principal Private Secretary to John Major. Turnbull was appointed Principal Private Secretary to the PM in 1988 and initially served under Thatcher. Turnbull will have known about Sir Peter Morrison’s activities and a great deal else. He was in post when Morrison was Deputy Chair of the Conservative Party and whilst Morrison organised Thatcher’s failed leadership campaign before she resigned in Nov 1990.

Turnbull was educated at Enfield Grammar and Christ’s College, Cambridge. After working as Principal Private Secretary to the PM Turnbull was appointed Permanent Secretary at DEFRA. He then occupied the second highest ranking civil service post in Gov’t, Permanent Secretary to the Treasury, 1998-02. Turnbull was then appointed Cabinet Secretary and Head of the Home Civil Service, a post which he held until 2005, whilst Blair was PM.

In recent decades the two most senior civil service posts in Gov’t – Cabinet Secretary and head of the Home Civil Service – have been filled by the same person. Turnbull filled both roles, as did his successor Gus O’Donnell. The role of Cabinet Secretary was created in 1916 by David Lloyd George and it was a controversial move at the time. The Cabinet Secretary is responsible for the organisation of the Cabinet Office and for providing support to the PM and Gov’t as a whole. When Turnbull succeeded to the dual role in Sept 2002 Blair asked him to focus on the management of the civil service. Tom Bower’s book ‘Broken Vows’ discusses Blair’s lack of understanding of the machinery of Gov’t and his desire to basically exclude the civil service from the process of Gov’t in some detail.

In Feb 2004 Turnbull wrote to ex-Minister Clare Short admonishing her for her media statements alleging that British intelligence had intercepted communications from others, including the Secretary General of the UN Kofi Annan. Short made Turnbull’s confidential letter public and rebuked Turnbull for allegedly allowing the Gov’t decision-making machinery to crumble during the run-up to the 2003 Iraq War. Short suggested that the Attorney General Lord Goldsmith had been ‘leant on’ to provide advice that the war would be legal. Short also alleged that Turnbull was responsible for the inadequate Cabinet scrutiny of Goldsmith’s legal advice. In March 2005 Turnbull revealed that Goldsmith’s opinion re the legality or otherwise of the Iraq War was one page long.

Turnbull received a peerage in 2005.

Turnbull gave evidence to the Iraq Inquiry in Jan 2010.

In 2006 Turnbull was appointed Chair of Zambia Orphans Aid UK and in 2007 he became a Senior Executive Advisor with Booz Allen Hamilton. Turnbull is a Trustee of the Global Warming Policy Foundation. In 2011 the Foundation issued a report in Turnbull’s name claiming that global temperatures were ‘on a plateau’ and which called for more scepticism on global warming.

Turnbull is a Governor of Dulwich College and has been Chair of the Board of Governors since 2009.

Turnbull was succeeded  at the Treasury and then as Cabinet Secretary and head of the Home Civil Service by Sir Gus O’Donnell.

When Lloyd-Jones wrote to Turnbull suggesting a Cabinet meeting in Wales, Andrew Turnbull suggested that he should speak to Sir Robin Butler, the Cabinet Secretary.

Robin Butler was the Mr Big of the mandarins who concealed serious crime. Butler went to Harrow School, spent a year teaching at St Dunstan’s in Burnham-on-Sea and then went to University College, Oxford. Butler joined the Treasury in 1961 and remained there until 1969. He held a succession of senior roles and in 1969 was seconded to the Bank of England and several City institutions.

Butler was Private Secretary to Heath (1972-74) and Wilson (1974-75), Principal Private Secretary to Thatcher (1982-85) and Private Secretary to Major and Blair. He does not seem to have been Private Secretary to Callaghan – there will have been a reason for that but I haven’t yet found out what it was. Butler was Cabinet Secretary and head of the Home Civil Service, 1988-98, whilst both Major and Blair were PM. It is obvious from Butler’s CV that he will have known all about Sir Peter Morrison – Morrison was a Minister whilst Butler was Principal Private Secretary to Thatcher – and the associated chaos in north Wales. Documents also show that Butler and Margaret Thatcher knew about the allegations that Cyril Smith was sexually abusing children. Butler knew about Jimmy Savile as well because Thatcher was warned by civil servants that giving Jimmy Savile a knighthood could backfire very badly as a result of aspects of his ‘private life’ – Thatch continued to lobby vigorously for Savile to be knighted and in 1990 it happened.

Whilst Butler was Cabinet Secretary and head of the Civil Service, the constant cover-ups into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal took place, including the Waterhouse Inquiry, as well as the murders of the five witnesses days after the 1992 General Election. Butler presided over the civil service whilst the Department of Health allowed chaos and criminality to reign in the NHS in order to conceal organised child abuse as well as the associated abuse of mental health patients and whilst the DoH also ignored endemic research fraud and misconduct. No-one has ever admitted what was going on in the NHS whilst Butler was at the top of the Civil Service, but the rotten culture which Butler was clearly part of became evident as a result of other matters.

An article in the Independent in July 2004 written by Paul Vallely discussed a few of Butler’s high points. Vallely reminded readers that during the Scott Inquiry into the covert sales of arms to Iraq by the British Gov’t, Butler had confirmed that he found it acceptable for Ministers to be ‘selective about the facts’ and to give ‘an answer that is not the whole truth’. In 1994 Robin Butler was appointed to investigate Neil Hamilton and others regarding the business of the cash in brown envelopes from Al Fayed – Butler cleared Hamilton. Hamilton was then foolish enough to sue the Guardian over the allegations that he’d accepted cash in return for questions – Hamilton lost the case, he was declared bankrupt and subsequently lost his seat. Hamilton was the Tory MP for Tatton, the neighbouring constituency to Sir Peter Morrison’s and Neil and Christine Hamilton attended social events with Morrison and members of his constituency association. Morrison’s abuse of under-aged boys was openly discussed by members of the association and by constituents (see post ‘I Want Serious Money Now Please’), so it is very unlikely that the Hamiltons had not heard about it. Neil Hamilton was not the only Tory MP caught up in the cash for questions scandal. The others involved were Tim Smith (who resigned after admitting that he had been bribed), Sir Michael Grylls, Michael Brown – and Sir Peter Morrison.

Robin Butler was given the task of investigating the allegations that Jonathan Aitken had received a bribe in the form of payment for his stay at the Paris Ritz by the Saudis whilst he held secret meetings with Saudi arms dealers regarding commissions. Butler cleared Aitken and Aitken returned to the Commons boasting that Butler had cleared him. Aitken then launched an ill-judged libel action against the Guardian which resulted in Aitken being jailed for perjury – because he had lied about funding of his stay at the Ritz. His bills had indeed been paid for by someone else. People who were Saudis.

Butler himself described the Scott Inquiry 1992-96 as a ‘long nightmare’ but explained that as a civil servant ‘you just do not give the full information…It was half an answer. Half the picture can be true’. It was obviously such rationale that allowed Butler to fail to admit that a vicious paedophile ring was on the loose in north Wales, that witnesses were being framed and imprisoned by Top Doctors and in some cases murdered by persons unknown and that the whole machinery of Gov’t was utilised to keep a lid on this.

Butler was so close to Harold Wilson that Marcia Williams aka Lady Falkender – who famously had an unfathomably complex relationship with Wilson that was subject to much speculation – tried to have him sacked. Butler was also very close to John Major, particularly in the last few months of his premiership – when Major’s Secretary of State for Wales William Hague was setting up the Waterhouse Inquiry. Sir Peter Morrison had been found safely dead in his house having ‘fallen down the stairs’ some months previously.

Robin Butler guided Blair into Number 10 regarding Whitehall protocol and initially was a big mate of key figures in New Labour. Butler was such good mates with Mandelson that in the summer following the May that Blair was elected Butler gave Mandy a bottle of peach champagne. The honeymoon didn’t last long – which was hardly surprising with the marriage being between Grade A bastards who had all put their heads together to conceal corruption in high places, serious sex offending and murder – and within eighteen months Blair had fallen out with the civil service.

Butler told his friends that his key mistake in the first year of Blair’s Gov’t was to sign Orders in Council allowing Jonathan Powell (Blair’s Chief of Staff) and Alastair Campbell (Blair’s Press Secretary) to give orders to civil servants despite being political appointees. This violated the line between elected politicians and impartial civil service – as much as one can be called impartial when a key priority is to conceal the deaths of people whom if they had lived and been listened to could have put a lot of people (including a few politicians) in prison for a long time. Butler’s Orders in Council permitted Alastair Campbell to Chair a planning meeting with civil servants and intelligence chiefs over the ’45 minute’ dossier – famously sexed up by Alastair – which led Britain into the war with Iraq.

After Butler retired in 1998 he was given a peerage – he sits as a cross bencher.

Butler was the Master of University College, Oxford, 1998-08.  He was a non-executive director of the HSBC Group, 1998-08 and Chair of the HSBC Global Education Trust.

In 2004 Butler Chaired the Review of Intelligence on Weapons of Mass Destruction, the Butler Review – the review of the use of intelligence in the lead up to the 2003 Iraq War. Butler concluded that some of the intelligence re WMD was ‘seriously flawed’.

As befits someone who has done so many favours for so many scumbags in high office, Robin Butler clocked up a great many gongs. The one that I noticed first was Knight Commander of the Order of the Bath (KCB), awarded in the New Years Honours of 1988. Gwynedd social worker Alison Taylor contacted Thatcher herself on 17 Jan 1987 and told her of the abuse of children in north Wales. Alison was suspended later on in that year and on 3 Nov 1987 was sacked by Gwynedd County Council. Butler was in line for another prize before too long. He was awarded the Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath (GCB) in the 1992 Birthday Honours. The lucky winners of the  1992 Birthday Honours were announced on 13 June 1992. By that time my career had been destroyed, as had the media careers of two close friends who knew what had happened to me in north Wales, my housemate had been killed in a car crash which had left her boyfriend – another one of my friends Who Knew brain damaged and paralysed – but most importantly of all from the point of the paedophile gang those five other pesky witnesses had been murdered by the firebomb. In April, which will have been just about when the list of those to be honoured was set in concrete. Unfortunately for the paedophiles’ friends, one of those in the building which was firebombed survived the blaze and voiced his belief that witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were being murdered. He was found dead in suspicious circumstances some time later after having given evidence against John Allen, the sex offender who owned and managed the Bryn Alyn Community, days before he was due to receive a payment from the Criminal Injuries Compensation Board.

Butler picked up his peerage in Feb 1998 – Sir Ronald Waterhouse had heard evidence from the few survivors of the north Wales children’s homes by then and had trashed all of them. Some people had collapsed whilst giving evidence, others had developed mental health problems and yet others had been unable to walk out of the hearing unaided. No wonder Ronnie maintained that they couldn’t be believed.

On 23 April 2003 Robin Butler was awarded the Knight Companion of the Order of the Garter (KG) and in 2004 he became a member of the Privy Council. By April 2003 the mental health services in north Wales were at an advanced stage in their plans to fit me up for ‘threatening to kill’ Alun Davies, the manager of the Hergest Unit. Numerous Angels had lied in statements to the police and the corrupt judge Huw Daniel was ready with the planned hefty prison sentence – I’d been warned by the police and solicitors to expect seven years. When I returned for the next hearing the charge of threatening to kill was withdrawn – Huw Daniel obviously wasn’t expecting this and became very irate indeed. I was instead charged with a Public Order Offence for telling Alun Davies’s secretary that he was a fat idiot – which I did do and had always been happy to admit to having done. I was later told that the charge of threats to kill had been withdrawn after a member of staff at the Hergest Unit had contacted someone – presumably the police or the Court – and told them that they had witnessed the discussions held at Ysbyty Gwynedd amongst the Top Doctors, nurses and managers ie. the fat idiots, re the plan to frame me and had stated that they would go public on the abuses taking place in that hospital if I was charged. See post ‘Interesting Happenings In The Legal System’ for the details of the bizarre sequence of events and happenings in Court.

Last summer I discovered that just after the date in 2004 on which I was pleaded guilty and was sentenced under the Public Order Act for telling Alun Davies’s secretary that he was a fat idiot, someone had illegally amended the PNC so that it showed a conviction for ‘violent disorder’ on my record and somebody in Chester Court had forged a certificate of indictment stating that I had been convicted of ‘violent disorder’. I contacted the legal division of the North Wales Police about this matter months ago but I have heard nothing. See posts ‘Even More Confusion Regarding Those Legal Conundrums’ and ‘An Update On Those Legal Conundrums’ for details.

Oh well, what does it matter – perjury, perverting the course of justice, misconduct in public office, mass murder, what does it matter as long as Lord Butler of Serious Crime in High Places has bagged his place on the Privy Council.

A Feb 2004 article in the Guardian stated that Butler ‘consistently showed deference to those in power’. And to a gang of paedophiles as well.

I’ll leave the last quote about Robin Butler to Lord Peter Hennessey, the ‘constitutional expert’: ‘Robin Butler is a crown servant who knows the importance of keeping a proper demarcation between ministers, career civil servants and special advisors’.

Robin Butler is a member of the Anglo-Belgian Club, of Brooks, of Beefsteak and of the Athenaeum, a club popular with Top Doctors. Jimmy Savile was a member of the Athenaeum, he was introduced to the club by Cardinal Basil Hume.

Butler’s boss John Major knew a great deal about the wrongdoing in north Wales and organised child abuse. Major had been a Councillor in Lambeth before becoming an MP, whilst Lambeth had a huge problem with the abuse of children in care and Major had also been a junior minister in the Department of Health.

 

Robin Butler was succeeded as Cabinet Secretary and head of the Civil Service by Sir Richard Wilson – his name is not widely known among laypeople, unlike Cabinet Secretaries Robert Armstrong (see post’Lord Robert Armstrong’), Butler and Gus O’Donnell. Richard Wilson was Secretary to the Cabinet and head of the Home Civil Service from Jan 1998-2000.

Richard Wilson was born in Glamorgan, attended Radley College, 1956-60 (he is now head of the Governors at Radley) and then read law at Clare College, Cambridge, 1961-65. Wilson was called to the Bar but entered the civil service rather than practice as a barrister. His first post in the civil service was Assistant Principal in the Board of Trade in 1966. Wilson served in a number of departments, spending 12 years in the Dept of Energy where his responsibilities included nuclear power, the privatisation of Britoil, personnel and finance. He headed the Economic Secretariat in the Cabinet Office under Thatcher, 1987-90 and after two years in the Treasury was appointed Permanent Secretary in the Department of Environment in 1992.

Wilson was Permanent Secretary at the Home Office, 1994-97. So he was in post when the attempt by the mental health services to fit me up on the basis of the perjury of an Angel – Bridget Lloyd – occurred and he was also in post when Michael Howard ruined Mary Wynch.

Richard Wilson received a peerage in 2002.

In Sept 2002 Wilson became Master of Emmanuel College, Cambridge. He has been a non-executive director of the British Sky Broadcasting Group plc, was or still is Chair of C. Hoare and Co, was or still is a non-executive director of Xansa plc and was or still is Chair of the Board of Patrons of the Wilberforce Society.

As well as a peerage, like all the most effective concealers of the wrongdoing of the paedophiles’ friends, Sir Richard Wilson has clocked up the requisite gongs. He received: a CB (Companion of the Order of the Bath) in the New Years Honours of 1991 – by which time I had been charged with serious offences on the basis of the perjury of the Top Doctors and was well on the way to being hounded out of my job as was my friend who worked at the Royal Television Society and who had wanted to make a documentary about matters in north Wales; a KCB (Knight Commander) in the New Years Honours of 1997 – the cover-up which was Waterhouse had been orchestrated and was underway; and a GCB (Knight Grand Cross) in the New Years Honours of 2001 – the Waterhouse Report had been published and the protesting voices yelling ‘massive cover-up’ had been ignored.

 

Richard Wilson concealed considerable wrongdoing whilst he was Permanent Secretary at the Home Office, but the Permanent Secretary at the Home Office who preceded him and who was in post between 1988-94, Sir Clive Whitmore, has even more explaining to do.

Before Whitmore was Permanent Secretary at the Home Office he had served as Thatcher’s Principal Private Secretary, 1979-82. So he too would have known about Jimmy Savile and about Peter Morrison – who was Lord Commissioner of the Treasury whilst Whitmore was Principal Private Secretary to Thatcher.

Whitmore was Thatcher’s Principal Private Secretary whilst Thatcher was bullying and falling out with her Cabinet – as detailed in Charles Moore’s  account in his biography of Thatcher concerning the Argentinian invasion of the Falklands. Charles Moore maintained in his book that on one occasion Lord Carrington turned to Sir Clive Whitmore and said ‘if I have any more trouble with this fucking stupid petit bourgeois woman I’m going to go’. Which was probably a most accurate summary of the essence of Thatcher. Carrington did of course resign from Thatcher’s Cabinet after the invasion of the Falklands in 1982. Although Thatcher made enough political capital out of the war with Argentina to win the next election, it was acknowledged at the time that the Argentinians had given a number of warnings that they were going to invade the Falklands but the Gov’t failed to respond. In 1980 Nicholas Ridley, the Minister of State for the Foreign and Commonwealth Office with responsibility for the Falkland Islands, had told Commodore Cavandoli that Britain had little interest in the Falkland Islands because they were not a wine-growing region like Bordeaux. Ridley did have a reputation for putting his foot in his mouth – after the sinking of the Herald of Free Enterprise, he made a comment in the Commons about implementing policy with its bow doors open (the Herald of Free Enterprise sunk which resulted in loss of life because it set sail with its bow doors open). Ridley had to resign from his position as Secretary of State for Trade and Industry in 1990 after he made comments about the EU being a ‘German racket designed to take over the whole of Europe’ and followed this up with a reference to Hitler.

Whitmore was then the Permanent Secretary at the Ministry of Defence until 1988.

Whilst Whitmore led the Home Office he presided over a great many dreadful things. In north Wales the framing and wrongful imprisonment of the former children in care and mental health patients – including me – as a result of corruption on the part of the police, Risley Remand Centre, the north Wales mental health services and the high security hospitals as described in my post ‘Security, Security’ was happening. Former kids in care were being found dead on a regular basis and complaints of abuse usually went uninvestigated.

On 15 March 1992 the North Wales Police carried out dawn raids in and around Wrexham. Sixteen men and one woman were held – all but one person had worked at Bryn Estyn. The police stated that no child porn was found and no evidence of a paedophile ring. By the end of the day the police had released 12 of the 16 people who had been held. They were all released without charge. Of the four others, only one person made any admissions. This triumph happened three weeks or so before the General Election.

In other regions of the the UK, things were going badly wrong as well. The allegations of the serious abuse of children in care by the Leicestershire social worker Frank Beck had finally been investigated (Beck was imprisoned) but somehow the allegations against Greville Janner went nowhere, although Janner was interviewed by the police in the early 1990s and a file was sent to the DPP. Janner was interviewed in the presence of his solicitor Sir David Napley and Napley was so certain that Janner would be charged that he had already retained George Carman QC. After the imprisonment of Frank Beck it was admitted that the response of the police to the complaints against Beck had been negligent and wholly inadequate. I will be writing more about the Frank Beck case in another post soon.

One thing that the Home Office had to handle whilst Whitmore was Permanent Secretary was the Hillsborough Disaster on the 15 April 1989 and the aftermath. It has finally recently been admitted that at Hillsborough it was the police who were largely responsible for the deaths of many people, that the police systematically lied about the behaviour of the football fans, that lies were told to the media in order to smear the fans – including those who had died – and that the media faithfully published those lies (most famously Kelvin McKenzie at the Sun). Just to ensure that everyone got the right message the police then fabricated witness statements and perjured themselves. It has taken nearly 30 years for the truth to be admitted regarding events at Hillsborough.

So I was most interested to find in the archive of the Hillsborough Independent Panel – Disclosed Material and Report, a copy of a note written by Sir Clive Whitmore dated 7 July 1989. The file states that this note was sent to the Secretary of State – which at the time was Douglas Hurd – regarding the progress of the [Lord Justice Peter] Taylor Inquiry [on Hillsborough] and when it was expected to be completed. The file records that Lord Justice Taylor’s Interim Report was published in Aug 1989.

In the note Whitmore documented that he had spoken to Lord Justice Taylor and a Mr Whalley on 4 July about the progress on the Inquiry and that Taylor had told him that the Report might not be ready until early August.  Whitmore went on to note that Taylor had confirmed that the Report wasn’t going to say anything concerning the arguments for or against identity cards for football supporters. He reported that he was fairly certain that none of Taylor’s recommendations will be of a kind which would require physical work at grounds before the start of the next football season. Whitmore stated that Taylor expects the interim findings to deal with matters such as crowd control and the content of safety certificates. Sir Clive observes that there is no pressing need for a statement to the House and that there may be an advantage in a low key reception involving simply a press statement. Whitmore noted that Taylor did warn him that the interim report is likely to be critical of the South Yorkshire Police and to a lesser extent the football club. Whitmore ends by saying ‘we will need to consider carefully what we should say on this aspect once we have the text of the report’.

The following words/phrases were underlined: ‘early August’, ‘identity cards’, ‘crowd control’, ‘critical of South Yorkshire Police’ and ‘to a lesser extent’.

Although the note is dated 7 July 1989, the official stamp showing receipt of the letter is dated 10 July 1989. The note was sent to: Lord Ferrers, Mr Chilcot [this name is highlighted], Mr Moriarty, Mr Boys Smith, Mr Turney, HMCIFS, Mr Mower, Mr Goddard, Mr Watts, Mr Lidington.

There is a copy of Lord Justice Taylor’s Interim Report in the archived file. It is addressed to Douglas Hurd who was Home Secretary at the time. The Report is dated 1 August 1989 and it has Peter Taylor’s name on it – but not Peter Taylor’s signature. There is just ‘Peter Taylor’ typed next to the date. Every Inquiry that I have seen has the signature of the Chair and the Panel on it next to the date.

It is crystal clear from Whitmore’s note that Peter Taylor didn’t expect to have his report written until early August – so it would not have been ready for submission on 1 Aug 1989. It is also clear from Whitmore’s note and the phrases that were underlined that Taylor was going to mention a few things in that report that Whitmore seemed rather sensitive about – so senstive that people were going to have to consider their public response once they had the text of the Report.

I think that the reason why Peter Taylor didn’t sign that Report in the archive was that Peter Taylor hadn’t actually written it. It seems to me that the Home Office under Douglas Hurd were conducting business the Gwynedd Health Authority and expert medical witness way – they had commissioned a report and publicised that, they knew what they wanted in the Report so before Peter Taylor had submitted it they wrote one of their own. Perhaps they amended it once Taylor had sent them his Report – who knows, because there is no signature on the Report there is no certainly as to who wrote which bits or when.

There are people who can tell us what went on, even if Douglas maintains that he knows nuzzing – Sir Clive Whitmore obviously. But one of the people to whom Sir Clive sent his note will know who drafted Taylor’s Report for him – Mr Lidington.

Mr Lidington is David Lidington, who is currently sitting in Theresa May’s Gov’t as the Justice Secretary and Lord Chancellor. Between 1987-89 Lidington was a special advisor to Douglas Hurd in the Home Office and when Hurd became Foreign Secretary in 1989 Lidington moved with him to the Foreign and Commonwealth Office.

So David Lidington was the gofer at the Home Office when Dafydd, Tony Francis, two junior doctors at Ysbyty Gwynedd, someone at Risley Remand Centre and the Mental Health Act Commission all had a little plan to frame me for attempting to stab a doctor – which unravelled because a nurse who was sitting in the room as I carried out this murderous attack made a statement to the police admitting that I hadn’t tried to stab anyone. Risley Remand Centre was under the domain of Douglas Hurd. There were constant allegations of brutality towards inmates and even inmates dying because no-one had answered bells when they had rung for assistance. The Waterhouse Report details how the Waterhouse Inquiry had sight of a letter sent from Risley Remand Centre in support of Nefyn and June Dodd, the managers of Ty’r Felin children’s home in Bangor – who were under investigation for child abuse – allegedly written by a former resident of Ty’r Felin which had been sent to Lucille Hughes, Dafydd’s mistress and the Director of Gwynedd Social Services. Sir Ronald Waterhouse confirmed that the letter had not been written or sent by the former resident of Ty’r Felin as purported.

So as well as beating up the inmates and leaving them to die by witholding medical attention, someone in Risley Remand Centre – under the control of the Home Office – was forging documents and colluding in elaborate plans with Top Doctors to frame people who had complained about them. And someone in the Home Office was forging Reports from Lord Chief Justices. And David Lidington knows something about it.

You are the Secretary of State for Justice Lidington. You do know how illegal these matters are. Furthermore, Nefyn Dodd was not only abusing the kids in Ty’r Felin himself but he was trafficking them down to London to be used for prostitution – one boy from Ty’r Felin turned up in the now infamous Dolphin Square (see post ‘Are You Local?’).

David Lidington is the Tory MP for Aylesbury – he was elected at the 1992 General Election. Days before the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed by that firebomb.

In 1994 Lidington was appointed PPS to Michael Howard. Just as Howard stuffed over Mary Wynch leaving her ruined. In 1994 there was yet another attempt to fit me up and imprison me – Bridget Lloyd, an Angel with the Arfon Community Mental Health Team, alleged that I had made threatening phone calls to her and made a statement claiming to be so frightened of me that the Health Authority had given her a personal alarm to carry with her at all times lest I murder her in cold blood. The Court was also told that I was a danger to her young children. I didn’t know that Bridget Lloyd had young children. Bridget knew that I didn’t know that as well – just before making the statement to police that she was in fear of her life from me, Lloyd sent a memo to the Top Doctors and managers at Ysbyty Gwynedd stating that she’d only ever met me once, many years ago and that I wouldn’t recognise her if I saw her.

Tony Francis wrote a report for the Court – for their consideration for WHEN I was found guilty, stating that I should be transferred to a forensic team with a view to being placed in a secure unit.

I was acquitted. There were no apologies and no investigation into the perjury.

In June 1997 Lidington was appointed PPS to William Hague, the leader of the Opposition. Months previously William Hague had organised the whitewash that was the Waterhouse Inquiry.

In June 1999 Lidington became the Shadow Home Affairs Minister, Deputy to Ann Widdecombe. Widdecombe has connections to the Tory Party in Wales, in particular the Anglesey Constituency Conservative Party – which contains a number of Top Doctors (see post ‘Doris Karloff – Honest About Her Expenses But Not Much Else’). In Sept 2001 Lidington was appointed Shadow Finance Secretary to the Treasury and in May 2002 Shadow Minister at MAFF. When Michael Howard became leader of the Tory Party Lidington was appointed Shadow Secretary of State for N Ireland. Lidington didn’t thrive under Cameron at first and in July 2007 was demoted. However after the General Election of 2010 Lidington became Minister for Europe. In Aug 2016 Lidington was awarded a CBE in Cameron’s resignation honours – for his services ‘to Europe’. Well the paedophile gang in north Wales were trafficking the kids to Amsterdam and the south of France as well…

When Honest Vicar’s Daughter Theresa became leader she made Lidington Leader of the Commons and on 11 June appointed him Justice Secretary and Lord Chancellor. Well with a track record like David Lidington’s in what other post could he possibly be more useful in the face of all these allegations of paedophiles in high places and the Independent Inquiry Into Child Sexual Abuse falling apart?

David’s a greedy sod as well. In May 2009 the Daily Telegraph revealed that Lidington claimed nearly £1,300 for his dry cleaning and claimed for toothpaste, shower gel, body spray and vitamin supplements on his second home allowance.

On one occasion Lidington’s local paper the Bucks Herald criticised him for claiming £115,891 in expenses – approx double his salary.

Lidington’s shameful CV starts from the very beginning. He went to Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge and whilst there was Chair of the Cambridge University Conservative Association which, in the previous generation, had supplied Thatcher with her Cabinet – who concealed Peter Morrison’s abuse of children in care in north Wales – including Ken Clarke, John Selwyn Gummer, Michael Howard and Norman Lamont. So Lidington was following in the footsteps of the Greats. Did you perhaps get to know some of them whilst you were at Cambridge David? I’m sure that the corrupt old bastards who were prepared to ignore suspicious deaths for the sake of Peter Morrison’s continued participation in sex parties with kids in care were invited back to their Alma Mater to dispense their wisdom and recruit the next generation of complete scumbags. Lidington was Deputy President of the Cambridge University Students Union and before doing some very dirty deeds at the Home Office for Douglas Hurd, he worked for BP and Rio Tinto.

Douglas Hurd was Tory MP for Mid-Oxfordshire, 1974-83, then for the same constituency when it was revamped as Witney (Cameron’s future constituency), 1983-97. He was a key member of Thatcher’s and Major’s Cabinet and is Patron of the Tory Reform Group.

Hurd’s father Lord Anthony Hurd was the Tory MP for Newbury, 1945-64. His grandather, Sir Percy Hurd, was the Coalition Conservative MP for Frome, 1918-23 (part of Lloyd George’s Lib-Con Gov’t) and then Tory MP for Devizes, 1923-45). Hurd’s son Nick has been Tory MP for Ruislip-Northwood and Pinner since 2005 and in 2010 became Minister for Civil Society. Another son Thomas works in the Diplomatic Service.

Hurd went to Eton and then Trinity College, Cambridge where he was President of the Cambridge Union Society.

In 1952 Hurd entered the Diplomatic Service and in 1966 began his political career. He became Principal Private Secretary to Edward Heath – a civil service position rather than a political appointment.

In 1979 after Thatcher won the General Election Hurd was appointed Minister of State in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. Following the 1983 General Election Hurd was moved to the Home Office, where Willie Whitelaw was Home Secretary until June 1983 and then Leon Brittan succeeded  him. Between 1984 and 1985 Hurd was Secretary of State for N Ireland. We are told that Hurd’s diplomatic skills paved the way for the signing of the Anglo-Irish agreement, although Hurd left the post one month before the agreement was signed. In the light of what was going on at the Home Office when Hurd was Home Secretary and Lidington was his minion – forged documents, the fitting up of innocent people who had dared raise concerns about the movers and shakers behind the Westminster Paedophile Ring – one can only imagine how Hurd used his ‘diplomatic skills’ in N Ireland. There’ll have been all those murders that Hurd will have used in his bargaining and the kids in the Kincora Boys Home as well who were being abused by Whitehall figures and members of the British Army. Peace in our time then Douglas?

After ensuring that the truth about various murders and terrorist atrocities as well as the child abuse at Kincora was never to be told, Hurd was appointed Home Secretary in Sep 1985 in the wake of Leon Brittan’s demotion to the DTI. Meanwhile the Birmingham Six, Guildford Four and Macguire Seven and God knows how many other innocent people sat in prisons because Douggie and his mates didn’t dare let on what they had all been up to at the Home Office for many years. In 1987 a Home Office memo acknowledged that the Guildford Four were unlikely to have been terrorists but stated that was not sufficient grounds for an appeal.

Hurd was seen as a ‘safe pair of hands’ at the Home Office and his tenure there was considered ‘uncontroversial’. That judgement might change if anyone takes a close look at the paperwork concerning Peter Taylor’s Interim Report which was written by someone who wasn’t Peter Taylor. Hurd himself expressed concerns that the Prison Service wasn’t working effectively – well somewhere along the line the plan to have me banged up in Risley went pear-shaped and that forged letter which was sent to Lucille Hughes was identified as a forgery, so someone at Risley wasn’t carrying out their duties to the standards required by Douglas. As for those attempts to set fire to my house Douglas, I can only echo the words of Peter Cook in his ‘biased judge’ post-Jeremy Thorpe trial satire – they couldn’t even carry out the simplest murder plot without cocking the whole thing up…

Note to David Lidington: David – Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends were definitely nasty enough for you to have played ball with, but they weren’t very bright and Dafydd was barking mad. If you are serious about silencing/killing absolutely everyone who were witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, you need to commission some rather more competent criminals – because Brown, me and two of our friends have managed to survive.

In 1988 Hurd set up Crime Concern, an organisation that aimed to reduce crime and anti-social behaviour by offering training opportunities to young people. The young person who received the best training opportunity from Douglas Hurd was David Lidington, other young people went to prison or had all opportunities removed. Crime Concern merged with the charity Rainer in 2008 to form an organisation called Catch22. Er – was someone having a joke at Douglas’s expense?

As a sideline Douglas writes spy thrillers. I think that this blog is rapidly evolving into one, but without the ‘fiction’ element. Or indeed the ‘thrilling’ bit – it’s not quite so thrilling when it’s you that is being targeted by a bunch of Top Doctors and their associates who are running a paedophile ring for the benefit of Douglas’s colleagues…

In Oct 1989 Douglas replaced John Major as Foreign Secretary. When Thatch was ousted in Nov 1990 Douglas ran for the Tory Party leadership – his campaign was predicated on his reputation as a ‘safe pair of hands’ ‘law n order’ Home Secretary. Major won the leadership and Hurd returned to his post as Foreign Secretary, where he remained until 1995.

Hurd was Foreign Secretary whilst Yugoslavia imploded. Hurd argued against sending military aid to the Bosniaks – in opposition to US policy – and he resisted pressure to allow Bosnian refugees into Britain. Hurd described his policy as ‘realist’. Just like letting a paedophile gang run a reign of terror in north Wales. The poor relations between European and US leaders delayed a co-ordinated response to the horrors taking place in Yugoslavia so rather a lot of people ended up being brutally murdered thanks to the diplomatic skills of that safe pair of hands Douglas and others.

After his withdrawal from front line politics, Douglas went to Serbia to visit Slobodan Milosevic, on behalf of the NatWest Bank no less, of which Hurd was Chairman, 1995-99. The Bosnian Gov’t threatened to charge Hurd as an accomplice to genocide, but nothing came of that. People like Douglas don’t go to prison, the cells are reserved for the victims of paedophile gangs who supply kids to politicians or for junior academics who work out that something very nasty is going on which seems to be propped up by the highest echelons of the medical establishment…

Whilst Hurd was Foreign Secretary he allocated £234 million pounds in aid towards the funding of the hydroelectric dam on the Pergan River in Malaysia – building started in 1991 and concurrently the Malaysian Gov’t just happened to decide to purchase £1 bilion worth of British made arms. In March 1994 a UK Gov’t Inquiry was launched regarding this and in Nov 1994 the High Court of Justice ruled the actions of Hurd unlawful, because all that dosh that he liberated for the building of the dam was not for the economic or humanitarian benefit of the Malaysians.

In 1997 Douglas was given a peerage. The Waterhouse Inquiry had been arranged by then, Peter Morrison and God knows how many witnesses were dead, Dafydd had retired from the NHS with the contract to provide substance abuse services for north Wales in his paws alongside an agreement that none of the very serious complaints against him would ever be followed up (see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’), so I don’t expect that Douglas ever expected to hear the words ‘north Wales paedophile ring covered up by people at the highest levels of Gov’t with connections to the security services’ ever again.

In 1997 Douglas became Chair of British Invisibles (now ‘International Financial Services London’) and in 1998 he was Chair of the judges for the Booker Prize.

In Sept 1999 Hurd was appointed High Sheriff of Westminster Abbey. Douglas has been a long-standing and active member of the Church of England. Which of course now takes the safeguarding of children very seriously, things have changed/not like the 70s/couldn’t happen now, we’ve got Douglas Hurd and Elizabeth Butler-Sloss on board.

Douglas Chaired the Hurd Commission, which reviewed the roles and functions of the Archbishop of Canterbury.

Hurd was Chair of the Advisory Council of something called FIRST, an ‘international affairs organisation’. I cannot find out anything about it, so it is probably incredibly sordid, even by Douglas’s standards.

Douglas is Patron of the Burford School-Uganda link.

Hurd has been married twice – the first time was in 1960. He and his wife separated in 1976 and divorced in 1982. His former wife Tatiana observed that ‘politics don’t mix with marriage’. The combination obviously works for some people though, because in 1982 Douglas married Judy Smart who was his former Parliamentary secretary, who was 19 years his junior. Who will have known about the appalling things in which Douglas involved himself. Judy died of leukemia some years ago.

Hurd’s son Nick is married to Clare, the daughter of Michael Ancrum aka the 13th Marquess of Lothian – Ancrum is currently the only Marquess in the Lords. When Ann Widdecombe was toadying her way up through the ranks of the Tory Party as described in her autobiography ‘Strictly Ann’, she spent a great deal of time ingratiating herself to Ancrum and his family and friends. Ann was really impressed with how posh they all were. Ancrum was called to the Scottish Bar in 1979 and worked as an advocate until 1979, when he was elected Tory MP for Edinburgh South. In 1987 Ancrum was elected Tory MP for Devizes. He took over the seat from Sir Charles Morrison, brother of Sir Peter, who was busy with the kids in care in north Wales at the time. The Morrison family seat and estates are in Wiltshire. Ancram was Chair of the Tory Party, Oct 1998-Sept 01. Which neatly covered the duration of the Waterhouse Inquiry and its aftermath.

Ancrum and his wife Jane – the daughter of the Duke of Norfolk, Widdecombe knew all about the aristocratic in-laws – are Roman Catholics and Jane is Patron of the Right To Life Trust. A right that wasn’t enjoyed by some of the witnesses to Peter Morrison’s activities Jane. Ancrum went to school at Ampleforth – the place that now lives under the shadow of more and more allegations about the conduct of the monks toward the boys there. Ancrum might not have been one of the more sensitive kids at Ampleforth though – whilst he was at Christ Church College, Oxford, he was a member of the Bullingdon Club.

Wikileaks revealed that Ancrum was Chair of Le Cercle, a rather mad and sinister ‘foreign policy think tank’ concerned with ‘international security’ which numbers some rather mad and sinister people among its membership. Jonathan Aitken was involved with it.

Hurd’s daughter-in-law Catherine (known as Sian), Thomas Hurd’s wife, died in unclear circumstances in 2012. The family were living in New York City – Thomas Hurd was coming to the end of a three year posting with the UN Security Council – when Catherine fell to her death in the early hours of the morning from the roof of their house. She had climbed up a ladder and through a hatch to reach the roof. She and Thomas had gone to bed about midnight and Thomas woke up in the early hours, found that she was not beside him so went off to look for her. He found her body in the garden between 3-4 am. The inquest heard that Catherine had suffered a ‘sudden nervous breakdown’ in 2007 from which she recovered quickly and didn’t discuss at length. Before she died she had seemed fine and no-one had any idea at all that she was at all upset about anything. Catherine did not leave a suicide note and because she fell to her death in the middle of the night no-one saw her fall, so there were no witnesses. Catherine’s father is a Top Doctor who gave evidence at the inquest that the small quantities of very mild benzodiapines that she had recently taken could have caused an ‘altered mental state’. Thomas stated that at the time of Catherine’s death they were about to move house and had packed up their belongings and that could have been distressing. Yes, one valium and my goods packed up into a few boxes and I too am prone to climbing up ladders and through hatches into roofs in the small hours and chucking myself off roofs. The coroner returned an open verdict because I don’t think that there was an option of a ‘what the hell has gone on here’ verdict.

The names of both Thomas and Douglas Hurd appeared on the internet as suspected MI6 operatives. The allegations were of course nonsense and the fact that some very improbable names appeared on the list alongside them meant that it was all the work of a ‘poorly informed amateur’, not a disgruntled MI5 or MI6 employee as some people claimed. And there’s no evidence of a paedophile ring involving Westminster figures which was concealed by people who worked in the Home Office either.

Thomas’s brother Nick – the Tory MP – previously worked as an advisor to Tim Yeo who was Tory MP for Suffolk South, 1983-2015. Tim Yeo was PPS to one Douglas Hurd between 1988-90, when Hurd was Home Secretary. I came across Tim’s name a few days ago when I was reading documents concerning the Leicestershire Child Abuse Scandal (there will be a post naming some more of the people involved in the Leicestershire Scandal soon). In 1992 after the shit hit the fan in the wake of Frank Beck’s conviction and imprisonment, one Tim Yeo was the junior Minister in the Department of Health who was responsible for residential children’s homes. Despite the mountains of evidence that emerged from Frank Beck’s trial that the children’s homes of Leicestershire had been rife with the serious abuse of children and the evidence pouring in from Islington, Lambeth and north Wales that the abuse of kids in care was a major problem, Tim decided not to implement a policy of reviewing children’s homes from which children were regularly running away although it was felt by many advisors that this would highlight homes where sexual abuse of children was a problem.

Between 1980-83 Tim Yeo was Chief Exec of the Spastics Society, now known as Scope. There was a problem with abuse of people in the care of Scope…David Hanson worked for Scope 1982-89. I will be returning to Tim Yeo in a future post – Tim who had to resign from John Major’s Cabinet in the wake of those revelations about his five mistresses and illegitimate children.

Douglas Hurd’s father Anthony Hurd married Stephanie Corner. Stephanie’s father was a Top Doctor, a surgeon called Edred Moss Corner. Edred Corner’s own father was a Top Doctor in Yorkshire, but Edred was born in London and went to school at Epsom College. Edred read medicine at Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge and did his clinical training at St Thomas’s Hospital Medical School. After qualifying, Edred worked at Tommy’s and Leeds General Infirmary. He established a successful Harley Street practice and was on the staff of Great Ormond Street Hospital as well as of Purley and Wood Green Hospitals. Edred was also surgeon to Epsom College. He was Vice-President of the Medical Society of London and a member of the Harveian Society, as well as a leading light in the BMA. Edred sat on the Board of Advanced Studies at the University of London.

One of Edred’s esteemed works was the volume ‘Diseases of the Male Generative Organs’.

Edred had a touch of the Sir Charles Evans about him. Like Sir Charles, Edred was a Top Doctor who was a keen mountaineer. Like Sir Charles, Edred was clobbered by a neurodegenerative disease mid-career which stopped him from continuing to practice as a surgeon. Whereas Sir Charles Evans was given Bangor University to play with as a booby prize when he retired from surgery, Edred was given a job as superintendent of a convalescent home. Edred had three children, two daughters and a son. One of Edred’s daughters married Douglas Hurd’s dad, but my antennae certainly started twitching when I found out who Edred’s son – Hurd’s uncle – was. He was Edred Henry Corner, a very well known tropical botanist who was Professor of Tropical Botany at Cambridge, 1965-73 and a Fellow of Sidney Sussex College from 1959.

So Prof Edred Henry Corner will have known Prof Greig-Smith, the plant ecologist who was a Professor in the School of Plant Biology at Bangor University – where I did my first degree! When I complained about Gwynne the lobotomist and his highly inappropriate conduct. The man who referred me to Gwynne the lobotomist, the corrupt GP Dr D.G.E. Wood, ran the Student Health Centre and was the first person to subject me to a barrage of threats when Brown and I complained about the lobotomist. Wood was married to Dr Chris Wood – she was a lecturer in the School of Plant Biology! My housemate, who was killed in a car crash shortly after I started discussing with her what was happening to me at the hands of Wood and his colleagues, was a PhD student in the School of Zoology. Ann’s former boyfriend Geoff was left brain damaged and paralysed in the crash – Geoff had been in the front passenger seat. Geoff was one of Greig-Smith’s Masters students! Some weeks before Ann was killed, D.G.E. Wood told me that he always recognised Ann’s car because it was a white VW Beetle which had big pictures of choughs on it.

No-one actually liked Prof Greig-Smith, but they were all very frightened of him. He was the biggest name in plant ecology in the UK and effectively invented quantitative ecology. Grieg-Smith trained at Cambridge and still had many mates there. It was the presence of Greig-Smith in the School of Plant Biology which was entirely responsible for Bangor having such a good reputation for botany in those days. There was much bad feeling in the year that I graduated because a mature female student who was a personal friend of Greig-Smith was given a First – some of the lecturers let it slip that no-one felt that her work was worthy of a First but she was a friend of Grieg-Smith. She was then offered a place to do a PhD with D.G.E. Wood’s wife! This lady was married to a man whom Wood et al considered worth getting to know – he was Ian Kennaway, the Director of Regions for the National Trust. In 1990 Ian Kennaway founded and was the first Chairman of The Friends of Czech Heritage. A Patron of The Friends of Czech Heritage is Greg Hands, who has been the Tory MP for Chelsea and Fulham since 2010. Greg Hands was Chief Secretary to the Treasury and then became Minister of State for International Trade, working with Secretary of State Dr Liam Fox. Fox is of course a Top Doctor and a member of the Royal College of General Practitioners. Fox has been the Tory MP for North Somerset since 1992. D.G.E. Wood’s family are from the north Somerset area and Wood went to medical school at Bristol University. Wood has held many senior offices in the Royal College of General Practitioners. Liam Fox was elected to Parliament days before the five witnesses to the wrongdoing of Wood and his colleagues were killed by the firebomb. Between 1993-94 Fox was PPS to Home Secretary Michael Howard – who at the time was finishing off Mary Wynch…

Greg Hands is now Minister for London.

As for Gay Kennaway, the recipient of the ill-deserved First in Marine Botany all those years ago – I was going to put out an appeal for her to tell us what she knows, but Burke’s peerage states that she died earlier this year.

A paedophile ring and a prostitution racket exposed – you never thought that it would get this embarrassing did you Wood?

Prof Greig-Smith died in 2002. He had a son, Peter. Peter Grieg-Smith was a Top Doctor in Liverpool.

Douglas Hurd is the Patron of the pro-EU European Movement. Now there’s a bit of ammo for the Brexiteers…

 

Back to Sir Clive Whitmore of the Dept for Encouraging Forged Documentation. Sir Clive did well for himself on the gongs front. He was awarded a CVO in the new Years Honours of 1983, a KCB in the 1983 Birthday Honours and a GCB in the 1988 Birthday Honours.

In 1995 Sir Clive turned up as Chancellor of De Montfort University. In 1995 Brown was hounded out of his job at Aston University but managed to get another job – at De Montfort University.

Before I fled north Wales, when my lawyers were collecting witness statements from the people who were brave enough to testify to what they had seen happening to me at the hands of the NHS and social services, all the people involved were subsequently threatened or harassed. Brown provided one of the statements. A letter subsequently arrived at De Montfort University, informing the senior managers that Brown was a ‘known paedophile’ and had committed many offences when he worked at Aston University but hadn’t been caught (see post ‘A Nasty Ludicrous Poison Pen Letter’). (So he could hardly have been a ‘known’ paedophile then could he?) The letter was signed Sylvia Grenalda. Brown and co did they all could to trace Sylvia, all databases were searched, but there was no trace of her. Sylvia, where are you? We need you to come forward!

Obviously the wrongdoing at the Home Office didn’t start with Hurd and Whitmore – Leon Brittan was Home Secretary prior to Hurd and unlike Hurd whom many people do not realise was overseeing the forging of documents and framing of the victims of crime, Leon Brittan hasn’t got a reputation left to lose. Brittan has been the subject of allegations of the rape of a young woman as well as the sexual abuse of children. I don’t have evidence that he was guilty of any of that but by the time that Dafydd et al had started trying to fit me up with the assistance of Douglas Hurd’s bunch at the Home Office, I was fully aware that this sort of thing had been going on for a long time. This was how Dafydd et al routinely conducted business – it was why they were so affronted when I challenged them about it. Brown has always been a lot more savvy than me and when in 1987 Dafydd tried to threaten me with incarceration in Risley Remand Centre if I didn’t drop my complaints about him and then when that didn’t work tried to bribe me, I commented to Brown ‘how on earth has he got the nerve to do this?’. Brown replied ‘because he’s done it before and it’s worked’. Spot on Brown, you were quite right. But even Brown didn’t know how bad this lot were and just how high up their corruption went.

Another little anecdote. Someone else heard some of the phone conversations between Dafydd and me and knew what was going on – Brown’s brother. Brown’s brother accompanied me to the North Wales Hospital Denbigh one day to make enquiries when my letters and complaints were just ignored. A near hysterical administrator stated that Dafydd wasn’t on the premises and they didn’t know when he next would be – neither did anyone know where he was. So we went back to the car – to find Alun Davies parked immediately behind us. Davies then trailed us bumper to bumper right off the grounds and down the road. Some months later Brown’s brother had a nasty experience. He was standing outside a motorway service station late at night, by himself, in the garden bit near the motorway slip road and a car with a number of men in drove straight towards him at break-neck speed and tried to run him over. Very fortunately he was next to a hedge – he literally jumped into it. He told me what had happened days later – it was a tale of do you know someone definitely tried to kill me the other night and I don’t even know who they were….

Davies: after Brown’s brother nearly died in a motorbike crash caused by someone driving into him carelessly some months later, he and his wife left the UK. They have been abroad ever since. There will be no clue on this blog as to what names they are using or where on the planet they are you worthless piece of crap.

The Home Office under Brittan was later revealed to have been thoroughly rotten. Thatcher was using the police as her own private army and there were many high points, including he Battle of the Beanfield in June 1985 when the police beat up New Age Travellers – including women who were holding babies and young children – and smashed the windows of their vehicles for the hell of it; the dismissal of appeals from the high profile victims of miscarriages of justice; the intimidation of the Manchester University students by police officers which was so serious that one of the students fled to Europe; the stream of innocent people in south Wales who were framed by the police only to be released years later on appeal – many of the serious crimes for which they were framed remained unsolved; the violence of the police towards striking miners and the framing of some of the pickets for offences; the rampant corruption of drug squads across the UK.

Another celebrated event of the Leon Years was Geoffrey Dickens MP compiling a dossier of Westminster figures whom he claimed were involved with the serious abuse of children. Dickens maintained that the people behind this had links to organised crime and were also involved with child porn and big time drug dealing. Geoffrey Dickens was so pissed off at the lack of action that he threatened to name some of the people whom he alleged were involved in the House. Dickens was roundly mocked, denounced and accused of anti-semitism by a Greville Janner. Leon subsequently ‘lost’ the dossier, claimed that he couldn’t remember a number of crucial facts relating to the dossier, then did remember a few things. The dossier did not turn up and more recently it was discovered that quite a few files from the Home Office relating to the alleged abuse of children by Westminster and Whitehall figures had gone for a walk.

So who was the Permanent Secretary at the Home Office whilst the police beat up who they wanted, framed people when they felt like it and when files with the names of members of the Westminster Paedophile Ring – which of course had never existed – disappeared? It was Sir Brian Cubbon.

Cubbon was Permanent Secretary, 1979-88 and served three Home Secretaries – Willie Whitelaw, Leon Brittan and for a time, Douglas Hurd. In old age Cubbon joked that the Home Office must have been fit for purpose at the time because he and the three Home Secretaries were all ‘Trinity men’ (as in Trinity College, Cambridge). They all concealed a gang of paedophiles as well.

Cubbon’s CV matched that of Robin Butler in terms of always being at the scene. After Bury Grammar School and Trinity College, Cubbon joined the civil service. He joined the Home Office during the last months of the Attlee Gov’t and was then seconded to the Cabinet Office, 1961-62 when Macmillan was PM. No doubt Cubbon knew about the weekends at Cliveden where teenaged call girls, Russian spies and Gov’t Ministers enjoyed themselves. In 1968 Cubbon was appointed Private Secretary to Jim Callaghan – who most certainly when he was PM concealed child abuse in north Wales – when Callaghan was Home Secretary. Cubbon was at the centre of the action in 1969 when the balloon went up in Ulster – Cubbon was at the Home Office at the time, which was responsible for N Ireland. The Home Office was also directly responsible for the management of Approved Schools such as Bryn Estyn and Axwell Park in Gateshead. In 1969 child abuse was flourishing at Axwell Park under Matt Arnold and Peter Howarth – both of whom were transferred to work at Bryn Estyn in 1973 where they established a truly impressive regime which was one of the hubs of the paedophile gang busy in north Wales/Cheshire.

Cubbon  moved to the Cabinet Office in 1971 and in 1976 was appointed Permanent Secretary in the N Ireland Office. In July 1976 Cubbon was caught in a bomb blast in Ireland which killed the British Ambassador to Ireland Christopher  Ewart-Biggs and Cubbon’s Private Secretary Judith Cooke. Cubbon was responsible for orchestrating the maintenance of direct rule from Westminster in the absence of a political settlement, whilst Merlyn Rees was Secretary of State for N Ireland. Merlyn Rees’s next post was Home Secretary  in Jim Callaghan’s Gov’t – during which time he concealed the paedophile gang in north Wales (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’).

Prior to the 1979 General Election, it was speculated that if re-elected Callaghan would make Cubbon Cabinet Secretary. In the event Thatcher won the election and made Robert Armstrong Cabinet Secretary  – another man who knew a great deal (see post ‘Lord Robert Armstrong’). Armstrong had been Permanent Secretary at the Home Office and Thatch appointed Cubbon to take his place, to work alongside dear old Willie Whitelaw. Who had concealed the paedophile gang for years and continued to do so.

In April 1982 when the Buck House intruder Michael Fagan found himself sitting in the Queen’s bedroom having a chat with her, Cubbon suggested to the Metropolitan Police Commissioner Sir David McNee that he should resign. McNee later described this as ‘improper and impertinent behaviour’. I’ve been quite taken with the notion of impertinent behaviour since last summer when I received a copy of a completely mad letter that Dafydd had written concerning my presence in Ysbyty Gwynedd in June 1988. Dafydd had experienced the trauma of being asked by me when he was going to respond to my complaints and as a result he wrote to the Assistant Director of Nursing at Ysbyty Gwynedd demanding that I should be held on a ward, not allowed out and guarded at all times. The Assistant Director of Nursing had written a polite letter back to Dafydd, explaining that to do this would not only be unwarranted but illegal. Dafydd fired off a furious completely irrational reply, accusing this man of ‘gross impertinence’ and recommending that someone should face disciplinary action because I had actually asked him to explain himself (see post ‘The Blog Post That Was Hacked Can Now Be Read’). In the weeks following Dafydd’s crazed demands, the psychiatrists in Ysbyty Gwynedd formed themselves into a Secretariat. Tony Francis appointed himself the Secretary of the Secretariat and they spent much time and trouble writing to each other as well as to the MDU, the BMA and the senior managers of Gwynedd Health Authority, formulating a method as to how they could have me transferred to a secure unit. Even the Mental Health Act Commission were involved in the Cunning Plan. It was of course all predicated on them claiming that I had violently attacked numerous people – which their own lawyers had reminded them that they had no evidence for. Tony Francis even wrote to the Dr D.J.C. Davies, the Chief Administrative Medical Officer for Gwynedd Health Authority, demanding that they pay his travelling expenses for his visits to the MDU – the Health Authority was happy to oblige.

In 1986 Cubbon had to handle the fall-out over the comments of the Chief Constable of Manchester, James Anderton, who publicly stated that people with HIV/AIDS were ‘swirling around in a cesspool of their own making’. At the time police corruption in Anderton’s force was endemic and some of that corruption was assisting Dafydd and the paedophiles (see post ‘Top Of The Cops’).

In 1979 Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon spent the night at the Crest Hotel in Wrexham with a boy in care in north Wales. The following morning Tyrell-Kenyon alleged that the boy had robbed him and called the police. The boy was sent to a detention centre. The boy’s social worker recorded on his file that he was known to be having homosexual sex with Tyrell-Kenyon. Tyrell-Kenyon was not charged with any offence. In 1993 Tyrell-Kenyon died of an AIDS related illness. Tyrell-Kenyon’s father, Lord Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon, was a member of the North Wales Police Authority, a Magistrate, a member of Clwyd Health Authority and a Flintshire County Councillor. The boy – well a man by now – gave evidence to the Waterhouse Inquiry that Tyrell-Kenyon had used him for sex on many occasions.

When Cubbon was asked in recent years about the business of Leon losing that dossier concerning organised child abuse that Geoffrey Dickens had given him, Cubbon stated that he had ‘no recollection at all’ of the Dickens dossier.

Cubbon helped start Haklynt, a company ‘supplying foreign political and commercial information to corporate clients’. He Chaired the Disaster Emergency Committee from 1989. In 1995 Cubbon served on the Press Complaints Commission and in 1996 was the PCC’s Charter Commissioner.

Cubbon was also active in the Campaign to Protect Rural England.

Thatcher’s Principal Private Secretary, 1985-88 was Sir Nigel Wicks. Sir Nigel’s main interest is the accumulation of enormous amounts of money, so he probably got on with Thatcher very well. Wicks went to Beckenham and Penge Grammar School and joined BP in 1958 when he was 18 years old. Whilst at BP he did an London University MA with Portsmouth College of Technology (now the University of Portsmouth). In 1969 Wicks joined the Treasury and was seconded to the PM’s office as Principal Private Secretary, 1975-78. He worked for Wilson, then Callaghan. Wicks then moved to the British Embassy in Washington DC where he was the UK’s Executive Director of the IMF and IBRD, 1983-85.

Wicks then worked as Thatch’s Principal Private Secretary. Whilst Sir Peter Morrison was Minister of State for Employment, Minister of State for Trade and Industry, Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party and Minister of State for Energy. Throughout this time, the Welsh Office concealed the abuse of children in care and the abuse of mental health patients and the serious crime associated with this, which involved the Home Office. I doubt that Nigel was that concerned – not when there was dosh to be made.

Nigel then returned to the Treasury as Second Permanent Secretary, responsible for International Finance, where he remained until he retired in 2000.

Following his retirement from the civil service, Nigel was Chair of CRESTCo until in 2001 it merged with Euroclear, of which Wicks was Deputy Chair, 2002-06, then Chair. He was a non-executive director of Morgan Stanley, 2004-07 and of the Edinburgh Investment Trust from 2005.

Between 2001-04 Sir Nigel was Chair of the Committee on Standards in Public Life. Who better to hold that position than a man who played a central role in concealing a paedophile gang which trafficked children to Europe for sex work and murdered people who blabbed?

In 2005 Sir Nigel Chaired the panel appointing the initial members of the newly-created Judicial Appointments Commission.

In 2007 Sir Nigel was appointed Commissioner of the Jersey Financial Services Commission and in 2012 he became the Chair of the British Bankers Association.

No wonder those kids died.

Nigel’s collection of gongs consists of: CBE in Callaghan’s Resignation Honours, 1979; CVO in the 1989 New Year’s Honours; KCB in the 1992 New Year’s Honours; GCB in the 1999 New Year’s Honours.

 

The shitbaggery found among Principal Private Secretaries to the PM has a long and fine tradition. Sir Kenneth Stowe was Principal Private Secretary to Wilson, Callaghan and for a short time Thatcher, 1975-79.

Kenneth Stowe attended Dagenham County High School and then Exeter College, Oxford. He joined the civil service as an Assistant Principal in the National Assistance Board and in 1956 became a Principal. In 1958 Stowe was seconded to the UN Secretariat in New York. Upon his return he became the Press Officer to the National Assistance Board and justified the refusal by successive Gov’t to pay pensions to the over 80s who had been excluded by the National Insurance Act of 1948. Stowe became an Assistant Secretary in 1964 and remained in the machine when the National Assistance Board merged with the Ministry of Health in 1966 and in 1968 when the DHSS was created.

In 1970 Stowe became Assistant Under-Secretary at the DHSS and then in 1973 he joined the Cabinet Office – whilst Heath was PM – at Under-Secretary level. In 1975 Wilson’s Principal Private Secretary left No 10 and Cabinet Secretary John Hunt proposed that Stowe should replace him. It was considered an unusual appointment – Principal Private Secretaries usually come from the Treasury or at least have Treasury experience. Stowe had spent virtually his whole career in the DHSS and the departments which preceded it and had no Treasury experience at all.

Sir Kenneth is described in glowing terms in his obituaries as completely  loyal and the man who kept the Gov’t running smoothly, although a few things did slip through that he was unable to stop. Such as Harold Wilson’s 1976 Resignation Honours, the ‘Lavender List’, thus called because it was alleged to have been written by Wilson’s weirdly sinister Political Secretary Marcia Williams aka Lady Falkender on the tinted notepaper that she was known to favour. The Lavender List included some very unwise choices, even by the standards of the UK honours system – such as Joe Kagan, the man who manufactured Wilson’s favourite brand of raincoat and who later went to prison for fraud and Sir Eric Miller, a property magnate who committed suicide less than a year later whilst the subject of a criminal investigation. The civil servants who saw the Lavender List were horrified and put their faith in Stowe to ensure that some of the names were removed. They weren’t. Which just confirmed many people’s suspicions that Wilson was a crook and Marcia Williams knew so much that he didn’t dare upset her.

Stowe was central to the negotiations which led to the Lib-Lab in 1977 between Callaghan and David Steel and drafted the agreement between them. Stowe attended the regular dinners that Callaghan had with Len Murray of the TUC and business leaders to discuss economic issues. As things disintegrated during the Winter of Discontent 1978-79 many insiders maintained that it was Stowe who held the Gov’t machinery together. Stowe personally conducted negotiations with Len Murray.

Whilst Stowe worked for Callaghan, Sunny Jim was chuffed to be invited to join the Athenaeum, the club favoured by Top Doctors – of which Jimmy Savile was a member, having been introduced by Cardinal Basil Hume. Callaghan accepted the invitation and was then shocked to receive a hefty bill. He paid it nonetheless and then took Stowe to the Athenaeum.

Stowe inducted his successor Sir Clive Whitmoor into the job after Margaret Thatcher took power in 1979 and then took up the post of Permanent Secretary at the N Ireland Office. In that post Stowe had to manage the Troubles and events such as the hunger strikers in the Maze Prison. In late 1980 Stowe made a list of gestures that Thatcher’s Gov’t might make to end the hunger strikes in the Maze. The list was passed to IRA contacts via an MI6 agent – the MI6 agent waited in Stowe’s official car to receive the list, such was the fear that he’d be kidnapped. Not that Thatcher’s Gov’t ever talked to the IRA of course.

In 1981 Stowe returned to the DHSS as Permanent Secretary. He remained there until his retirement in 1987 and for much of the time worked with Secretary of State Norman Fowler. So Stowe was at the very top of the DHSS when the abuse in the children’s homes in north Wales was concealed, whilst Dafydd was sued by Mary Wynch but kept his job and continued to illegally imprison other people, when psychiatric patients were being fitted up and sent to high security hospitals, whilst the London medical schools busied themselves with research fraud, whilst St George’s Hospital Medical School employed a key player in a pan-European paedophile ring as their Professor of Paediatrics – you get the picture. I have detailed the crimes often enough by now.

Stowe’s obituaries make for interesting reading. His Guardian obituary – written by Dennis Kavanagh the political analyst and Emeritus Professor of Politics at the University of Liverpool – stated that Stowe was ‘motivated by a commitment to public service’ and that there was an ‘acute sense of crisis in the British Gov’t in the 70s; at various times administrations seemed barely able to cope and some lost their heads’. Which was barely surprising really. However old Stowe was never in a flap. No of course he wasn’t – he had so much dirt on absolutely everyone that he could control the whole lot of them. Stowe had worked in social security and health for years, he knew exactly what was happening to the great British public at the hands of those who care and then he went to work in the Cabinet Office with the politicians who would do just about anything to keep the gory reality quiet.

We are told in one of Stowe’s obituaries that Stowe was ‘one of the first to identify the problems of the NHS’ – the problems included the power of the medical profession, the drug companies running rings around the NHS regarding the pricing of their drugs and the expensive generous early retirement NHS scheme which was costing the Gov’t a packet and which resulted in the beneficiaries of early retirement returning to their former jobs to double their money. Did Stowe actually remedy any of these things? No. They’re still happening today. Stowe could have stopped it virtually overnight. The arrests of Dafydd, Tony Francis, Robert Blugass, Chris Hunter and the rest of them as well as their accessories would have put the Gov’t in the driving seat of the NHS and the abuses would have come to an end. But because there were politicians and civil servants abusing some of the kids who were being trafficked for sex, Stowe the loyal public servant put himself and his colleagues first. They all remained in clover, as did the Top Doctors – the kids in care and the patients were shafted.

My suspicions about the methods that Stowe, King of the DHSS, used to wield power were confirmed when I read that Stowe was the ‘master of disclosure and discretion’. Translate as ‘blackmail and bribery’.

What is recorded as Stowe’s greatest triumph during his time as Permanent Secretary at the DHSS? It was the HIV/AIDS public education campaign of course – the success of which was attributed to Stowe and Norman Fowler. It is recorded that Stowe, with the Cabinet Secretary Robert Armstrong, arranged for Willie Whitelaw to Chair a special committee therefore spurring on the AIDS/HIV campaign. I explained in my post ‘Professor Prestigious And His Associates’ how the dreadful Sir Donald Acheson, Chief Medical Officer, had to spell out in words of one syllable to the Cabinet that their colleagues who were having sex with rent boys were now very much at risk from an infection for which there was no treatment and would kill them. That was the reason why this mad, hypocritical Gov’t which was virulently homophobic but made allowances for Peter Morrison and many others supported a public education that initially appalled them.

Stowe kept busy after he retired. He Chaired the Carnegie UK Trust’s Inquiry into the Third Age, 1989-93; he served on a commission set up by Mandela to establish a civil service in Africa; he Chaired the Thrombosis Research Institute; was Director of the Chase Children’s Hospice; and in 1997 when Blair was elected, Stowe Chaired the Working Group from the voluntary and community sector on the compact with Gov’t and the Treasury Group on funding the voluntary sector.

Sir Kenneth was also Chair of the Institute for Cancer Research at the Royal Marsden, 1987-97.

There is an Angel who has done very well indeed out of the Institute for Cancer Research. That is  Professor Dame Jessica Corner. Dame Jessica was the Institute’s first nursing academic, the first nurse appointed to a Chair at the Institute! Dame Jess  is currently PVC for Research and Knowledge Exchange at Nottingham University.

So what path did the Dame take to reach these heights? She began life as an Angel in London, worked at the Royal Marsden, then in 1990 either began or received a PhD at/from Kings College, London. The Dame spent many wonderful years at Southampton University. That’s the Southampton University that contained so many of the paedophiles’ friends in senior positions and at which I and someone from Aberystwyth University had such a bizarre experience with in the late 1980s (see post ‘Professor Prestigious And His Associates’).  In 2005 the Dame was seconded to Macmillan Cancer Support and in 2008 she returned to Southampton. Between 2010-15 the Dame was Dean of the Faculty of Health Sciences at Southampton. The Dame is described as a ‘world leading expert in cancer and palliative care’. The UK has some of the worst outcomes in Europe for cancer and UK palliative care is dreadful. The Dame is an advisor to Macmillan Cancer Support and to the NHS. In 2012 the Dame was a member of the PM’s Nursing and Care Quality Forum; she is a member of the Dept of Health’s Cancer Reform Strategy for England and Chairs the Patient Experience Working Group.

I wonder of readers might have noticed the Dame’s surname – Corner. Er – remember Douglas Hurd’s famous grandfather Edred Moss Corner, the surgeon? And the plum jobs that all members of Hurd’s extended  family seem to bag for themselves? Could the Dame possibly be one of the clan? I bet that she is – cancer research is ridden with research fraud, malpractice, nepotism and huge professional snobbery from the Top Docs towards the Angels. Angels don’t become Professors at the Royal Marsden or Dames for being excellent Angels or outstanding cancer researchers – but they’d have a bloody good chance if they were relatives of Douglas Hurd who had sat in the Home Office whilst they were still Angels and concealed a mountain of crap. Particularly as one of the offenders – David Lidington – was also rising to high office. He was Minister of State for Europe in 2014 when the Angel became a Dame.

Whilst we are on the subject of Family Fortunes, I note that the flattering obituary of the git that was Kenneth Stowe was written by a man called Kavanagh. Edred Moss Corner’s son the botanist Edred Henry Corner married a Sheila Kavanagh. I have no idea if there is a connection, but we’re not talking meritocracy here, nepotism is the order of the day. The Top Doctor  Edred Moss Corner divorced his first wife in the early 1950s yet retained custody of the children, although he was in poor health and too busy to look after them, a la Dafydd. It’s the Top Doctors up to no good again… Edred Moss then married his children’s nanny. Edred’s son the botanist Edred Henry seemed to have carried on the family tradition of being dysfunctional – Edred completely rejected his own son John K. Corner when John was 19 years old. John never saw his father again but later wrote a book about him.

So John Hunt the Cabinet Secretary who suggested that Wilson appoint Kenneth Stowe as his Principal Private Secretary played a blinder. But then John Hunt would. John Hunt was one of the most powerful Cabinet Secretaries that there has been – he was described as ‘an imperialist who relished expanding the power of his remit’ with ‘an uncanny mastery of procedure and ability to steer meetings to the conclusion he wished’.

Hunt served as Cabinet Secretary under Heath, Wilson, Callaghan and Thatcher. He went to Downside School and then to Magdalene College, Cambridge. Hunt served in the Navy during the war – just like Jim Callaghan did. He joined the Cabinet Office in 1972 as the Deputy to Burke Trend and succeeded Trend in 1973 and spent six and a half years as Cabinet Secretary before retiring. Guess what? Even John Hunt failed to stop the Lavender List, although he was described as being ‘particularly close to Wilson’.

Hunt ended up in the Lords where he was very active. He Chaired the European Communities Committee of the Lords and in 1994 was instrumental in producing a report on fraud in the EU, which he estimated cost £5 billion pa. He was highly critical of the Council of Ministers for not stopping it.

John Hunt came from Minehead – so he will have known all about Jeremy Thorpe (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). Thorpe was something to be negotiated with in the Lib Lab pact – as I’m sure were Cyril Smith, Greville Janner, George Thomas and a few other people. Hunt was a Roman Catholic – the only Cabinet Secretary to have been a Catholic. After Hunt’s first wife died he remarried – in 1973. He married Madeleine Charles – the widowed sister of Cardinal Basil Hume, to whom it is said, Hunt became a ‘discreet and valued counsellor’.

Early on in his career Hunt was given the advice by a senior civil servant to ‘go for a position in the pivotal centre of the Gov’t machine’. Hunt was such a wily operator that when he took a few days off work in the mid-70s, Harold Wilson joked that Hunt was probably arranging for Basil Hume to become the next Archbishop of Westminster. Guess who became the next Archbishop of Westminster?

John Hunt picked up his peerage in 1980. Just after Thorpe was found not guilty of attempting to murder Norman Scott.

 

In terms of the corruption that existed at the Home Office throughout all the years that the above account spans, the presence of one civil servant alone suggests that there was a massive, long-standing problem – Bing Spear, who was employed by the Home Office Drugs Branch. Bing Spear was employed as a Drugs Inspector in the Home Office from 1952 until he retired in 1986. For decades he held very senior roles at the Home Office and he was Chief Inspector of the Drugs Branch. Any reading of Spear’s conduct both in and outside of his work leads to the conclusion that he was almost certainly corrupt, involved with the supplying of Class A drugs and was probably an addict himself. Bing Spear was notorious – his behaviour stood out a mile. There is no chance that all these mandarins did not know what Bing Spear was doing. For more details of Spear and the corrupt Top Doctors that he protected, see post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’.

 

Other papers released from the National Archives the other day include papers relating to the radioactive gas cloud from Chernobyl that passed over Wales in April 1986. There was chaos because most of the Cabinet were on holiday or overseas. The Environment Secretary at the time was William Waldegrave – after this sterling performance Waldegrave was later given the job as Health Secretary. In which post he showed exactly the same level of contempt for Wales.

Papers released from the National Archives also show that Andrew Turnbull had written a memo with advice to the Kinnocks – it was widely believed that Labour would win the General Election in 1992. The advice included telling the Kinnocks that they would need to spend more on clothes. Well they’ve ended up living like kings anyway, I’m sure that the First Family of Troughing spend quite enough on clothes. I’m not sure how the Tories did win in 1992 – there will no doubt have been the most appalling catalogue of dirty tricks used and events in north Wales will have played a major part because reports of the paedophile gang had begun appearing in the London-based media. Kinnock and co knew about the paedophile ring in north Wales and Peter Morrison but they said not a word. I suspect because they’d all been keeping quiet about George Thomas down in Cardiff…

One document that was released from the archives was a letter that Paddy Hill, one of the Birmingham Six, had written in September 1987 to Senator Mooney in Ireland. Paddy had made the observation that ‘the British system don’t know how to spell the word JUSTICE never mind dispensing it’. At the time that Paddy was writing that letter, I had narrowly escaped being imprisoned for attempting to stab that doctor in Ysbyty Gwynedd. The plot went as high as the Home Office.

Radio 4 broadcast a programme yesterday in which they discussed the 1992 papers that had been released. This blog’s old favourites were interviewed, including Charlie Falconer. Falconer banged on about how in 1992 he was still working as a barrister and there was a crisis of confidence in British justice after so many people had to be released on appeal after spending years in prison for crimes that they had not committed. That’s right Charlie – and as far as concealing the abuses and miscarriages of justice associated with the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal was concerned you and Blair continued the process that caused such bad PR for the Tories. But you wrapped it up in the discourse of ‘human rights’, ‘service user involvement’ and ‘supporting the NHS’.

Interesting though the latest releases from the National Archives are, the National Archives have a habit of retaining the best stuff until we’re definitely all dead. Papers relating to the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and even the Mental Health Act Commission are closed for decades to come as are the papers on the Birmingham Six. Whilst reading about Ashworth Hospital for my post ‘Security, Security’ I found that huge quantities of papers relating to the Ashworth Inquiries – including the interviews with the Top Docs – are closed for the best part of the next 100 years.

 

 

 

 

 

 

‘They Planned To Put Acid In All The Reservoirs…’

I’ve just finished reading Stephen Bentley’s book ‘Undercover: Operation Julie – The Inside Story’. Stephen Bentley was one of the undercover police officers who worked on Operation Julie the celebrated undercover police investigation which ran between 1976-78. Operation Julie resulted in a huge drugs bust in 1977 and was followed in March 1978 by the sentencing of 15 people at Bristol Crown Court who were jailed in total for 124 years. The trial at Bristol was presided over by Mr Justice Park aka Sir Hugh Park, but there were numerous other associated trials in lower courts as well which dealt with more than 100 defendents, as well as a raid in the Dordogne in the south of France. Operation Julie was an investigation which spanned much of the UK and involved 11 police forces, but most of the action took place in rural mid-Wales.

Numerous myths surround Operation Julie – many of them have been denounced as being untrue even by the officers who worked on the case and others have been denounced as being untrue by friends of the people who were prosecuted. Some things that have been accepted as ‘fact’ by everyone are highly improbable if one just thinks a little bit about what was alleged to have happened. One thing that everybody agrees on – including Stephen Bentley – is that Operation Julie cost a huge amount of money, was hampered by police corruption and did nothing at all to impede the tide of hard drugs that had begun pouring into the UK as a result of organised crime.

The stars of Operation Julie were a group of hippies who were living in mid-Wales in the mid-1970s and who had allegedly set up an LSD factory with the intention of manufacturing enormous quantities of the drug in order to spike the reservoirs supplying water to Birmingham with the aim of enablling the Brummies to receive the beneficial effects of getting off their heads. The spiking of the reservoirs story is the one thing that many people think that they know about Operation Julie, but that is also something for which there doesn’t seem to be much evidence. Some of the people from mid-Wales who were convicted did subscribe to the idea that taking LSD was a good idea – they took LSD themselves and had no doubt made a bit of it, but that’s about where the truth ends. As the years have passed, there has been increasing disquiet expressed about what happened during Operation Julie, the lies that the police fed to the media – that the media then obediently and very successfully promulgated – and regarding the fact at least one of those imprisoned did no more than make sandwiches for her boyfriend who was alleged to be making the LSD. Bentley himself claims that during the course of Operation Julie the undercover officers uncovered far more serious crime which was ‘handed over’ to others to deal with.

Operation Julie was conducted whilst business was booming for John Allen and his associates’ empire of child prostitution, porn and hard drugs in north Wales. Allen’s children’s homes, the Bryn Alyn Community, were receiving children from local authorities across England and Wales and Allen also had a villa in the south of France where he was taking children for ‘holidays’. Operation Julie could not have failed to have stumbled across Allen’s criminal empire.

The principal ‘LSD factory’ which was placed under observation by Operation Julie was located in a house at Tregaron, the home of Richard Kemp and his girlfriend Christine Bott. Another house, Plas Llysyn, owned by American Paul Arnaboldi – Kemp’s friend – in another part of mid-Wales, Carno near Llanidloes, was also observed. Bentley and another undercover officer infiltrated a village called Llandewi Brefi whilst disguised as hippies. Llandewi Brefi was targeted because a man called Alston Hughes aka ‘Smiles’ lived there. Alston was English and had connections in London and Birmingham and was alleged to be the distributor of the vast quantities of LSD produced nearby – he received an eight year prison sentence. All this surveillance and infiltration was happening on the patch of the Dyfed-Powys police force.

At that time, there was abuse of children in care happening in Dyfed and Pembrokeshire (Dyfed-Powys Police cover Pembrokeshire). Ioan Bowen Rees, the County Secretary of Dyfed County Council, moved to Gwynedd County Council to take up the post of Chief Exec in 1980, where he remained until 1991. It was on Ioan Bowen Rees’s watch that organised child abuse in the children’s homes in Gwynedd reached dizzy heights, with children being trafficked to London and Brighton (see posts ‘I Know Nuzzing…’ and ‘Are You Local?’). Alison Taylor, a social worker from Gwynedd, blew the whistle on the child abuse loudly and clearly to Bowen Rees and his Director of Social Services Lucille Hughes – Alison was sacked and the abuse continued. Bowen Rees’s idea of investigating Alison’s concerns was to invite his former colleagues from Dyfed County Council up to ‘review’ the children’s homes in Gwynedd. Under Bowen Rees the chaos, corruption and fuckwittery in Gwynedd Social Services reached new highs (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’). Gwynedd was a by-word for a Council that was a law unto itself, founded upon nepotism and cronyism. Operation Julie could not have missed the stories emanating out of Gwynedd – Gwynedd is only a few miles north of Aberystwyth Police Station, the venue for the meeting of the Operation Julie team for briefing and it borders Machynlleth, where it was claimed the crucial evidence was found that led to the establishment of the whole enormous police operation. At the time there was serious institutionalised corruption in the North Wales Constabulary/Police and in the legal system across Wales. The drug squad based in Gwynedd in particular were totally bent and I personally know people whom they framed and who ended up in prison (see post ‘Top Of The Cops’). One man who was fitted up by the drug squad in Gwynedd and then violently assaulted by a police officer in Bangor Police Station ended up in Risley Remand Centre and was then transferred to the ‘care’ of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh for a year after Dafydd diagnosed him with ‘cannabis psychosis’. There was never an investigation into what happened to him – or his wife who also had cocaine planted on her – at the hands of the police. The Chief Constable of North Wales throughout the paedophile and serious corruption years who presided over some truly extraordinary events was Sir Philip Myers (see post ‘Top Of The Cops’).

I suspect that as with the prosecutions of paedophiles in north Wales, Operation Julie made a great display of prosecuting and imprisoning the small fry – and very likely a number of people who were completely innocent – whilst ignoring some very serious criminals. In his book Bentley mentions uncovering links to the CIA.

Although the publicity in the wake of the Operation Julie painted a terrible picture of the hippies on trial who were running the ‘biggest LSD factory in the world, supplying 90% of the world’s LSD’, there is plenty of evidence that they weren’t quite the people portrayed in the media. In mid-Wales their neighbours actually liked them – yes they were hippies, but they were friendly and well-educated (two of those involved were medical doctors and one had a PhD in chemistry). When the undercover police first infiltrated mid-Wales, their cover was nearly blown because their behaviour was so much worse than the people whom they had placed under surveillance. Bentley’s own account of himself in his book isn’t too flattering – he stresses that he was never a corrupt officer, but he seems to have known many people who were. I can understand the difficulty that he and his colleagues encountered when they tried to pass themselves off as hippies…

After Operation Julie, Stephen Bentley left the police force and in 1997 he became a barrister – he mentions that the recreational drug of choice for barristers is cocaine…

Stephen Bentley is now living in the Philippines.

Dr Christine Bott – who ended up being sentenced to nine years in prison for daring to be the girlfriend of Richard Kemp (the ‘drug chemist’) and for making meals for the ‘gang’ – had read medicine at Liverpool University and then worked as a GP. What she really liked doing was keeping and breeding goats and she was well-known in mid-Wales for this. Richard Kemp had done his PhD at Liverpool University, which was where he had met Christine – Richard was sentenced to 13 yrs.

Christine and Richard were students at Liverpool in the 1960s. Liverpool University produced graduates who did very much worse things than Christine and Richard. Whilst Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was at Liverpool University in the early 60s he was visiting IRA activists in order to pick up a bit of advice to use in activist activities back home in Wales (see post ‘A Network Stretching Back Decades’). The security services will have known about Dafydd – they had all the Welsh nationalist activists under observation, because of their links to the IRA and the Gov’ts fears that Welsh activism might become very violent. Stephen Bentley talks about the FWA (Free Wales Army) in his book – one of the leaders of the FWA was Julian Cayo-Evans, who was based in Lampeter and Bentley and his colleagues used to bump into supporters of the FWA. The Welsh political blog Jac O The North is written by Royston Jones who was a member of the FWA and a friend of Cayo – at one point (I think during the investiture) Jac went into hiding in Ireland because he was surrounded by the security services wherever he went in Wales. Of course the security services knew about Dafydd – but the security services helped conceal the Westminster Paedophile Ring, which was being supplied with child prostitutes by the paedophile gang who Dafydd was assisting.

Professor Robert Owen, the Medical Ombudsman for Wales who concealed Dafydd’s wrongdoing (see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’), was Professor of Surgery at Liverpool Medical School. North Wales was/is packed with Top Doctors and other professionals who had been educated at Liverpool University who were among the paedophiles’ friends. None of them were ever arrested. Yet a well-liked GP who kept goats and lived quietly in deepest mid-Wales ended up being sentenced to nine years in prison on the basis of the alleged activities of her boyfriend.

Dr Christine Bott had also worked at Charing Cross Hospital. We know that the paedophiles’ friends enjoy the support of their colleagues in the London teaching hospitals. I wonder what Christine knew about who. We can’t ask her, because she is dead now, as is Richard and a number of the others who were sentenced. When Christine and Richard came out of prison they kept a low profile, so no-one ever heard their side of the story. They were welcomed back to mid-Wales, so people there couldn’t have had much of a problem with them. What we did hear much about were the over-blown fantasies of dodgy coppers in terms of the activities of hippies – the police revealed that a rat ‘which had died from an overdose of LSD’ had been found at one property. At Plas Llysyn at Carno, samples of water from the cellar were taken which incredibly enough contained LSD ‘which matched LSD samples’ in the possession of the police. A frog and a mole were also taken away for testing – it was revealed that they’d been on acid as well. But beyond ‘traces’ of LSD, nothing was discovered after the police had broken into the Plas in the belief that it was a constituent part of the biggest LSD factory in the world. The police knew why they didn’t find anything though – it was because the hippies had abandoned the Plas! So how did the hippies manage to make their getaway along with all the equipment and goodies whilst the police were watching the place?

As is often the case with raids by the drug squad, by the time that the Operation Julie cases came to trial, the police boasted of having discovered a wonderland of goodies worth an absolute fortune – when the police didn’t actually produce the mountains of LSD, allegations of a huge stash of LSD buried somewhere in woodland in mid-Wales were bandied about. Likewise, the value of the LSD that the police claimed to have recovered didn’t equate to what was actually recovered by the police (the situation conjures up the old favourite which made an outing on one of Mel Smith and Gruff Rhys Jones’s programmes years ago – ‘that means the police are paying three times as much for their drugs as the rest of us’). The event which actually precipitated the establishment of Operation Julie and which sounded even more like the fantasy of a dodgy copper was a lot more worrying than stories about rats, frogs and moles overdosing on hallucinogens, as we shall see.

In the mid-70s, a number of senior police officers – including some of those who led Operation Julie – were trying to persuade the Home Office to set up a national police force and a national drug squad. My post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’ describes the serious corruption at the top of the Home Office’s drugs branch at this time, which went hand in hand with the corruption on the part of some of the Top Doctors holding Home Office drugs licences and treating addicts, including Dafydd.

Prior to Operation Julie, Detective Chief Inspector Dick Lee of the Thames Valley Police Drug Squad maintained that he had noticed a huge increase in the amount of LSD ‘arriving into the UK’ whilst he policed pop festivals in the south of England. Dick Lee was someone who wanted a national drug squad created which operated independently of the rest of the force. The international suppliers of LSD in mid-Wales were only ever brought to the attention of Dick Lee after Gerry Thomas, an associate of David Solomon – a Californian who was associated with Timothy Leary and who had been introduced to Richard Kemp in 1968 by a university colleague – was caught trying to smuggle cannabis into Canada. Thomas had known Richard Kemp and Kemp’s friends and Thomas gave information to the authorities in Canada in return for a shorter sentence. The information that he supplied was that the ‘biggest acid lab in the world’ was being run in mid-Wales. Thomas named Richard Kemp, Christine Bott, David Solomon and ‘a man called Henry’. This ‘intelligence’ was passed across the Atlantic and reached the ears of Dick Lee. Richard Kemp ‘was known’ to be living in Wales and ‘driving a red Range Rover’ – well of course this was ‘known’, he and Christine weren’t trying to hide, they lived in Tregaron with their goats and Christine even appeared in the local press with her prize-winning goats. Dick Lee alerted the Dyfed-Powys Police and Detective Sergeant Richie Parry – who was in charge of the Dyfed-Powys Drug Squad pre-Operation Julie – contacted his old drug squad colleague Dai Rees who was now a traffic inspector in Dyfed-Powys Police and told him to get in touch in the event of any ‘incidents’ involving a red Range Rover.

As so often happened in matters involving the drug squad in those days, within weeks – in April 1975 – ‘by pure coincidence’ the control room heard about a serious car crash near Machynlleth involving a red Range Rover. It was of course Richard Kemp’s car and he and Christine were in it at the time. The accident was a serious one – Kemp’s Range Rover had hit another car head on which contained a Minister and his pregnant wife. The Minister’s wife was killed and the Minister was seriously injured, although Kemp and Christine ‘escaped with their lives’. Kemp’s Range Rover was impounded by the police and searched.

During the search, the police found six strips of paper in the car which when ‘reconstructed’ into one piece was found to have the words ‘hydrazine hydrate’ written on it,a key ingredient in the manufacture of LSD. The police therefore had the evidence that they needed against Richard Kemp – whom Dick Lee already ‘knew’ was part of an enormous drugs ring – the evidence needed to set up a huge national police operation involving those senior officers who had been so keen to do this but needed to persuade the Home Office and ACPO that there was justification for it. Why a man with a PhD in chemistry who was allegedly mass-producing LSD  – indeed 90% of the global LSD supply – would need to write the name of the main ingredient on a piece of paper and cut it into small pieces which were then strewn around his car was never explained. This ‘evidence’ is as implausible as the physiologically impossible ‘evidence’ on which the Rev Emyr Owen from Tywyn was convicted in 1985, after he was accused of chopping penises off corpses and eliciting erections in the severed penises – penises which were never actually found (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

So it must have been most convenient when Richard Kemp crashed his car in Machynlleth – just after the police had been told to look out for any incidents involving that car – killing a pregnant Minister’s wife in the process (the local people liked Richard and Christine remember which could have caused the police difficulties), whilst those scraps of paper with ‘hydrazine hydrate’ written on them were in the car belonging to Mr Big. The only thing that the police seemed to have forgotten to mention was that the writing on the paper was in lemon juice and that they read it by warming the paper up, a la Fatty in the ‘Five Find-Outers’ as conjured up by the imagination of Enid Blyton. Although I seem to remember that Fatty’s nemesis was actually a foul incompetent policeman called Mr Goon – one wonders how Fatty never found himself fitted up for dealing to the ‘Secret Seven’.

The bits of paper constituted the solid evidence needed for Dick Lee and his mates such as Detective Inspector Derek Godfrey from Scotland Yard to convince the Home Office and ACPO that a massive police operation across the UK was needed. Not that ACPO will have needed that much convincing – the President was Sir Philip Myers the Chief Constable of North Wales. In Feb 1976 a meeting was held at Brecon between a number of Chief Constables and senior drug squad officers and a multiforce operation was arranged which evolved into Operation Julie. In May 1976 officers from Operation Julie had moved into the house overlooking Richard Kemp’s cottage and had placed him and Christine under constant surveillance. After Operation Julie concluded, other police officers revealed their concerns that not only had Operation Julie been the preserve of some not very competent senior officers with massive egos who liked to think of themselves as supercops, but that the whole Operation had been conducted in secrecy without the knowledge of or scrutiny of anyone else. Dick Lee had created exactly what he and his mates had dreamed of – an ‘elite’ squad independent of the rest of the force, answerable to no-one.

In 1976 a man working with children was found guilty by Talgarth Magistrates Court (Talgarth is near Brecon) of two counts of indecent assault on boys from the Bryn Alyn Community.

Although in Dick Lee’s opinion Richard Kemp was Mr Big, even after the police put him and his friends at Plas Llysyn under intense surveillance they didn’t find the sort of evidence that one would have expected to find in world leading LSD factories, although Neville Dunnett, a Home Office scientist and forensics expert, believed that the Plas was an LSD factory. Obviously the police found the animals who had all been tripping and the water from the cellar which was obliging enough to match samples of LSD in the possession of the police, but they didn’t find much else – until on the day of the big swoop in March 1977 when they did dig up some LSD making equipment from a well at Plas Llysyn. The police didn’t actually manage to even find much LSD in their first raid on Kemp’s house in March 1977, the date on which Julie conducted simultaneous raids on 87 homes across England, Wales and the Dordogne. It was only when they raided Kemp and Christine’s house again in Dec 1977 that they found £1000 cash in a package and a plastic box containing the mind-blowing quantity of LSD  that confirmed that the biggest LSD factory in the world was down at Tregaron run by the boyfriend of a doctor who bred goats.

The biggest LSD factory in the world certainly took some detecting. The surveillance equipment used to maintain a 24 hour watch on Richard Kemp and Christine Bott was top of the range stuff and had been supplied by the security services at Whitehall.

The centre of the action may have been in mid-Wales dangerously near to all those corrupt professionals who had a thing about hippies – whilst the corrupt professionals within spitting distance were afforded protection by the security services and the Home Office as they facilitated a paedophile ring with links to organised crime dealing in child prostitution, porn, drugs and trafficking – but the identities and backgrounds of some of the senior officers involved in Operation Julie is more than enough to ring alarm bells.

Stephen Bentley was plucked from the Hampshire Drug Squad to work on Operation Julie. He had grown up on Merseyside and before joining the Hampshire Drug Squad he had worked as a police officer in the Merseyside/Lancashire area. Bentley’s book mentions the most extraordinary situation involving the South West Lancashire CID Task Force before he went south  – they had set up their temporary HQ in Knowsley Hall, a stately home near Liverpool, the family seat of the Earl of Derby. Bentley explains that allowing the police to use Knowsley Hall as their HQ assisted the 18th Earl of Derby with the financial strain of the upkeep of his house. Earl Derby aka Lord Edward Stanley soon found a longer term solution to his financial problems – in 1971 he created Knowsley Zoo and Wildlife Park in the grounds of the house. Bentley does not tell us whether anyone questioned whether it was right and proper for the police to be camping out in someone’s stately home whilst they conducted enquiries.

Lord Edward Stanley was Deputy Lieutenant of Lancashire, 1946-51 and Lord Lieutenant of Lancashire, 1951-68. He was Pro-Chancellor of Lancaster University, 1964-71. Lord Stanley was Director of Martin’s Bank – as well as a Director of Granada Television.

There was a TV documentary made about Operation Julie, ‘from the police perspective’. It was made by Bob Mahoney for Tyne Tees TV.

So Dick Lee from Scotland Yard persuaded the Home Office and the ACPO to set up Operation Julie after the discovery of those scraps of paper in Kemp’s car. Bentley admits that in the mid-70s ‘corruption was rife in certain departments and squads’ of the Metropolitan Police. After Operation Julie, Lee left the police force and became a freelance journalist. Well after all that glowing publicity surrounding the hefty sentences handed down to those who were about to poison the country’s drinking water and addle the brains of our youth, Dick Lee was far too famous to waste his time being a policeman. Other members of the police force were critical of his published work, suggesting that the content compromised police operations.

In 1977 one of the venues used to hold the briefings regarding the Operation Julie raids was the fifth floor of Tintagel House at Lambeth, a building which housed some departments of the Met. The Flying Squad and other CID departments were excluded from the Tintagel House briefings, although Stephen Bentley mentions that the SPG (Special Control Group) attended ‘in force’. The SPG were the contingent from the Met who took advantage of their position to violently assault ethnic minorities and lefties. In 1979 one of the officers from the SPG succeeding in killing Blair Peach, a teacher who was on an anti-NF march. The officer was did this was never publicly named let alone charged although other members of the SPG admitted that they knew his identity.

The ‘nerve centre’ of Operation Julie was established at Devizes, in the HQ of the Wiltshire Constabulary – the hub of the operation later moved to Swindon. It has now been admitted by his Tory colleagues that Sir Peter Morrison, Tory MP for Chester, 1974-92 and an aide to Margaret Thatcher, was abusing children. Morrison was known to have abused children in children’s homes in north Wales. Peter Morrison’s father was John Morrison, the 1st Baron Margadale, Conservative MP for Salisbury, 1942-65, whose family seat and estates were in Wiltshire. John Morrison was Lord Lieutenant of Wiltshire, 1969-81. Lord Lieutenants tend to spend time with Chief Constables among other people. Peter Morrison’s elder brother Charles managed the family estates and in 1964 was elected as Tory MP for Devizes. He remained MP for Devizes until 1992 and was a friend and supporter of Ted Heath. Charles had been influential in Wiltshire before he became their MP – in 1958 he became a member of Wiltshire County Council and he Chaired the Education Committee, 1963-64. Charles Morrison’s wife was related to Ian Fleming by marriage and an article that Ian Fleming wrote entitled ‘To Westminster With Love’ opened with the words ‘Charles Morrison – Licensed To Kill’. Well somebody certainly was and it wasn’t a bunch of hippies in mid-Wales. Charles and Peter’s sister, Mary Morrison, has been Woman of the Bedchamber to Queen Elizabeth II for over fifty years.

Detective Superintendent Dennis Greenslade was drafted into Operation Julie from the Regional Crime Squad based in Bristol – Bentley remembers that Greenslade too was very unpopular – and Greenslade’s colleague from Avon and Somerset Police, Detective Chief Inspector Herbert also worked on Operation Julie. Greenslade was another officer who supported the creation of a national drug squad. The drug squad in the West Country during the 70s and 80s conducted themselves pretty much as the drug squad in North Wales did – dope smoking hippies and teenagers were pursued by the police and treated as serious criminals whilst far more serious crime was ignored. I knew of corruption in the drug squad in both Bristol and Taunton at the time of Operation Julie. Two corrupt drug squad detectives in Taunton were demoted and ordered to go back into uniform as plods on the beat, but they still managed to have the family of a local school girl who had been wrongly accused as a result of a school teacher’s idiocy threatened at gunpoint – whilst the man with the gun did this, he made a reference to the unsolved murder of a housewife from Bath, Mrs Beryl Culverwell. I also knew of a police constable from Bristol who was thrown out of the force for dealing in heroin but was quite miffed about this because he maintained that the other officers who had been doing it with him had all remained in the force. I knew of someone else who was arrested for the possession of cannabis, taken to Bridgwater Police Station where he was assaulted and then had his own cannabis sold back to him by the police. The Chief Constable of Avon and Somerset Constabulary, 1974-79 was Kenneth Steele.

Whilst Kenneth Steele and his officers were pursuing school children and threatening to murder members of their families, they accused Norman Scott of shooting his own dog as a publicity stunt after John Newton – the hit man who told the Old Bailey in 1979 that he had been paid by Jeremy Thorpe to kill Norman – killed Norman’s dog and then tried to kill Norman but was prevented from doing so when his gun jammed (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’).

There is a further link with Jeremy Thorpe mentioned by Stephen Bentley. Bentley talks about a lady called Pam who owned a house in the locality under observation and rented it out to some of the Operation Julie officers. Pam also had a home in Bayswater in London at Orme Square – Jeremy Thorpe was Pam’s neighbour. Pam had celeb connections by marriage – she was the ex of John Mayall who had been in a band with Eric Clapton. My post ’95 Glorious Years!’ explains how a great many very unpleasant things happened to Francis Ormsby-Gore in a way that leads me to suspect that he may have been targeted by the paedophiles’ friends. Francis’s sister Alice died from a heroin overdose – she was the former partner of Eric Clapton. Clapton has admitted that he treated her appallingly, as well as introducing her to the joys of heroin addiction, only to give it up himself leaving her in a mess.

Bentley mentions connections to other celebrities that I have previously heard had used those abused and trafficked by the paedophile gang in north Wales and he also mentions meeting Michael Wilding junior, the son of Elizabeth Taylor, at a party near Devil’s Bridge a few miles away from Aberystwyth. The interesting thing about rural Wales is that although it was and is sneered at by those who imagine themselves to be metropolitan sophisticates a cut above the sheepshaggers, Wales is quite nice really and the people who make derogatory comments about its permanent inhabitants do nonetheless like to make visits to Wales or to even acquire a second home there. Among those people there was always a cohort who liked taking drugs and having sex with much younger people who were poor and not in the least bit famous.

Whilst dealing with Pam, Bentley discovered a few things familiar to anyone who has had been on the receiving end of the paedophiles’ friends: that the police in Wales are very strongly influenced by Freemasonry and that this exerts a corrupting force upon them; that police business is openly gossiped about and discussed with other people who are not police officers in a way that it shouldn’t be; and that often the wives of police officers know almost as much about police business as their husbands do. Bentley also discovered that Pam was very friendly with a police officer based at Lampeter Police Station whom Bentley felt could not be trusted and thus the Operation Julie team had no dealings with the police at Lampeter.

The biggest acid lab in the world in mid-Wales was alleged to be connected to another acid lab in Hampton Wick, Greater London, which was placed under surveillance by a police team from RAF Hendon in Oct 1976. The police maintained that these ‘two drug rings’ had begun as one organisation. They maintained that a Henry Todd – remember ‘a man called Henry’ whom Gerry Thomas had mentioned to the authorities in Canada? – had been the person handling the sales of the LSD produced in mid-Wales because the mid-Wales cohort were producing so much LSD that they couldn’t handle the sales by themselves. The police alleged that Todd and the ‘organisation’ had been based in Cambridge but had then set up one ‘ring’ in mid-Wales and had recruited an Andy Munro to work as a chemist in a house at Hampton Wick. Henry Todd was imprisoned for eight years.

David Solomon received a ten year prison sentence, despite there being very little evidence to link him with the LSD factory at all – he had actually been in New York throughout most of Operation Julie. It was Solomon’s conviction that enabled the police to tell the world that Kemp and Chrstine had connections with Timothy Leary – Dick Lee had actually spent a great deal of time trying to find evidence of this but couldn’t.

Stephen Bentley’s book mentions that Operation Julie also utilised the services of Detective Superintendent Gerry Squires from the City of London Police Fraud Squad in tracing the assets of those running the biggest acid factory in the history of the world. Assets did play a role in the trial at Bristol, but Bentley mentions links to profits in Vancouver from a heroin business and a group of doctors and lawyers who were providing the money to buy $3 million worth of heroin. I can’t find any mention of them being put on trial.

 

All branches of Operation Julie was either working directly in the locations where the paedophile gang based in north Wales and their friends were running their enormous well-oiled machine or very close by. Not only was Operation Julie involved in a surveillance operation in Wales, the heart of the paedophiles’ friends territory, but they were holding briefing meetings in Lambeth whilst Lambeth Borough Council’s social services dept had been infiltrated with paedophiles and whilst Lambeth were also sending children in their care into the clutches of John Allen ‘on placement’. Rob Evans, who was one of the managers of Gwynedd Social Services children’s homes under the regime of Ioan Bowen Rees in the 80s, had been recruited from the West Country where he had been a ‘team leader’.  Talgarth Magistrates Court, where a man had been found guilty of indecently assaulting boys from John Allen’s empire, was a short drive down the road from Brecon , the meeting point of the ‘supercops’ where they agreed to establish Operation Julie – the case at Talgarth happened in the same year as the discussions in Brecon.

I cannot understand how Operation Julie did not stumble across the paedophile gang that was operating in Wales – which dealt in drugs as well as in child sex – which only continued business unhindered throughout Operation Julie, but expanded their business. Perhaps Stephen Bentley and his colleagues did know about John Allen, Dafydd et al but Bentley just didn’t mention them in his book.

So who was Home Secretary whilst the police and the criminal justice system concerned themselves with wild animals who had taken LSD, whilst an absolute fortune was squandered on an investigation that imprisoned eccentric young people who at most were users of drugs themselves and small time dealers, whilst highly implausible evidence was found at convenient times and whilst clairvoyant police officers also seemed to know that there would soon be an incident involving Richard Kemp’s car in west or mid-Wales – an incident which when it happened involved the death of a young woman – yet ordered their officers on the ground not to go near a gang of very serious criminals who had colonised much of Wales?

The Home Secretary who agreed to set up Operation Julie on the basis of animals with a penchant for hallucinogens and Dick Lee’s psychic abilities was Roy Jenkins. Roy has starred on this blog recently and did a great many favours for the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part I) – Jenkins had also been Home Secretary at an earlier time in the 60s under Harold Wilson when Bryn Estyn, one of the children’s homes in north Wales with some of the highest levels of child abuse, had been directly managed by the Home Office. The Home Secretary who was in office during most of the investigation whilst gangsters who killed some of their victims as well as some witnesses but were allowed to go about their business unhindered and while the flimsiest evidence – some of which was very obviously fabricated – was deemed sufficient to imprison people for years was Merlyn Rees. Merlyn was another man who was a loyal paedophiles’ friend (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’). Roy Jenkins was appointed by Harold Wilson and Merlyn Rees was appointed by Jim Callaghan.

Who was the DPP who approved the prosecution of people on the basis of the fantasies of some bent coppers? The DPP who was in place during the earlier fit-ups of the suspects will have been Sir Norman Skelhorn. Skelhorn was DPP 1964-77 and before he retired there was huge concern expressed in many quarters regarding the practices of the police and the sheer number of miscarriages of justice that seemed to be occurring. In 1972 Skelhorn had granted the bank robber Bertie Smalls, Britain’s first supergrass, immunity from prosecution in a deal described by the Law Lords as ‘unholy’. The criticism constantly levelled at supergrasses is that they may be tempted to tell a pack of lies and name innocent people in return for lenient treatment. Skelhorn has also found his place in history as a result of admitting that whilst he was DPP terrorist suspects in N Ireland had been tortured and told a meeting of Harvard Law School Forum – after it had been agreed by Heath that torture should not happen under any circumstances – that when dealing with ‘Irish terrorists’, any methods were justified. In April 1976 after Young Liberal Peter Hain was cleared of robbery at a branch of Barclays Bank, six Liberal MPs led by David Steel demanded Skelhorn’s resignation. I don’t suppose Steel et al could dish too much dirt on Skelhorn though – because there was the matter of the doings of Cyril Smith and Jeremy Thorpe to consider.

Sir Norman Skelhorn was an active Freemason.

Upon Skelhorn’s retirement, Merlyn Rees appointed Sir Thomas ‘Tony’ Hetherington as DPP and it will have been Hetherington who was in office when the later Operation Julie prosecutions were prepared. Hetherington remained as DPP until 1987 and became the first head of the CPS when it was formed in 1986. The CPS that subsequently refused to prosecute in so many cases connected to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal or those child abuse cases involving Cyril Smith, Greville Janner and others. Hetherington did make the decision to prosecute Jeremy Thorpe however, although after that trial he might as well have not bothered (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). Hetherington lied to two newspapers about never receiving police information concerning Cyril Smith. During his later years as DPP he oversaw a number of major changes introduced in the wake of concerns raised during Skelhorn’s incumbency eg. the introduction of PACE in 1984 and the creation of the CPS.

Hetherington was the son of a Top Doctor who was educated at Rugby and Christ Church, Oxford and was called to the Bar in 1952. He was the first DPP who was a career civil servant. He became part of the team supporting the Attorney-General and Solicitor General in 1962 and was head of the permanent legal staff supporting the Law Officers (A-G and SG), 1966-76. So Hetherington was the man behind Normal Skelhorn. He was appointed Deputy Treasury Solicitor in 1975. Which was when the Treasury Solicitor’s office was in the process of ruining Mary Wynch and illegally divesting her of her property (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). As part of his mission to shine a light on the organs of the DPP, Hetherington allowed BBC Panorama’s team to film the DPP’s office at work. It was considered a very daring move, but I suspect that the BBC were happy to do their Lord Haw-Haw bit.

Hetherington was knighted in 1979. Which was the year that Thorpe was acquitted of conspiracy and incitement to murder. It was Hetherington who failed to prosecute any SPG officers after the death of Blair Peach.

The Attorney General, 1974-79, was Samuel Silkin. Silkin was a barrister from a well-known Labour family (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part I’). His father Lewis Silkin was the Labour MP for Peckham and a Minister in Attlee’s Cabinet, 1945-50 and his brother John Silkin was also a Labour MP and Cabinet Minister. John Silkin was very influential and at one point looked as though he would become leader of the Labour Party. Samuel Silkin retired in 1983 and was given a peerage in 1985. He Chaired the Society of Labour Lawyers.

The Solicitor General, 1974-79, was Peter Archer, a Labour MP for the West Midlands. Between 1967-70 Archer had been PPS to that good friend of the paedophiles Sir Elwyn-Jones whilst Elwyn-Jones was Attorney-General. In 1969 Archer was Britain’s representative on the UN’s ‘third committee’ on Human Rights. He was a founder member of the Amnesty International  Committee in 1961 and Chairman of Amnesty International’s UK section, 1971-74, as well as being a member in the Anti-Slavery Society. Archer was an extremely active member of the Fabian Society – he sat on the executive committee, 1974-86, was Chairman, 1980-81 and from 1993 until his death in 2012 he was President. He was also a leading figure in the Society of Labour Lawyers.

In his capacity as Solicitor General Archer authorised prosecutions in N Ireland.

Archer was close to Samuel Silkin when Labour were in opposition. When Silkin retired after Labour’s defeat in 1979, Archer was passed over for the role of Shadow A-G by one of the best friends that the paedophiles have ever had, former Secretary of State for Wales Lord John Morris. Peter Archer was Chief Legal Spokesman in Michael Foot’s Shadow Cabinet in 1981. In 1982 Archer became a Crown Court Recorder – he concentrated on his career at the criminal Bar after Labour’s defeat in 1970.

Archer was Shadow Secretary of State for N Ireland under Neil Kinnock, 1983-87. In 1986 he urged the reconsideration of the case of the Birmingham Six and in 1987 was not returned to the Shadow Cabinet.

Archer was a Christian Socialist and was always used as the living embodiment of ‘the Labour Party owes more to Methodism than to Marxism’ – Archer was very active in the Methodist Church in the Black Country and worked as a lay preacher.

In 1992, that excellent year for the paedophiles’ friends when so many good things happened for them including the murder of five witnesses by a petrol bomb just a few days after the General Election (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’), Archer picked up a peerage.

In 1998 Blair appointed Archer to make recommendations concerning the claims from the families of Holocaust victims whose assets in Britain were seized – Archer Chaired the £25 million compensation fund. Archer also led the 2007 ‘Tainted Blood’ Inquiry.

 

There has been huge quantities written about Operation Julie, but because so much was written by journalists who had close connections with the police I haven’t spent time reading much of it. It is established that the police had a hotline to many media outlets and were able to ensure that the story that reached the general public was one of heroic cops sending down dangerous criminals who presented a threat to western civilisation. Stephen Bentley mentions going out boozing with Colin Willis, the showbiz editor no less of the Daily Mirror and the evening ending in a huge punch-up between Bentley and some other folk – imagine the headlines if the ‘hippies’ had done that and it had been witnessed by a journalist. The Earl of Derby who obviously had a very cosy relationship with the police in the north west of England was a Director of Granada TV. Lawrence Byford, the Chief Constable of Lincolnshire at the time of Operation Julie, had a son – Mark – who worked for the BBC and who eventually reached the very top of that organisation.

Most of the people who were convicted have since died without their stories being told, although Lief Fielding did write a book.

So I have no idea why the police and full forces of the Home Office descended upon Richard Kemp and Christine Bott in 1975. I remember that in the case of the Macguire Seven, the reason why someone named Annie Macguire as an IRA bomb-maker after being duffed up by the police was that it was such a ludicrous notion that they were sure that the police would never make anything stick and Annie would be safe. In the event the police convinced themselves and a Court that this respectable middle-aged woman who was a member of the Tory Party and had nothing to do with Republican activism or politics, was indeed running a bomb factory from her kitchen and employed members of her family, including a 15 year old boy, to assist her. Oh and Annie Macguire was sexually assaulted in custody as well. At the time the British press ran lurid headlines about Aunt Annie’s bomb kitchen. When Annie Macguire was released from prison – after years – the running theme of her story was that she had no idea that such things could actually happen in Britain. The Macguire Seven were convicted in 1976 – the Guildford Four and Birmingham Six were convicted in 1975. Perhaps Gerry Thomas named Richard and Christine in an attempt to give some information, any information, to the authorities in Canada, thinking that it was such a ludicrous notion that they were supplying the whole world with LSD that charges would never stick. Or perhaps Gerry Thomas was unscrupulous, knew how daft the authorities were, told them a load of poppycock in order to get himself a lighter sentence and didn’t care what the consequences were for anyone else.

At the trial in Bristol, Sir Henry Park lavished praise on the officers of Operation Julie and complimented them on their ‘intelligent handling’ of the material. Including presumably the evidence of the mole, the rat and the frog who had all been tripping. Between 1970-74 Henry Park was the Presiding Judge of the Western Circuit – he was very well known in the West Country and almost certainly knew the senior officers in the Avon and Somerset Constabulary.

My post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron’ describes how Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was actually given the remit to provide ‘substance abuse services’ in north Wales via his charity CAIS, upon whose Board sits some of the people named in the Waterhouse Report as failing to respond to the presence of a paedophile ring in north Wales, although they were senior managers in the social services.

Dafydd set up CAIS in 1977. In the 1972 the Chief Constable of North Wales Sir Philip Myers was the police’s representative on the Advisory Council for the Misuse of Drugs.

 

 

 

 

 

Those Lawyers and Judges Involved In The Mary Wynch Case

As promised, here’s a bit of background on the lawyers and judges involved in Mary’s case. (Please can I ask new readers of the blog to refer to my previous posts ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’ and ‘Post-Script: The Mary Wynch Case – The Details’ for the details of Mary’s case and why it was both so worrying and so important.)

Firstly, the solicitors who represented Mary – B.M. Birnberg. They are currently listed as a firm in Camden. I presume that they were London based when they represented Mary – I do not think that she would have been able to find a firm in north Wales to represent her after what had gone on. If one googles Colin Braham, who was named in the Court documents as Counsel for Mary, again one ends up at a firm of lawyers in Camden. The other Counsel who acted for Mary was John MacDonald. He too is a barrister based in Camden. MacDonald has a very successful practice and has been involved in some high profile cases but there’s no cases similar to Mary’s flagged up on his website. So Mary’s solicitors didn’t engage the services of someone like Michael Mansfield who was known for taking cases against the British state – although Mary had encountered very big problems with the British state indeed. Dafydd Alun Jones and Paul Bishop were represented by Hempsons, the solicitors who act for the Medical Defence Union. Some two years later, Hempsons acted for Dafydd Alun Jones’s colleague, Dr Tony Francis (previously referred to on the blog as ‘Dr X’). Francis had used Hempsons to obtain an injunction against me – although Francis had perjured himself in order to do this – in order to stop me writing to him no less, when I was trying to follow up a serious complaint which involved Francis and Jones breaking the law and to access my medical records. Come on Hempsons, you knew that something was going badly wrong in the mental health services in north Wales, because by the time that you were serving injunctions on me, negligence had been admitted in Mary’s case and I had mentioned Dafydd Alun Jones’s name repeatedly in the letters that I had written to Francis… (Please see previous posts for more information on the activities of Hempsons in my own case and one of their solicitors, Anne Ball.) The Counsel used by Hempsons was one Jon Williams – I have not been able to find any references to him (he may of course have been a John Williams, the Court documents are full of errors and misspellings). The Treasury Solicitor represented the Home Office and Paul Hayward’s estate and Counsel acting on their behalf was Christopher Symons. The Treasury Solicitor’s Department is now called the Government Legal Department. The Treasury Solicitor’s Department is described as ‘a non-ministerial Government department that provided legal services to the majority of central government departments and other publicly funded bodies in England and Wales’.

Now for the really interesting bit. Mary was committed to prison and then released into the ‘care’ of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones at the North Wales Hospital by one James Blackett-Ord, who enjoyed the title of ‘His Honour the Vice-Chancellor of the County of Palatine of Lancaster’. James Blackett-Ord was actually a circuit judge. However his glorious title conferred upon him another role- to exercise general supervision over the conduct of the Chancery Division business in the north of England. The Chancery Division is a Division of the High Court of England and Wales and deals with business law, trust law, probate law, insolvency and land law in relation to issues of equity. So Blackett-Ord was effectively judging on a case that it was his role to oversee. Conflict of interest anyone? It gets much worse. The Vice-Chancellor of the County of Palatine of Lancaster is appointed by the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster after consultation with the Lord Chancellor. The Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster is a Ministerial Office of Government appointed by the Queen on the advice of, or by, the Prime Minister. Mary’s mother’s estate – the original source of the dispute – was administered by the Public Trustee (one of Mary’s later legal actions was against the Public Trustee). The Public Trustee is appointed by the Lord Chancellor – as well as Blackett-Ord! There was nothing impartial about this judge. But I haven’t finished (not by a long way). The Lord Chancellor was also in charge of the investigation into Mary’s case that the MPs in Parliament were referring to in 1993 and 1995.

Are we surprised that Mary was ruined?

But my research into Blackett-Ord turned up something else interesting. After Blackett-Ord’s time as the Vice-Chancellor of the County of Palatine of Lancaster ended in 1987 (he is described as ‘stepping down’) from then on the office was held by a High Court judge of the Chancery Division. Was this perchance related to the shit that hit the fan over Mary’s case? Blackett-Ord died a few years ago and his obituaries described him as a ‘churchman’ and a ‘landowner’ from Northumberland – they also remarked on how much he enjoyed being the Vice-Chancellor of the County of Palatine of Lancaster. They do not explain why he completely shafted a respectable middle aged woman from north Wales who had been swindled by some local solicitors by having her arrested and then handed her over to man who’s mistress was facilitating a paedophile ring to be illegally banged up in an asylum for a year.

Before we leave the subject of Blackett-Ord, I’ll just take a brief diversion into politics. Previous posts mentioned that Mary’s problems occurred on the watch of Margaret Thatcher and John Major (more on the Ministers involved is coming in a future post as promised). But my co-researcher has reminded me of something very important. Mary’s problems began before Thatcher was elected. When Mary was arrested in October 1977, Jim Callaghan was Prime Minister and when Mary was swindled out of her mother’s estate Ted Heath was Prime Minister. Blackett-Ord was appointed in 1972 – the year of Mary’s mother’s death and the original dispute. When Blackett-Ord was appointed, the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster was Geoffrey Rippon or John Davies (Conservatives) and the Lord Chancellor was Lord Hailsham, Quintin Hogg (Conservative). (Hogg was the man who, after Argentina surrendered following the invasion of the Falklands, famously told a TV crew that it was God wot had won it for us. But being Quintin Hogg he said it in Latin. If the old bastard was still alive perhaps he could have explained why he appointed a crook to high office – in Latin of course.) At the time of Mary’s arrest, the Lord Chancellor was Lord Elwyn-Jones (Labour) and the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster was Harold Lever (Labour). There will be more on these politicians in a future post.

The judge who rejected Mary’s initial appeal was Justice Otton. This will have been Sir Philip Otton. I can find very little information about Otton, other than he once sentenced the Spectator’s notorious gossip columnist Taki to prison – Taki maintains that not only did Otton later express regret at imprisoning him, but that a key witness at the trial later admitted perjuring himself.

However of course Mary appealed to the Master of the Rolls, Lord Donaldson, who, sitting with Lords Justices Parker and Balcombe, allowed her appeal and gave her leave to sue. Lord Justice Parker was Sir Roger Parker who it was alleged by a colleague didn’t end up in the House of Lords because his ‘outspokenness on the administration of justice’ ruffled a few feathers. Were those feathers ruffled perhaps by his fair treatment of a lady who had been swindled and illegally imprisoned by an awful lot of people who had pals in high places? Lord Justice Balcombe was Sir John Balcombe. Lord Donaldson was Lord John Donaldson, Master of the Rolls between 1982 and 1992, succeeding Lord Denning. John Donaldson was the son of a Harley Street gynaecologist – Donaldson married a nurse from the Middlesex Hospital and when he was young had ambitions to be a Tory MP. He is remembered for presiding over the trials of the Guildford Four and MacGuire Seven, both notorious miscarriages of justice. He famously remarked that he wished that he could have sentenced the Guildford Four to hanging. Between 1971 and 1974 he was President of the Industrial Relations Tribunal – the Unions hated him, calling him ‘Black Jack’. He was appointed a Lord Justice of Appeal by Thatcher two months after she was elected. Despite his conservatism, Donaldson had a reputation even among radical lawyers as having a ‘passion for justice’ on civil liberties issues. Donaldson pushed through legal reforms, failed to do the Government’s bidding when they wanted Peter Wright’s ‘Spycatcher’ censored and also supported Private Eye in a number of cases. In retrospect, he is considered to have been relatively progressive. Interestingly enough I have found a quote from Lord Elwyn-Jones, the Lord Chancellor at the time of Mary’s arrest, who acknowledged that at the time Donaldson deserved promotion to the Court of Appeal but that it would be ‘more trouble than it was worth’.

NB. The former Labour MP for Conwy, Sir Elwyn Jones, had previously worked as a solicitor in Bangor. His son Elwyn Jones was also a solicitor in Bangor. Neither of these are the same man as Lord Elwyn-Jones.  It is interesting however that Mary’s original problems began with her allegations that there had been misconduct on the part of a number of local solicitors. Mary lived in Caernarfon – about eight miles away from Bangor – and even then provincial lawyers in north Wales seemed very well networked into bigger fish elsewhere.