Those Who Are Ready To Serve

Some of my recent posts eg. ‘The Village’ and ‘The Turn Of The Screw’ and additions to my posts by the use of the ‘comments’ facility have mentioned how a number people in Somerset with links to the Tory Party who knew me before I went to UCNW (Bangor University) in 1981 found out about my battles with Dafydd and the sex trafficking gang and put this information to good use, receiving large quantities of dosh from persons unknown in return for their silence in the face of the horrific things which were happening to me and my friends as well as in return for their silence if I went to prison or was found dead.

I continue to receive information about – and yet more names of – those who knew me who decided to take advantage. I did notice at the time that a number of people whom I’d known in Somerset seemed to do spectacularly well for themselves, inexplicably so.  I have been told that less fortunate people who knew Brown and me who drifted into petty crime were paid to smear us and for info, but it was of course those who aspired and with influential connections whom I have been told really spotted the potential.

So let me introduce one of my playmates from when I was about six yrs old, along with some information regarding her later career – Janet Mitchell. Janet was Janet Sims when I knew her and most unusually for a girl in Somerset in those days, Janet became an engineer. Janet’s dad Fred Sims was a lecturer in mechanics at Bridgwater College. Janet wanted to follow in her dad’s footsteps, but had rather more academic aspirations so she aimed for an engineering degree. She didn’t do very well in her A levels, so she didn’t go to university after the sixth form, she took up an apprenticeship and completed academic qualifications when she was a bit older.

In 1982 Janet began working as an engineer at Westland Helicopters in Yeovil. Westland was a company which struggled all the way through the 1970s. It was a major news item on ‘Points West’ if somebody actually bought a helicopter, or even looked as though they might be reaching for their chequebook. In mid-1980s, by the time that Brown and I had begun writing to Ministers and the GMC about the Top Docs et al in north Wales, Westland became world famous as a result of the then Secretary of State for Defence Michael Heseltine’s robust support for the ailing company. People in Somerset thought it entirely reasonable that Heseltine seemed to be staking his career on the future of Westland, but the big wigs in politics and the London-based media ranted on about Heseltine’s inexplicable interest in a ‘small West Country company’.  It was a company which employed my former childhood playmate who’s mum and a few others knew what was happening to me at the hands of a branch of the Westminster Paedophile Ring and that had at some point been brought to Heseltine’s attention. Securing Heseltine’s backing was a real coup for Westland, it ailed no more and Janet’s career soon took off like a meteorite.

 

The Westland Affair involved Thatch and Heseltine going public over a Cabinet dispute with questions raised about whether the conventions of Cabinet Gov’t were being observed and about the integrity of senior politicians.

Westland was Britain’s last helicopter manufacturer and in 1985 was to be the subject of a rescue bid. Heseltine favoured a European solution, integrating Westland with a consortium including British Aerospace (BAe), Italian (Augusta) and French companies, but Thatch and the Trade and Industry Secretary, Leon Brittan, while ostensibly maintaining a neutral stance, wanted to see Westland merge with Sikorsky, an American company.

Heseltine refused to accept Thatcher’s choice and claimed that Thatcher was refusing to allow a free ministerial discussion about the matter, even suggesting she had lied about cancelling a scheduled meeting. When Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for his European consortium, he resigned and walked out of a Cabinet meeting in Jan 1986. Brittan was then forced to resign for having (on the orders of Thatcher’s aides, as he admitted some years later) previously ordered the leaking to the press of a confidential legal letter critical of Heseltine and for his lack of candour to the Commons about his efforts to persuade BAe to withdraw from Heseltine’s consortium. Thatcher’s survival as PM appeared to be in question, although she rode out the crisis. The episode was an embarrassment to Thatch’s Gov’t and undermined her reputation.

Now for the details of the scrap and those involved.

 

The rescue of Westland came as a great relief to the MPs in the area, Westland having previously been in deep trouble and an embarrassment. MPs with an interest included Tom King (Tory, Bridgwater), Paddy Ashdown (Lib Dem, Yeovil); Bob Boscawen (Tory, Somerton and Frome), David Heathcoat-Amory (Tory, Wells) and Jerry Wiggin (Tory, Weston-Super-Mare).

I have mentioned that Tom King was personally known to the people in Somerset who knew me and who received money in return for their silence, but at least one of them knew Jerry Wiggin as well and one of them aspired to get up close and personal with Paddy Ashdown, but I don’t know if that plan succeeded.

 

At the beginning of the Westland crisis Tom King was Secretary of State for Employment and his Minister of State was Sir Peter Morrison, who was abusing kids in north Wales, Cheshire as well as in other locations. On Sept 2, 1985, King was made N Ireland Secretary, where he was involved in concealing the scandal at the Kincora Boys’ Home, which was even worse than, but linked to, Dafydd and the gang in north Wales. On Sept 2, 1985, Peter Morrison was appointed Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan – who was involved in the decisions regarding Westland…

Tom King was given a peerage in 2001, the year after the Waterhouse Report was published, as the voices denouncing it as a whitewash began to fade.

 

Sir Jerry Wiggin was a farmer who was on the right of the Tory Party, a member of the Monday Club and a supporter of Ian Smith in Rhodesia. Wiggin was something of a bon viveur with his own ‘set’, usually high-living and right-wing Sir Bufton Tuftons. I remember well the Sir Buftons from my youth. Wiggin’s judgement was doubted by senior Tories and ‘Private Eye’ called him ‘Junket Jerry’ because of his frequent trips abroad. In 1981 Wiggin became a junior Minister at the Ministry of Defence, covering the armed forces; it was left to him to defend the withdrawal of the naval ice patrol ship Endurance from the South Atlantic, which is often seen as having been the trigger for the Argentine invasion of the Falklands in 1982. Wiggin was dismissed from the post a year later. On the eve of a Gov’t reshuffle in June 1983, Wiggin anticipated a promotion and was surprised to be sacked. Despite his pleading and invocation of his experience as a major in the TA, Thatch was unmoved. It was speculated that she may have heard rumours that Wiggin was something of a ‘chancer’ who had diverted an RAF helicopter to visit a girlfriend. At the time, he and his wife Rosemary Orr had recently divorced and Wiggin claimed massive trauma.

Wiggin’s son from his first marriage, William, the Conservative MP for Leominster from 2001, was a year ahead of David Cameron at Eton and married a former girlfriend of Cameron’s. Wiggin’s son Thomas is an asset manager and his daughter Audrey an ‘executive coach’. Wiggin married for a second time in 1991 when Morella Bulmer – who had previously married into the family of the cider group – became his wife.

After Wiggin’s sacking, he ‘seemed to nourish a grudge’ against Thatch. In 1989 he voted for Sir Anthony Meyer when Meyer made a token challenge for the leadership, an extraordinary step given Wiggin’s political views. I have no idea whether Wiggin was aware of this, but Anthony Meyer knew about the havoc that Dafydd and the gang were causing in north Wales and Meyer not only decided to wound Thatch, but also fought a battle to prevent the toxic Beata Brookes, Dafydd and Lucille’s partner in serious organised crime, from becoming the MP for Clwyd West (see post ‘The Celtic Iron Lady And Yet More Recent History’).

Wiggin frequently rebelled in the Commons. In 1996 he defied the Whips over the Firearms Bill, which tightened the use of guns after the massacre of children in Dunblane. His objection was that the proposed level of compensation for those affected by the banning of firearms was inadequate, adding, ‘I am deeply ashamed of my government’. As indeed should he have been, but not for that reason.

Wiggin was knighted in 1993, at about the time (or shortly after) the North Wales Police wound up their investigation into child abuse in north Wales and announced that there was no evidence of a VIP paedophile ring in the region subjected to a high level cover-up. Wiggin retired from Parliament in 1997. Just as the Waterhouse Inquiry got going.

William Rees-Mogg, a former Editor of ‘The Times’, described Wiggin as ‘a shrewd politician — though perhaps closer to the intellectual tone of the rugby XV than of All Souls’. Mystic Mogg lived in Somerset himself whilst all this was going on.

 

I note that Jerry Wiggin was a junior Minister in the MoD at the time of the Falklands conflict. The village in Somerset where the people who knew me and received thousands of pounds in hush money also contained a family with two sons who had both joined the Army after leaving school – they both went to school with me. The older boy joined the Army first and then two years later his younger brother followed. The younger boy alleged the most terrible experiences – what would now be described as very, very serious bullying from NCOs, the sort of thing that was alleged to be happening at Deepcut. This young man was rash enough to try and give back what he was receiving – or at least claimed to be – and he belted an NCO. He was subjected to MoD disciplinary measures, but everything just backfired. He went wild, absolutely beserk, was transferred to what I think must have been a military prison and then there was some sort of Top Doc’s intervention. According to him, he was ferociously beaten constantly, kept naked in cells for days on end, denied contact with anyone etc. Eventually he was discharged and went straight home to his family, which was the first that they knew about it all, because he had not been allowed to communicate with anyone.

This young man’s father was a trade union activist – he was a farm worker who had been involved with the union for years – and he hit the roof when he heard what had happened. He approached the union movement, numerous politicians, lawyers, he really was determined to elicit an investigation into what had happened. He fought for quite a few years and got absolutely nowhere. Meanwhile, his eldest son, who seemed to get on much better in the Army, had been sent to serve in the Falklands conflict. When he returned to Somerset, he was angry and disillusioned with the Army, claiming that the other ranks had been put at risk by the incompetence of the officers and that his mates had died as a result. No-one wanted to hear what he had to say – Somerset was True Blue and nearly everyone supported Thatcher’s adventure in the South Atlantic. This man was viewed not as a voice from the front line but as a wicked traitor.

I don’t know how much substance there was in the allegations made by the two sons of this family, but I imagine that the same politicians who spent years doing the most disgusting deals in order to keep a lid on Dafydd et al crushed these two young men and their family underfoot.

 

Jerry Wiggin was the MP for Weston-super-Mare. Jeffrey Archer grew up there and his mother used to write a column on the ‘Weston Mercury’. When Archer was given a peerage, he became Lord Archer of Weston-super-Mare. I imagine that he will have retained many links with the area, despite being based in Cambridgeshire and London. Archer and his wife had a number of connections with people known to Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘Tuppence And His Fragrant Wife’). Peter Morrison succeeded Tuppence as Deputy Chairman of the Tory Party.

 

Paddy Ashdown, the MP for Yeovil at the time, is a former Royal Marine who was in the SBS and worked as an intelligence officer with MI6. Yeovil was Paddy’s wife Jane’s home town and in 1976 when Paddy was selected as the Liberal Party’s prospective parliamentary candidate for Yeovil, he took a job with Normalair Garrett, then part of the Westland Group. Paddy wasn’t elected until 1983. In 1981 he became a youth worker with Dorset County Council’s Youth Service, working on initiatives to help the young unemployed.

In the early 1980s, Rob Evans, the senior manager in Gwynedd Social Services with responsibility for child protection when the children’s services in Gwynedd hosted a paedophile ring, had been a social work Team Manager in Dorset. In 1992 Evans was given responsibility for managing the community mental health services in Gwynedd. Patients were threatened, assaulted and fitted up for crimes by mental health staff. The area had one of the highest suicide rates in the UK. Complaints were never investigated and even when Evans condescended to meet patients who had the most terrible experiences, Evans simply talked around the subject and nothing was ever resolved (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’).

 

Paddy Ashdown knew about Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith and the numerous other Parliamentary molesters. He knew about the biggest, most dangerous bag of shit of all, Kincora Boys’ Home in Belfast, as well as much else because of his work with MI6. Paddy was living the high life in Geneva before he rocked up scratching a living in Yeovil. It wasn’t an obvious career move and it is highly probable that Paddy had been deployed to the West Country by the security services because of Thorpe’s shenanigans in north Devon at the time. At the time of Westland, David Steel was leader of the Liberal Party and the Liberals had formed their Alliance with Dr Death’s bunch. David Steel was told about Cyril Smith abusing boys and ignored it and Dr Death was mates with some of the Top Docs in north Wales with whom I was having such terrible problems. Paddy became leader of the newly merged party, the Lib Dems, in 1988 and was always a one for attempting back room deals with the paedophiles’ friends in a desperate attempt to get into Gov’t.

At the time of the Westland Affair, the brother of the former Liberal MP John Pardoe lived in the same village as those receiving the dosh to keep quiet about events in north Wales. John Pardoe had been the MP for North Cornwall who lost his seat in 1979, because, it was perceived, as a result of his strong support for Jeremy Thorpe, who was at the time standing trial at the Old Bailey for conspiracy and incitement to murder Norman Scott (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). In the 1987 General Election campaign, John Pardoe was campaign manager for the SDP-Liberal Alliance. When he was at Cambridge, John Pardoe was in Footlights with Top Tosser Jonathan Miller, who was called upon himself to come to the rescue of the paedophiles’ friends of north Wales (see post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’).

I have not been told that John Pardoe’s brother was involved with those we know and love – Brown and me knew him quite well and liked him, we spent a summer working on his farm, as did friends of ours – but this was such a heap of crap with the security services and others nobbling people who knew Brown and me and either bribing them to shaft us or wrecking the lives of those who stood by us, that I would be very surprised if Robin, John Pardoe’s brother, had not been approached. Furthermore, Robin Pardoe’s son Simon was an Aberystwyth graduate who at that time was working for ILEA, an organisation which was complicit with kids from inner London being sent to children’s homes in north Wales and his daughter Rachel had recently graduated from Sussex University. I really don’t think that Dafydd’s protectors will have been able to resist the opportunity.

 

At about this time, a company which could only be described being run by crooks and spivs, FPS (Financial Planning Services), arrived in Somerset. For a short while one of the Somerset contingent known to me took a job as a ‘financial consultant’ with FPS. She was told at the time that FPS were conmen and after she had spent a few weeks working for them, this became evident. She did eventually wave a fond farewell to them, but not before she found out that one of the leading lights in FPS was a former SBS action man of a Paddy-type. The SBS man was also a complete thug who terrorised everyone and sexually exploited young women. Was he known to you Paddy? Because you were all down there near Yeovil at the same time.

If you were sent to Somerset on Lilibet’s secret service Paddy, you did a bloody awful job. DAFYDD!!?? For God’s sake, was he really worth protecting??

 

Robert Boscawen, Tory MP for Wells, was the fourth son of Evelyn Hugh John Boscawen, 8th Viscount Falmouth. Boscawen’s ancestors included PM Charles Grey, 2nd Earl Grey.

After serving in the British Army during WWII, Boscawen served during 1947-48 in Hamburg, with the British Red Cross civilian relief teams organised by his mother, Lady Falmouth, a Vice-Chairman of the Tory Party. From 1948, Boscawen spent two years with Shell Petroleum before joining the family-owned Cornish china clay business, Goonveen. He became a Lloyd’s underwriter in 1952. Boscawen’s political career began in 1948 when he joined the Young Conservatives.

Boscawen was a member of the Monday Club and was MP for Wells, 1970-83 and then, as the result of boundary changes, he moved over to the nearby constituency Somerton and Frome. Boscawen supported the restoration of capital punishment, drastic cuts in the welfare state and student grants, but opposed abortion. He also became a leading supporter of Ian Smith after Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence.

Boscawen was interested in the NHS and sat on its London Executive Council, 1954-65. He was on the backbenchers’ Health Services Committee and Vice-Chairman, 1974-79. So it wouldn’t have been too difficult for leading Tories to lean on Boscawen if they thought that Dafydd et al were about to be exposed.

Boscawen served as a Lord Commissioner of the Treasury from 1981. Peter Morrison had been Lord Commissioner of the Treasury, 1979-81, during which time Boscawen had been an Assistant Gov’t Whip.

Boscawen was Vice-Chamberlain of Her Majesty’s Household 1983-86 and Comptroller of the Royal Household until 1988. Peter Morrison’s sister Dame Mary Morrison spent most of her life as Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Lilibet.

Boscawen became a member of the Privy Council in 1992, the same year that he retired from the Commons. Days after his retirement, the Brighton firebomb killed the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

Boscawen married Mary Codrington in 1949 and they had two daughters and one son, who followed him into the Coldstream Guards. Boscawen was a rower and yachtsman. He stroked the Trinity boat and rowed in the University trial eights. He was a member of the Royal Yacht Squadron and regularly sailed in international races, including the Fastnet.

 

Now here’s a funny thing. The MP who succeeded Boscawen in 1992, days before that firebomb did its best, was Mark Robinson. Mark Robinson was the man who wrote to me when I first raised concerns about Tony Francis, Dr D.G.E. Wood and Gwynne the lobotomist witholding my medical records from me and in the case of Gwynne, altering them. At the time, Robinson was the Tory MP for usually safe Labour seat of Newport West. He ended up writing to me because in 1985 Robinson was appointed a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, under Secretary of State Nicholas Edwards and it was Robinson who wrote to me after I paid a visit to Keith Best, the Tory MP for Ynys Mon, who was not only my constituency MP, but also a Minister in the Welsh Office (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). I had no idea at the time that Best was a crooked barrister who had previously lived in the Brighton area, had served as a Brighton Councillor when John Allen was trafficking kids in care in north Wales to brothels owned by Allen in Brighton and from the moment that Best arrived in north Wales concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang. Indeed I expect that’s why Best was sent to Ynys Mon as part of the reinforcements to assist the paedophiles’ friends.

Nicholas Edwards was still Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the Westland Affair (see posts ‘The Cradle Of Filth’ and ‘Old Nick Bites The Dust’).

Mark Robinson was born in Bristol to John Foster Robinson and Margaret, née Paterson. Mark Robinson’s father was High Sheriff of Avon in 1975, so he almost certainly knew Brown’s dad.

Dr D.G.E. Wood’s family came from Bristol, where his father worked as a Top Doctor. Wood went to medical school in Bristol. Lord David Hunt, who has spent most of his career concealing and colluding with Dafydd and the gang, did his degree in law at Bristol University and then in 1970 unsuccessfully contested Bristol South for the Tories. For some unfathomable reason, in the 1973 Birthday Honours Hunt was awarded an MBE for ‘political services in the west of England’. After unsuccessfully contesting Kingswood in 1974, Hunt was sent to contest the Wirral in a by-election in 1976 to provide back-up for Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Hunt subsequently provided the best of services to the paedophiles’ friends for decades, in his various roles at the Welsh Office and in his capacity as an international lawyer acting for the MDU and others.

By the mid-1970s, John Allen and others were flocking into north Wales purchasing isolated old buildings which were converted into children’s homes or residential schools. Nearly all of these establishments were part of the same paedophile ring. After the Children Act 1975, business really boomed. The Children Act 1975 was the work of Leo Abse who skilfully bullied and manipulated others into getting it onto the statute books. It was Dr Death who was roped into doing the crucial bit, introducing the private member’s bill that was necessary. See posts ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’ and ‘The History, Boys…’. Just before the Act was passed, Peter Morrison was selected as the Tory candidate for Chester, was then elected and a local authority reorganisation resulted in the creation of Gwynedd and Clwyd County Councils, which kicked off with Chief Executives David Alun Jones and T.M. Hadyn Rees respectively (see posts ‘I Know Nuzzing…’ and ‘Ain’t Nothing Clean – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists’). North Wales had opened for business as a production line for trafficked young people.

 

John Robinson’s family ran ES & A Robinson, the paper and packaging conglomerate that later became Dickinson Robinson Group. Apart from paper, the Robinsons were famous for cricket: Mark Robinson’s grandfather, Sir Foster Robinson, was captain of Gloucester; other members of the family played for, and captained, Gloucestershire. Mark Robinson was educated at Harrow and Christ Church, Oxford, where he read Modern History.

Mark Robinson spent six years at the UN: at the UN Relief Operation to Bangladesh; in the Office of the Under-Secretary General; and in the Office of the Secretary General, Kurt Waldheim. From 1977–83 Robinson was Assistant Director in the Office of the Commonwealth Secretary-General, who was then Sir Shridath Ramphal.

 

‘Sonny’ Ramphal was born in British Guiana. After attending schools in Georgetown, Ramphal studied law at King’s College London and was called to the bar at Gray’s Inn in 1951. So Sonny will have known Sir William Mars-Jones, who grew up in Denbighshire, a leading light at Gray’s Inn who was a mate of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse and President of UCNW. Mars-Jones and his family in north Wales provided years of protection for Dafydd et al.

As a pupil barrister Ramphal worked with the British politician and lawyer Dingle Foot. Sir Dingle Foot was born in Plymouth and was Liberal MP for Dundee, 1931-45. He joined the Labour Party in 1956 and was the Labour MP for Ipswich, 1957-70. John Allen came from Ipswich before arriving in north Wales in the late 1960s and opening the Bryn Alyn Community. Ipswich was also the base of Dr John W. Paulley and his wife. Paulley carried out harmful experimentation on his patients and Paulley’s wife ran a counselling and family therapy centre, which I suspect concealed organised abuse. Paulley was involved with the establishment of the University of Buckingham. See post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’ for further information on Paulley and his network.

Dingle Foot was Solicitor General, 1964-67, in Harold Wilson’s Gov’t. Wilson’s Gov’t concealed the abuse and criminality in north Wales and of course the sexual offences of George Thomas, who got on very well with Harold Wilson. Thomas was a junior Minister in the Welsh Office whilst Dingle was Solicitor General. The Secretary of State for Wales above Thomas was Lord Cledwyn, Labour MP for Anglesey, 1951-79 and friend of the Windbag and his extended family (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’).

Dingle Foot was the eldest son of Isaac Foot, solicitor and founder of the Plymouth law firm, Foot and Bowden. Isaac was Liberal MP for Bodmin, 1922-24 and again from 1929-35 and also a Lord Mayor of Plymouth. Dingle’s brother was Michael Foot, who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang and of course of George Thomas (see post ‘Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks…’). Another brother was Lord John Foot, a Liberal politician; another was Hugh, Lord Caradon, Governor of Cyprus and British Ambassador to the UN and yet another brother was Christopher, a solicitor who joined the family firm. Dingle also had two sisters. His nephew, Hugh’s son, was the journalist Paul Foot. Who campaigned on behalf of many people experiencing injustices but not anyone who was the victim of the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles or their friends.

Dingle Foot died on 18 June 1978 in a hotel in Hong Kong, after choking on a bone in a chicken sandwich. I don’t know if anyone actually witnessed his death. Peter Morrison, who had been the Tory MP for Chester since 1974 and who was looking forward to a Cabinet career when his mate Thatch became PM, must have been quite relieved when old Dingle pegged out. As must have been a great many other people, who weren’t Labour supporting paedophiles like George Thomas, but were paedophiles who supported the Tories. Croesor in north Wales was a village where many radicals and activists on the left spent the summer and they knew about Dafydd and the gang (see post ‘The Village’). Bertrand Russell, who lived in nearby Penrhyndeudraeth, was friends with some of this crowd and he knew about Dafydd et al as well. I suspect that Dafydd proved quite useful to Russell. Many of the Croesor contingent were lefties who knew Michael Foot and would have been delighted to bring Thatcher down, but the problem was that many people on the left were colluding with the sexual exploitation of young people as well.

 

Dingle’s pupil barrister Ramphal also studied law at Harvard. Ramphal started his legal career as a Crown Counsel in the Attorney-General’s Office in 1953, becoming Solicitor-General and then Assistant Attorney-General of the short-lived West Indies Federation. After a period in private practice in Jamaica he returned to Guyana in 1965 to be the Attorney General. Two years later Ramphal was also appointed Minister of State in the Ministry of External Affairs, later becoming Minister of Justice (from 1973) and Minister of Foreign Affairs (from 1972). In 1975 he left Guyana to be Commonwealth Secretary-General.

Ramphal served as the Chancellor of the University of Warwick, 1989-02, was at the University of the West Indies until 2003 and was then Chancellor of the University of Guyana. In 1995, along with Swedish PM Ingvar Carlsson – who became PM after the assassination of Olof Palme in 1986 – Ramphal was one of the co-chairs of the Commission on Global Governance. In the same year, the Commission on Global Governance produced a controversial report, ‘Our Global Neighbourhood’. The report was attacked because it calling for UN reforms that would increase the UN’s power. It was also criticised for the use of the term ‘global governance’ rather than ‘world federalism’.

The Commission on Global Governance was established in 1992 with the full support of the UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who oversaw the UN at a time when it dealt with several world crises, including the breakup of Yugoslavia and the Rwandan genocide. Neither of which were the UN’s finest hour.

 

Mark Robinson’s background at the UN and Commonwealth resulted in his appointment to the Foreign Affairs Select Committee after his election for Newport West in 1983, a position he held until in 1985 when Thatch transferred him to the Welsh Office. By 1985, I had already written to the GMC about Gwynne and raised concerns with UCNW (Bangor University) regarding his presence in the Student Health Centre. By that time Mary Wynch had been given leave by the Master of the Rolls Lord Donaldson to sue Dafydd et al after she was unlawfully arrested and imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and then in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and Alison Taylor had raised concerns about the abuse of children in care in north Wales.

At the time of the Westland Affair, Mark Robinson was still a Minister in the Welsh Office, colluding with Dafydd and the gang.

Robinson lost his seat at the 1987 General Election and was re-elected in 1992 for Somerton and Frome. By that time I and my two friends who worked in the media had been hounded out of our jobs (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). Robinson was appointed PPS to the Minister for Overseas Development, Baroness Lynda Chalker and the Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary, Douglas Hurd. Robinson has since served as a Commonwealth election observer.

 

Lynda Chalker was Tory MP for Wallasey, 1974-92. Wallasey is a constituency in Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Chalker was educated at Roedean, Heidelberg University, Queen Mary University of London and the Poly of Central London (now the University of Westminster). She worked as a statistician and market researcher, including a spell with Shell-Mex, before entering the Commons. Chalker held a number of Gov’t posts, including spell at the DHSS, 1979–82. Being a statistician, Chalker would have noticed the very high suicide rate in north Wales, the high number of deaths at Risley Remand Centre, the fact that Dafydd had more patients on 12 month sections than any other Top Doc in the UK and the enormous number of children in care from right across the UK who had been placed in the numerous children’s homes in north Wales. Chalker would have noticed the dire state of the finances at Gwynedd Health Authority and Clwyd County Council. She’d have known about Mary Wynch’s case as well because the shit hit the fan as a result of that in 1979-80.

Chalker served as a junior Minister at the Dept of Transport, 1982–83. In 1983 she became Minister of State at Transport and she was Minister for Europe, 1986-89. Professor Oliver Brooke of St George’s Hospital Medical School was jailed for the possession of child porn in Dec 1986. Brooke was a key figure in a pan-European paedophile ring and was involved in an international trade in child porn. Brooke’s colleagues at St George’s continued to facilitate and collude with Dafydd et al in north Wales and a paedophile ring in south London. John Allen owned a villa in the south of France where he took kids in care ‘for holidays’ and Dafydd ‘held clinics’ in France.

Chalker was Minister for Overseas Development and Africa, 1989-97.

In June 1974, Chalker was awarded an Honorary Citizenship from President Guebuza for services to Mozambique.

Chalker was given a peerage in 1992, after losing her seat in the General Election, days before that Brighton firebomb.

Chalker is the Founder and President of Africa Matters Limited, an ‘independent consultancy providing advice and assistance to companies initiating, developing or growing their activities in Africa’. She is a member of the international advisory board of Lafarge, a French company which produces cement, aggregates and concrete. The victims of Dafydd probably end up in their products as parts of flyovers. Chalker sits on the Board of Trustees of the Investment Climate Facility for Africa. She is a Consultant for Uganda’s Presidential Investors Roundtable (PIRT) that advises the President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, on ways to improve Uganda’s investment climate and competitiveness.

Chalker is a founding Member of the Global Leadership Foundation, an organisation which works to ‘support democratic leadership, prevent and resolve conflict through mediation and promote good governance’ in the form of democratic institutions, open markets, human rights and the rule of law. Chalker’s having great success on that front then. The Global Leadership Foundation achieves its aims ‘by making available, discreetly and in confidence, the experience of former leaders to today’s national leaders’. Is Blair involved? It sounds like the sort of thing that would appeal to him. The Global Leadership Foundation ‘is a not-for-profit organisation composed of former heads of government, senior governmental and international organisation officials who work closely with heads of government on governance-related issues of concern to them.’

Chalker is a Member of the Board of Trustees of Sentebale, a ‘charity set-up to reach Lesotho’s neediest children, many of whom are the victims of extreme poverty and the HIV/AIDS epidemic of that area’. Chalker founded the Chalker Foundation, which seeks to support the improvement of healthcare in Africa. Somehow I doubt that the needy children of Africa are going to benefit from Lynda’s largesse.

Chalker held the position of Non-Executive Director and Chairman of the Corporate Responsibility and Reputation Committee for Unilever, retiring in May 2007 having served three terms of three years. She joined the Board of Unilever as an Advisory Director in 1998, becoming a Non-Executive Director in 2004.

Professor Fergus Lowe’s empire at the School of Psychology at Bangor University was built on the back of huge grants from the ESRC and Unilever in 1992 (see post ‘Feet In Chains’). Fungus created his empire by overthrowing Dafydd’s influence in the School and then holding everyone who had colluded with or concealed Dafydd’s crimes over a barrel. Including Liverpool University, Dafydd’s alma mater, which employed – and continues to employ – many of Dafydd’s friends and associates. Philip Lever – Lord Leverhulme – was an advisory Director of Unilever  and was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1980-93 (see post ‘Heart of Darkness’).

Dr Death was MP for Plymouth Sutton and Plymouth Devonport, 1966-92 and was friends with some of the Top Docs associated with Dafydd and the north Wales gang. The Foot family were still very much a presence in Plymouth when Dr Death was the MP down there. Dr Death was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1996-09.

 

Lynda Chalker has served on the Africa Advisory Board of Renaissance Capital. She is a former Chairman of the Medicines for Malaria Venture and a former Non-Executive Director of Group Five. Chalker was shortlisted for the Grassroot Diplomat Initiative Award in 2015 for her work with ‘Africa Matters’.

In 2018, it was announced that Chalker would take over as President of the Royal Geographical Society.

Here she is, lest any disadvantaged children encounter her and need to run for their lives:

Official portrait of Baroness Chalker of Wallasey crop 2.jpg

 

Lynda Chalker holds the 20th-century record for continuous Gov’t service, along with Kenneth Clarke, Malcolm Rifkind, Tony Newton and Patrick Mayhew, as she held office for the entire duration of the Conservatives’ 18 years in power. Clarke, Newton and Mayhew knew about the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales and elsewhere, saw mountains of documentary evidence and actively concealed everything for years.

 

Chalker succeeded Ernest Marples as MP for Wallasey. Ernest Marples was a Minister under Macmillan and Douglas-Home throughout the Tory Gov’t, 1957-64. Marples was embroiled in much controversy throughout his political career, as a result of allegations of conflict of interest and dodgy financial deals, often involving companies which had been given Gov’t contracts.

In the late 1940s Marples was a director of a company called Kirk & Kirk, which was a contractor in the construction of Brunswick Wharf Power Station. Marples met civil engineer Reginald Ridgway, who was working as a contractor for Kirk & Kirk. In 1948 the two men founded Marples Ridgway and Partners, a civil engineering company. The new partnership took over Kirk & Kirk’s contract at Brunswick Wharf and in 1950 Marples severed his links with Kirk & Kirk. Marples Ridgway’s subsequent contracts included building power stations in England, the Allt na Lairige dam in Scotland, roads in Ethiopia and (significantly) England as well as a port in Jamaica. The Bath and Portland Group took over Marples Ridgway in 1964. Brunswick Wharf Power Station (also known as Blackwall) was built by Poplar Borough Council after WW II. Poplar was a borough where the organised abuse of children had existed for generations – by the 1970s, those children were being sent to children’s homes in north Wales.  By the 1990s, the stench of the scandal was so bad that people in north Wales and very rich high places in London were busy scratching each others backs to ensure that the truth never emerged (see posts ‘Apocalypse Now’ and ‘The Bodies Beneath Canary Wharf’).

Blackwall Power Station was built for the BEC (British Electricity Company), the predecessor of the CEGB. Walter McLennan Citrine, 1st Baron Citrine was Chairman of BEC/CEB (Central Electricity Board), 1947-57. Citrine was a leading British and international trade unionist. He was General Secretary of the TUC, 1926-46 and helped transform the Labour Party into a substantial force for government from 1939. Citrine was also President of the then influential International Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU), 1928-45. He was joint Secretary of the key TUC/Labour Party National Joint Council from 1931 and a Director of the UK ‘Daily Herald’, 1929-46, a mass circulation Labour paper.

Citrine was highly influential in the Labour movement. His involvement helped secure its recovery after the crushing defeat which followed the fall of the British Labour Gov’t in 1931. Citrine played a key role from the mid-1930s in reshaping Labour’s foreign policy, especially as regards re-armament and through the all-party anti-Nazi Council in which he worked with Churchill.

Citrine strengthened the TUC’s influence over the Labour Party. After Ramsay MacDonald formed a coalition with the Tories to force his policies through, Citrine led the campaign to have MacDonald expelled from the party. Citrine later supported the Attlee Gov’ts policy of nationalisation and served on the National Coal Board as well as Chairman of the CEB.

Citrine was in Liverpool and left school at the age of 12. He was a member of the ILP from 1906 and joined the Electrical Trades Union (ETU) in 1911. He was soon the leading activist for the ETU in Merseyside, the first full-time District Secretary in 1914, a post he served in until 1920, gaining much experience negotiating with major employers all round Birkenhead docks, as well as with electrical contractors in the area. Citrine became Secretary of the regional Federation of Engineering and Shipbuilding Trades (FEST) in 1919 and was elected Assistant General Secretary of the ETU in 1920. In 1924, he was appointed Assistant General Secretary of the TUC. Citrine was an enthusiastic acting General Secretary of the TUC during the General Strike of 1926 and was confirmed in that position afterwards.

With other leading figures, such as Ernest Bevin, Citrine helped change the face of British trade unionism. They took the unions from class conflict rhetoric to co-operation with employers and Gov’t in return for union recognition and industrial advances, ie. ‘from Trafalgar Square to Whitehall’.

Citrine accepted the position of Privy Councillor and this gave him total access to Churchill, the then Prime Minister and considerable influence with all Ministers on behalf of the TUC throughout WW II. Who’d have thought that Walter Citrine, born into the working classes on Merseyside and who left school at 12 would be sitting there drinking Chateau de Chasselas…

Citrine acted as an envoy for Churchill with the U.S and Soviet trade unions. This strengthened the position of the Labour ministers in Churchill’s Gov’t of 1940-45 which greatly assisted Labour’s election in 1945.

Citrine’s battled with the Communist International (the Comintern) after the General Strike. The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) and its front organisation in the unions, the Red International of Labour Unions (RILU)/later the Minority Movement, blamed the TUC leadership for the defeat of the strike. Citrine exposed this attempt by the Comintern to subvert the leaders of the British trade unions and this helped isolate British communists in the trade unions and Labour Party.

Many of the summer visitors to Croesor in north Wales during the middle years of the 20th century and their friends and colleagues who knew what Dafydd et al were up to (see post ‘The Village’) were members of the Communist Party of Great Britain and will have known about Walter Citrine and his battles. Such as Ed and David’s dad Ralph Miliband.

Citrine had originally been a keen supporter of the Russian Revolution and trade with the Soviet Union. He was one of the first to visit the Soviet Union in 1925 and did so again in 1935, 1941, 1943 and 1956. However, as President of the IFTU, based in Berlin from 1931-6, Citrine saw the rise of Hitler and the destruction of the huge German trade union and labour movement as partly the fault of the communists’ divisive tactics. He and Bevin were determined to prevent such an occurrence in Britain and this perhaps gave them a heightened sense of communist conspiracy in their dealings with internal opposition within the unions and the Labour Party. This caused much hostility to him amongst minority Left forces, such as the Socialist League, which would colour the attitude of many on the Left to him thereafter. Michael Foot’s biography of Nye Bevan is indicative of this.

In April 1940 Citrine and his colleagues in the TUC sued the ‘Daily Worker’ (which later became the ‘Morning Star’) for libel. Mr Justice Stable found for Citrine and the TUC. Sir Ronnie Waterhouse was friends with Justice Owen Stable’s son Philip. Citrine and his colleagues were awarded substantial damages and costs, but these were never paid, as the ‘Daily Worker’ changed publishers two days after the judgement. The TUC subsequently published the full judgement in a pamphlet by Citrine entitled ‘Citrine and others v Pountney: The Daily Worker Libel Case 1940’.

Citrine visited Finland in Jan 1940, at the height of its Winter War against the Soviet Union. In Oct 1941, a TUC delegation under Citrine’s leadership travelled to the Soviet Union as part of Churchill’s diplomatic efforts following the German invasion of Russia to bring the Soviet Union into the alliance against Germany.

It was at the invitation of the Minister of Fuel and Power, Manny Shinwell MP, that in 1946 Citrine was invited to join the newly nationalised NCB and given a welfare role for its then 700,000 or so miners (pithead baths, Summer Schools and machinery for joint consultation). Citrine served for a year until Shinwell again recommended his appointment as Chairman of the BEC (from 1955 the Central Electricity Authority) and in 1947, PM Attlee confirmed this appointment. Citrine served in this capacity for ten years, then remaining on the Board until 1962 in a part-time capacity.

Walter Citrine was given a peerage in 1946 and was an active attender of debates in the Lords in the 1960s.

 

In his capacity as Chair of the BEC/CEA, Walter Citrine will have been involved with Windscale Power Station. It is possible that Windscale was built by Marples Ridgway, but I haven’t been able to confirm this. On 10 Oct 1957 a fire at Windscale led to Britain’s worst nuclear accident. The reactors at Windscale had been built as part of the British post-war atomic bomb project. Windscale Pile No. 1 was operational in Oct 1950 followed by Pile No. 2 in June 1951. The 1957 fire burned for three days and there was a release of radioactive contamination that spread across the UK and Europe. On the morning of 11 Oct 1957, when the fire was at its worst, eleven tons of uranium were ablaze. Temperatures became extreme (one thermocouple registered 1,300 °C) and the biological shield around the stricken reactor was in severe danger of collapse.

The fire released an estimated 740 terabecqueres (20,000 curies) of iodine -131, as well as 22 TBq (594 curies) of caesium-137 and 12,000 TBq (324,000 curies) of xenon-133, among other radionuclides. Later reworking of contamination data has shown national and international contamination may have been higher than previously estimated. The Three Mile Island accident in 1979 released 25 times more xenon-135 than Windscale, but much less iodine, caesium and strontium. Estimates by the Norwegian Institute of Air Research indicate that atmospheric releases of xenon-133 by the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster were broadly similar to those released at Chernobyl and thus well above the Windscale fire releases.

Radioactive releases compared (TBq)
Material Half life Windscale Three Mile Island (compared to Windscale) Chernobyl Fukushima Daiichi
(atmospheric)
Iodine-131 8.0197 days 740 much less 1,760,000 130,000
Caesium-137 30.17 years 22 much less 79,500 35,000
Xenon-133 5.243 days 12,000 6,500,000 17,000,000
Xenon-135 9.2 hours 25 × Windscale
Strontium-90 28.79 years much less 80,000
Plutonium 6,100

 

The presence of the chimney scrubbers at Windscale was credited with maintaining partial containment and thus minimising the radioactive content of the smoke that poured from the chimney during the fire. These scrubbers were installed at great expense on the insistence of John Cockcroft and were known as Cockcroft’s Folly until the 1957 fire.

In 2007, tapes released to the BBC revealed that there had been a major cover-up regarding the Windscale fire and the reasons why this was. Scientists had been warning about the dangers of an accident for some time and the safety margins of the radioactive materials inside the reactor were being further and further eroded. Physicists at the Nuclear Research Laboratory in Harwell, Oxfordshire, were among those highlighting the potential dangers. However politicians and the military ignored the warnings; instead they increased demands on Windscale to produce material for an H-bomb. A succession of British PMs since WW II had been determined to persuade the Americans to share the secrets of their nuclear weapons with Britain. Harold Macmillan believed that if Britain could develop an H-bomb on the scale of the Americans, Britain would be treated as a nuclear equal and an alliance would be formed. At the very time that the fire at Windscale was being fought, with everyone involved unsure of whether they’d be able to bring the incident under control, Macmillan was arranging a summit in Washington. It laid the foundation of Britain’s ‘special relationship’ with the US.

Macmillan realised that if the American Congress knew that the fire at Windscale had been the result of reckless decisions taken in an attempt to produce an H-bomb, they might veto Macmillan’s and Eisenhower’s plans. Thus Macmillan covered up the true cause of the fire and issued a report saying that the accident had been caused by an ‘error of judgement’ by the Windscale workers. For 50 yrs, the official record on the accident was that the men who had in fact averted a potentially devastating accident were to blame for causing it. A subsequent inquiry cleared the Windscale workers.

 

Gov’t lies about the cause of the fire at Windscale might explain the roots of one of the many mysteries in which I have taken an interest. It does of course concern Dafydd. Before Dafydd embarked upon his glorious career in medicine at Liverpool University, in the early 1950s, he had already been thrown out of another degree course – I think that it was chemistry – at another university. Dafydd had been given a prestigious scholarship and the world was very angry when the Bethesda boy who had been given such an opportunity screwed it up. I don’t know why Dafydd was kicked out, but I expect that the wrongdoing involved will have been substantial, Dafydd doesn’t do things by halves. Yet somehow, after this huge disgrace that was very well-known and on his record, Dafydd subsequently bagged a place to do medicine at Liverpool – and the money to support himself while he did it. Back in Dafydd’s day, places at medical school weren’t as precious as they are now and medicine was not such a prestigious subject academically, but if one had previously buggered up a university place, one did not get another chance.

So how did Dafydd get through the doors of Liverpool University? It will have been nepotism because Dafydd and Liverpool Medical School only operate on nepotism, but knowing Dafydd, it won’t have been based on the nepotistic kindness of someone thought that he was a lovely young man who would make a good doctor. Dafydd will have had shit on someone so great that arms were twisted.

Before Dafydd went to Liverpool University, he worked at Windscale. The Legend of Dr DA that has been handed down through the Welsh mists tells us that it was whilst he was working as ‘an atomic scientist at Windscale’ that Dafydd decided that his future lay in medicine. Dafydd won’t have been an atomic scientist, but he was doing something at Windscale. Being Dafydd, if he was just cleaning the loos he’d have been creeping around variously ingratiating himself to or threatening people. Dafydd found something out whilst he was working at Windscale, which must have been very soon after Windscale opened, that had people jumping when he told them to jump for the rest of his life…

Dafydd’s adventures at Windscale might also explain why Gov’ts of all hues appointed nuclear physicists to preside over Top Docs when the Top Docs became even more uncontrollable than usual. Nuclear physicist Sir Alec Merrison Chaired an Inquiry regarding the pay and conditions of the Top Docs set up by Keith Joseph in 1973 (which reported in 1975) as well as the Royal Commission on the NHS, set up in 1976 by Barbara Castle, which reported in 1979. Barbara Castle as Secretary of State, along with her Health Minister Dr Death, allegedly chose Merrison to Chair the Royal Commission because he was a supporter of the NHS (see post ‘The History, Boys…’). It was of course nuclear physicist Lord Brian Flowers of Imperial College who was given domain over the Top Docs of London University whilst they committed huge research frauds and colluded with Dafydd’s sex trafficking gang.

Merrison and Flowers both had years of experience in the nuclear industry. Merrison had worked at the Atomic Energy Research Establishment Harwell, 1946-51. It was the physicists at Harwell who raised concerns about the dangerous design of/practices at Windscale. Merrison left Harwell for a post at the University of Liverpool. He was in that post when Dafydd was given a place to study medicine at Liverpool. Sir Alec Merrison remained at Liverpool until 1969, when he became VC of Bristol University. Dr D.G.E. Wood studied medicine at Bristol in the late 1960s and of course David Hunt had an association with Bristol University. Somehow I don’t think that Merrison being a supporter of the NHS will have been the driver behind him Chairing Royal Commissions concerning that organisation.

Even if Dafydd didn’t find out about the cause of the fire at Windscale, he probably did know that there had been some sort of cover-up. Dafydd would have also known something else that would have given him great blackmailing potential and ideas for his future business. That Ernest Marples, the MP for Wallasey, Minister in Macmillan’s Gov’t and the Director of the company that was building power stations and many other major infrastructure projects for the Gov’t, was using prostitutes. As of course were Harold Macmillan’s friends and Ministers (see post ‘In Memoriam – Bronwen, Lady Astor’). Macmillan’s wife was enjoying herself with various people as well, including the Conservative politician Lord Bob Boothby, who was bisexual and hanging out with gangsters, including the Krays (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’).

 

When Lord Denning conducted his 1963 investigation into the security aspects of the Profumo Affair and the rumoured affair between the Minister of Defence Duncan Sandys and the Duchess of Argyll, Denning confirmed to Macmillan that the rumour that Marples regularly used prostitutes was true. The story was suppressed and did not appear in Denning’s final report. By that time, Dafydd was working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and had been put in charge of the women’s wing. Nine hundred women, virtually all of them banged up because they had pregnancies which were inconvenient to other people or were saying things that might cause embarrassment to other people. For example that certain people were having sex with them or others when those certain people really didn’t want anyone to know that. Furthermore, not so far away from Denbigh, in Croesor were Sir Clough Williams-Ellis and his wife Amabel, who was a member of the Strachey family of ‘Bloomsbury set’ fame. Then there were all Clough’s friends who visited him or rented cottages on his estate, an assortment of alternatives and radicals. Including Bertrand Russell, who was highly sexually exploitative and had a few members of his family banged up on the grounds that they were insane as evidenced by their outrageous allegations about him (see post ‘So Who Was Angry About What?’).

 

Ernest Marples was given a peerage in 1974, but then in early 1975 suddenly fled to Monte Carlo, just before the end of the tax year, fearing that he would otherwise be liable for a substantial tax bill.

The flight came at a time when Marples was facing problems on several fronts. Tenants of his block of flats in Harwood Court, Upper Richmond Road, Putney, were demanding that he repair serious structural faults and had threatened legal action. Marples was being sued for £145,000 by the Bankers Trust merchant bank in relation to an agreement made with the French company Ernest Marples et Cie. He was also being sued by John Holmes, the chartered surveyor and Director of Marples’ property company Ecclestone Enterprises, for wrongful dismissal and who was claiming £70,000 in damages. The Inland Revenue was demanding that he pay nearly 30 years back taxes on his residence in Eccleston Street, Belgravia, London, as well as capital gains tax on his properties in Kensington. In addition, in 1974, Marples had lost 130 cases of wine to a fire in a store he owned under a railway line in Brixton and he had been convicted of drinking and driving for which he received a one-year ban and a £45 fine.

Marples’s departure came in the wake of the failure of a plan to avoid paying tax on his properties by involving a Liechtenstein-based company with which he had been involved for more than ten years. He was to sell his Harwood Court block of flats for £500,000 to Vin International which would refurbish and sell them for between £2.25 million and £2.5 million. Marples would only be liable for capital gains tax at 30% on the transfer to Vin which, as an offshore company, would only be liable for stamp duty at 2%. The plan failed following the change of Gov’t in 1974. After reports of this plan were published in the ‘Daily Mirror’, the Treasury froze Marples’ assets in Britain. In Nov 1977, he paid £7,600 to the British government in settlement of his breach of exchange control regulations, following which Marples made a return to London.

Marples’ final years were spent on his 45-acre vineyard estate in Fleurie, France. He died in a Monte Carlo hospital on 6 July 1978.

 

It is only since researching for this blog post that I have found out who Marples was and the extent of his wrongdoing. But there is someone in north Wales who knew of Marples – the Hergest patient, F, whom I discussed in my posts ‘Killing Floor – I Know Cos I Was There!’ and ‘An Appalling Vista’.  F is the man who claimed to have detailed information about the death of Jimi Hendrix and F alleged medical negligence; it was F who was fitted up for drugs and violently assaulted by the North Wales Police and who then experienced a psychotic episode as a result and set fire to his house after being refused help by Til, the thuggish neighbour in Carneddi who worked for S4C; F who was then arrested by the officers who had fitted him up and was detained in Risley Remand Centre where he heard the other inmates screaming as the screws beat them up; F who was then sent into the care of Dafydd at Denbigh although by that time he was no longer psychotic, but was given amphetamines by one of Dafydd’s drugs patients and was then kept in Denbigh for a year. There was never any investigation into any part of this. F disappeared within the psychiatric system and was forever after dismissed as a ‘chronic schizophrenic’.

F however had a sense of humour and thought that Dafydd was ‘a bit of a twat’. F knew that Dafydd was sexually exploiting female patients and F also knew that Mary Wynch’s mother died in questionable circumstances in one of Dafydd’s ‘nursing homes’. So F used to take the piss out of Dafydd. It was F who said to Dafydd after Dafydd accused him of lying, ‘I lied, you murdered’.

F used to talk about the Minster for Transport Marples a great deal, although for some reason F confused Ernest Marples with his wife, Lady Marples. But the reason why F made frequent references to ‘Mrs Marples’ was that F’s mother, a middle class business woman in Surrey, took part in a campaign to have Marples removed as a Minister back in the 1950s. F’s mother had attended an angry meeting of concerned people who confronted Marples and she lost her temper and hit Marples with a placard that read ‘Marples Must Go’. F’s mum then rushed back to the family home and there was concern that she might be arrested, but she wasn’t. F told everyone he knew about the day that his mother ‘hit Mrs Marples over the head with a placard and nearly got arrested’.

The game that the Angels played in north Wales was to maintain that the patients were all completely mad and could not be believed. However, if a high profile name was mentioned, or a mention of an influential friend or relative, those Angels clocked it, noted it and it was conveyed back to Dafydd Central. On every occasion. Even if F had never mentioned ‘Mrs Marples’ in front of Dafydd or an Angel – which he almost certainly had – F sat in my house and told me about it, several times and he told Brown as well. We now know that the security services had us under surveillance and had been bugging us and just about everyone else back as far as at least the early 1980s. They will have known about F’s mum and Ernest Marples and they were using all info gathered to protect Dafydd and the paedophile gang, not us.

The mountain of manure which was being concealed became ever higher with every minute that passed.

 

Now to return to Mark Robinson, the junior Minister who was the first umbrella of Dafydd’s to write to me and who subsequently found himself as the MP for a constituency near many people from my days in Somerset who were paid to keep quiet about what was happening to me.

Mark Robinson’s boss after Lynda Chalker was Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd. Hurd’s stint as Foreign Secretary, 1989-95, followed his time as Home Secretary, 1985-89. It was while Hurd was Home Secretary that Dafydd and the paedophile gang fitted people – including me – up with the assistance of the Home Office and corrupt police officers. Kids in care and mental health patients in north Wales were the victims of serious crimes on the part of the paedophile gang and their associates, but there were no investigations. Documentation was forged and this was happening in the Home Office as well. Hurd was the nephew of the botanist Prof Edred Henry Corner, who was known to some of the botanists at Bangor University who were colluding with Dafydd and the gang, one of whom was Dr D.G.E. Wood’s wife. For further details see posts ‘Security, Security’ and ‘Additional Security Measures’.

Hurd had been a favourite pupil of Baroness Jean Trumpington’s husband Alan Barker when Hurd was at Eton and in her autobiography Trumpers boasts that it was Hurd who, at the request of Barker, in 1979 secured her the position of UK delegate to the UN Commission on the Status of Women, in which role Trumpers managed to cause a few diplomatic incidents. In 1980 Thatch made Trumpers a Baroness and before long a junior Health Minister and it was in this capacity that Trumpers appointed Jimmy Savile to the management of Broadmoor Hospital – where some of the victims of Dafydd and the gang were ending up (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’). Savile visited Bryn Estyn on one occasion and a former resident of Bryn Estyn alleged that Savile witnessed him being sexually assaulted by a group of men.

Hurd also knew that kids in care were being found dead in Risley Remand Centre and that a visiting clap clinic was deemed necessary for the ‘medical wing’ – which was full of Dafydd’s patients. It was Hurd who was Home Secretary when Risley finally erupted into an uncontrollable riot in 1989. For details of the shameful state of Risley under Home Secretary Hurd, see post ‘Include Me Out’.

 

David Heathcoat-Amory, the Tory MP for Wells, 1983-2010, was another Somerset MP who would have had an interest in Westland. Heathcoat-Amory is the son of Brigadier Roderick Heathcoat-Amory and the nephew of Harold Macmillan’s Chancellor of the Exchequer, Derick Heathcoat-Amory.

David Heathcoat-Amory was educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford. He was President of the Oxford University Conservative Association and was a contemporary of John Redwood, William Waldegrave, Edwina Currie and Gyles Brandreth. Redwood was Secretary of State for Wales, 1993-95, when Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends made repeated attempts to have me imprisoned on the basis of their perjury. By that time, the dosh was certainly rolling into the pockets of people in Somerset. Waldegrave was Health Secretary, 1990-92, so his term of office covered the stuffing over of me at St George’s Hospital Medical School and my friends at that the Royal Television Society and the BBC (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). It was in about 1990 that the fortunes of the Somerset contingent seemed to take an inexplicable upward turn. Edwina was a junior Minister in Health at the same time as Trumpers and Trumpers allowed Edwina to take the blame for Savile being let loose in Broadmoor. Edwina admitted in 1990 in her ‘Diaries’ that it was widely known that Peter Morrison was molesting children and such was the panic in the Tory Party that she feared what people would do to conceal this.

Well now you know Edwina, they tried to murder my friends and I and had already succeeded in killing one of us by the time that you wrote that entry.

Gyles Brandreth succeeded Morrison as the MP for Chester. He discusses in his autobiography how local people and members of the constituency association openly shuddered at the recent memories of Morrison molesting ‘little boys’. See posts ‘I Want Serious Money Now Please’ and ‘It’s The Sun Wot Won It’.

Heathcoat-Amory qualified as an accountant in 1974 and joined Price Waterhouse. In 1980, he was appointed as the assistant finance director of the British Technology Group (BTG) where he remained until he was elected as MP in 1983. He is also a farmer with employees. Heathcoat-Amory’s various positions in Parliament included PPS to John Moore in 1985, when Moore was Financial Secretary to the Treasury. Moore was Secretary of State for Social Services/Social Security, 1987-89, in which capacity he concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al. Heathcoat-Amory was PPS to Douglas Hurd, 1987-88, when Hurd was Home Secretary. Heathcoat-Amory was Minister of State for Europe, 1993-94.

Heathcoat-Amory’s younger son, Matthew, committed suicide in 2001. His nephew Edward Heathcoat-Amory used to write for the ‘Daily Mail’ and has written for ‘The Spectator’. Paul Johnson, who was a youthful Labour supporter and mates with Sir Ronnie Waterhouse but then evolved into a right wing journalist involved with ‘The Spectator’, purchased an estate at Over Stowey in Somerset in approx the late 1970s. Johnson’s son Cosmo was friendly with at least one of those known to me who found themselves in receipt of so much money. Johnson’s wife is psychotherapist and former Labour parliamentary candidate Marigold Hunt, daughter of Dr Thomas Hunt who was physician to Churchill, Attlee and Eden. Johnson’s son Luke is the former Chairman of Channel 4. Marigold’s niece is Celia Walden, who is married to Piers Morgan.

 

There was another politician whom I believe played a major role in the good fortune of some of those who knew what was happening to me in north Wales – in particular Janet Mitchell – and that was Graham Watson, the Lib Dem MEP for Somerset and North Devon, Somerset and North Devon, 1994-99 and for South West England, 1999-14. Graham Watson might not have been a player at the time of the Westland Affair, but he certainly proved useful a few years down the line.

Watson was born on the Isle of Bute. His father was an officer in the Royal Navy and his mother a teacher. Watson was educated at the City of Bath Boys’ School and attended Heriot-Watt University where he studied languages.  He worked as an administrator at Paisley College of Technology (1980-83). He now speaks four European languages.

Watson had begun his political activity in the National League of Young Liberals in 1972. As international officer of the Scottish Young Liberals he became involved in the International Federation of Liberal Youth, becoming a Vice-President (1977) then General Secretary (1979) of the organisation. Watson was a founder of the European Communities’ Youth Forum. He served as a Council member of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party, 1983-93. Between 1983-87 Watson also served as head of the private office of then leader of the Liberals, Sir David Steel. 

Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith, Paddy Pantsdown, Dr Death… I need not continue. Graham had accumulated dynamite on a great many people.

In 1988 Graham Watson began work for HSBC in London and Hong Kong. His work there included three months with the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and gave him an interest in the Far East. He is now an adviser to the Asia Pacific Public Affairs Forum and is learning Mandarin Chinese.

Watson was Leader of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party in the European Parliament, 2002-04. He was Leader of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe in the European Parliament, 2004-09 and President of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party, 2011-15. Watson is a supporter of the Campaign for the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly, an organisation which advocates for democratic reformation of the United Nations. Obviously, Watson will want to be their leader.

Watson and his wife lived in Langport for years, but they now live in Brussels and Edinburgh, having extracted every drop of capital possible from the victims of a vicious paedophile gang and having found that they have bled Somerset and its opportunities dry.

 

The Westland Affair originated with Alan Bristow’s £89 million bid for the company in April 1985. Thatcher’s Gov’t forced the Westland Board to accept the bid from Bristow Rotorcraft. By June, Bristow was threatened to pull out unless the Gov’t assured him that there would be future orders for the company from the MoD and that the repayment of over £40 million of launch aid for Westland’s newest helicopter from the DTI was waived.

 

Alan Bristow was born in south London and after serving in WW II, he joined Westland as its first helicopter test pilot but was sacked after attacking the company’s sales manager. Bristow worked as a freelance helicopter pilot and then started his own helicopter trading and operating company in 1949. Bristow then provided helicopter spotting services for Aristotle Onassis’s pirate whaling fleet in the Antarctic. Bristow started operating flights in aid of oil exploration in the Persian Gulf. Bristow Helicopters Ltd eventually expanded to cover most of the globe outside Russia and Alaska, with notable profit centres in the British North Sea, Nigeria, Iran, Australia, Malaysia and Indonesia.

In 1968, Bristow took over from Freddie Laker as the Chairman of British United Airways. After leading the 1970 merger with Caledonian Airways to form British Caledonia, Bristow then returned to Chair Bristow Helicopters.

 

Bristow’s reign over the British helicopter sector came to an end in 1985 after he fell out with Lord Cayzer, whose family holding company British & Commonwealth was one of the shareholders brought in by Freddie Laker. Bought out by the Cayzers, Bristow retired and the company’s fortunes declined with the North Sea oil industry.

A keen equestrian, Bristow represented Great Britain at four-in-hand carriage driving with Phil the Greek.

Bristow claimed to have been offered a knighthood if he would return to the negotiating table to help Thatcher’s Gov’t out of its embarrassment re Westland.

 

Defence Secretary Heseltine was uninterested in Westland helicopters when initially approached by Tebbit, the then Trade and Industry Secretary, because plenty of American helicopters were available to meet Britain’s defence requirements. Heseltine attended two meetings about Westland’s future in June 1985, Chaired by Thatch. It was decided that Tebbit should persuade the Bank of England to co-operate with the main creditors in the hope that a recovery plan and new management would end the threat of receivership.

Brown and I had raised serious concerns with the Top Docs and Bangor University about Gwynne the lobotomist in the summer of 1984, after which Brown and I were threatened several times by Dr D.G.E. Wood. I also wrote to the GMC. It was in approx June 1985 that I also raised concerns about Dr Tony Francis. Francis had lied to me, denied that he had lied and was unlawfully witholding my medical records. For a long time I thought that perhaps Francis had simply made a mistake, not felt able to admit to it and the situation escalated unnecessarily. It was only relatively recently that I have discovered that Francis was actually fully on board with Dafydd, Gwynne and the paedophiles, was doing some pretty terrible things to patients without their knowledge and was probably far more dangerous than Dafydd and Gwynne because he wasn’t obviously identifiably mad to anyone within five minutes of meeting him. However, everybody who worked with Tony Francis did know that he was a troubled and dangerous doctor. No-one was warned. Patients remained on his list, were told by Angels that he was doing his best for them and were urged to return for more appointments  if they said that they didn’t want any more ‘services’ and new patients were referred to Francis as well.

 

Bristow withdrew his bid and in late June Sir – later Lord – John Cuckney was brought in as Chairman of Westland. Cuckney was educated at Shrewsbury School and then read medicine at the University of St Andrews, returning to the University after service with the Royal Northumberland Fusiliers and the King’s African Rifles during WWII to study history and economics. He was recruited by MI5 ‘with whom he served until 1959’. Although I doubt if he stopped serving then. ‘No-one leaves the Mafia’ after all. Particularly if there are lefties and service users Who Know to be dealt with and a load of greedy bastards from Somerset.

 

Cuckney’s time in MI5 featured in Peter Wright’s book ‘Spycatcher’ where Wright described him as ‘a tough, no-nonsense’ officer. After leaving MI5, Cuckney worked in the City at stockbrokers Standard Industrial Group, before joining merchant bank Lazards, where he became the first Director to resign in over 100 years. Cuckney then established Anglo-Eastern Bank with Sir David Alliance, specialising in trade finance between Britain and the Middle East.

Cuckney was appointed Chairman of the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board in 1970. He left in 1972 to become the first Chief Executive of the Property Services Agency to set up to manage the Gov’ts property estate. In 1974 Cuckney moved to the Crown Agents, which was in financial difficulty. He joined as Chairman and separated out the military sales arm as International Military Services (an MoD company), which he also became Chairman of and served until 1985. He left the Crown Agents in 1978, and briefly joined the Port of London Authority.

Cuckney subsequently became Director and/or Chairman of various companies, including travel company Thomas Cook, Midland Bank, tea company Brooke Bond, engineering firm John Brown, Westland, Royal Insurance, Investors in Industry (later 3i), Glaxo and Orion Publishing Group.

Cuckney had gained a reputation as a ‘the company doctor who never lost a patient’ following his involvement with the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board, Crown Agents, and John Brown. As Chairman of Westland, Cuckney’s favoured option of Sikorsky merging with Westland prevailed. You might not have lost your patient Westland Lord Cuckney, but a great many patients in north Wales died.

Following the Westland Affair, in 1992 Cuckney was appointed as an adviser to Peter Lilley, Secretary of State for Social Services – who also concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang – following the death of Cap’n Bob and the discovery that the Cap’n had stolen hundreds of millions of pounds from his companies’ pension funds. Cuckney headed the Maxwell Pensioners’ Trust and in 1995, brokered a £276 million out-of-court settlement, known as the Major Settlement, between the pension schemes and those institutions against which the schemes had potential legal claims.

So Cuckney sorted out the mess left behind by Cap’n Bob, but Dafydd was too much for him. If your mates from MI5 had helped extract my medical records for me Lord Cuckney, I could have published an insider’s account of the Top Docs’ criminality for you all years ago. You wouldn’t have had to keep paying the BMA whatever they demanded and Blair would never have become PM on the basis of his knowledge of the sordid business involved in concealing the Westminster Paedophile Ring and then caused a few more hundred layers of problems.

John Cuckney was given a peerage in 1995. When the world was told lies about Dafydd retiring, about the North Wales Hospital closing down, about there being no paedophile ring in north Wales, oh you all get the picture. John Cuckney sleeps in the Lords as a Conservative. Don’t bother to wake him up, he couldn’t stop a firebomb being thrown into a building with five key witnesses in there when his MI5 colleagues had every hospital, docs surgery, university, phone line and even the houses of targets bugged, whatever would he be able to contribute to the the Lords.

 

Re Westland, Cuckney proposed that a new minority shareholder of 29.9% be introduced. No British firm was willing, but Sikorsky was interested. Cuckney proposed that Westland merge with United Technologies Corporation, of which the US company Sikorsky was a subsidiary. Heseltine opposed this plan after realising that Westland would probably become responsible for assembling the Sikorsky UH-60 Black Hawk, which the Ministry of Defence would then be under great pressure to buy, whereas he preferred Westland to go into receivership so that British companies GEC and BAe could buy the viable parts of the business.

In mid-Oct 1985 Heseltine suggested a European consortium which would include French Aerospatiale, German MBB and Italian Agusta (Sikorsky was now negotiating a strategic linkup with Italian Fiat). Leon Brittan, who had replaced Tebbit as Trade and Industry Secretary in Sept 1985, at first urged Thatcher to consider a European option (Heseltine later claimed Brittan preferred this option, although Brittan denied this).

By mid-Oct 1985 I had contacted MPs, Ministers and the GMC about the mental health services in north Wales. People in Somerset knew that I was encountering very serious problems in north Wales. The security services had placed Brown and me under surveillance and we had already had extraordinary and upsetting encounters with two people whom we now know were working for the security services, a man called Leslie Gore, who was a psychotherapist working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’ and ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’) and a Jewish teacher from Stoke Newington, Naomi Grunfeld (see post ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’).

Leon Brittan knew all about the criminality in north Wales, as well as about the other sex trafficking rings across the UK with which the north Wales gang was linked, because Brittan had been Home Secretary, 1983-85 and was one of those concealing what was happening. It was Leon Brittan who as Home Secretary ‘lost’ files naming Westminster figures who were alleged to be abusing children and it was on Brittan’s watch that the Home Office gave a grant to an organisation campaigning on behalf of paedophiles’ rights.

By mid-Oct 1985, Alison Taylor had told the North Wales Police about the abuse of children in care in north Wales which she had witnessed. She was accused of lying and malice.

On 2 Sep 1985, Peter Morrison was moved from his position as a Minister for Employment, where his boss had been Tom King, to the role of Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan, who was at the centre of the Westland Affair.

 

Two other people who played a major role in enabling the abuse and crime in north Wales to continue unchecked also lived in Somerset at the time of Westland. Clifford Graham, who in the late 1980s and the early 1990s was the Dept of Health’s mandarin responsible for mental health as well as much else, lived in Somerset. My post ‘The Old Devils’ discusses how Cliff Graham not only presided over a totally corrupt Dept, but how everything that Cliff Graham did ensured that the abuse of patients continued to be embedded deeper and deeper into the mental health system. Graham was at the highest level of the DoH when patients were murdered in Ashworth and Broadmoor and while Savile was dropping into secure hospitals raping whichever patient he felt like. Ian Dunlop, the tame Prison Service Governor whom Hurd appointed to conduct the Inquiry after the 1989 Risley Remand Centre riots, also lived in Somerset (see post ‘Include Me Out’).

 

The Gov’t was officially neutral regarding the deals involving Westland (ie. arguing that it was a matter for Westland directors and shareholders) but by Nov 1985, Heseltine was lobbying hard for the European option. In late November Peter Levene, Chief of Procurement at the Ministry of Defence, had a meeting at the Ministry with his French, West German and Italian counterparts (the National Armaments Directors or NADs) and the representatives of the consortium, and agreed to ‘buy European’ for certain classes of helicopters. If Westland went ahead with Sikorsky, then its helicopters, under this new agreement, would be unable to be bought by the four governments. The meeting was later praised by the House of Commons Defence Select Committee. Thatcher, who only learned of the meeting through Cuckney, was displeased, as were Brittan and the Treasury, who thought the US option might be cheaper, although Thatcher and Leon Brittan kept to their official pretence of neutrality.

In Nov 1985, Sikorsky made an offer which was favourable to Westland’s management.

On 5 and 6 Dec 1985 Thatcher had two ad hoc meetings with Heseltine, Brittan, Tebbit, Willie Whitelaw (Deputy PM), Geoffrey Howe (Foreign Secretary) and Nigel Lawson (Chancellor of the Exchequer).

All of the above people knew about the crimes of Dafydd et al in north Wales. Willie Whitelaw had concealed them in numerous different roles, most obviously as Home Secretary, 1979-83, but also in his capacity as Lord President of the Council, 1983-88, which gave Whitelaw the role of visitor for the University of Wales. At the time, Wood, Dafydd, Gwynne and many others in UCNW were facilitating the trafficking ring. Carlo was Chancellor of UCNW and the sister of Peter Morrison who was a member of the sex ring was of course Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Carlo’s mum.

Geoffrey Howe, a good friend of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse, had worked for years as a lawyer on the corrupt Chester and Wales circuit and was Solicitor General under Heath. Howe was Lord President of the Council, 1989-90. It was of course Geoffrey Howe who put the fatal boot into Thatcher towards the end of 1990 for which many people were grateful, but it really was too little too late, look at the scale of the problem.

Nigel Lawson also damaged Thatcher and got rid of the idiot Alan Walters, but again, huge damage had already been done. Lawson’s constituency was in Leicestershire, bang in the middle of the paedophile gang of which Frank Beck and Greville Janner were part, which was being concealed by Top Doctors who also colluded with Dafydd (see post ‘An Expert From England’), as well as scores of people in Leicester University (see posts ‘Radical Leicester And Some More Free Radicals’ and ‘Gwlad y Menig Gwynion’), local lawyers and judges as well as Leicester City Council. And Keith Vaz of course. After Beck was jailed, the Kirkwood Report admitted that the degree of negligence on the part of the police was inexplicable. Although Kirkwood himself forgot to mention a few salient facts regarding Greville Janner.

Nigel’s daughter Nigella had been friends with some of the members of the Dangerous Sports Club when she was at Oxford. Some members of the DSC were personal friends of one of those in Somerset who bagged all that dosh (see post ‘The Village’).

Tebbit, like Whitelaw, concealed the criminality in north Wales in every way that he could. Tebbit was Chairman of the Tory Party whilst Peter Morrison was Deputy Chairman, Sept 1986-June 87 and has latterly admitted that perhaps there was a little bit of a sort of cover-up of Morrison’s  crimes.

 

Regarding the possibilities for rescuing Westland. Brittan argued that the NADs’ opposition should be set aside, but Howe and Tebbit were not unsympathetic to Heseltine’s proposed consortium, and the decision was deferred to the Cabinet Economic Affairs Committee (E(A)) on Monday 9 Dec 1985. Cuckney and a Westland financial adviser were invited to attend the E(A) meeting. Cuckney said that it was the management’s view that the Sikorsky option was the best one. A majority of the E(A) meeting agreed to dismiss the NADs’ opposition. Thatcher, who complained that three hours had been spent discussing a company with a market capitalisation of only £30m (a tiny amount in Gov’t terms), allowed Heseltine until 4 pm on Friday 13 Dec to submit a viable proposal for a European deal. He did (with BAe and GEC now part of his consortium), but Westland’s Directors rejected it and chose Sikorsky.

Heseltine had expected that there would be a second meeting of E(A) to discuss his consortium, but no such meeting was called; Thatcher later claimed that the Monday meeting had agreed to leave the decision to Westland to take, but it later emerged that Nicholas Ridley and Lord Young had placed such a meeting in their diaries and had been told by No 10 that it had been cancelled. Heseltine threatened resignation for the first time.

At Cabinet on Thurs 12 Dec 1985 Heseltine had an angry exchange with Thatcher about the allegedly cancelled meeting (Thatcher claimed that no such meeting had ever been scheduled). Westland was not on the Cabinet agenda that day and Thatcher refused to permit a discussion on the matter, arguing that Cabinet could not do so without the necessary papers. Heseltine asked for his dissent to be minuted and this was not done, although Cabinet Secretary Robert Armstrong claimed that this had been an error and added it himself.

 

Robert Armstrong was Principal Private Secretary to Ted Heath, 1970-75. Between 1979-87 he was Secretary to the Cabinet under Margaret Thatcher. He was elevated to the peerage in 1988 and sits as a crossbencher. It was Robert Armstrong who, in 1986, coined the phrase ‘economical with the truth’ when he was giving evidence in the Spycatcher trial. Armstrong was a key witness for the British Gov’t, which sought to suppress the publication of the book written by Peter Wright, a former senior member of MI5. Wright’s lawyer at the time was Malcolm Turnbull, who later became the PM of Australia. The British Gov’t were ultimately unsuccessful and Spycatcher was published.

Armstrong was Chancellor of the University of Hull, 1994-2006 and until 2013, the Chairman of the Sir Edward Heath Charitable Fund.

Armstrong has admitted that he knew about the paedophilia of Sir Peter Hayman, the British diplomat who was a member of PIE. Armstrong stated: ‘I was aware of it at the time but I was not concerned with the personal aspect of it’. It was Armstrong who gave Thatcher a veiled warning not to give Jimmy Savile a knighthood because of the allegations of child sexual abuse swirling around him – advice that Thatcher ignored.

It July 2015, the ‘Mail Online’ reported that in 1986, the then head of MI5 Sir Antony Duff wrote to Armstrong and told him that an MP had a ‘penchant for small boys’. Armstrong’s response was that ‘at the present stage…the risks of political embarrassment to the Government is rather greater than the security danger’.

In 2015 Armstrong told the ‘Mail Online’ that ‘if there is evidence it would have been properly examined at the time. I don’t think this is a matter of important people being protected. You  can’t pursue inquiries unless you have evidence on which you can base the enquiry’.

See post ‘Lord Robert Armstrong’ for more background on Armstrong.

 

On Mon 16 Dec 1985 Brittan told the Commons that the decision was up to Westland; on Wed 18 Dec Heseltine won the backing of the Commons Defence Committee for the European Consortium’s latest bid. On Thurs 19 Dec the matter was discussed at Cabinet for ten minutes: Cabinet approved leaving the decision to Westland and Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for the European option.

Over Christmas, Thatcher discussed with close colleagues the option of sacking Heseltine, as Brittan had urged her to do so, but Chief Whip John Wakeham cautioned against. Thatch later admitted in her memoirs that she shrank from sacking Heseltine as he was too popular and weighty a political figure.

Wakeham would later become Lord President of the Council, 1988-89 and following that, he was Peter Morrison’s boss at the Dept for Energy, when Morrison served as Minister of State in that Dept (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’).

 

Thatcher and ministerial colleagues spent two and a half hours writing three successive drafts of a letter threatening Heseltine with the sack, but did not send it as her Press Adviser Bernard Ingham advised that Heseltine might use it an excuse to resign.

By now the political row was being discussed in the media, ‘partly because of the lack of other news in Dec 1985′. There was plenty of news worth reporting in north Wales but no-one actually gave a stuff because the victims of the serious organised crime prevailing were kids in care and psych patients.

John Cuckney wrote to Thatcher, at her behest, asking for reassurance that the Sikorsky deal would not damage Westland’s business prospects in Europe. Heseltine was not satisfied with Thatcher’s draft reply when he saw it and consulted Sir Patrick Mayhew (Solicitor-General and acting Attorney-General as Sir Michael Havers was ill) on the grounds that the Gov’t might be legally liable for any incorrect advice.

Patrick Mayhew, in his capacity as Attorney-General, 1987-92, authorised a number of prosecutions of me for contempt of court – my imprisonment was sought on each occasion – on the basis of the perjury of the Top Doctors and Gwynedd Social Services. Forged documents were also involved. The MDU lawyers acting from Tony and Sadie Francis admitted that there was not the evidence for the claims that were being made about me in Court. Andrew Park, the crooked lawyer who was employed by the Welsh Office, also admitted in writing that the evidence for claims being made about me on oath did not exist.

Mayhew was N Ireland Secretary, 1992-97. While in office, Sein Fenn accused Mayhew of using forged documents. Now there’s a surprise.

Mayhew’s assistance to Top Docs abusing vulnerable people went back a long way. It was Mayhew who was the QC at the 1970s GMC’s fitness to practice hearing involving Dr Morris Fraser, a Top Doctor (child psychiatrist) from Belfast who had been convicted of sexually abusing a child. Fraser was allowed to continue practising and subsequently worked at St George’s/Springfield and UCH. Fraser had been involved with the Kincora Boys’ Home.

 

Heseltine supplied extra material about the risk of Westland losing European business, which Thatcher did not include in her reply to Cuckney. Thatcher replied to Cuckney to the effect that the British Gov’t would continue to support Westland in gaining orders in Europe.

In early Jan 1986, Heseltine wrote to David Horne of Lloyds Merchant Bank, who was advising the European consortium (in reply to planted questions from Horne which had been dictated to him over the phone by one of Heseltine’s staff), giving him the advice which Thatcher had declined to include in her letter to Cuckney. Contradicting Thatcher’s reassurances to Cuckney, Heseltine claimed that the Sikorsky deal would be ‘incompatible with participation’ in European helicopter projects. Heseltine’s letter was leaked to ‘The Times’. This was a blatant challenge to Thatcher’s authority as Heseltine had not consulted Downing Street, the DTI or Mayhew before writing to Horne.

Heseltine’s letter to Horne, on Thatcher’s request, was referred to the Solicitor-General, Patrick Mayhew. Mayhew sent a reply to Heseltine, noting ‘material inaccuracies’ in Heseltine’s letter, and asking Heseltine to write to Horne again, correcting them. Mayhew’s letter of rebuke to Heseltine – marked ‘Confidential’ – reached Heseltine at lunchtime on Mon 6 Jan and was immediately and selectively leaked to the Press Association by Colette Bowe, Chief Information Officer at the DTI, at Brittan’s request.

Bowe’s leaked letter led to the resignations of both Heseltine and Brittan, for which someone must have been grateful because Colette Bowe is now Dame Colette.

Bowe was Chairman of Ofcom, 2009-14, Chairman of Electra Private Equity plc, 2010–14 and Chairman of the Council of Queen Mary University of London, 2004–09. She has also served on the boards of Thames Water Utilities, London and Continental Railways, Axa IM, Morgan Stanley and the Yorkshire Building Society. She founded and was first Chairman of the Telecoms Ombudsman Service (now Ombudsman Services) in 2002–3. She was the first Chairman of the Ofcom Consumer Panel (2003–08) and has worked as the Executive Chairman of the distribution arm of Fleming Asset Management.

Bowe is the Chairman of the Banking Standards Board and the Associated Board of the Royal Schools of Music. She is the President of the Voice of the Listener and Viewer, a Trustee of The Tablet and of the Nuffield Foundation. Bowe is also a visiting fellow of Nuffield College. She is also a Board member of the UK Statistics Authority and a non-executive Director of the Dept for Transport.

An extra safe pair of hands is clearly possessed by Colette.

There was controversy over whose orders Colette Bowe was following when she dropped the clanger. The Attorney-General, Sir Michael Havers, ‘took a stern view of leaks’, especially of confidential legal advice and threatened to resign if an official inquiry was not set up to look into it. Thatcher agreed to do this.

It was Michael Havers who in his capacity as Attorney-General blocked the prosecution of a number of VIP child sex offenders, including the diplomat Sir Peter Hayman. Michael Havers was the Tory MP for Winbledon, 1970-87. A lot of Top Doctors from St George’s lived at Wimbledon, including Prof Geoffrey Chamberlain. Chamberlain was a friend of Prof Oliver Brooke, who was jailed for child porn offences in Dec 1986. Havers was Lord Chancellor, 13 June 1987-26 Oct 1987. Oliver Brooke was released on appeal in June 1987, after Lord Chief Justice Geoffrey Lane heard the appeal in May 1987. Lane compared Brooke’s enormous collection of kiddie porn – Brooke was a major figure in a pan-European paedophile ring – to a collection of cigarette cards.

I was illegally arrested and imprisoned in Denbigh by Dafydd in the same month that Oliver Brooke was jailed. Alison Taylor was suspended from her job as a social worker by Gwynedd County Council in the same month.

Havers’s sister was Lord Elizabeth Butler-Sloss, who Chaired the Inquiry into the havoc that Dafydd’s mates caused which resulted in the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal and utterly failed to grasp the enormity of what was happening (see post ‘Twas The Night Before Christmas And The Culprits Were Named’).

Cabinet met on the morning of Thurs 9 Jan 1986, with Thatcher already having agreed her position with close colleagues at Chequers that weekend and arranged that Scottish Secretary George Younger should take over as Defence Secretary if Heseltine resigned. Westland was first on the agenda, and Heseltine and Brittan were permitted to put their cases. Heseltine had won the moral high ground over the leaking saga, but Nigel Lawson recorded that he seemed obsessive at Cabinet and attracted little sympathy. Thatcher reiterated her position, which had already been endorsed by the Cabinet, that Westland’s future was a matter for Westland to decide and announced that as this was a time of business negotiations, all answers to questions about Westland must be cleared through the Cabinet Office. Heseltine agreed. In response to a question by Nicholas Ridley, Thatch then confirmed that this also applied to statements which had already been made. Heseltine argued that he should be allowed to reaffirm statements he had already made but Thatcher disagreed, arguing that Cabinet collective responsibility should be observed. Heseltine protested that there had been no collective responsibility, gathered up his papers and left.

Although eyewitness accounts differ as to the exact details, Peter Jenkins claimed that Heseltine lost his cool and proclaimed ‘I can no longer be a member of this Cabinet’. Heseltine then walked out of Downing Street and announced his resignation to the assembled media.

Thatcher then adjourned the Cabinet for a brief break. George Younger was then offered and accepted the office of Secretary of State for Defence, which Heseltine had just relinquished. The Prime Minister’s office then requested Malcolm Rifkind to take up Younger’s previous job, Secretary of State for Scotland, which he accepted. Cabinet then resumed.

At 4 pm that day – 9 Jan 1986 – at the Ministry of Defence (rather than waiting to make a statement to the Commons when it resumed four days later) Heseltine delivered a 22 minute resignation statement detailing his grievances. He blamed Thatcher’s intransigence, saying his views were ignored. He may well have prepared this earlier, although his Private Secretary Richard Mottram says not. To Thatcher’s fury, Defence officials had helped him throughout the crisis and in preparing this document. Thatcher sent a letter to Heseltine, as is customary on these occasions.

Sir Richard Mottram  entered the civil service in 1968 aged 22 after graduating from Keele University. At that time -and indeed since – Keele employed a number of people who were either paedophiles’ themselves, such as social work academic Peter Righton, or concealed and colluded with organised abuse.

Mottram served in the Defence and Overseas Secretariat of the Cabinet Office, 1975-77. He was then the Secretary of two study groups on the rationale for and system options for a successor to the UK’s strategic nuclear deterrent which led subsequently to the decision to adopt Trident. Mottram was then appointed Private Secretary to the Permanent Under Secretary, of the MoD, Sir Frank Cooper. From 1982-1986, Mottram was Private Secretary to a succession of Secretaries of State for Defence – John Nott, Heseltine and George Younger.

In 1985, as Private Secretary to Heseltine as Secretary of State for Defence, Mottram was a witness for the prosecution in the trial of Clive Ponting who was later acquitted of an offence under the Official Secrets Act for passing information to Labour MP Tam Dalyell regarding the sinking of the Belgrano. When Mottram was asked whether answers to parliamentary questions should be truthful and not deliberately ambiguous or misleading, there was a long silence before he replied: ‘In highly charged political matters, one person’s ambiguity may be another person’s truth’.

Mottram: they were trying to kill us and they did kill other people. There is no ambiguity in that.

ThisIsMyTruthTellMeYours.jpg

 

EverythingMustGo(1996album)Albumcover.jpg

 

From 1986-89, Sir Richard Mottram was the Under-Secretary responsible for the defence programme and from 1989-92, the Deputy Secretary with responsibilities for UK defence policy and strategy and defence relations with other countries at the time of the end of the Cold War.

Mottram retired in 2007 from his most recent senior post as Permanent Secretary, Intelligence, Security and Resilience in the Cabinet Office.

This lot were so resilient that they couldn’t even deal with Dafydd.

Mottram serves on the Board of a number of private and public sector organisations, including Chairing the board of Amey PLC. He is a Visiting Professor at the LSE and member of the Advisory Board of LSE IDEAS. Mottram is a Trustee of the Royal Anniversary Trust, which oversees The Queen’s Anniversary Prizes for Higher and Further Education.

 

As a fairly high ranking British Army officer who lived in Somerset at the time, Brown’s dad will have known a number of the people involved in all of this.

On 13 Jan 1986, Thatcher held a meeting with Whitelaw, Brittan, George Younger and John Wakeham to decide what should happen. The conclusion was that Brittan, rather than the PM, should reply to Heseltine’s statement on that day.

In his resignation statement in the House of Commons Heseltine accused Brittan of pressuring Sir Raymond Lygo, CEO of British Aerospace, to withdraw from the European Consortium. In response to questions in the House from Heseltine, Brittan denied that he had received a letter from Lygo, but later had to admit that he had received a letter from Sir Austin Pearce, Chairman of British Aerospace; he had not disclosed it, he claimed, because it was marked Private and Strictly Confidential. He was forced to return to the House a few hours later to apologise.

Admiral Sir Raymond Lygo joined the Royal Navy in 1942 during WW II. He was appointed the commanding officer of the frigate Lowestoft in 1961, the frigate Juno in 1967 and the aircraft carrier Ark Royal in 1969. Lygo was Director General, Naval Manpower and Training,  Feb 1974-June 1975. He went on to be Vice Chief if the Naval Staff in 1975 and retired in 1978.

After retirement, Lygo joined British Aerospace, becoming Chief Executive in 1986.

Lygo will have known Admiral Sir Alec Bingley and all the other senior figures in the Royal Navy and Admiralty who concealed the organised sexual abuse of young people or who were alleged to have been abusing underaged children themselves, such as Lord Louis Mountbatten (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’).

Sir Raymond Lygo
Lygo as captain of HMS Juno 1968.jpg

 

Juno
Goddess of marriage and childbirth
So that is why there is so much child abuse, sexual exploitation and repressed homosexuality in this sorry tale!
Juno sospita pushkin.jpg

Raymond Lygo was also Chairman of the Rutland Trust in 1991, Chairman of TNT (Express) UK Ltd in 1992 and Chairman of the Liontrust First UK Investment Trust in 1997. He was Patron of the Fleet Air Arm Association.

 

Sir Austin Pearce, was Chairman of British Aerospace, 1980-87 and steered the company through its privatisation by Margaret Thatcher’s Gov’t. Although Pearce had spent his entire working life with Esso, of which he had been Chairman and Chief Executive for eight years, he had some experience of the aerospace industry: in 1976 he had been appointed to the organising committee for the nationalisation of the industry and the formation of British Aerospace.

The Gov’t sold 52 per cent of BAe in 1981. Four years later it decided to sell the remaining 48 per cent, Pearce arguing successfully for a price of 375p, rather than the 400p which the government originally wanted.

Known to his colleagues as ‘Tin’, Pearce faced a number of problems at BAe, including inefficiency and over-staffing. During his tenure there were unsuccessful attempts by Thorn EMI and GEC to take over the company. Also, the Nimrod Airborne Early Warning programme was running four years late and substantially over budget; eventually the Gov’t cancelled the programme.

Pearce also faced difficulties over BAe’s involvement in the project to build the Airbus. At first the British Gov’t refused to support the BAe application for aid for the A 320 aircraft. The other partners in Airbus – the French, Germans and Spanish – already had their Gov’ts’ approval and would be happy to take over BAe’s work on the wings. Without financial help, Pearce knew that BAe would be out of Airbus and would consequently be faced with massive redundancies. Without telling either his colleagues or the DTI, he asked for a personal meeting with Thatch. He got the money. During the Westland affair, because BAe hoped to become a partner in a European consortium it aligned itself with Heseltine against Thatch. At one stage, at a meeting with the MoD, Pearce was asked if BAe would take over Westland, but he refused on the ground that BAe had enough spare capacity to take on Westland’s entire workload without assimilating more than a few of its employees.

Austin Pearce was born in Plymouth in 1921. He was educated at Devonport High School for Boys and then went to Birmingham University. As a member of the University Senior Training Corps of Royal Engineers, Pearce was assigned to the Petroleum Warfare Department, working on flame-thrower fuels and incendiary bombs. At the same time he completed a PhD in Chemical Engineering.

In Sept 1945 Pearce joined the AGWI (later the Esso) refinery at Fawley as a junior engineer. In 1950 he was promoted to process superintendent, in charge of the running of all the refinery units. In 1956 Pearce became general manager (refining) for Esso in the UK. In 1963 he joined the Esso Board, with responsibility for the marine and pipelines systems; this included taking charge of the tanker fleet and overseeing the building of the pipeline from Milford Haven to the Midlands and Manchester. In 1968 he was appointed Managing Director and 1972 Chairman and Chief Executive of Esso UK.

Austin Pearce was the first President of the UK Petroleum Industry Association and as Esso’s representative, participated in the negotiations with the Department of Energy, British National Oil Company and Shell on the North Sea participation agreements.

In 1973 Pearce joined the board of Williams and Glyn’s Bank, becoming its last Chairman before it was incorporated into the Royal Bank of Scotland, of which he was appointed a Vice-Chairman.

In 1985 Austin Pearce was appointed Chairman of the Trustees of the Science Museum. He Chaired the meeting that introduced entrance charges; this helped the museum to improve and create new galleries and to rebuild the Railway Museum at York.

Pearce served on the Council of Surrey University, the site of so much skulduggery when I worked there in 1988. He was a Director of Jaguar, Smiths Industries, Pearl Assurance and was Chairman of Oxford Instruments.

Austin Pearce was married first to Maglona Twinn and then to Dr Patricia Grice.

On 15 Jan 1986 there was a debate on Westland in the Commons in which Thatcher replied to the Windbag. Thatcher listed all the ministerial, committee and Cabinet meetings on Westland. Heseltine then made a speech criticising the way collective responsibility had been damaged over Westland.

Sir Robert Armstrong, the Cabinet Secretary, held an inquiry into the leaking of Mayhew’s letter and reported his findings to Thatch on 21 Jan 1986. Armstrong concluded that Brittan had told Colette Bowe to leak Mayhew’s letter through a telephone conversation to Roger Mogg, Brittan’s Private Secretary. Thatcher is said to have asked Brittan four times: ‘Leon, why didn’t you tell me.’ Havers, who demanded the inquiry, later claimed: ‘Unless the PM is the most marvellous actress I’ve ever seen in my life she was as shocked as anybody that in fact it was on Leon Brittan’s instructions.’ At the time Brittan claimed he had misunderstood Thatcher’s wishes but later (on the TV programme The Thatcher Factor on 7 April 1989) admitted that he had acted on the ‘express’ instructions of Charles Powell and Bernard Ingham, Thatcher’s two senior advisers. On 23 Jan 1986, Thatcher had to make a speech to the Commons on Armstrong’s inquiry.

Brittan was being heavily criticised because of the fallout from the leak of the Mayhew letter and because of his lack of candour about the letter from British Aerospace. At a meeting of the 1922 Committee, Conservative back-benchers, demanded Brittan’s resignation. The Chairman of the 1922 Committee at the time was Cranley Onslow, a former MI6 agent who was forced to stand down as Chairman in 1992 by Thatcher’s old mates, who partly blamed him for her previous departure. On 24 Jan 1986 Brittan resigned, because ‘it has become clear to me that I no longer command the full confidence of my colleagues’.

On 27 Jan 1986, Labour set down an adjournment motion. Whitelaw, Howe, Wakeham, John Biffen and Douglas Hurd helped Thatcher draft her speech for this occasion.

In Jan 1986 John Biffen was Lord Privy Seal. John Biffen grew up on a farm about three miles away from where I lived in Somerset. Biffen went to Dr Morgan’s School in Bridgwater along with my father and many others who remained in Somerset. Biffen’s parents remained living at their farm in Combwich and occasionally made trips to London to marvel at their famous son and his associates. John Biffen was a swotty kid who was badly bullied by the locals and he didn’t waste his time with his former tormentors and he did fall out with Thatcher eventually. However, I can’t imagine that he will have resisted if pressurised over all this, there will just have been far too many careers of ruthless dangerous nutters at stake.

Biffen was MP for Oswestry and then North Shropshire. John Allen had a children’s home in Shropshire, there was an abuse ring in operation in the region and many children’s home staff migrated between Bryn Estyn and Shropshire. The family seat of the unfortunate Ormsby-Gores was at Oswestry and David Ormsby-Gore aka Lord Harlech preceded John Biffen as MP for Oswestry. Ever since Lord Harlech served at US Ambassador during JFK’s Presidency, the Ormsby-Gores have had a penchant for dying young and in unfortunate circumstances. The biography of Francis Ormsby-Gore, who farmed near Harlech and was found dead at his home relatively recently, had all the signs of one of someone who was under sustained attack by the paedophiles’ friends (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’).

Douglas Hurd was Home Secretary, presiding over the carnage in north Wales.

Ronald Miller, one of Thatch’s friends, was asked to help revise the speech and Thatcher remarked to him that she might not be PM by six o’clock that evening if things went badly.

The Windbag, who knew Tony Francis from their days as students in Cardiff, was generally thought to have made a poor opening speech.

Heseltine was frustrated at the Windbag’s failure to exploit the moment and claimed that Thatcher’s statement brought ‘the politics of the matter to an end’ and that he would support the Gov’t in the lobby.

Sikorsky then bought Westland, aided by mysterious prior purchases by mystery buyers, suspected by Cuckney and others, although without clear proof, of being an illegal concert party.

 

Westland damaged Thatcher’s credibility and made her look anti-European for the first time. It has been suggested that Thatcher’s keenness on American control of Westland may have been linked to the Al-Yamamah arms deal which was mired in allegations of corruption, or that the US might have wanted Westland to sell Black Hawk helicopters to Saudi Arabia in circumvention of Congressional rules which prevented US arms sales to that country at the time.

Leon Brittan’s behaviour was thought in part to have been motivated by resentment at his demotion from Home Secretary to the Secretary for DTI in Sept 1985. He also thought Heseltine’s mooted European consortium to be monopolistic and anti-competitive.

Apart from his clash of personalities with Thatcher, it was thought that Heseltine, concerned at having to take responsibility for Defence cuts which had been put back until 1986 and worried that Thatcher was unlikely to promote him further, was looking for an excuse to resign. Resigning would put him in good stead to be elected Party leader after, as seemed likely at the time, the Conservatives lost the next election, due by summer 1988.

Heseltine retired to the back benches and spent nearly five years conducting an undeclared campaign for the Party leadership. Although the Thatcher Gov’t was re-elected in 1987, Heseltine eventually challenged her in Nov 1990, polling well enough to hasten her resignation.

Three months after Heseltine ‘resigned from the Cabinet as a matter of honour’, my close friend and house mate on Anglesey was killed in a head-on collision with another car. Our friend Geoff Johnson was a passenger and was left severely brain-damaged. The young man who drove the TR7 straight into Anne somehow only walked away with a broken arm. It was acknowledged that Anne had not been at fault – the other car had been driving on Anne’s side of the road at high speed – but there was no investigation and no prosecution. Anne knew everything that was happening to me at the hands of the Top Docs. Weeks before she was killed, D.G.E. Wood remarked that he always knew when Anne drove past his house – he lived in the same village as us – because he could recognise her car.

Two days after Anne was killed, Liz Stables, the Angel who worked in the UCNW Student Health Centre, took Anne’s file out of a locker and wrote ‘DEAD’ in capital letters across it in front of me. Liz then said that I couldn’t hang around mourning, there were things to do. Some two weeks later Wood yelled at me to ‘forget about everything that has happened here and go away and make a new life for yourself’. Presumably so Wood’s accomplices could kill the rest of us off miles away from Bangor to avoid the fickle finger of suspicion ever being pointed at them.

Heseltine, the man who would do anything, anything at all to become PM, came from Swansea. Heseltine never became PM. Another procession of empty headed narcissistic oafs did instead.

Lord Heseltine (6969083278).jpg

All together now -‘I’m ready to serve’.

Lord Heseltine (6969083278).jpg

 

Now for a bit more info on the lady who worked in a junior capacity at Westland when the almighty ding dong broke out and who – along with a few others – did very nicely out of it all. This blog post is already quite long, so I won’t dissect Janet’s career bit by bit, highlighting who assisted her and when they did so, I’ll leave it up to readers to make the links to police investigations, the Waterhouse Inquiry etc. Regular readers will by now be familiar with the skulduggery and those involved.
 Janet Mitchell, CEng FRAeS:
Janet worked as a Stress Engineer, Westland Helicopters, Product Support Division, 1982-87.

Then Janet was Future Projects Engineer, Airbus, 1987-89: Reporting to Head of Future Projects for BAE Commercial Aircraft Division.

Janet was Stress Engineer, Stresswork Ltd, 1989-91.

supported the Aerospace, Automotive and Civil Engineering Industries. It also covered Nuclear Power, Engineering Design of a Composite Commercial Vehicle Chassis and engineering project management of the structural certification for the A340 Wing Composite Components.
From 1993-94, Janet was Senior Principal Engineer on the Future Large Aircraft Composite Wing Study for BAE Systems.
Between 1994-95, Janet worked on the Airbus Composite Wing Strategy for BAE Systems. She was:

‘Accountable for leading and delivering the BAE/AIRBUS Composite Wing Strategy, this was a significant business transformation programme, I successfully led all business functional specialists to deliver a Strategy for acquiring the Composite Capability for Airbus Wing Business including programme plans and costs of the Technology Development programme. This was delivered to the Airbus Senior Management Board at AUK and BAE SYSTEMS Head Quarters – Directorate for Engineering.’

From 1995-99, Janet was Project Manager of the Low Cost Composite Technology Research for the Airbus Group. She was: ‘Accountable for developing the capability in low cost, low weight Composite Technologies for Airbus UK Wing Technology including materials, manufacturing processes, design and analytical methods and assembly technology. Successfully delivering the bid content for the wing contribution to the 83 million euro EC Framework 5 “TANGO” programme, the DTI funded AMCAPSII programme, private venture, national collaborative projects with research institutes, universities and national industries. Development of specific research project management and financial management processes and the Composite Strategy in line with business objectives’.

Between 1999-02, Janet was Head of Research and Technology Programme, Airbus UK Airbus Group. She was the: ‘Executive accountable for all Airbus UK Research and Technology Projects in Composites, Metallic’s Systems and Advanced Wing Technologies ( including Aerodynamics,Structures, Manufacturing, Assembly Technology and Wing Integration). This team was in excess of 250 people and an annual budget in excess of 100 million euros. Accountabilities included the R & T Operational Business Plan for the UK, contribution to the Airbus Technology Strategy, Technology Plan for UK, Primary interface for Airbus UK into the DTI and European Commission (EC) and Academia for technology projects. Project management of the Airbus Composite Wing technology programme which was funded by the EC and called TANGO’.
Between Oct 2002-06, Janet was head of A400 Military Transport Aircraft Wing Programme for Airbus.

In Jan 2007 Janet Mitchell set up her own consultancy, McSquared Consultants Ltd, of which she has been the CEO since its foundation

When we were kids, everyone had great difficulties playing with Janet although she was a good laugh, because she used to cheat in all the games. Everybody’s mother used to say ‘ooh it’s because Janet’s an only child, she’s not used to playing with others or sharing’. That may well have been the case when we were seven Janet, but I’m not sure that’s an excuse for the last 30 years.

Janet’s family were unusual among the people whom I knew when I was young in that they were not from Somerset. They were from Chorley and Janet’s entire extended family, to whom she and her parents were still close, all lived in Chorley. She was also much doted upon by the Chorley clan because she was the only grandchild of a big family. Chorley is an area which suffered badly in the 20th century post-industrial decline. There were two main employers in the area until recently – Leyland Trucks and BAE Systems. BAE systems closed its doors in 2008. That was OK though, Janet had set up her own consultancy by then and all her elderly relatives whom I remember who always batted so hard for Janet will have died by 2008.

I receive more names every day of those in Somerset whom I am told maxed out on their knowledge of what happened to me. I’m not putting them all up here, because I’m loathe to do so without a degree of evidence, at least circumstantial. However I have been told to enquire into the means by which a farming family by the name of Hill near Fiddington transformed their farm into a premier equestrian centre, Stockland Lovell Manor. The Hills were never at all horsey, but at the height of my difficulties with those we known and love, they raised an enormous sum of money and came up with very flash equestrian centre. Neighbouring farmers could not work out how the Hills had persuaded an investor to part with so much money, even if the farm had been used as security. The Hills had a daughter whom they told everyone was ‘working in the financial services’ in Europe, but she wasn’t a trader or a banker, didn’t possess professional qualifications and from what I was told it sounded as though she was actually a PA. Another daughter was a midwife – in Nottingham. Where I used to work and where a big research fraud between the Cancer Research Campaign and an American drug company was taking place in labs located at Nottingham University (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’). The Hills also had a son, whom I am told now works for Somerset County Council Social Services, with disadvantaged youngsters.

The Hills used to give one of those who received money in return for their silence about what was happening to me a lift to Fiddington Church every Sunday. Mr Michael Hill was a churchwarden and a leading light in Somerset Cricket Club, so there’ll have been a few hobnobbing opportunities there. Ah the good old days, when stars like Ian Botham and Viv Richards played for Somerset, who would get pissed down the Anchor Inn in Combwich, in the company of the man who suddenly found himself with so many celebrity friends and so much money from about 1990 onward…

I think that Michael Hill and his wife Lavinia have both died now, so perhaps their offspring Diane, Jenny and Martin could explain how the family laid their hands on such a huge amount of dosh. Jenny Hill is probably the person to ask.

Series titles over a docklands terrace street

Two other Top Tossers who were tripping over themselves in the 1990s to make unlikely friendships with people in Somerset who knew what was happening in north Wales were Dangerous Sports Club members Ding Boston and Martin Lyster. Boston and Lyster are both veterans of pointless dangerous activities dressed up as ‘extreme sports’ in which people sustain injuries or even die (only a prosecution for manslaughter, not murder and even then that nice lady judge at Bristol Crown Court directed the jury to acquit!). The dear old Dangerous Sports Club had the wind taken out of its sails some years ago, what with its founder the conman David Kirke going to prison and then the death of that Bulgarian student, but I note that Ding now describes himself as ‘Co-Ordinator, Oxford Universities Motorsport’. Don’t ask me what Ding’s real name is, he refuses to give it, even in toadying media profiles. ‘Dickhead’ will suffice.

Ding’s mate Martin Lyster did a first degree and then a PhD in physics at Oxford in the 1980s and then years later a Masters at Loughborough University in Renewable Energy. His Linked In profile describes his present position as an R&D Project Manager for SSE Power Distribution.

So who with links to Thatcher/Major – apart from Tommy Leigh-Pemberton’s father obviously – was the source of all the dosh then Ding and Martin?

When I was discussing all this with Brown, he remarked that the emissaries of Thatcher’s and Major’s Gov’ts will have seen me as doubly dangerous. Not only had I gathered huge amounts of crap on Dafydd and related sex trafficking rings in other parts of the country with links to Tory Ministers, but coming from Tory stock myself I’ll have been seen as a renegade who really had to be stopped. Brown commented that while we were having our friends murdered and our careers destroyed, a lot of older people in Somerset would have been able to remember my grandfather, who was the leading campaigner for Sir Gerald Wills, the Tory MP for Bridgwater, 1950-69. Indeed. The vacuous shite Tom King built on the solid Tory support that had accumulated in Bridgwater.
I reminded Brown that I think that Tom et al will have seen me as far more than doubly dangerous. My grandpa was a high Tory who hung out with the Sir Bufton Tuftons, but he did a few things that pissed people like Tom King off. Such as: denouncing Edward du Cann as a crook (du Cann was later demonstrated to be, er, a crook); turning down a knighthood – Lord King and Lady Jane would never have found it within themselves to do that; refusing an invitation to a Buck House garden party; taking the piss out of the Freemasons and, I understand, the Water Buffaloes as well.
In 1979, one day at school I and my friends were in the library reading the ‘Bridgwater Mercury’ and we happened upon the ’25 years ago today’ column. Everyone howled with laughter, because the snippet chosen was a speech that my grandfather had made to the Somerset Tories, in which he had said that ‘the Conservative Party today is not what it used to be’. Well it certainly wasn’t by the late 1980s, it was trying to murder his granddaughter because she’d stumbled across the Westminster Paedophile Ring.
Anyone for a Buck House garden party?
Charles Prince of Wales.jpg

More On Those Who Signed That Early Day Motion

Recent posts ‘More On Those Prisons For Folk Who Dared Complain’ and ‘Further Information On Garth Angharad Hospital’ have discussed the horror that was Garth Angharad, a ‘hospital’ for ‘mentally abnormal criminals’ near Dolgellau, owned and managed by Paul Hett, a now struck-off solicitor who also owned three schools/children’s homes where allegations of sexual abuse and cruelty were made. I explained how people who had complained about being sexually abused in children’s homes in north Wales seemed to end up in Garth Angharad and how ‘professionals’ associated with Garth Angharad were involved with criminal activities. My post ‘Further Information On Garth Angharad Hospital’ described how in 1992 there was an attempt to close Garth Angharad, but Elfyn Llwyd, a lawyer and the Plaid MP for the region, tabled an early day motion in the House to keep this unaccountable prison for those who had been abused open. The Early Day Motion was signed by nine other MPs – Dafydd Wigley, Ieuan Wyn Jones, Ken Livingstone, Alun Michael, Martyn Jones, Paul Flynn, Simon Hughes, Thomas Graham and Nigel Jones. By 1992 there had been huge media coverage of the north Wales paedophile ring and there had even been a few prosecutions and convictions of social care workers – it was also known that the region’s mental health services were deeply troubled. The MPs who signed that Early Day Motion will not have been unaware that something terrible was happening in the north Wales social services and mental health services.

My post ‘Further Information On Garth Angharad Hospital’ discusses local politicians Elfyn Llwyd, Dafydd Wigley and Ieuan Wyn Jones and their connections – but what of the others who signed?

Paul Flynn. I know of Paul Flynn as being the MP for Newport in south Wales – I also remember him on the Kane Debates in the 1990s, robustly arguing with Dafydd Alun Jones himself when Dafydd was busy trying to conjure up images of reefer madness in north Wales. So why would Paul Flynn have an interest in keeping one of Dafydd and co’s personal prisons open? Paul Flynn is from south Wales and most of his career has been spent there – however, he has a Denbigh connection. In the 1974 General Election Flynn was the Labour candidate for Denbigh. In the same election, Ieuan Wyn Jones was the Plaid candidate for Denbigh! Of course Denbigh was one of those towns dominated by the asylum – nearly everybody living in Denbigh either worked at the North Wales Hospital or had a relative who worked there. It was the main employer in that area – and other job opportunities would have been far less well-paid. Property was cheap – because of the economic situation in north Wales – so with a job at the North Wales Hospital if you could stomach the abuses going on out there you could live a rather more comfortable life than many other people in the region. There were of course an awful lot of patients banged up in Denbigh – hundreds of them – but they didn’t have a vote. In 1974 Gwynne the lobotomist still ruled the institution with an iron fist and Dafydd had been out there for years, so he was well settled in. Patients illegally banged up, being sexually abused, physically assaulted, some dying in suspicious circumstances? Paul and Ieuan weren’t going to say a word about that what with wanting to get elected. Presumably the connections that Paul made in Denbigh were strong enough to ensure that he signed that Early Day Motion many years later – what ever would happen if people who alleged serious wrongdoing in the health and welfare services in north Wales were not discredited and silenced? I also note that the seat in Newport that Flynn won in 1987 had been previously occupied by Mark Robinson – Mark Robinson was one of the Tory MPs who was busy assisting the north Wales mental health services when I made complaint about them and tried to access my records. It has also just occurred to me that if Flynn lost out to the Tories in Denbigh in 1974, there may well have been a Tory MP there when I was raising concerns about criminal activity and abuse in the North Wales Hospital in the late 80s, which would explain further why the Welsh Office under Thatcher was colluding with the aforementioned criminality – I will investigate further…

Simon Hughes. Now Sir Simon Hughes. For many years was LibDem MP for Bermondsey and Southwark, famously taking part in the dirty tricks campaign that was launched against Peter Tatchell when he stood against Simon Hughes for the seat in 1983. Much abuse was hurled at Tatchell because of his support for gay rights. Many years later – when it would not damage his career – Hughes admitted that he had had gay relationships. He now describes himself as bisexual. Hughes was appointed a Minister of State for Justice and Civil Liberties in 2013 – he is also a lawyer, so he knows what criminal activity looks like. Hughes does have a connection with Wales in that he went to school in south Wales. When he signed that Early Day Motion however he was MP for Bermondsey and Southwark. Now I don’t know if there was anyone from London sent to Garth Angharad, but children from London authorities were being sent to the schools and children’s homes owned by Paul Hett.

Alun Michael. Currently South Wales Police and Crime Commissioner. When he signed the Early Day Motion, Alun Michael was a Labour MP in Cardiff. He was born on Anglesey and went to school in Colwyn Bay.  His wiki entry states that for many years he was a ‘youth and community worker’, although it doesn’t say where. His north Wales roots and career in ‘youth and community work’ suggest that he’ll have had a pretty good idea of the shenanigans happening in the health and welfare services in north Wales. Alun Michael is best known of course for being Blair’s choice of First Minister for Wales – Blair foisted him upon the newly created Welsh Assembly Government, there was massive resentment, Michael resigned after a few months and Rhodri Morgan ended up as First Minister, whom everyone had wanted in the first place. Alun Michael’s wiki entry does actually discuss paedophilia. He was quoted as saying whilst he was a Home Office Minister under Blair’s regime that ‘there’d be no hiding place for paedophiles’ (although their victims were being hidden in Garth Angharad of course), but disappointed a lot of people after the murder of 8 year old Sarah Payne by not implementing the proposed ‘Sarah’s Law’ ie. informing the public if a paedophile was living in the area. Alun Michael was responsible however for the Crime and Disorder Bill which introduced ASBOs -which famously criminalised numerous vulnerable people, including children with mental health problems… Footnote: At one point, during that period of time when reports into the north Wales paedophile ring were being redacted and pulped, Rhodri Morgan made some very angry comments regarding the outrageous situation of the presence of a paedophile ring in north Wales yet the identities of those involved being concealed. Well never mind Alun fucking Michael and Blair Rhodri, read all about it on this blog – the names of the guilty parties are all over the documents now in my possession.

Martyn Jones. At the time of signing the Early Day Motion, Jones was Labour MP for Clwyd South. He was born in Wrexham – Wrexham was the location of the children’s homes where the north Wales paedophile ring conducted most of their activities and Clwyd is the region containing the North Wales Hospital. He’ll have known. Interestingly enough, Martyn Jones was a very vocal critic of the former Chief Constable of North Wales, Richard Brunstrom. Many people used Mr Brunstrom’s obsession with speeding motorists as a stick to beat him with, but there was another reason why some people had a problem with Richard Brunstrom – he was famously not corrupt and indeed sacked a few senior officers for corruption. Including Elfed Roberts, who then became the Chairman of the North West Wales NHS Trust.

Nigel Jones. At the time of signing the Early Day Motion, Nigel Jones was LibDem MP for Cheltenham. Apart from politics, his main career seems to have been in computing, although since leaving the Commons he has been involved in PR work. I can find no connection between Nigel Jones and Wales at all, so why he would be joining in the lobbying to keep the personal prison of Dafydd and the paedophile gang open I do not know. However Nigel Jones was involved in a major drama in 2000. He was the MP who was attacked by a man with a Samurai sword – he was protected by his parliamentary assistant who was unfortunately murdered in the attack. Jones sustained wounds to his hand. The attacker, Robert Ashman, was found mentally unfit to stand trial and was sent to Broadmoor for observation. He later stood trial for attempted murder and manslaughter. It transpired that in 1992, the year that he was elected, Jones had written Ashman a character reference after Ashman broke the ribs of a tax collector. Someone is obviously very grateful to Jones for something because he has now been given a peerage, after an undistinguished political career, the only highlight of which was someone trying to murder him. I remember Jones speaking publicly after his assistant was murdered – from what he said, I presumed that the man who had attacked him was a ‘service user’ who had been released from hospital with sod all care. Jones was fuming about the ‘idiots – and they are idiots’ who were letting these people out. But there is no mention anywhere that Ashman had previously been involved with the mental health services. If any readers can shed any light on why a man from Cheltenham signed an Early Day Motion to keep Dafydd and the paedophile gang’s prison open as soon as he entered the Commons, or why in the same year he wrote a character reference for a violent man who later tried to murder him or how the bloody hell he ever ended up with a peerage, please do contact me. I’d also be very interested to know why Robert Ashman wanted to murder Nigel Jones and what the conclusion of dear old Broadmoor was after ‘observing’ Ashman – the Broadmoor that at the time was still associated with one Jimmy Savile.

Thomas Graham. Was a Labour MP in Scotland when he signed the Early Day Motion. I can find no link between him and Wales. However Mr Graham seems to have been a controversial character. After he died he was described as ‘larger than life’ (which is often used to conceal a multitude of sins when it’s distasteful to actually detail them because for example the person involved has just died). It seems that at one point a colleague of Thomas Graham’s committed suicide, leaving behind a note alleging that Thomas Graham had smeared him by accusing him of having a homosexual affair with a 17 year old employee of Graham’s. An investigation was conducted by the Labour Party into allegations that Graham had blackmailed the dead man and Graham was expelled for bringing the Party into disrepute. Graham dismissed the investigation as a ‘sham’. Whatever the truth was, it seems that something very unpleasant indeed had gone on. If any readers have any clues as to what any of this – or anything else involving Thomas Graham – might have to do with Garth Angharad, please let me know.

Ken Livingstone. When Ken signed the Early Day Motion he was Labour MP for Brent east, of course best known as Red Ken, former leader of the GLC, the man associated with the London ‘loony left’. I have found no mention of Ken having any connections with Wales, but of course, as I have mentioned, London authorities were sending youngsters to the children’s homes/schools owned by Paul Hett who also owned and managed Garth Angharad. However, before Ken became leader of the GLC, in the early 70s he was involved in local politics in Lambeth and was the Chair of Lambeth Housing Committee. Later on, Lambeth County Hall was the home of the GLC. (At a later date, the GLC HQ was in Southwark – Simon Hughes’s constituency!) Readers may have noticed that Lambeth has featured in the national news recently. It has been admitted that there was serious en masse sexual abuse happening in the children’s homes there and a complete failure to protect children from organised paedophiles – millions has already been paid out in compensation and many millions more is expected to be paid. A group of people known as the Shirley Oaks Survivors have walked out of the Independent Inquiry Into Child Sexual Abuse Chaired by Prof Alexis Jay, denouncing it as a ‘social workers talking shop’. They make the salient point that it was social workers who molested them so they really cannot be expected to have faith in an enquiry led by a social worker. The Shirley Oaks Survivors have published their own account of events and have named the people whom they claim were responsible for abusing them….

Over the past few weeks I have taken an increasingly greater interest in the connections between the paedophile gangs that are now known to have been operating in children’s services in different areas of the UK, including London, and their links with north Wales as well as the mental health services. This is worthy of a blog post in itself and I’ll be writing it very soon….

Just a note about north Wales. Ieuan Wyn Jones has now been selected as Plaid candidate for Ynys Mon for the forthcoming General Election. Blog post ‘Normal Service Resumed – News Round-Up, March 8 2017’ details problems of child abuse in services commissioned by Anglesey County Council. Should Ieuan become their MP, things won’t look too good for people needing health and social care services on Anglesey – as if Anglesey hasn’t already got enough problems with a Council known to be mired in corruption and a few councillors who have ended up in prison.

 

THE BLOG POST THAT WAS HACKED CAN NOW BE READ

Last night one of my blog posts was hacked. I have now taken advice and am happy to say that I have reposted the post (below) that was hacked. Many thanks to the concerned readers who e mailed me. This is a message for one of them, Pete, who is currently in India – Pete, I tried to reply to your e mail but the message inexplicably bounced saying that it couldn’t be delivered to your address. Can you e mail me again on a different address so that I can try and reply to that? Or correspond with me via the comments section on the blog? Thanks.

 

 

My previous blog posts ‘A Very Cosy Relationship – and Some Serious Smears’ and ‘An Expert From England’ describe the flurry of correspondence behind the scenes regarding me that was happening in the wake of my complaints about the psychiatric services at Ysbyty Gwynedd and the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. I was completely unaware of just how frantic this activity had been until last week when my lawyers released files that I had not seen before. Dr James Earp, the ‘independent expert’ from Leicester, had been tasked with writing a report about me for Bangor Magistrates Court after the mental health services in north Wales moved mountains to bring a charge of ‘threatening behaviour’ against me. Earp compiled and submitted his report in the autumn of 1987, by which time I was living in Leicester. I was unable to visit the Bangor area until the court case had been heard because of my bail conditions. (Since moving away from north Wales I had remained a regular visitor because I enjoyed hill walking.) Although I was no longer living in north Wales it seemed that a lot of people in north Wales were still taking a very big interest in me, some of these being people whom I had never heard of, let alone met. The recently released files contain scores of documents compiled by such people, demonstrating just how frenetic the correspondence and meetings about me were. The documents also reveal a degree of collusion between various people and organisations that I had been completely unaware of. Although I didn’t know these people at the time, I do recognise some of their names now – their names have featured in connection with the investigations into the serious abuse of children in care in north Wales. One of these people was Lucille Hughes, then Director of Gwynedd Social Services. Hughes was named in the Waterhouse Report as knowing about the paedophile ring operating in Gwynedd Social Services but failing to act. She ‘retired’ on the eve of the publication of the Waterhouse Report. I was told many years ago that Lucille Hughes was a former partner of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and had remained on good terms with him. She now sits on the Board of Trustees of CAIS, the charity that Jones founded and still chairs. Interestingly enough, despite all these meetings and correspondence about me, the one thing that no-one was doing was attempting to investigate the very serious complaints that I had made about the mental health services in north Wales. Instead it seems that a huge well-oiled machine went into action to ensure that my complaints were never investigated and to paint a picture of me as a phenomenally dangerous nutter. There was a key player involved in this in a way that I had never before realised – Dr X from Ysbyty Gwynedd. (For more background on Dr X please see blog post ‘A Very Cosy Relationship – and Some Serious Smears’. I am not naming him on this blog because he killed himself some four years ago and his widow, who was also a psychiatrist at Ysbyty Gwynedd, is still alive and living in north Wales.)

Whilst I was in Leicester I continued to pursue my complaints about the mental health services. This did not go unnoticed, although no-one was replying to my letters. The files released from my lawyers however have given me some idea of what was going on behind the scenes.

On 7 January 1988, Lucille Hughes wrote to Jackie Brandt and Keith Fearns to inform them that ‘today’ I had made a complaint about Brandt. Brandt had sectioned me in Ysbyty Gwynedd on 17 Sept 1986 and my representations about her gross incompetence were being ignored. (Please see blog post ‘A Very Cosy Relationship – and Some Serious Smears’ for details regarding this event.) I was getting nowhere with either Gwynedd Health Authority or the Mental Health Act Commission. So I wrote to Gwynedd Social Services who employed Brandt. Fearns was the co-ordinator of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team, one of Brandt’s colleagues. I had never heard of him at the time that Lucille Hughes wrote this letter to him, but I later did encounter him (please see blog post ‘The Arfon Community Mental Health Team’ for more background on Fearns and his dreadful conduct) and heard many first hand accounts of his intimidating, aggressive, unpleasant behaviour. Fearns survived as a social worker in Gwynedd for decades, but some years ago he and his ‘team’ were finally investigated and I was told that he was dismissed for serious neglect of patients. He now works as a CBT therapist and has even written a book about CBT such is his expertise.

Although Fearns had never met me, on the day that Lucille wrote to him and Brandt notifying them that I’d complained about Brandt, Fearns wrote a letter to Alun Davies (Administrator for the psychiatric services at Ysbyty Gwynedd) telling him that he knew that Davies was ‘collecting examples of [my] behaviour’ and that he hoped that Davies ‘will add these to your list’ (there is no indication in the files as to what these ‘examples’ are). Fearns stated that they wanted a ‘procedure’ to prevent me from entering the building where the Arfon Team were based and that ‘we would of course seek the assistance of the police in exploring any authority policy to preclude her access’. So upon receiving my complaint about Brandt, rather than responding to the complaint, the first reaction of Gwynedd Social Services was to collude with Alun Davies (who had been involved in the sectioning of me by Brandt) and to call for police ‘assistance’.

On January 27 1988 Brandt wrote to Mr W. Oswyn Rees (Area Officer for Arfon Area Office, Gwynedd Social Services) defending her conduct on the day that she sectioned me. Brandt’s letter was also signed by Fearns. This letter was copied to Mr R. Evans (I assume that this is a reference to Rob Evans, Assistant Director, Gwynedd Social Services) and Mr R. Evans (Legal Dept, Gwynedd County Offices).

The files contain a copy of a letter to Alun Davies from H. Ellis Hughes, the County Secretary and Solicitor for Gwynedd County Council, dated 9 February 1988, although this letter contains the instruction to ‘ask for Ron Evans’. The letter is regarding me writing to Brandt and asks Davies for ‘information that you might consider useful’. However there is a handwritten note on this letter saying ‘sent on 22/2/88 R’. Presumably ‘R’ is Ron. But why did Ron not send this letter until 22 February if it was typed up on the 9 February? Here’s a clue. The files contain another document dated 22 February 1988, that is a ‘report’ written by Bob Ingham, a CPN with the Arfon Team. This ‘report’ is Ingham’s version of a visit that I made to the Arfon Team’s offices in an attempt to get some answers from Brandt. I remember the incident well. Ingham wedged himself in the hall to bar my way and at one point grabbed me by the arm and dragged me along for a few yards. I told him that he was assaulting me and he then rang the police to report me for ‘threatening’ them all. When I asked him who he was he refused to tell me but just said ‘I’m in charge here’. The police did not arrest me because they were of the opinion that I hadn’t broken any law. Ingham’s report states that Brandt ‘had been advised’ not to speak to me or answer my letters. Ingham notes that he ‘liased with Ysbyty Gwynedd’ about the incident and that he spoke to Mr Campbell and Dr X about the situation. Mr Campbell was presumably Mr D. Campbell, Assistant Director of Nursing at Ysbyty Gwynedd and Dr X was the psychiatrist who told Brandt to section me on September 17 1986.

On 2 March 1988  Fearns wrote a letter to W. Oswyn Rees (the Arfon Area Officer, Gwynedd Social Services) referring to me having been bound over to keep the peace. (This had been the result of the charge of ‘threatening behaviour’ that the mental health services had brought against me.) Fearns states in his letter to Rees that ‘the staff group here would therefore strongly urge both [Gwynedd] County Council and the area Health Authority to pursue this matter legally as [my] behaviour appears to be in breach [of court orders] and as such may be interpreted as contempt of court…’ Now I do not remember any Court Orders against me at that time that I was breaching by either writing to Brandt or visiting her office. Yet a man who had never met me was urging legal action against me by both Gwynedd Social Services and Gwynedd Health Authority, allegedly at the behest of a ‘staff group’ most of whom I’d also never met except for one whom I’d made a complaint about. Fearns’s letter was copied to Rob Evans (Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services) and Ron Evans (of the Legal Dept, Gwynedd County Council). One week later, on 9 March 1988, Lucille Hughes (Director, Gwynedd Social Services) wrote to the County Secretary and Solicitor, but sent it as FAO Ron Evans of the Legal Dept. Lucille made reference to a copy of a ‘report’ by Fearns of 2 March, regarding me visiting the Arfon Team’s offices on 22 February 1988. (So Fearns had helpfully compiled a ‘report’ about an incident that he did not witness and which occurred when he was not even in the building.) Lucille asks Ron ‘Do you feel that all appropriate steps have now been taken to protect our staff…Can you advise on any aspect of the case which you feel still causes you concern?’ A copy of this letter was sent to W. Oswyn Rees – who of course the week before had been urged by Fearns to prosecute me for contempt of court. And it seems that Ron Evans from Gwynedd County Council’s Legal Dept was right at the centre of all this – and there seemed to be a hotline between Lucille Hughes and Ron.

In June 1988 I was admitted to one of the psychiatric wards in Ysbyty Gwynedd when I was visiting north Wales. For once this was not as a result of unscrupulous people breaking the law, but as a result of a very helpful nursing officer who used to work at Ysbyty Gwynedd (the same nursing officer mentioned in blog post ‘A Very Cosy Relationship – and Some Serious Smears’ who, after a junior doctor made a statement to the police maintaining that I had ‘attempted to stab him’ saved my bacon by making a statement saying that he was in the room at the time and I had done no such thing). I was depressed with suicidal feelings and accepted the nursing officer’s offer of a bed on the ward – of course I had no idea at the time what was happening behind the scenes and my perception then was that the main problem in north Wales was Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and his regime at Denbigh and to a lesser extent an incompetent social worker and a number of junior doctors who didn’t know what they were doing. Whilst I was on the ward, the consultant who had been allocated to me on a temporary basis wrote to another consultant who was taking over my care. On 23 June she wrote to a Dr Devakumar stating that ‘[I had] been relatively co-operative whilst on the ward…..she claims and expresses continued paranoid ideas regarding one particular consultant psychiatrist’. I presume that she was referring to Dr Dafydd Alun Jones. This statement is fascinating because the doctor who wrote it used to work at the North Wales Hospital herself and found things there so horrific that she worked very hard to escape to Ysbyty Gwynedd.

Among the documents from the files there is also another letter that seems to have been written in the summer of 1988. This is a letter from Dr X to his solicitor Ann Ball of Hempsons, the lawyers used by the Medical Defence Union. The letter from Dr X indicates that although Ann Ball had advised him to take no further legal action against me he was clearly thinking of asking her to invoke his existing injunction against me. (For the background as to how this injunction was obtained please see blog post ‘A Very Cosy Relationship – and Some Serious Smears’.) This was not the only letter that I have read written by Dr X and his wife demonstrating that they were ignoring their own legal advisors. There were angry letters written by them in previously released files berating their legal advisors for not understanding how ‘dangerous’ I was when Dr X and his wife were being told very frankly by their lawyers that they seemed to be over-reacting.

Dr X was not the only person over-reacting. There is a truly splendid letter written by Dr Dafydd Alun Jones to Huw Thomas (General Manager of Gwynedd Health Authority) dated 24 June 1988. This letter is Jones’s rather florid account of an encounter that he had with me in an open-plan secretaries office in Ysbyty Gwynedd when I asked him some questions that he didn’t want to answer. He made a fist and raised his arm and I thought that I was about to get thumped – so I told him that it wouldn’t be a good idea to assault me because there were witnesses present (although from what these documents suggest, Jones could have murdered me on the spot and no-one would have remembered seeing a thing). Jones lowered his arm and with a wonderful bit of ham-acting asked one of the secretaries to call someone to ‘accompany Sally back to the ward’. But Jones’s letter tells a somewhat different story. He states that ‘ [I] accosted [him] in a menacing way in the typing pool…she has repeatedly made threats and there is a general feeling among the consultant psychiatrists that she is a potential hazard…it is disturbing that she is able to wander seemingly at will and quite unsupervised…when she is quite obviously a problem of grave concern…’ Jones continues in a similar vein, alleging that Ysbyty Gwynedd is attempting to do a job for which it is not equipped ie. cater for a dangerous nutter like me. There is a letter dated 29 June to Huw Thomas (General Manager of Gwynedd Health Authority) written by Mr D. Campbell (Assistant Director of Nursing at Ysbyty Gwynedd) which is clearly a response to the rant that Jones had sent a few days earlier. Mr Campbell refers to a memorandum that Jones had sent Huw Thomas and comments that he is ‘concerned about the second paragraph’ and refers to a conversation with a nursing officer ‘about his remarks to Dr Jones’, so there was obviously some allegations flying around between the staff. Mr Campbell states that I was a voluntary patient ‘and there was no need to confine her to the ward. Indeed any such confinement would have been illegal…supervision was relaxed as she was not seen as being a danger, either to herself or others…she has long-harboured a dislike of Dr Jones. Unfortunately their paths crossed and she took the opportunity to ‘bend his ear’…’ Mr Campbell copied this letter to a Mr J Caddell, Dr DA Jones, Dr X’s wife, Alun Davies and a nursing officer.

Mr Campbell’s letter to Huw Thomas seemed to have tipped Jones over the edge. On 5 July Jones wrote to Huw Thomas ‘I think this patient is potentially dangerous. I speak from extensive experience in working with patients with personality disorder and with the experience probably of more forensic work than many general psychiatrists. You may possibly be aware of occasions when she has seemingly offered menace to other doctors…several members of staff…have been subject to her verbal threats and persistent harassment…at least 5 or 6 names spring to mind as having been given cause for perturbation. The third paragraph of this letter is quite unacceptable. It was well known that she was lying in wait for me at my clinic….To suggest that there was a casual crossing of paths is quite misleading. I do not understand what Mr Campbell wishes to convey by his expression…’bend his ear’. There was certainly a distinct air of menace…This paragraph is distorted to the point of impertinence….This is a grotesque distortion of events….and misses the point of the potential hazard. I wrote to you in grave concern….this young woman may commit grave injury to herself or to some other person. I am sending copies of this correspondence to my consultant colleagues. I think there is danger in this case and I think the tone of this letter is quite unacceptable.’ Jones copied this letter to Dr X, Dr X’s wife, Dr Devakumar, Mr D. Campbell, Alun Davies and a nursing officer. So this was what happened when someone dared challenge Jones, although that person was in a senior role himself – the Assistant Director of Nursing at Ysbyty Gwynedd. (It is interesting that Jones relies on his ‘extensive experience’ with ‘personality disorder’ and ‘forensic’ patients to try and pull rank. One reason why Jones had such vast ‘experience’ was that he constantly diagnosed patients as having ‘personality disorders’, denounced them as ‘dangerous’ and had them arrested. Thus he constructed himself as an ‘expert’ in such matters.

It seems that Jones’s tactics had been very effective. Two days later, 7 July 1988, a letter was sent to Alun Davies from Dr X and Dr Devakumar. There was a reference to the correspondence that had been exchanged ‘about the recent upsetting incident involving [me]’ and a meeting was requested ‘between consultant medical staff especially Dr Jones who seems most at risk and the administration possibly with legal advisors also present’. Although this letter was signed by both Dr X and Dr Devakumar, the rest of the letter is written as though it was written by one person only. It continues ‘personally…I feel the only recourse is to law…with her history of assaults and the use of knives could lead to tragedy…Dr DA Jones has expressed his professional opinion that this lady poses a severe threat to him…the fact that she…has recently attempted to assault Dr DA Jones cannot be ignored…all the consultants would wish to see…a definite policy towards her….involve immediate police action…and recourse to an injunction both by the Health Authority and perhaps….through the Medical Defence Union…this lady is in fact a severe danger….it should be remembered that this lady has assaulted medical staff in the past….a tragedy could occur….’

So the Assistant Director of Nursing challenging Jones had resulted in the sending of letters from the consultant psychiatrists at Ysbyty Gwynedd stressing how severely dangerous I was, an opinion backed up by references to ‘assaults’ and ‘the use of knives’ – allegations which had previously been made by the psychiatrists at Ysbyty Gwynedd but had been demonstrated to be quite untrue when the police held investigations into these allegations. I note that Mr Campbell’s initial letter in which he was very clear that I was not a danger to anyone which so enraged Jones was not copied to Dr X or Dr Devakumar. Was this why they felt able to subsequently write lurid letters backing up Jones? There was clearly so much gossip and tittle tattle about me circulating around the mental health services that it would have been inconceivable that they hadn’t heard about Mr Campbell’s  letter, but if it hadn’t actually been copied to them they could plead ignorance. But a myth had been born – a myth of serious danger, of assaults and of attacks with knives. On 14 July Huw Thomas wrote to Jones thanking Jones for his letters ‘expressing your concern’ and telling him that Alun Davies was arranging a ‘multi-disciplinary meeting’ on 15 July to ‘discuss the problem’. There are no documents in the files revealing who was invited to this ‘multi-disciplinary meeting’ or who said what there – but in my experience when a multi-disciplinary meeting was held in the psychiatry dept at Ysbyty Gwynedd, it meant that social workers were invited too. What’s the betting that Keith Fearns attended this meeting to ‘discuss the problem?’

On 12 August 1988, by which time the multi-disciplinary meeting had presumably taken place, Mr PM Rees, an administrator from Gwynedd Health Authority, wrote me a letter in which he stated once again that they would not release my medical records. This letter makes reference to the letters that I had previously received from Keith Best MP and Mark Robinson (Under-Secretary of State for Wales) outlining the legal position ie. that doctors are usually willing to check the accuracy of records and that decisions as to whether they should be released rests with the doctor with responsibility for the patient’s care but the decision should be made in the patient’s best interests. (Which was very obviously not happening in my case.) The files also contain a copy of a letter from Alun Davies to me written in August 1988 refusing to release my records, again mentioning Mark Robinson and Keith Best.

People were clearly busy in August 1988. The files contain two letters that are both dated 24 August 1988. One was written by Dr X to Huw Thomas (General Manager, Gwynedd Health Authority).  This letter reveals that Dr X had acquired a new status – he signs the letter in his capacity as ‘Secretary to Consultant Psychiatrists’. Dr X refers to enclosing ‘relevant correspondence’ regarding me. He also refers to a letter from Mr Park, acting for AJ Beale, Solicitors to the Welsh Health Authorities, addressed to the District General Administrator, stating ‘it is with the advice of the Welsh Office that disclosure of the notes should only take place in the context of a Court Order under Section 33 or Section 34 of the Supreme Court Act 1981. It was then the Welsh Office had advised no disclosure of these notes together with the Medical Defence Union. It is the opinion of all the psychiatrists and the GP involved that disclosure of these notes would be harmful to the individual concerned…in view of the fact that this individual has a criminal record with two convictions for breach of the peace and assault…’ Dr X then mentions ‘two assaults against junior medical staff and an assault against a consultant psychiatrist recently…’  He then goes on to grumble that they’ve received no ‘legal guidance and protection’ and will therefore seek involvement of BMA representation. This letter which once more makes reference to assaults that never happened also manages to lie about my ‘criminal record’ – a criminal record that was only ever gained in the first place because Dr X and his colleagues insisted on pressing charges against me for ridiculous ‘offences’. This is then used to justify refusing me access to my records – records which we now know contained details of law breaking and the most unscrupulous behaviour by mental health professionals in collusion with numerous other people. Dr X copied this letter to Dr X’s wife, Dr Devakumar, Dr DA Jones, Dr DGE Wood (my former GP, who had referred me to Dr T. Gwynne Williams the lobotomist, but who seemed to be still taking a very big interest me), Dr WB Davies (BMA) and Dr DJC Davies (Chief Administrative Medical Officer for Gwynedd Health Authority).

The other letter written on the same date was sent to Dr DJC Davies, Chief Administrative Medical Officer for Gwynedd Health Authority (who had been copied into Dr X’s letter described above), from Mr AH Chadwick of the BMA. Chadwick’s letter refers to a meeting in Dr DJC Davies’s office on 8 July 1988. This was the day after Dr X and Dr Devakumar sent the florid letter to Alun Davies regarding the danger that I posed to DA Jones, following Jones’s hissy fit when his idiocy had been challenged by the Assistant Director of Nursing. Chadwick writes ‘I expressed extreme concern re the antics of the above named lady. I also registered my concern with the apparent lack of positive involvement by the administrators at Ysbyty Gwynedd. I have today been requested by the four Consultant Psychiatrists for urgent assistance re the ongoing matter….received further alarming reports…informed of incidents of physical violence against both medical staff…there is an urgent need to arrange a meeting…between interested parties…legal representation from the Welsh Office and from the North Wales Constabulary are essential…If we do not receive a positive response to this letter by Friday 9 September we shall not hesitate to vigorously pursue this matter elsewhere.’

So the BMA were enlisted to exert yet more muscle regarding the battle against the ‘dangerous psychiatric patient’ – who happened to have made some very serious complaints about the people who were telling as many people as possible how dangerous she was. And those complaints had still not been investigated.

But the pressure was working. On 2 September Mr PM Rees wrote to Dr X about me. The letter refers to the letter that Dr X wrote to Huw Thomas (General Manager of Gwynedd Health Authority) on 22 August and states that it ‘has been passed to me for my attention’. He continues ‘you will…be aware that Dr Cedric Davies has received a letter…from Mr Chadwick of the BMA. I enclose a copy of a letter I have today sent to Mr Chadwick…I am attempting to arrange a meeting with representatives of the Legal Dept and the North Wales Police as requested’. Mr Rees reiterates that there is ‘no intention’ to disclose my notes to me. This letter was copied to Huw Thomas as well as to the Chief Administrative Legal Officer and Alun Davies.

Mr PM Rees wrote another letter on 14 September, this time to Dr Devakumar, confirming that he had ‘as requested, through the BMA, arranged a meeting with Chief Inspector Parry of North Wales Police to discuss the problems posed by [me]’. Rees states that he hopes that Devakumar attends the meeting on 18 September. He continues ‘I have been in contact with the Authorities Legal Advisor Mr Andrew Park in the Welsh Office…[who] needs further information about [me]…he will be willing to travel to Bangor to discuss matters personally’. This letter was copied to the Chief Administrative Medical Officer, to Alun Davies and to AH Chadwick of the BMA.

All this was not sufficient for Alun Davies however. One of the documents from the files is a note from him dated 30 September in which he makes reference to an article that he has seen in the Times regarding ‘a new criminal offence – poison pen letters which may be appropriate for this particular case’. The files contain another (undated) document compiled by Alun Davies which seems to have been written about this time. This is a letter from Davies to Chief Inspector Parry, North Wales Police, Bangor, stating that he is enclosing ‘a copy of a letter’ from me to Jones. Davies makes reference to Parry ‘advising’ them recently.

 By this time the mental health services in north Wales might have had a reason to have been going into overdrive and working very hard to involve as many people as possible to promote the myth that I was a dangerous nutter who should not be believed at any costs. Because my complaints had not been investigated properly by either the Mental Health Act Commission or Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities, I had requested an Independent Professional Review. I’m not sure if this option still exists in the UK NHS complaints procedure, but back then, if a serious complaint had not been resolved to the satisfaction of the patient, one could request an Independent Professional Review, in which the complaint would be reviewed by independent practitioners from outside the geographical area. I think that the granting of such a Review was discretionary – I seem to remember someone telling me that someone must have been very concerned at what had happened to me for me to have been granted an Independent Professional Review. I hoped that finally, some light would be shed on the appalling practices in north Wales. The man appointed to set up the Review was a Professor Robert Owen, a surgeon from Cardiff. I met Professor Owen and he gave me the impression of being someone who was very unhappy with what seemed to have been going on and who was determined to get to the bottom of it. I remember him commenting to me that ‘David Jones [Dafydd Alun Jones’s real name] may run rings around everyone else but he’s not going to run rings around me’. Internally I breathed a sigh of relief. However, something was happening that Brown always told me that he suspected was going on but that I had no evidence of until I read the newly released documents last week. Professor Owen was doing an awful lot of communicating with the people whom he was investigating and their colleagues.

The files reveal that on 28 November 1988 Dr X wrote to Dr DJ Jones, Area General Manager for  Clwyd Health Authority. Dr X makes reference to the fact that the Medical Ombudsman was now involved in my case ‘and that you are due to set up some form of enquiry into her care’. Dr X maintained that ‘consultation should take place between all parties because of the legal ramifications and history of assault…I enclose a summary of this lady’s behaviour up until August 1988. Since then Gwynedd Health Authority have met with Mr Park of the Welsh Office…Police are involved under the Malicious Communications Act…the Medical Defence Union are involved to enforce a High Court injunction’. Dr X expresses ‘concern’ that no contact regarding the enquiry has been made with Ysbyty Gwynedd or Brandt. He continues ‘the clinical notes should not be released to this patient by anybody…based on the advice of the Welsh Office Legal Department…it is felt by medical staff that serious harm might result to the patient and to others if they were released in any form…we would all be grateful for a clarification as to the nature and scope of the enquiry by the Ombudsman…I would be happy to provide any information as I am sure other colleagues would….it is important that he seeks it prior to proceeding any further…’ Dr X then bangs on about the risk that I was to staff. This letter was copied to Dr DJC Davies, Dr DA Jones, Alun Davies, Dr WB Davies (BMA) and the Medical Defence Union. So Dr X, who by now had a track record of making serious allegations about me that everyone, himself included, knew were not true, was offering ‘information’ to the enquiry and indeed stating that the Ombudsman shouldn’t proceed further until he had sought this ‘information’. Dr X introduces in this letter another allegation – that of police involvement under the Malicious Communications Act. I have never been charged with any offence under that Act – presumably my communications were not considered malicious enough. Dr X mentions the involvement of the Medical Defence Union to enforce an injunction – yet I have copies of letters demonstrating that Dr X was ignoring the advice of lawyers from the MDU with regard to this.

 Another document constitutes Gwynedd Health Authority notes made at a meeting held with the Welsh Office Legal Dept on 14 December 1988 regarding me. The following people were present at this meeting: Alun Davies, A Park (solicitor, from the Legal Dept at the Welsh Office), Dr X, Dr X’s wife, Dr DA Jones, Dr DJC Davies (Chief Administrative Medical Officer, Gwynedd Health Authority), Mr G Palmer (Chief Administrative Nursing Officer), Mr D Campbell (Assistant Director of Nursing), a nursing officer, Chief Inspector G Lloyd (North Wales Police), Robin Williams (administrator). Dr X and Dafydd Alun Jones ‘outlined in detail to Mr Park their involvement with [me[‘. Chief Inspector G Lloyd mentioned the Malicious Communications Act and stated that mail from me should be referred to the police ‘with a view to prosecuting [me] under this legislation’. Mr Park advised an injunction.

 So the people whom I had complained about or had vigorously supported those whom I had complained about all had a meeting with the legal representative from the Welsh Office and were offering ‘information’ to the man charged with setting up the investigation into my complaint. Mr Park from the Welsh Office was a lawyer – presumably he was therefore aware of how often the mental health services had broken the law in my case.

 But the mental health services clearly didn’t feel that they’d done quite enough to cover their tracks just yet. On 20 December 1988 Alun Davies wrote to PM Rees stating that he was forwarding my case notes and correspondence to Professor Owen. Davies states in this letter that before I was admitted to Denbigh, Dr DA Jones saw me at Bangor Police Station. This is not true. Jones did not see me or assess me in any way before I was admitted to Denbigh – he only turned up to speak to me several days after I’d been admitted. So Jones did of course break the law – people can only be detained under the Mental Health Act after they have been assessed by the appropriate people. No-one assessed me at all. So Professor Owen was about to be told another whopper.

An internal memorandum from Alun Davies dated 22 December 1988 was sent to the following people: Dr X, Mrs J Evans (who I think was a lawyer), a nursing officer, Dr DGE Wood, Mr PM Rees. Davies states ‘I have been contacted by Professor Owen who has been nominated to chair a Medical Review Enquiry Panel concerning complaints made by [me] to Clwyd Health Authority who in turn referred the matter to the Welsh Office Complaints Dept. Prof Owen believes that it would be helpful to have an informal meeting to discuss [me] and I therefore invite you to a meeting…on 4 Jan 1989….’ Davies notes that if anyone’s unable to attend, another date will be arranged.

So Professor Owen was appointed by the Welsh Office to investigate my complaint – after lawyers employed by the same Welsh Office had spent many, many months providing legal advice to the people that I was complaining about and telling them that under no circumstances should they release my records to me.

But there was someone else who was also keen to speak to Professor Owen. On 29 December 1988, Debra Lewis, secretary to Alun Davies, sent a letter to Professor Owen. In the letter she explained that she had been contacted by Dr DGE Wood, who couldn’t attend the meeting. (Regular readers will remember that it was DGE Wood who effectively started the ball rolling regarding me and the mental health services. Whilst I was still an undergrad, Wood had referred me to Dr T. Gwynne Williams, a retired lobotomist from the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. Wood subsequently told me that I ‘wasn’t allowed’ to complain when I raised extreme dissatisfaction with Williams.) Wood had left a message for Professor Owen telling him that Wood ‘has many details and correspondence he would like to discuss with you’. Wood was so keen to discuss these details and correspondence with Professor Owen that he provided a phone number and details of the morning which he’d left free in his diary in order for Prof Owen to ring him. I noticed something else interesting on this letter, which was sent to Prof Owen’s home address. I had assumed that Prof Owen lived in or near Cardiff. But he didn’t – he lived at Colwyn Bay. Not a million miles away from Denbigh. And in the area that was at that time covered by Clwyd Health Authority. So Professor Owen would have known all about Denbigh and Jones and the horrifying anecdotes doing the rounds locally. He would also have been living in close proximity to all the senior people in Clwyd Health Authority and may well have mixed with them socially.

So clearly the land was being carefully prepared for the ‘Independent’ Professional Review, which took place in March 1989. I shall blog about this soon.

 Previously this blog has discussed the emerging links between the problem of the serious abuse of children in care that was pervasive in north Wales and the problems in the mental health services in the region. Richard Webster wrote a now notorious book ‘The Secret of Bryn Estyn’ some years ago in which he maintained that the ‘secret’ was that there was no paedophile ring at all and that Bryn Estyn was merely another rather mediocre children’s home. Webster died a few years ago, but a blog that he wrote is still available online and is obviously being maintained by someone. This blog’s purpose seems to be to throw mud at Alison Taylor, the Gwynedd social worker who blew the whistle on the abuse that was happening. However, Webster’s blog very helpfully provides a ‘North Wales Timeline’ which lists a series of dates on which various events happened https://secretofbrynestyn.wordpress.com/north-wales-abuse-timeline-2/

It is interesting to compare the dates of certain happenings on Webster’s timeline with happenings in my life at those times. For example, at about the time when Jones was unlawfully banging me up in Denbigh, Alison Taylor was being investigated and was then suspended by her employers, Gwynedd Social Services. At about the same time that Alison Taylor was telling Margaret Thatcher that there was serious abuse happening in children’s services managed by the social services in north Wales, I was writing to Thatcher’s Ministers alleging that serious abuses were happening in the mental health services in north Wales. Alison Taylor was dismissed by Gwynedd County Council just a few weeks before Lucille Hughes busied herself writing letters about me and asking Ron Evans, a lawyer employed by Gwynedd County Council, if he had any ‘advice’ regarding me. At the beginning of 1988 Alison Taylor wrote to Tony Newton, the Health Minister, describing a brutal assault that she’d witnessed. At the beginning of 1988 Lucille Hughes and Keith Fearns started taking a very big interest in gathering ‘information’ about me in partnership with people from the mental health services with a view to bringing the full force of the law down upon my head despite the noticeable lack of serious crimes for which I had been convicted. Webster’s timeline also mentions that in 1988 Gordon Anglesea, the notorious former North Wales police officer who was last year imprisoned for abusing youngsters in care in north Wales but who has since died in prison, was promoted to Superintendent in the North Wales force in Colwyn Bay. The HQ of the North Wales Police was at that time in Colwyn Bay. As was Professor Owen. Webster’s timeline also mentions a man called Frank Beck, and notes that an investigation into Beck’s offending began in March 1989. Beck was a social worker in Leicester who was later convicted of serious offences against children. Allegations of organised child abuse in Leicester were made, involving other people as well as Beck, including Lord Greville Janner, a former Leicester MP. After Beck was convicted, a report was compiled that was highly critical of the management of Leicester Social Services in the 1070s and 80s. Social services work hand in hand with the mental health services in the UK. The first ‘independent expert’ who wrote a court report about me regarding my problems with the mental health services in north Wales who seemed to miss what was staring him in the face was Dr James Earp. Earp worked in Leicester.

I want to relate one more memory here that always troubles me. Readers may remember that some of the correspondence about me detailed in this post was copied to a man called Rob Evans, Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services. I met Rob Evans in person many years later when I eventually discovered the extent of Keith Fearns’s intervention in my life and complained about it. It was very obvious to me that Keith Fearns could have had Rob Evans for breakfast. As Rob Evans flailed around trying to find excuses for Fearn’s dreadful behaviour, he gave me a little speech about how practice in social work changes. As an example, Evans told me that when he worked in child ‘protection’, he used to take away the children’s shoes because if he didn’t they’d run away from the children’s home. Much more recently, I was reading the evidence that the people who were abused in children’s homes in north Wales gave at the trials. One man remembered not being able to run away from the home where he was being molested because his shoes had been taken away.

 

 

 

 

Massive Over-Reaction – Or Something To Hide?

Readers will have realised from my previous blog posts about the North Wales Hospital Denbigh that I seemed to have ended up in very hot water for daring to challenge Dr Dafydd Alun Jones. Indeed, this had always my perception, until about four hours ago when I found yet more interesting documents among my files. It seems that allegations regarding my potential ‘dangerousness’ had been made about a year before I ever clapped eyes on Jones – and people in high places had been approached regarding the ‘problem’ that was me.

After my dreadful encounter with Dr T. Gwynne Williams the lobotomist (please see the title page of this blog, ‘The Beginning’), Dr DGE Wood,  the GP who referred me to Williams, referred me to another psychiatrist at Ysbyty Gwynedd. This man will feature heavily in future blog posts because he seems to have done some very odd things that I didn’t know about. I am not going to name him because he killed himself some four years ago and his widow still lives in north Wales. No matter what he did behind the scenes, he clearly had rather more serious problems than many of his patients. So I will call him Dr X.

I saw Dr X for about a year, supposedly for depression. He seemed to blow hot and cold, sometimes he would be great, other times very uninterested, distant and difficult. I knew other patients of Dr X and they all found this too. After a year I was discharged, although I was still experiencing very dire depressions. I didn’t honestly feel that he’d helped and I rather got the impression that he knew this as well.  My previous experience with the lobotomist had been dreadful – he was grossly insensitive and inappropriate during the consultation. Then Brown and I had discovered that he had been rather untruthful on my medical records. When I raised concerns about this, the lobotomist simply dug himself deeper into his hole by crudely altering my medical records, then denied it and then became phenomenally aggressive (along with DGE Wood) when we confronted them about it. ‘You’ve caught them with their trousers down and they’re bodging’ observed Brown. When I saw Dr X I made him aware of what had happened with the lobotomist. I also knew another Bangor student who had been referred to the lobotomist and had found the whole process so distressing that she’d tried to kill herself after seeing him – she was then referred to Dr X who told this student’s mother that he’d raise concerns regarding the lobotomist. He obviously wasn’t very effective – a few months later I was on the receiving end of the lobotomist. Dr X didn’t know that I knew all this, but although he had obviously said some very soothing things to this student and her mother, he had not had much impact at all re reigning in the lobotomist. The lobotomist had ‘diagnosed’ both the other student and me with ‘personality disorders’. When I discussed my concerns regarding the lobotomist’s lies and dodgy diagnosis with Dr X he was very soothing to me as well and absolutely assured me that it was completely inappropriate to diagnose a ‘personality disorder’ in someone still in their early twenties and that this diagnosis would not find its way into my NHS records. When I was discharged from Dr X’s care, I asked him if I could have a copy of my records to avoid a repeat of the T. Gwynne Williams experience. He told me to put my request in writing and he’d seek permission for me to be given a copy of my records. So I did.

Dr X then did something very odd. He denied ever having said such a thing to me. I never knew why he did this – had he deliberately lied? Or made a mistake and couldn’t bear to admit it? After the T. Gwynne Williams experience, Wood’s threats and aggression and now this from Dr X, my trust in the medical profession was declining rapidly. So I made a complaint about Dr X and continued trying to obtain a copy of my medical records – I consulted a solicitor and my MP, Keith Best, who wrote to the Under-Secretary State for Wales, Mark Robinson. The result of the politicians letters was me being informed that doctors are usually willing to amend inaccuracies and that the decision as to whether a patient should have access to their medical records rests with the doctor responsible for their care and should be made in the patient’s best interests. But all I got from Ysbyty Gwynedd was Dr X refusing to communicate with me and the hospital refusing to release my medical records. I can remember the complete intransigence of Gwynedd Health Authority very well and the outrage that a lot of the administrators seemed to feel because I was questioning them. It was a mystery to me. But the files have shed light on it…

It seems that virtually as soon as I had asked Dr X for a copy of my medical records, he had gone straight to Alun Davies (former manager of the Hergest Unit) then an administrator at Ysbyty Gwynedd, maintaining that I was ‘harassing’ him and that at no time did he say that he would seek permission for me to access my medical notes. The recently released files show an absolute flurry of activity behind closed doors, with angry letters circulating between Dr X and various administrators and Dr X contacting the Medical Defence Union. All because I had asked for a copy of my records. Of course I didn’t know about these letters at the time – all I knew was that Dr X was refusing to communicate with me and administrators were being very rude to me and I was being refused access to my own records. So I carried on making representation about all this. Which angered Dr X and the administrators even more.

The correspondence is extraordinary. A letter from Bernard Rhodes, General Administrator (please see blog post ‘Former NHS Managers of Notoriety Now Keeping A Low(er) Profile) to Alun Davies, dated 23rd June 1986, refers to him having spoken to DGE Wood on the phone – Wood informed him that I’d transferred to another practice and he was stating that ‘on no account’ would he be prepared for me to have sight of his original referral letter. Rhodes notes that he ‘might have upset’ both Dr X and the Medical Defence Union by his letter of 30th May 1986, which followed a letter from Barry Shingles (an administrator at Ysbyty Gwynedd) of 22 May 1986, requesting that Dr X either gives permission for the release of my records or gives reasons for the notes not being released. It was noted that the Medical Defence Union were referring to a Mr Park at the Welsh Office (Mr Park was Andrew Park, a man who was to write many letters to me, who was a lawyer at the Welsh Office). This letter also states that Dr X first claimed that I was ‘harassing’ him in November 1985 – I had barely been discharged from his clinic then. (So ‘harassing’ seemed to mean ‘asking for a copy of her medical records after I’d lied to her’.) Bernard Rhodes was being asked for advice or else the matter would have to be referred to the Legal Division. Alun Davies suggests that they could apply for a Court Order against me.

Then there is the letter to Dr X from the Medical Defence Union dated June 1986. This letter states that I am ‘clearly a little confused. She has acquired the somewhat paranoid idea that there may be inaccuracies about herself on her records’. (I was hardly paranoid or confused – when my lawyers finally acquired my records twenty years later there was a lot worse than a few ‘inaccuracies’ on them.) The MDU then mentions the possibility of me reporting Dr X to the GMC. This letter also makes reference to what was obviously a dust up between Dr X and the administrators, suggesting that Dr X returns to Alun Davies to basically threaten him with the Welsh Office’s lawyers. The letter concludes by the writer, one Dr I M Sanderson, telling Dr X that he’ll be contacting Mr Park to ‘tell him what I think’.

There is a letter to Andrew Park from Bernard Rhodes dated 9 July 1986, thanking Park for a previous letter and telling him that he will be sending copies to the Chief Administrative Medical Officer and the Unit General Manager, who will then arrange for Dr X to have a copy in order that they are ‘all fully conversant with the ‘combined thinking’ of yourself, the Medical Defence Union and Mr David Williams’ (another lawyer, representing the Gwynedd Family Practitioners Committee). The letter then mentions gaining the agreement of Dr X to exchange documents with David Williams and the Family Practitioners Committee ‘as you deem necessary in the best interests of this Health Authority’. This letter also states that Dr X is requesting ‘legal protection from harassment’. Rhodes then mentions that he’s including a copy of a letter from me and states that ‘I feel that the less said to this young lady the better’. Rhodes states that he awaits the advice of the ‘Three Wise Men’ with great interest. (I don’t know whether this system is still in place in UK hospitals, but the ‘Three Wise Men’ was a system used when questions were raised about medical practice – I had always associated it with doctors who had done something that they shouldn’t have and whose peers, the Three Wise Men, were going to give their opinion.) The files do not reveal what the Three Wise Men had to say about this utter madness, which broke loose simply because someone asked for a copy of their medical records.

There follows a copy of a letter to me, dated 21st August 1986, from ‘General Administrator’ but unsigned, just the initials CHT in the place of a signature. Neither is this letter on headed notepaper. It confirms that I will not be receiving a copy of my medical records and ironically finishes by saying ‘the notes are entirely confidential and are not disclosed to anyone, of this you may be assured’. (Perhaps the author of this letter would like to explain to me why there is a note in my files from Alun Davies saying that he had read my notes from Denbigh and also explain the numerous other references in my files that suggest that an awful lot of people indeed were given access to my records.) There is a little handwritten message on this letter, saying ‘ABS 28/8, copies to Chief Admin Medical Officer, Unit General Manager, Arfon’. ABS were the initials of Barry Shingles.

So I asked for a copy of my medical records and then the Welsh Office and their lawyers, the MDU and Three Wise Men all were called in. I was constructed as ‘harassing’ someone and there was talk of obtaining a Court Order against me. Among all this, doctors and administrators were at each others throats. It’s fairly clear that the last thing that was on anyone’s mind was ‘the best interests of the patient’. But things were to get far, far more dramatic over the next year….