Dirty Rotten Scoundrels

My post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’ discussed Rhodri Morgan’s long-standing friendship with Ron Davies, as well as some other people in that very tight south Wales Labour Party network and how they ‘didn’t know’ about Ron’s cottaging activities. In spite of much evidence that they did know and they also knew a great deal more about Ron and a few other people which didn’t ever hit the media, even after Ron’s moment of madness with Boogie on Clapham Common and his subsequent adventure when he was looking for badgers.

A few other people knew about Ron – and more importantly knew about the serious abuse of vulnerable people by the health and welfare services in north Wales and elsewhere, which was being kept quiet by all political parties.

 

One of those was Lawrence Conway, the civil servant who was Director of Rhodri’s private office (Director of the Dept of FM, ie. Cabinet Secretary). In his memoir Rhodri describes Lawrence as ‘a Welsh Office lifer’ with ‘sensitive political antennae’ and ‘eyes in the back of his head to know what was going on’. Not only had Lawrence spent his career in the rotten-to-the-core Welsh Office – with its many officials, Ministers and Secretaries of State who had concealed the criminal activities of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and the paedophiles in north Wales for decades (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’), but had also kept the lid on George Thomas and his sexual assaults on children and young men – but Lawrence Conway was at the heart of the most rotten part of the rotten apple. According to Rhodri, Lawrence ‘did child protection’.

So Lawrence knew that the children’s homes in north Wales were not being inspected regularly even when complaints of abuse were being made and a number of staff of those homes were appearing in court charged with sexual and physical assaults on children (see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’). Lawrence knew that some of those employed as social workers/social work managers in homes and areas where there was a massive problem with the abuse of children in care were given jobs as inspectors with the SSI (Social Services Inspectorate) in the Welsh Office (see post ‘The Reality Is That There Is No Problem’).

Lawrence Conway knew that there were also serious complaints about the abuse and illegal imprisonment of patients in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and that many of those patients were former residents of the children’s homes of north Wales.

 

After the publication of the massive cover-up that was the Waterhouse Report – organised by William Hague and the Welsh Office whilst Hague was Secretary of State for Wales – the ritual hand-wringing and chanting of the mantra ‘never again’ reached new levels. One of Ronald Waterhouse’s most publicised recommendations – which it was claimed would ensure that no-one would ever have to do the ‘never again’ bit in the future – was the establishment of the Office of the Children’s Commissioner for Wales. My God, Wales was proud of having a Children’s Commissioner. Wales was leading the way! My post ‘Yet More Inglorious Bastards’ discusses the backgrounds of the people that have held that post. They have all been former social workers who were employed by and networked with organisations and institutions where children were abused. Anyone familiar with Wales will know that there is a great deal of truth in the caricature that everyone in Wales knows each other and each other’s business. Every one of the Children’s Commissioners will have been party to details of the abuse of children that they have not disclosed.

One social worker who was employed in the Children’s Commissioner’s team whilst Keith Towler was Commissioner came from Denbigh. She knew all about the abuse of patients at the North Wales Hospital because her father worked as a nurse there. He didn’t just work as a nurse at Denbigh for a few weeks – he was one of the long term key staff who was employed there for many years and his name is frequently mentioned by the former staff of that hospital when they are reminiscing about the Good Old Days. I don’t know this man’s real name because he was simply universally known as ‘Davey Crockett’ because of the nature of a hat that he wore. Davey Crockett knew Dafydd, was mates with him and Davey Crockett’s family used to call upon Dafydd when they needed a favour. Davey Crockett knew about the dungeon in which the victims of the paedophile gang were imprisoned, he knew about the paedophile gang that Dafydd was facilitating and he knew that the North Wales Hospital was stuffed full of people who were being held there unlawfully.

Davey Crockett’s daughter knew Keith Fearns, the grossly abusive leader of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team and had absolutely no problem with him. She also knew that Dafydd’s own family – as well as everybody else – were terrified of Dafydd. She knew that Dafydd terrorised and stalked members of his own family. She described Dafydd as ‘evil’ and stated that no-one would ever get away from him once they had crossed his path.

I know for a fact that this social worker had knowledge of at least one school in Gwynedd where the kids were being sexually abused and she has never said a word. Probably because she knows that she’d never work again if she did.

Well Dafydd, you might have convinced Davey Crockett’s family that being mates with you was a better option than challenging you, but you shouldn’t have tried the same game with me, because there’s this blog now…

 

Lawrence Conway retired from the civil service in 2009. So he is of the right vintage to have been ‘doing’ child protection when Dafydd and the paedophiles were running that extensive business of theirs back in the 1970s and 80s. Lawrence will have been sitting in his office in Cathays Park when Tony Francis (Dr X) snapped at me ‘you can even complain to the Secretary of State if you want’ and when other people were telling me to ‘shut your mouth about DA’ and to get out of north Wales and never come back. The Cathays Park in which those worked who were responsible for receiving and writing the incriminating documents – some of which seem to have been forged – that are now in my possession.

What did Lawrence Conway do when he retired? He joined Carwyn’s team of First Minister’s special advisors. Lawrence advised Carwyn on public service delivery! Well Carwyn, if you’ve ever wondered what is going so wrong, there’s your clue…

Entertainingly, the appointment of Lawrence Conway as Carwyn’s Spad left one person seething, so seething that they raised concerns with Whitehall and the civil service heads of the Welsh Gov’t. Who was this person who didn’t think that paedophiles’ friend Lawrence Conway should be cluttering the Welsh Gov’t up after his retirement? It was none other than another paedophiles’ friend Dame Gillian Morgan, the Top Doctor who was Permanent Secretary to the Welsh Assembly, 2008-12. Dame Gillian knows a great deal about the abuse of anyone who has spilt the paedophiles’ pints, as I discussed in my post ‘A Major Coup – Or A Complete Disaster?’

Paedophiles’ friends at war!

 

Before he worked for Rhodri, Lawrence Conway worked for another person who knows a good deal more about Dafydd and the paedophiles and George Thomas et al than he ever lets on- Alun Michael, who resigned as First Secretary at the same time as the Waterhouse Report was submitted to Gov’t (see post ‘News From Sicily’). Lawrence was appointed Alun Michael’s Principal Private Secretary in May 1999 when Michael became First Secretary of the new Welsh Assembly.

Although Rhodri and Alun Michael were famously pitched against each other in terms of who would be First Secretary once the Welsh Assembly was established – everybody presumed that it would be Ron Davies until Ron was caught with his trousers down on Clapham Common (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate) – they went back a long way.

When Rhodri was first elected as MP for Cardiff West in 1987, he shared an office with Alun Michael and Paul Murphy. The Paul Murphy who took delivery of the Waterhouse Report in his capacity as Secretary of State for Wales and who expressed his relief that the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal had now been subject to a full and transparent investigation and that there was no links with organised paedophile rings outside north Wales, no evidence of any politicians involved and it was definitely nothing to do with the Freemasons. Furthermore Paul was delighted to be able to say that there had been no cover-up.

‘We didn’t know.’

I wonder who told the daughter of one of Dafydd’s mates that there would be a job coming up in the Children’s Commissioner’s office? Perhaps it was the same person who told Alun Michael’s son Tal that the job of Chief Exec of the Gwynedd CAB was going begging – the CAB which boasts the involvement of Dafydd’s former mistress Lucille Hughes at a senior level. Or the same person who told Tal about the vacancy for the Top Job in the North Wales Police Authority. Or perhaps the person who suggested that Tal would make a good North Wales Police and Crime Commissioner. Or even a good Labour MP for Ynys Mon!

 

After Alun Michael was elected as the Labour MP for Cardiff South and Penarth in 1987, Lorraine Barrett was his office manager. Lorraine became the Labour AM for Cardiff South and Penarth in 1999! Lorraine – a former Angel – is married to Paul Barrett who was of all things the manager of 80s pop favourite Shakin’ Stevens (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). Shaky found himself the centre of bad publicity after he hit fame and fortune when the press revealed that his manager had told everyone to keep it quiet that Shaky was married with children and much older than everyone had been told because Shaky and his manager wanted to promote Shaky as a suitable heart-throb for pre-teen girls. Cardiff’s answer to Donny Osmond. Donny was a drip but at least he was 14 not 40 and his mum and dad didn’t let him go out boozing – in fact from what I remember even Coca-Cola was not considered acceptable by famille Osmond, which will have been the key to those perfect teeth which they all possessed. Presumably Shaky was not similarly constrained.

 

Before Alun Michael was elected as an MP he was the Labour Group Whip on Cardiff City Council. So he sat on Cardiff City Council with Julie Morgan and the other ne’er do wells, as the Council was hit by repeated scandals (see posts ‘Corruption Bay Special’, ‘More Than Politics And Local Government’ and ‘The Paedophiles’ Friends of Cardiff North’).

 

Rhodri’s book mentions that Alun Michael had four very loyal Spads who had been appointed by Michael – Gareth Williams (political), Andrew Bold (policy), Delyth Evans (speech writing) and Julie Crowley (press, PR, spin doctor).

 

Gareth Williams was a Spad to Alun Michael as Secretary of State for Wales and First Secretary of the National Assembly, Dec 1998-Feb 2000. Gareth began his career as a civil servant first in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, working in London and Sweden (1982-88) and subsequently in the Welsh Office (1988-90).

So Gareth was one of the civil servants in Sodom and Gomorrah in Cathays Park along with Lawrence Conway and the rest of them. Including Ffion Hague.

From 1990-1993, Gareth Williams worked in the European Parliament as a Policy Advisor to the Socialist Group, before joining Birmingham City Council, where Williams spent three years as Head of European and International Affairs. He was an Associate Director at ECOTEC Research and Consulting Ltd (1996-98). Gareth Williams runs his own economic development consultancy based in Shropshire. He has undertaken a wide range of work in Wales, with an emphasis on the European Structural Funds.

 

In Jan 2006 the BBC reported that WAG (Welsh Assembly Government) was failing to meet its key targets to regenerate some of Wales’ poorest areas – according to a report produced by Gareth Williams. Gareth said that WAG was not likely to reach two out of the three targets set for Objective One European funding, the shortfalls being in job and wealth creation.

Yet Economic Development Minister Andrew Davies said 85,000 people in Wales had been helped by the money. The seven-year programme, which ended in 2006, saw £1.26 billion spent on hundreds of projects in west Wales and the Valleys. ‘We’ve set ambitious targets because the scale of the task we inherited from the Conservatives was huge’ Davies claimed. ‘The impact isn’t necessarily on jobs created – it’s also on the number of people who have been helped.’ Andrew Davies said it had made a ‘major impact’ on west Wales and the Valleys, with skills training. ‘Clearly we’ve closed the unemployment gap with the rest of the UK. The next challenge is to get higher paid, higher quality jobs.’

It is now 12 years since Andrew Davies claimed that the EU funding given to west Wales and the Valleys had worked wonders. West Wales and the Valleys are still on their knees. One major area of growth in those regions is in Third sector organisations receiving dosh from the Welsh Gov’t to provide ‘services’ for homeless people or other people having a hard time – it has become clear that these organisations are excellent at maintaining their own existence and growth but they are not helping those that they claim to be.

Whilst Wales did build bridges and roads with EU funding and I can remember huge swathes of very poor housing in Bethesda being transformed by EU funding back in the 1990s, after those in Cardiff Bay went into shock when a majority in Wales voted to leave the EU in 2016 it was admitted that far too much of the EU funding had been spent on ‘projects’ from which people in Wales saw no benefits.

Those projects followed the standard model in Wales. A load of people were employed for a short length of time – for the duration of the ‘project’ – on minimum wages. They were supervised by a smaller number of team leaders, who were people with a professional qualification or a level of education (often former teachers or social workers). At the top of the pyramid there were a very small number of people on very generous salaries who were mates with politicians or civil servants in the Welsh Gov’t. This was the business model for Gov’t funded ‘projects’ for the 30 odd years that I lived in Wales. I first observed it in the 1980s and I presumed that it was a consequence of Thatcher’s ‘job creation schemes’ to fiddle the unemployment figures – although Thatcher eventually mercifully went, the ‘projects’ in Wales remained and were run in exactly the same way. One could entertain oneself by watching the lucky few with the jobs at the top circulate from one waste of money which achieved nothing to another. These are the same folk who ‘lead’ the Health Boards in Wales, the Third sector organisations and the quangos. They often leave a great deal of blood on the carpet behind them, but they are never taken out of circulation.

A prime example of the cadre is Meri Huws, who was formerly the Chair of the Welsh Language Board. There was the most enormous row when Meri was appointed to the post of Chair of the Welsh Language Board because she failed to declare that she was in a relationship with a Welsh Gov’t Minister. Who was Meri’s bedfellow at that time? None other than Andrew Davies. The allegations that Andrew had bagged Meri the job were made just a few months before Andrew Davies made the comments above as reported by the BBC. So Andrew stated that what was needed were ‘higher paid, higher quality jobs’. All these years later, west Wales and the Valleys are still in poverty – but Meri does of course have a higher paid, higher quality job. She is the Welsh Language Commissioner. There was blood on the carpet left behind her at the Welsh Language Board and much discord. Furthermore the number of people speaking Welsh continued to decline whilst Meri was Chair of the Board. So it was only sensible after that track record Meri should then have been given the job of Welsh Language Commissioner rather than someone who would have been effective.

However, as I explained in my post ‘People With Energy’, the one advantage that Meri always has over other candidates is that she used to work as a social worker for Gwynedd Social Services on the patch where the Ty’r Felin children’s home was located. The social workers running Ty’r Felin were trafficking kids down to Dolphin Square – among other places – for sex work (see post ‘Are You Local?’). Any civil servant or politician looking at Meri’s CV will get the message loud and clear – she knows where the bodies are buried.

 

The clients of Gareth Williams’s consultancy included Wales’s education and training quango ELWa. ELWa was nearly as notorious as the WDA for cronyism and the inexplicable spending of huge sums of money. ELWa’s reputation finally ended over the business of the Pop Factory in which £2 million quid was inexplicably given to a company called Avanti who ran something called the Pop Factory to organise something else which they had no hope of organising, which never got off the ground and ended in chaos. It was Jane Davidson – the AM for Pontypridd and Minister for Lifelong Learning – who had countersigned for the cheque to be released. It was revealed that Gov’t accounting procedures had not been followed and that ELWa had refused to disclose other alleged irregularities when requested.

The Chair of ELWa was Enid Rowlands who was based in north Wales. Enid flatly refused to move to south Wales – although nearly all the staff of ELWa were based in south Wales and Rowlands was keen to accept the job. So an arrangement was made that ELWa would have a ‘virtual’ head office. Is it surprising that the whole set up imploded?

Enid featured in a Wales Online report in 2003, when she was at the centre of a grade A row for refusing to resign as the Chair of ELWa in the wake of the £2 million scandal and the laying off of nearly 100 ELWa staff. Enid stated her intention to remain as Chair for another four months until her contract ended.

Did Enid’s career suffer from the ELWa scandal? Of course not. Enid is now the Chair of the Solicitors Regulation Authority! Enid was previously the UK Chair of Victim Support. She has ‘held roles’ with the Information Commissioner’s Office, NEST Corporation Consumer Focus, North Wales Police Authority, North Wales Health Authority and the S4C Authority. Enid was and might still be a member of the BUPA council.

Enid ‘began her career working with unemployed and disadvantaged young people and became Chair of Education and Skills Wales, responsible for all post-16 education and training in Wales outside the Higher Education sector’. She has also been a Trustee in the voluntary sector including positions with the Royal National Institute for the Deaf and The Prince’s Trust.

I note that Enid ‘studied psychology’. Rhodri’s memoir claims that Enid is a patriotic north Waleian and would never move from north Wales. So did Enid perhaps study psychology in north Wales? Which could have involved a placement with Dafydd at the North Wales Hospital…

Enid’s biography on the Solicitors Regulation Authority website doesn’t mention this, but Enid is married to the former Auditor General for Wales, Huw Vaughan Thomas. Huw was the Chief Executive of Gwynedd County Council, 1991-96. Whilst Dafydd’s mistress Lucille was Director of Social Services for Gwynedd and the paedophile ring operating in those Social Services caused havoc and was subject to a police investigation. Huw holds even more positions of responsibility than does Enid (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’).

In 2010 Jeremy Colman, the Auditor General for Wales who preceded Huw Vaughan Thomas, was imprisoned for the possession of child porn.

It is incredible isn’t it.

For eight years, Enid was a member of the GMC. Enid – do you happen to know anything about the forged document that was found in the possession of the GMC, purporting to be a letter from me (see post ‘The General Medical Council And Yet Another Forged Document’), after I made repeated representation to the GMC about the abusive Top Doctors at the Hergest Unit?

Huw and Enid are yet two more highly placed paedophiles’ friends who live in the HQ for such folk, Colwyn Bay (see post ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’). No wonder Enid wouldn’t move to south Wales.

 

The acting CEO of ELWa found himself in the shit along with Enid – that was none other than paedophiles’ friend and the former manager of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, Dr Peter Higson. Wales Online reported that Higson was appointed as acting CEO without going through normal procedures. Furthermore he was known to Enid, having been an Executive Director of North Wales Health Authority at a time when she Chaired the North Wales Health Authority.

So Higson’s career trajectory went from staffing Dafydd’s dungeon – Higson was originally a clinical psychologist at Denbigh – to managing the dungeon, to managing the whole of the north Wales mental health services when lies were told about the North Wales Hospital having been completely shut down in the summer of 1995, to being a Director of the North Wales Health Authority, to being the acting CEO of ELWa which never recovered from the business of the £2 million quid and was later dismantled. What happened to Higson in the wake of that? He was appointed CEO of the newly formed regulatory body Health Inspectorate Wales of course. After Higson had been in post for nine years it was declared that the mismanagement of HIW was so serious that it was ‘not fit for purpose’. Which must have been why Higson was then appointed Chair of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board. Which was put into special measures after Higson’s feet had been under the table for about eighteen months.

As far as I know, unlike Meri, Peter Higson’s career success has been achieved without sleeping with Alan Pugh, Andrew Davies and Rhodri Morgan. Although Higson’s sister Ruth Hussey was Chief Medical Officer for Wales – a female role model! – so perhaps it was her bedfellows who were the key to Peter’s success… Although I suspect that it was Peter holding the keys to the dungeon containing the victims of a branch of the Westminster Paedophile Ring which probably brought such good fortune to the Higson clan.

 

Gareth Williams’s 2006 report re the EU Structural Funds said that Labour had not created the hoped-for 43,500 new jobs. WAG had also wanted to use the funding to raise Wales’s GDP to 78% of the UK average. The report suggested that figure had not been reached.

Mike German, the then Liberal Democrat leader in the Assembly, commenting on Gareth’s report said: ‘I don’t think it was a failure, but that we had enormous built-in problems: a slow start, a lot of squabbling at the beginning. What we need to do is learn those lessons now.’

It is the story of Wales – a slow start and a lot of squabbling. Which is entirely a result of the one built-in problem that runs through everything – that the most senior jobs in absolutely every domain are given to people who either facilitated or concealed a gang of paedophiles. The lesson has still not been learnt.

The problem that the Assembly inherited from the Conservatives which Andrew Davies mentioned in his comments to the BBC would never have happened had Meri, Davies, Enid fucking Rowlands and the rest of them not been so keen to stick their noses into the trough provided by the Bay of Plenty that they were prepared to spend their entire careers assisting a paedophile gang which supplied kids to Thatcher’s friend and aide Sir Peter Morrison, as well as to a few others.

 

Alun Michael’s Spad Andrew Bold was born in Newport and wrote his PhD on the WDA. So he’ll know even more about the crooks that milked it for millions than the rest of us do. Bold worked as a Welsh Labour Party research officer in the early 1990s and was the Welsh Labour’s Assistant General Secretary (policy) before becoming Michael’s Spad in 1999. In June 2000 after Rhodri had replaced Michael as FM, Andrew Bold moved to the Wales Office to replace Professor Hywel Francis as Paul Murphy’s adviser. Murphy had another advisor as well – Anthony Hunt.

 

Hunt completed a law degree and worked in the US on educational projects and for the Democrats. Hunt joined WAG’s Labour policy team in 2001. In 2002 he was recruited by Paul Murphy to manage his constituency office and communications; Murphy was appointed Secretary of State for Wales in January 2008 and a year later Hunt joined him as a Spad concentrating on press and communications.

So can Anthony Hunt shed any light on Murphy’s sudden departure as Welsh Secretary which no-one ever explained?

 

Alun Michael’s Spad Delyth Evans had been a management consultant and BBC and HTV journalist. She worked on the BBC’s ‘World at One’ and PM programmes before becoming an assistant to Gordon Brown MP in 1992 and then policy adviser and speechwriter to the then Labour leader John Smith, 1992–1994. After Alun Michael resigned, Delyth Evans was the Labour AM for Mid & West Wales, 2000-03.

Delyth actually succeeded Alun Michael’s seat when he resigned. As well as being the AM for Mid & West Wales, 1999-2000, Michael also held the Westminster seat for Cardiff South and Penarth, 1987-2012. After Michael resigned as FM, he reverted to his Westminster role. Alun Michael’s short time at the Assembly was not a happy one. He had been imposed upon Wales as First Secretary by Blair and there was much resentment all around as a result.

 

When Alun Michael resigned as First Secretary, there was much muddy water surrounding his resignation. He resigned just before a Plaid-inspired vote of no confidence in his leadership. The vote followed what Plaid regarded as the failure of Michael to secure Treasury match-funding for £1.2 billion worth of European funding for deprived areas of Wales.

Yet something odd happened when Alun Michael resigned ahead of that no-confidence vote. Janice Gregory, AM for Ogmore, 1999-2016 and Labour Group Whip in the early days of the Assembly, had a hissy fit and resigned the Whip because Alun Michael had resigned as First Minister. Janice resigned the Whip on the grounds that Andrew Davies had plotted to remove Alun Michael. Janice Gregory was the daughter of Sir Ray Powell, the MP for Ogmore, 1979-2001.

Ray Powell was a Labour Whip between 1983-95 and one of his achievements was to refuse Ken Livingstone a desk for more than a year after Ken arrived in the Commons in 1987. Although Ray Powell had a reputation as an effective and formidable Whip himself, he later denounced the Whips office as ‘the Gestapo’ after he ended up on a hit list for refusing to vote to lower the age of consent for homosexual activities. Ray might have held out against that, but he never mentioned the matter of the abuse of children in care in Wales at all – although he was in the Commons throughout the years of the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, the police investigations, the Jillings Investigation, the Waterhouse Inquiry, the deaths of witnesses…Ray was also the honorary Secretary of the Welsh Parliamentary Labour Party, 1982-92.

Ray Powell could make headway in the most unlikeliest of circumstances. In 1983 the Tory Gov’ts cap on spending resulted in problems with the building of phase two of the hospital in Bridgend in Powell’s constituency. Ray Powell took up the case with the paedophiles’ friend Wyn Roberts at the Welsh Office. Wyn Roberts was obliged to make special arrangements for the funding of the hospital and Ray was delighted to be able to tell his constituents that they would be getting the first rate hospital that they deserved. But Wyn Roberts found himself doing a few other remarkable things to help Welsh causes after he or his colleagues in the Welsh Office had received a visit from someone in a position to remind them that a vicious paedophile gang was operating in north Wales and that the Welsh Office knew all about it (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’).

 

Janice Gregory was a damp squib as an AM, she was labelled an ‘under-performer’ and a lot of people wished that she’d bugger off. She got into politics via her father. From 1991 Janice worked as political secretary for her dad. That was the year of the Great Stuffing Over of me and a number of my friends who knew what had happened to me at the hands of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends – the year in which there was an attempt to frame me for a serious crime, with which St George’s Hospital Medical School was complicit (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London’), the year in which two of my friends who worked in the media had their careers ruined….

As a result of working for her dad, Janice will have been party to a great deal of information – including information about the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. Janice was also active in the local constituency Labour Party, was of course wimmin’s officer for the Party and Chair of Ogmore Wimmin’s Forum. Janice’s wiki mentions that ‘several other family members were active in Labour politics’. I bet that family ran fucking Ogmore.

 

One of Wales’s celebs lived at Ogmore – the well-known poet Danny Abse. Most people who have heard of Danny Abse but who didn’t actually know him have heard of him as a poet. But Danny Abse was also a Top Doctor and he practised as a Top Doctor for 30 years. Danny trained at the Welsh National School of Medicine, King’s College London and the Westminster Hospital Medical School. The Welsh National School of Medicine concealed the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles for years. Two of the ringleaders in this were Professor Kenneth Rawnsley (see post ‘The Discovery Of A Whole New Galaxy’) and Professor Sir William Asscher who, after spending many happy years concealing a paedophile gang in Wales, then took up the post of Dean of St George’s Hospital Medical School in London, where Asscher concealed another paedophile gang as well as research fraud and serious misconduct (see post ‘I Don’t Believe It!’). Asscher did of course continue with his earlier interest in concealing the crimes of Dafydd et al (see posts ‘Some Very Eminent  Psychiatrists From London…’ and ‘The Paedophiles’ Friends Of Cardiff North’).

Danny Abse was from a family of psychoanalysts and he and his brother Leo dabbled in analysis themselves. Psychoanalysts of Leo and Danny Abse’s generation concealed a great deal of sexual abuse.

 

Leo Abse was the Labour MP for Pontypool, 1958-83 and Torfaen, 1983-87. Abse was a very good mate of George Thomas and could be relied upon to get George Thomas out of trouble when people who had been molested by Thomas made a fuss about it (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’). Leo Abse paid some people to keep quiet and threatened to have others imprisoned. (Abse was a lawyer and a not very pleasant one, so a threat from him was quite effective.) It was Leo Abse who provided the cover story when in 1984 George Thomas was hospitalised as the result of contracting an STD. George Thomas and the Top Doctors really loved each other – Thomas was involved with raising funds for medical charities and in return no Top Doctor ever squealed. Kenneth Rawnsley’s wife, Dr Elinor Kapp  – who was a child psychiatrist working in south Wales – was a Trustee of the City Hospice from its founding. The City Hospice was originally known as the George Thomas Hospice, but it changed its name when Thomas’s molesting activities became publicly known.

 

Paul Murphy succeeded Leo Abse as Labour MP for Torfaen. Murphy had long been associated with Torfaen, he’d been a Torfaen Councillor for years whilst Abse was the MP for the constituency.

 

The thing that I noticed which coincided with Alun Michael’s resignation as First Secretary was the submission of the Waterhouse Report to the Secretary of State for Wales, Paul Murphy. I’m fairly sure that as soon as it was handed over, Alun Michael was out of the door.

Any expose of the truth behind – and the extent of – the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal would have sunk numerous politicians, from all parties, in both Westminster and the Assembly. It would have been well worth people putting their heads together and creating a distraction just as that Report was submitted. As one of the creatures said in Jungle Book, ‘You create a distraction, then I’ll rescue Mowgli’.

So as Janice accused Andrew Davies and resigned the Whip, as Plaid made a fuss about the failure to secure Treasury matched-funding, Mowgli scuttled off back to Westminster to the arms of the man who has a great deal to lose if the truth ever does emerge re the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, because his wife was mates with all the lawyers who kept it quiet by standing by in silence as witnesses and victims went to prison or died – a man called Tony Blair.

 

Perhaps Delyth Evans could tell us exactly why Mowgli decided to get the hell out of the Welsh Gov’t in Feb 2000. Delyth did well out of it though – she didn’t even need to stand in a by-election to succeed Alun Michael as AM, because Delyth was the second name on Labour’s regional list of candidates for the seat of Mid & West Wales and under the Assembly’s election rules, no by-election is necessary for the regional seat, the next candidate is automatically appointed.

Delyth won’t have just been in a position to dig up the dirt whilst she worked for Alun Michael, Delyth’s previous career was built upon having access to dirt and keeping schtum, which was why she will have ended up as Michael’s Spad and on the regional candidates list.

Delyth was working for the Labour leader John Smith when he died in circumstances in which the Top Doctors at Barts found themselves unable to save his life. Now there’s a warning to everyone.

Delyth went to Aberystwyth University when the place was run by the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). Before going to Aber, Delyth went to Ysgol Gyfun Rhydfelen. Delyth was a pupil at Rhydfelen when the drama teacher John Owen taught there. The John Owen who molested his pupils for years and was protected by Mid-Glamorgan Education Authority and the WJEC (see post ‘Yet More Inglorious Bastards’). John Owen also wrote for children’s TV and the HTV Wales and S4C stayed loyal to him as well. He killed himself just before he was due to stand trial and Menna Richards paid her respects at his funeral – the Menna who for years was one of the most senior people employed at the BBC, Delyth’s former employer.

Delyth joined the Labour Party in 1984, when the Windbag was busy concealing organised child abuse and the associated abuses in psychiatry (see posts ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’ and ‘I Warn You…’). The Windbag who was the President of the Students Union at Cardiff when Dafydd’s partner in crime Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) was a student at the Welsh National School of Medicine. After he graduated, Tony Francis worked in the Dept of Psychological Medicine at Cardiff. Of which the Head of Dept and Professor was Kenneth Rawnsley.

 

Alun Michael’s Spad Julie Crowley was the Press Officer for the Labour Party, 

 

Rhodri’s book mentions that Alun Michael is a distant relation by marriage of Blair’s big buddy, paedophiles’ friend Lord Bruce Grocott (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part I’).

 

As well as relying upon the paedophiles’ umbrella that was Lawrence Conway, another person upon whom Rhodri’s ship depended was Kevin Brennan. Brennan was Rhodri’s case worker, researcher, campaign manager and then Spad. Brennan sat on Cardiff City Council, 1991-01 and served as Chair of the Finance Committee, Chair of the Economic Scrutiny Committee and Vice-Chair of Economic Development.

Brennan stood down as Rhodri’s Spad to accept the nomination as the candidate for the Westminster constituency of Cardiff West, Rhodri’s old Westminster seat, after Rhodri stepped down to concentrate on his role as FM. Brennan was elected as the Labour MP for Cardiff West in 2001. Blair appointed him an Assistant Gov’t Whip in 2005 and in June 2007 Blair’s successor Gordon appointed Brennan as junior Minister for Children, Young People and Families in the new Department for Children, Schools and Families. Well who better for such a role than Kevin who kept quiet about so much organised child abuse whilst he spent all those years at Rhodri’s side?

Brennan then held the position of Parliamentary Secretary for the Cabinet Office in Gordon’s Gov’t, 2008-09; then Minister of State for Further Education, Skills, Apprenticeships and Consumer Affairs with responsibilities in both the Department of Education and the Department of Business, Innovation and Skills. Following the 2012 General Election, Brennan continued this role in a Shadow Ministerial capacity before Ed Miliband appointed him as Shadow Minister for Schools. Under Jeremy Corbyn, Brennan was Shadow Minister for Business, Innovation and Skills, 2015-16. He is at present Shadow Minister for Heritage and the Arts.

Brennan was born in Cwmbran. He went to St Alban’s RC High School in Pontypool and then Pembroke College, Oxford. Brennan graduated in 1982 and was elected President of the Oxford Union in the same year, with support from William Hague. Hague supported Brennan’s candidacy over those from the left of the Conservative faction in the Union. Brennan then returned to Wales  and completed a PGCE at University College Cardiff in 1985. Brennan also completed a Masters in Education Management at the University of Glamorgan (now the University of South Wales) in 1992.

In 1982, Brennan joined the Cwmbran Community Press as a journalist. He joined the NUT in 1984 before becoming a teacher at Radyr Comprehensive School in 1985 – Radyr was the village in which Rhodri grew up. Brennan left the school in 1994 as Head of the Economics Department. 

Brennan had a major triumph the year after he was elected to the Commons. In July 2002, the steel manufacturer Allied Steel and Wire (ASW) entered receivership and many of their employees were told they would not receive their full company pensions because of a fund shortfall. Brennan had many former workers of Allied Steel & Wire as constituents and he tabled an Early Day Motion in the Commons in Nov 2002 calling for compensation. Brennan threatened to table an amendment to the Pensions Bill if the Gov’t did not offer any help. After Brennan carried out his threat to table the amendment, The Indie reported that Tony Blair faced the ‘biggest backbench rebellion’ of his career. Ultimately, Brennan was successful. The BBC reported he was ‘instrumental in extracting the government’s commitment to establish a £400 million fund to provide compensation for workers who lost their pensions when their firms went bankrupt’.

No doubt the former steelworkers in Brennan’s constituency were most grateful, but I wonder how they would feel if they knew how their MP had twisted the arm of Tony ‘I’m a pretty straight kind of guy, but my wife is mates with God knows how many radical lawyers who ignored a vicious paedophile gang who killed some of their victims and I’ve put quite a few people in the Lords after they had done exactly the same thing’ Blair?

‘It was all a long time ago.’

Unfortunately those who built their careers upon the silence surrounding the dungeon, the rapes, the buggery, the beatings, the fatal car accidents, the bodies which were found hanging from trees, stairwells and in prison cells and the five people who were killed by the firebomb in 1992, are still with us.

Are you having a good time in Westminster Kevin? I bet it’s even better for freebies than Cardiff City Council!

In 2009, Brennan came under scrutiny during the expenses scandal for claiming various items, including a £450 television claimed for his London second home which was delivered to his family home in Cardiff. He claimed for bunk beds for his daughter while the expenses system was intended exclusively for items for the MPs use. Brennan said he bought from businesses in his constituency and the items were for use in his second home. He called the story a ‘smear with no basis in fact’. As opposed to my account of my experiences with the people whom Kevin protected for years, which is backed up by 10,000 documents…

In 2014, Brennan led a campaign with musician Billy Bragg to lift a blanket ban on prisoners having access to guitars. Brennnan held a Westminster Hall debate on the subject to try and get the Gov’t to overturn the ban, citing the importance and the efficacy of music as a means for the rehabilitation for prisoners. The Gov’t agreed and prisoners can now have access to the instruments. Does that include people still banged up because they were fitted up by the paedophiles’ friends Kev?

 

I’m thinking of Howard Hughes, who’s still languishing in prison after being convicted of the rape and murder of Sophie Hook in Llandudno in 1996 on the basis of absolutely no evidence at all except for the word of a convicted child molester (see post ‘News Round Up – And Murder Most Foul’). The North Wales Police were forced to release Howard after they initially arrested him because they could find no reason to detain him for any longer. Then one of them searched Howard’s house and very conveniently found a stack of child porn. The pathologist who gave evidence at Howard’s trial was Donald Wayte, who is married to Avril Wayte – Avril presides over the notorious shambles that is the pathology service at the Betsi Board and she’s also a Trustee of Dafydd’s charity CAIS. Howard spent time in Bryn Estyn as a boy where he claims he was abused. His application for compensation was rejected on the grounds that he was a convicted sex offender himself. When he was a young man, Howard also passed through that other prison of the paedophiles, ‘a hospital for mentally abnormal criminals’, Garth Angharad.

Howard Hughes has learning disabilities and can barely read and write. But then the North Wales Police probably wrote his statement for him anyway.

 

Our Kev fancies himself as a bit of a popster. In 2016, following Jo Cox’s murder, Brennan put together the ‘Friends of Jo Cox’ to record a charity single to raise money for the Jo Cox Foundation. The Friends of Jo Cox included the Parliamentary rock band MP4, the Commons choir, MPs from other parties and a group of famous musicians. The song was a cover of The Rolling Stones’ ‘You Can’t Always Get What You Want’. The Stones waiving their royalties for the Jo Cox Foundation.

Kev – a former Denbigh patient used to wander around Bethesda destitute, visibly malnourished and badly neglected by the mental health services because ‘she is very difficult and we’re not helping her’. This lady repeatedly told me that when she was young she was a groupie who had sex with Mick Jagger. As far as I was concerned the jury was out on that one, but I do know that the same lady was sexually exploited by a number of other people who pretended that they didn’t know her. And a patient who was of a similar vintage to her was sterilised on the orders of the mental health services ‘because she’ll get pregnant’. That was certainly a risk, because the staff were shagging her. So next time that you see Mick Kev, perhaps you could ask him if he remembers the lady from Bethesda. While you’re at it you could also mention the words ‘Mandy Smith’ to Mick’s mate Bill Wyman.

Kev, the reason why the Windbag et al were protecting the reputation of the psych wards at Ysbyty Gwynedd as well as Dafydd’s empire at Denbigh was because the Windbag’s mate Tony Francis ran the empire at Ysbyty Gwynedd. Whilst I was on Tony Francis’s ward at Ysbyty Gwynedd I watched a 19 year old female patient receive a punch in the face from a adult male patient. No provocation at all from her, he just walked up and smacked her one. The matter was not reported to her parents and certainly not to the police. No-one could work out what the man who punched her was doing on the ward anyway. He was a drug user from Llandudno, didn’t seem to be distressed or ill himself and used to have stand up rows with the Angels boasting that he was homeless and was in hospital until he was housed and he ‘wasn’t going to a fucking hostel either’. He didn’t. He kipped in the hospital until a decent flat was found for him. Which was a bloody site more than anyone else got.

The drug patients were Dafydd’s responsibility. Dafydd had a few beds in Ysbyty Gwynedd…

 

Rhodri’s other Spad who hit the big time was of course Mark Drakeford, who was the Professor of Social Policy at Cardiff University. It was Drakeford who was responsible for Rhodri’s famous ‘Clear Red Water’ speech, which was used to signal that the Welsh Gov’t was not going to adopt Blair’s Third Way. Not only did Rhodri forget to use the key phrase ie. Clear Red Water, but Drakeford had previously worked as a social worker for Dyfed County Council whilst a paedophile gang with links to Dafydd et al was at work down there. Which was probably why the Welsh Gov’t had to roll over and have its tummy tickled by Blair when Blair felt like it, because none of them were actually in a position to stand up to him and tell him to take a running jump let alone put Clear Red Water between them and Westminster or indeed even implement any of the more radical ideas that Drakeford published as an academic.

When Drakeford became Health Minister in 2013 and the Top Doctors were busy causing havoc whilst still eliminating vulnerable people, Drakeford made a point of ‘sitting down and talking’ to the BMA. The BMA must have thought that Christmas had come. Drakeford obviously had a talent for sitting down and talking to people when he probably shouldn’t have. Rhodri’s book mentions how helpful it was that when Drakeford was his Spad, that Drakeford would hold regular ‘Saturday coffee meetings’ with Mike Hines, the Lib Dem Group Secretary, to ‘sound out’ the Lib Dems. I am not suggesting that Lib Dems cannot be socialised with, but something underhand must have been going on because Rhodri stressed how by Drakeford doing this there was ‘no trail’ back to Rhodri or any Ministers.

In the same way that Kevin Brennan took over Rhodri’s Westminster seat in 2001, Drakeford took over Rhodri’s Assembly seat of Cardiff West when Rhodri stepped down in 2011. Rhodri and Drakeford went back a long way. Drakeford is described by Rhodri as an ‘old friend from Cardiff West’ who was a South Glamorgan County Councillor when Rhodri was a newly elected MP in 1987. The South Glamorgan County Council that had as members of many other friends and relations of Rhodri – the South Glamorgan County Council that was involved in the scam that was the development of Cardiff Bay (see post ‘Corruption Bay Special’) and was at the centre of much corruption (see post ‘More Than Politics And Local Government’).

Then Drakeford was Rhodri’s Parliamentary agent in the 1992 General Election. The one which the Windbag and his coterie really thought that the Windbag was going to win. The one which John Major won just a few days before that firebomb killed the five witnesses to the paedophile ring in north Wales (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’). The first police investigation into the possibility of the existence of a paedophile ring operating in north Wales took place in 1991-93. The North Wales Police concluded that no paedophile ring existed. Drakeford could have told them otherwise but he didn’t.

Rhodri mentions another one of his pals, Geoff Mungham, whom Rhodri describes as a ‘sociologist from Cardiff University’ although I note that Mungham’s senior lecturing post at Cardiff was in the Centre for Journalism Studies. Mungham died in 2003 and in his tribute to Mungham, Kevin Brennan stated that Mungham, through ‘his teaching probably did more to promote Cardiff to the world than any official agency’.

 

Mungham had been with the Centre of Journalism since 1971 and was a colleague of Brennan’s on Cardiff City Council. For many years Mungham was City Councillor for Splott. He was Secretary of the ‘Cardiff Says Yes’ Campaign for the Welsh Assembly.

Splott is a disadvantaged area of Cardiff. A friend of mine who was at medical school in Cardiff during the 1980s told me that she felt that a lot of the Top Doctors working in the University Hospital at Cardiff had a rather bad attitude to people in Splott and that this attitude was passed onto medical students. In those days, in their third year at Cardiff (ie. the first clinical year) the medical students used to be allocated a patient who was attending ante-natal clinics, to follow her through her pregnancy and the months afterwards, the idea being to study the development of a family. My mate was quite angry when the other students commiserated with her that her patient was from Splott. Particularly as the lady from Splott turned out to be very nice.

Cardiff City Councillors will have known that people from Splott were putting up with this sort of bigotry but they won’t have said a word.

 

Cardiff School of Journalism is very grandiose and pompous and has become particularly so since the arrival of Richard Tait, or as Tait’s mate Michael Grade emphasises, PROFESSOR Richard Tait. That’s the Michael Grade who in the 1980s offered his ticket to the Edinburgh Festival to Leon’s Brittan’s brother Samuel, after Samuel threw a hissy fit because the fully booked and sold out Festival couldn’t provide him with a ticket and accommodation at the last minute when he demanded it. How do I know this? Because my mate was working in the box office and was the person who refused to pull strings for Samuel Brittan, Samuel Brittan then wrote to Big Mike and Big Mike wrote back to Brittan telling him how appalled he was that my friend wouldn’t work a fiddle. My friend’s head was demanded on a plate but as a consequence she was given copies of the correspondence between Samuel Brittan and Michael Grade and we all had a good laugh at Michael Grade’s shameless toadying. We realised what the purpose of the toadying was when Grade became head of Channel Four not long after.

Michael Grade is now a Tory peer and everyone bangs on about his charisma and how you can tell that he’s got leadership qualities because he wears red braces and matching socks. Which as far as I can see, anyone can do although not everyone has spent their lives toadying to people because their brother is a Home Secretary. A Home Secretary who presided over a thoroughly rotten Home Office, who is known to have covered-up very serious crime related to the organised abuse of children and who has been named as a possible abuser himself.

The climax of Richard Tait’s journalistic career was ‘Nationwide’, which featured Frank Bough and Michael Barratt as well as Richard Stilgoe playing a piano and singing little ditties. Frank Bough obviously had rather more about him because he was subsequently the centre of a scandal involving prostitutes and bingeing on drugs and the BBC kicked him out. Which was a little inconsistent with their remarkably tolerant attitude to Jimmy Savile.

Richard Tait was a BBC Governor and when the Governors were abolished because of the row over Hutton, Tait was allowed to stay on with Michael Grade as a member of the new BBC Trust. Whilst Tait was a Governor, he Chaired the Governors’ Programme Complaints Committee, which heard appeals against complaints regarding BBC programmes. One of the complaints which Tait investigated came from a viewer who had watched a BBC programme about worms which was presented by Ben Fogle. Ben Fogle had described the worms as ‘slippery little suckers’ and the outraged viewer wrote in and complained because he was convinced that Ben had called the worms ‘slippery little fuckers’. I presume that the viewer in question must have been a sort of Dafydd, someone who just experiences imaginary unacceptable goings-on all around them all the time and complains (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate). The BBC explained that the Complaints Committee had watched the programme four times and that the word used to describe the worms was definitely ‘suckers’.

So that’s what PROFESSOR Richard Tait, friend of Michael Grade, actually does with his time between the pompousing, the dinners and the meetings.

However, I’m sure that Richard Tait could prove very useful indeed to colleagues at Cardiff who might have close connections to Rhodri and would prefer that certain matters did not ever find their way into the media.

One of Geoff Mungham’s specialist areas was ‘political propaganda’.

‘Redesigning Democracy: The Making Of The Welsh Assembly’ is a volume co-authored by Geoff Mungham and Kevin Morgan. Kevin Morgan currently holds a Chair in the School of Geography and Planning at Cardiff and he is also Dean for Engagement at Cardiff. Kevin Morgan did his first degree at Leicester University in the mid 1970s. Whilst a great many people in that institution were concealing the activities of Greville Janner who was elected as a Labour MP in 1974 (see post ‘Radical Leicester And Some Other Free Radicals’). Janner’s family came from Cardiff and Janner was born there. The Janners are a legal family and Greville Janner had many links with both the Labour Party and the legal world in south Wales. From the late 1970s until 1989 Morgan worked in Sussex University, which is located at Brighton. The kids in care in north Wales were trafficked to brothels in Brighton and London owned by John Allen. The firebomb which killed the five north Wales witnesses was thrown into a building in Brighton. I would imagine that Kevin Morgan might well have known something about sex trafficking in Brighton whilst he lived there as a result of the sort of research that he was involved with. Kevin Morgan has been a member of and Chaired numerous Welsh Gov’t committees.

 

Rhodri’s autobiography mentions another academic whom he knew, Drakeford’s friend Mike Sullivan, Professor of Social Policy at Swansea University. Mike Sullivan is also Swansea University’s Vice President (Strategic Partnerships), Director Designate of the Morgan Academy – now which Morgan would that be named after? – and the Vice Chancellor’s Adviser (External Relations). Sullivan’s Chair is in the School of Management, because Richard Davies, the VC whom Mike advises, shut down great swathes of Swansea University some years ago, including the Social Sciences bit. Richard Davies was also accused of giving jobs to his friends and there was such discord that the staff protested to the University Visitor – which was HM Queen Lilibet – in an attempt to have Davies removed.

Davies wasn’t removed, which might have been related to Swansea University being virtually run by the friends and relatives of Rhodri Morgan (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). No doubt as long as there is a job for Rhodri’s brother Prys and others close to Rhodri’s heart, Richard Davies will stay. Richard Davies even gave Professor Geoffrey Chamberlain a job after Chamberlain retired from St George’s Hospital Medical School, after Chamberlain had concealed a paedophile gang of which one member was the Professor of Paediatrics, Oliver Brooke and serious misconduct, including a major research fraud which resulted in Chamberlain having to resign as President of the Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists (see post ‘I  Don’t Believe It!’).

Richard Davies also gave a home to Professor Hilary Lappin-Scott after she departed from Bangor University against her will, having single-handedly nearly destroyed the place during her short but notable time there (see post ‘News Round-Up, March 16 2017’). Satan-Scott was given control of Swansea’s Business School – I don’t know why, because she’s a microbiologist, but then she declared herself to be a gender specialist on the grounds that she was female (Hilary – men have a gender too). After Hilary took over the management of Swansea’s Business School, allegations of workplace bullying flew, there were numerous staff resignations, people gave jobs to their wives and friends and the students held a protest because they claimed that the Business School had acquired such a dreadful reputation that their degrees had been devalued as a result.

 

Mike Sullivan’s web page explains that he has worked as an applied social scientist for the last 30 years. He is an ‘acknowledged international authority’ on the politics of social policy and has carried out research on: the Labour party and social reform, the effectiveness of educational systems; devolution and social policy and the impact of state intervention on family and kinship patterns. Mike has acted as a consultant to the Serbian, Montenegrin and Hungarian governments in developing frameworks for public policy.

Over the last decade, Mike has provided advice and developed health policy for the Welsh Government. From 2007 to 2010 he was Spad on public policy to Rhodri. Mike has worked extensively with local authorities, the NHS and the Third Sector.

So Mike knows all about the mountain of shit as well then – although it doesn’t feature in his publications. Which will be why in 2010 Mike was elected to a Fellowship of the Royal Society of Medicine ‘in recognition of his contribution to health policy development and analysis’.

Mike claims that ‘he never wished to become part of University management but somehow it happened’. Just like that! Richard Davies’s adviser – it can happen to anyone.

 

There was another high profile figure in the Labour Party who was around for most of Rhodri’s career about whom I have so far said very little on this blog. I was reminded by someone who left a comment recently that I do need to discuss him. That is Robin Cook.

Because of the way that Robin Cook died and this happening not long after he fell out with Blair over the invasion of Iraq, a number of conspiracy theories have arisen as a result of Cook’s death. I tend to think of this when I think of Robin Cook, particularly since I met people in Scotland who really did seem to think that someone had helped Robin wave a fond farewell to this world.

The other thing that I always remember about Robin Cook is that he was married to a Top Doctor, always referred to as ‘Mrs Cook’, who exacted a very effective revenge after Cook left her for his secretary Gaynor. Mrs Cook wrote a splendid book which put the boot into Robin in a very entertaining way and did him a great deal of damage. Mrs Cook’s book among other things alleged on the part of Robin Cook serial adultery, excessive drinking, contempt for his colleagues in the Labour Party and dreadful personal habits. Mrs Cook acquired a cult following and was given a job as an agony aunt in a newspaper or magazine and she also took to the airwaves in Scotland and began broadcasting. I went on holiday to The Gambia just after Mrs Cook had published her book and I was gobsmacked to find that Mrs Cook was the talk of The Gambia as well – they had heard about her on the World Service. I was really impressed when a number of people asked me if I knew Mrs Cook – well I suppose that I was from the UK, so I could have bumped into her somewhere. During the discussions that I had about Mrs Cook in The Gambia, I discovered that the reason why she’d taken The Gambia by storm was that she was being compared to the wives of African leaders and as one young man told me ‘no wife of an African leader would ever have dared do that’. Well they aren’t Mrs Cook.

When I realised the extent of the pleasing of the Top Doctors that had gone on among Labour Party figures and the wilful ignoring of the naked greed and criminal behaviour of some leading lights in the BMA, I did bear in mind that Mrs Cook was a Top Doctor – a consultant haematologist – and that she and her network will have been ruthlessly colluded with. What I had missed however was that during his time as the MP for Edinburgh Central, 1974-83 and Livingstone, 1983-05, Robin Cook served as the Shadow Secretary of State for the DHSS, 1987-89 and then as Shadow Secretary of State for Health, 1989-92, under the Windbag. That puts Cook at the scene of a great many crimes – the Windbag ignored some pretty horrific things on the part of the paedophiles’ friends during those years. The death of Michael Carr MP at the hands of Walton Hospital (see post ‘News From Sicily’) for one, as well as the excesses and serious crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see posts ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’ and ‘I Warn You…’).

Cook was a Scottish Labour politician so he will have known much about the people and the events discussed in my post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’,  as well as all the other dirt that everyone at Westminster picked up. Medicine is an incredibly incestuous world and Mrs Cook being a Top Doctor in Scotland married to an MP who later became a Cabinet Minister – Foreign Secretary at that – will have mixed with the best in Top Doctor Circles. Mrs Cook will have known Dr Death, as well as Sir Kenneth Calman, who served as Chief Medical Officer for Scotland as well as for England and Wales and who moved mountains in terms of concealing the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part V’). Mrs Cook will have known Sam Galbraith, the Top Doctor who was begged to become a Labour MP by someone whilst the Windbag led the Party just when it looked as though all might be revealed about Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘I Warn You…’). The plan to get Big Sam on side rather backfired on the Windbag and Tony Francis, because Sam Galbraith turned out to be a complete shit who didn’t have any interest in being a politician, who insulted the rest of them and who made it quite clear that they were a load of fools and that he was a neurosurgeon who was going to do what he felt like and furthermore the purpose of Gov’t chauffeurs and official cars was to take Galbraith out from Glasgow to his boat at weekends.

Rhodri states in his book that he was friends with Sam Galbraith.

Windbag – was there anyone at all whom you wouldn’t toady to in your attempts to become PM? Sam Galbraith must have been the worst recruitment decision that you ever made, you might as well have invited Dafydd to become a Minister, he’d have probably done less damage.

 

Robin Cook has to shoulder a great deal of the blame for the idiocy which reigned supreme under the Windbag – it was Cook who managed the Windbag’s leadership campaign in 1983. Cook was considered a moderniser and assisted the Windbag and Mandy in this.

Cook went back a long way, he was an MP in Wilson’s and Callaghan’s Gov’ts so he will have known about the skulduggery over which they presided and the scandals that they kept quiet – including George Thomas and Greville Janner and of course politicians from other parties doing equally unsavoury things such as Cyril Smith, Jeremy Thorpe and Sir Peter Morrison. Cook was a member of the Tribune group of the PLP and in 1988 was elected to the NEC.

Mrs Cook may have known another Top Doctor who facilitated the activities of Dafydd and the paedophiles – Dr DGE Wood, the corrupt GP. Wood came from the Bristol area, went to Bristol Medical School and his parents continued to live down there after Wood moved to north Wales. Wood’s father was a Top Doctor as well. Mrs Cook came from Bristol and she and Robin were married there. Evidence in my possession shows that Wood was very pro-active in approaching people who were in a position to assist him in running the sex trafficking ring or doing me damage – I also think that Wood had some sort of connection with Dr Death.

In true Top Doctor style, Mrs Cook delivered a boot to the groin of Blair and the Gov’t in 2002. She resigned from her job as a Top Doctor, claiming that the NHS was being used by Blair’s Ministers as a ‘political football’. Of course it was Mrs Cook and the Top Doctors took maximum advantage of that. If the NHS wasn’t used as a political football, Dafydd et al would have simply been arrested and charged – instead the BMA used the desperation among politicians to conceal what was going on to negotiate high salaries for themselves. Mrs Cook’s criticisms sound very familiar – there’s not enough money for Top Doctors, there’s a recruitment crisis and she can’t bear the stress anymore. Just imagine the stress if you were illegally imprisoned in a dungeon in Denbigh Mrs Cook and everybody ignored the crimes of the person who had done it.

Mrs Cook was a haematologist. So she’d know about the ‘tainted blood’ scandal – which resulted in NHS patients knowingly being given infected blood products over many years under different Gov’ts, many of those patients subsequently dying. Mrs Cook would also know about other blood borne infections. Such as HIV. Furthermore Mrs Cook worked in a hospital in Edinburgh – in the late 80s/early 90s Edinburgh had one of the worst rates of HIV infection.

Mrs Cook will have known that the only way that Chief Medical Officer Sir Donald Acheson persuaded Thatcher and Norman Fowler to allow the ‘Don’t Die Of Ignorance’ HIV public education campaign which made references to gay sex was because Acheson had explained slowly and clearly that this was an infection which led to a terminal illness, that there was no effective treatment and that the chances of becoming infected were particularly high if people were having promiscuous gay sex. As Thatcher and Fowler knew damn well that some of their colleagues were using rent boys for this purpose and could well die, the public education campaign was given the go ahead. Mrs Cook will also have known that the young men dying of AIDS in the late 80s receiving visits from Princess Diana who ‘had been rejected by their families’ were very frequently the kids who had grown up in care and had been trafficked for sex. They died without anyone admitting what had happened (see post ‘Apocalypse Now’).

 

Someone else who knew about the gore that was being kept quiet by the DoH was David Miliband. Rhodri Morgan wrote the Health part of the 1992 Welsh Labour manifesto with the Health Advisory Group – although I don’t remember seeing any mention of the abuse and trafficking of kids in care and then keeping them in a dungeon if they complained in that manifesto. Miliband was working as an advisor at the time and argued with Rhodri over the wording of the manifesto – Miliband wanted a form of wording that the NHS unions and the Socialist Health Association would be happy with. They just mustn’t be upset must they.

Gov’t car for you and your family out to your boat on a Saturday Dr Galbraith? No problem.

 

David Miliband did of course share the same Uncle Harry who was popularised by Ed Miliband. Uncle Harry aka Professor Harry Keen who inspired and cared and was dedicated to the NHS. Uncle Harry who had a Chair at Guy’s and St Thomas’s, who’s colleagues became millionaires by abandoning their NHS patients whilst they buggered off down to Harley Street for the rest of the day – the Guys and Tommy’s where Dafydd’s mate Professor Jim Watson established his sex therapy clinic, after having slummed it over at St George’s for years where he’d concealed the paedophile gang along with everyone else there (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’). Uncle Harry was a member of the Socialist Health Association (see post ‘Inside Information About A Hergest Unit Death’). As was Dr Brian Gibbons, who was appointed Health Minister in Rhodri’s Welsh Gov’t and who wrote to me saying that ‘this correspondence is over’ when I told him that I had documentary evidence of serious criminal activity in the NHS in north Wales.

 

David Miliband will have known about the abuse of vulnerable people before 1992, because his first job after he left university in 1989 was as a political analyst at the National Council for Voluntary Organisations (NCVO). Not only were many of the organisations under that umbrella concealing the abuse of vulnerable people – such as MIND – but many of the people working in the NCVO, particularly at senior levels, had concealed abuse and wrongdoing themselves in their previous jobs in services where vulnerable people, including children, had been abused.

From 1989-94, Miliband worked as a Research Fellow and policy analyst at the  IPPR. He was appointed Secretary of the IPPR’s Commission on Social Justice upon its foundation in 1992 by the then leader of the Labour Party, John Smith.

Uncle Harry’s nephew is certainly a man who knows about social justice. He must have been good at keeping his mouth shut as well because in 1994 Blair appointed Miliband as Head of Policy and he contributed to Labour’s 1997 General Election manifesto. After Labour’s election victory, Blair made Miliband the de facto head of the PM’s Policy Unit, a position which Miliband held until 2001.

In 2001 David Miliband was elected as Labour MP for South Shields. So Miliband joined all those other mates of Blair’s in the north east who were keeping the lid on the paedophile ring up there which had operated for years and had strong links to Dafydd’s lot in north Wales.

As far as Miliband goes, the rest is history – Minister of State for the Cabinet Office, Foreign Secretary, mate of Hillary Clinton’s and now the President of the International Rescue Committee.

And it all began when Miliband ensured that the wording of the 1992 Labour manifesto was acceptable to people who were colluding with a paedophile gang…

 

Obviously with Rhodri having an interest in health policy, Rhodri was keen to contribute in any way that he could, so he supplied bad news NHS stories to the Mirror, to let everyone know just how much patients suffer under Tory Cuts. As opposed to when Tony Blair chucks money at the Top Doctors and Mrs Cook still tells everyone that it’s all dreadful and the stress has made her resign, in the same way that many GPs are now retiring in their mid to late 50s because they can’t take anymore. It does of course help that their pension pots are so big that unlike most other people – except of course the Denbigh nurses who retired at 55 to spend time on their yachts or at their second homes in Florida (see post ‘A Solicitor’s Letter from North East Wales MIND’) – GPs can retire in their 50s and still enjoy a comfortable life.

 

The Wales NHS horse was mercilessly flogged again for the 1997 General Election campaign. Blair made a campaign visit to Wales on 2 Feb and he visited Ty Maeth, the HQ of the RCN in the grounds of the University Hospital of Wales. Rhodri’s wife Julie was the host MP! Julie was present at the public unveiling of the RCN’s new childcare system. As Julie Morgan was a former social worker who’s colleagues were involved in concealing child abuse and Julie had previously been the Deputy Director of Barnardo’s whilst some Barnardo’s staff abused children in their care and also had links to Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales, Julie was clearly the right person to be doing that. Whilst Blair was being taken on the RCN tour of North Korea, elaborate plans were being laid in north Wales to transfer me to a secure unit after framing me for ‘threatening’ an Angel – an Angel who would, a few months after Blair met the NHS staff of Pyongyang, obligingly perjure herself (see posts ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’ and ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’). Blair’s tour also included a visit to the University of Glamorgan (now known as the University of South Wales), an institution which has excelled in giving honorary degrees and fellowships to those who have protected the paedophiles and patient batterers, including the Director of the RCN in Wales, Tina Donnelly (see post ‘Oh To Be In Receipt Of Academic Honours’).

 

John Major also visited north Wales in the 1997 General Election campaign. He gave his last Welsh Conservative Party speech before the election at Kinsale Hall Hotel, Flintshire, at the heart of the paedophiles’ biggest umbrella. Kinsale Hall Hotel is near to Holywell and the other places where many former staff of the North Wales Hospital lived. Whilst Major was addressing the paedophiles’ friends, not so far away in Ewloe Sir Ronnie Waterhouse had opened the Waterhouse Inquiry.

 

There are a couple of other references in Rhodri’s book to visits to Paedophilia Central by senior New Labour figures at the time of the Waterhouse Inquiry. Philip Gould went to Wrexham to conduct two of those focus groups which made him a laughing stock. The focus groups in question concerned people’s views on devolution. New Labour didn’t bother to dispatch anyone to make any inquiries about the paedophile gang which had its centre at Wrexham in the guise of Bryn Estyn and Bryn Alyn for so many years. Nearly every councillor and MP in the region was colluding with the gang, but someone could have had a word with the Labour Wrexham Councillor Malcolm King who was the one person who wasn’t (see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’).

 

When the devolution campaign begun, Blair himself arrived in Wrexham. I bet he gave Councillor King a wide berth. Rhodri states that Blair was greeted as a Messiah and that there was a huge turn out. From what is now known about how Thatcher’s and Blair’s campaigns were organised, it was highly probable that there was nothing spontaneous about that huge turn out.

 

Previously on this blog I have discussed how the trade unions not only failed to blow the whistle on the abuse of children in care and psychiatric patients but actually provided abusers with protection in terms of legal advice and support even in cases where it was admitted that they had abused the people whom they were paid to care for (see post ‘A Very COHSE Relationship With Some Very Nasty People?’). David Williams, a former Angel from the North Wales Hospital Denbigh held senior roles in COHSE for decades and ended up as the General Secretary.  The corrupt MSF reps at St George’s Hospital Medical School were using their knowledge of criminal wrongdoing to simply gain more power and status for themselves.

In terms of those abusing children in care, NUPE and NALGO defended them under all circumstances. Some of those accused of abuse, including in north Wales, were shop stewards in these unions. Whistleblowers found that these unions would not respond to their concerns. Although Alison Taylor was a paid-up member of NUPE when she raised concerns about the abuse of children in north Wales and when Gwynedd County Council took disciplinary action against her, NUPE dropped their representation of Alison after being subject to ‘persuasion’ by Gwynedd County Council. One social worker in north Wales who was guilty of serious abuse of children was nonetheless represented by NALGO who negotiated an early retirement package for him. A psychiatrist’s letter was produced in support. I think that I can guess which psychiatrist might have written that letter.

There is no doubt that people at the top of the unions representing abusers knew what the score was and exactly whom they were protecting (see post ‘Mary Turner – An Appreciation’ and ‘I Warn You…’).

Rhodri’s book supplies the names of some of the key figures in the union movement in Wales – Rhodri himself was associated with the TGWU. George Wright is mentioned as the Welsh T&G Area Regional Secretary. Wright became General Secretary of the TGWU and General Secretary of the Wales TUC. Wright famously stated that he knew what his members wanted and that was ‘one person, one vote: I’m the person’. Wright was a protege of the TGWU’s leader Jack Jones. These were very powerful men at one time. If they had wanted to take on Dafydd and the paedophiles they could have. Rhodri mentions that Wright’s deputy in running the Wales Region of the T&G was Jim Hancock – Hancock was Chair of the Welsh Labour Executive.

Jim Hancock became Regional Secretary of the TGWU. In Nov 2000 the TGWU was accused of ignoring local people in Bethesda at a commemoration of the centenary of the Penrhyn Quarry lock-out. The dispute was an historic one and was a key step in the development of trade unionism. The TGWU inherited the mantle of the pioneering old North Wales Quarrymen’s Union, which merged with the TGWU in the 1950s. People in Bethesda were not only not invited to the event but few of them even know about it. Tom Jones, the organiser of the TGWU in north Wales, stated that no snub had been intended.

Among the ‘VIPs’ who were invited were Rhodri; Derek Gregory, the Chairman of TUC Cymru; the actor John Ogwen (who came from Bethesda); paedophiles’ friend Glyn Owen, the Chairman of Gwynedd County Council; paedophiles’ friend Betty Williams, Labour MP for Conwy; Lord Dafydd Elis-Thomas, Presiding Officer of the National Assembly and Tom Jones, Jim Hancock and Jimmy Elsby, representing the TGWU.

I have heard Dafydd Elis-Thomas speak about the need to rescue the patients and then close down the Hergest Unit and I saw him give a paedophiles’ friend a good bollocking for giving Wales a bad name on one occasion, but I am not aware that ANY of the other ‘VIPs’ named above had ever shown any interest at all in the plight of the victims of Dafydd and the paedophiles – and Glyn Owen and Betty Williams were most definitely of the paedophiles’ friends themselves. Gwynedd County Council hosted the paedophile gang – Owen was Chairman and Betty Williams had sat on the Council for years whilst the paedophile gang were busy. Betty also failed to respond to Hergest patients who contacted her after they had suffered abuse at the hands of staff and had me thrown out of Tesco when she was campaigning in there after I asked her why she was ignoring what was going on in the Hergest Unit.

In 2005 a ding dong in Court revealed serious abuses of procedure at the TGWU. Hancock was named in the case as was Mr Harriet Harman aka Jack Dromey.

 

In 2010 the UCU expressed fears about the future of Coleg Harlech after Jim Hancock was commissioned by the Welsh Gov’t to report on the future of the Coleg and recommended that there should be no more investment there. Coleg Harlech has now died a death, which is a great pity because I know some people who maintain that Coleg Harlech transformed their lives and some very good historians were employed there, although sadly there was a contingent of paedophiles’ friends lurking within.

As the UCU shed tears over the future of Coleg Harlech, it reminded everyone that what ‘makes Coleg Harlech so unique is the residential provision it offers. For the most vulnerable learners, including ex-offenders, people with mental health conditions and drug addicts that have kicked their habits, this is vital.  It places them in a safe, supportive environment where they can learn and where they can begin to turn their lives around’.

So the well-paid of north Wales suddenly woke up to the fact that the scant educational provision for the people whom had been kicked in the teeth for decades whilst the well-paid remained silent was about to disappear and that the well-paid were in danger of losing their jobs. Christ, let’s have a campaign!

Whilst UCU shed crocodile years over the fate of vulnerable students, Eileen Tilley, the UCU rep at Bangor University, colluded with the paedophiles’ friends in attacks on those who had spilt the paedophiles’ pints (see post ‘News Round Up, May 12 2017′) because Eileen wanted a seat on the National Executive of UCU.

In 2001 Coleg Harlech merged with the WEA (north Wales). The north Wales WEA was/is dominated by the paedophiles’ friends. I witnessed one such leading light in the WEA -Annie Williams – give a lecture on the plight of the insane and the poor in Beaumaris in previous centuries. Annie got quite a few things wrong but luckily there was someone in the audience who actually knew about the subject and was able to advise Annie. At one point Annie pretended to cry at the knowledge of how the insane and destitute were treated in those days and she made comparisons with the Tory Cuts of today. One of Annie Williams’s colleagues at the WEA is friendly with an Angel in the Hergest Unit who is mistreating one of his kids. Annie’s colleague knows about this but is protecting the Angel and asked me to stop telling people that patients were being abused in Hergest.

When Annie Williams found out that I had an interest in Wimmins’ Studies (or as some of us would say, gender theory) and that I worked at Bangor University, Annie presumed that I worked with Meri Huws aka the Crack of Doom. I explained that I didn’t and mentioned the name of the person whom I did work with, a man who had come under serious attack for spilling the pints of the paedophiles. Annie made a contemptuous noise, wrinkled her nose, walked away and didn’t speak to me again. Well my former colleague might be in possession of testicles Annie, but he’d have never made the elementary mistakes that you made in your lecture. Neither did he collude with a gang of child molesters and those who protected them.

 

 

 

 

Other bigwigs from the TGWU in Wales with whom Rhodri was mates were Nev Taylor, Teifion Davies and John Bingham.

Liz Lewis was the north Wales TGWU organiser. I have not been able to find out anything about Liz other than that she was based among the paedophiles’ friends in Flintshire. There is a passing reference to Liz Lewis on a ‘Red Watch’ website which seems to have been created by some sort of far-right group and features photos and info about who Red Watch believes are dangerous Commie revolutionaries.

Two of my former colleagues from Bangor University are featured on the website. One of them is Julia Wardhaugh, a criminologist whom Red Watch believes is a ‘Marxist Feminist’ and an expert in ‘hate speech’. Red Watch, you really don’t need to worry about Julia – she caused much resentment at Bangor because she could barely make it into work most days. She has sat in Bangor University for years drawing a senior lecturer’s salary whilst much more junior staff – or even unpaid postgrads – do virtually all of her work for her. I never worked out whether Julia was a paedophiles’ friend because I only ever saw her about a dozen times during the years that I worked in the same academic dept as her. I used to speculate with a friend about what Julia actually DID when she wasn’t coming to work. Did she just sit at home watching TV? Or was she going on Himalayan expeditions? She could have been doing the latter because she wasn’t seen for months at a time. The occasions on which Julia did appear however were when meetings were being held to discuss plans to oppose any redundancies in the university. She made sure that she turned up to them. You have nothing to worry about Red Watch, Julia Wardhaugh will not be leading the revolution, she could never be bothered to put in the effort required.

Another Dangerous Revolutionary outed by Red Watch was Professor Charlotte Williams, formerly of Bangor University, latterly of Keele University. Charlotte Williams was a good deal more industrious than Julia and Charlotte is one of the few people who has published intelligent work on black ethnic identity and Welshness. Charlotte has thought about that a lot, because she is black, grew up in Bethesda but is not Welsh speaking and throughout her whole life has been told that she isn’t really Welsh. Charlotte Williams is well known in north Wales because she was subjected to an all out hate campaign by a group of paedophiles’ friends. God they hated Charlotte, they made her life hell. She was subjected to overt racism for daring to be black and when a leaving party was held for her at Bangor it was attended by a paedophiles’ friend who told a student ‘I am only going to make sure that she does leave’. Whatever Charlotte published was trashed by a paedophiles’ friend – usually a deeply unpleasant man called Glyn Williams aka Glyn Patagonia. She never achieved the recognition that she deserved which was why she left Bangor University – it was quite clear that Charlotte was never going to be given the Chair that she obviously should have one day. She went to Keele and was given a Chair very quickly.

However there is a huge mystery surrounding Charlotte. She absolutely must have been a paedophiles’ friend herself. She spent decades working in social work, both as a social worker, a tutor and then as Director of Social Work at Bangor University. She sat on numerous Welsh Gov’t committees advising on social work throughout the paedophile years and was awarded the standard gong of the paedophiles’ friends, an OBE. Charlotte grew up and worked for virtually her entire career in the midst of Paedophilia Central. She definitely knew what was happening but as far as I understood – and I knew a number of people who knew Charlotte well and liked her – she never, ever said one word or raised a concern about the rampant serious abuse which she knew was happening. She was also very frosty to me and avoided me like the plague although she knew that I was good friends with someone who had been very supportive to her.

I have to be fair and entertain the notion that Charlotte might have been simply scared shitless of the murdering bastards. Well you’ve retired now Charlotte, you are well away from them and I think that as a key witness to what they did, you now need to come forward and give evidence.

I don’t know where Charlotte is living now, but after a life and career spent in north Wales she upped and went to Australia for a few years, but later returned to the UK. As I remember, Charlotte felt the call of Oz just as Operation Pallial launched the re-investigation into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. Charlotte must have returned at some point after the Macur Review confirmed that Waterhouse was no cover-up and that the paedophile ring in north Wales was not linked with rings anywhere else and there were no Westminster figures involved. I don’t think that Lady Justice Macur interviewed witnesses though. She couldn’t, they’d buggered off to Australia after they got wind that the Review would be taking place.

 

So there were a great many people providing protection to a paedophile gang and those who facilitated it. The unions of course paid for the best legal representation. The solicitors of the GMB were a company called Leo Abse and Cohen…

 

There was a Labour MP who was also a great friend of Dafydd and the paedophiles who has so far escaped being mentioned on this blog. Gareth Thomas, the MP for Clwyd West, 1997-05.

Gareth Thomas ticks just about every box in terms of the criteria needed to be of outstanding service to Dafydd and the paedophiles. Thomas was born in Penygroes in Gwynedd, but grew up on Merseyside – however he is a fluent Welsh speaker. He graduated in law from Aberystwyth University in 1976 and worked in the insurance industry and in the West Indies. Since 1986 Thomas has been a barrister in private practice, specialising in personal injury. Thomas is a member of AMICUS. MSF, the union whose corrupt reps at St George’s concealed so much wrongdoing, became part of AMICUS after a merger.

Gareth Thomas was a member of Flintshire County Council, 1995-97 and in 2001 was appointed PPS to Paul Murphy, Secretary of State for Wales. In 2002 he moved with Murphy when Murphy was appointed Secretary of State for N Ireland.

Thomas lives near Ruthin and now works as a barrister at Atlantic Chambers Liverpool.

Blair must have been delighted to have Thomas representing that seat whilst the Waterhouse Inquiry was going on and then when the cover-up was published.

 

 

 

Previous posts including ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’ and ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’ provided details of the insanity and corruption which prevailed (and still does prevail) in the mental health services in north Wales, as evidenced by the documents in my possession – the lies being told about and to patients, the complete failure to investigate the most serious complaints and the lies subsequently told that complaints had been properly investigated but had been found to be groundless, the constant attempts to prosecute patients who had complained, the admissions that staff were committing perjury to do this and the collusion with all this by scores of people at the highest echelons, as well as by numerous lawyers.

I mentioned that I have many documents that contain clues that documents have been forged or amended/written at a later date than claimed. This seems to be true of a number of documents which are alleged to be correspondence between Alun Davies and the Welsh Office in 1988 and 1989.

In July 1989 an inquiry was finally held into my earlier very serious complaints about Dafydd, Tony Francis and Gwynedd Social Services, regarding events in 1986-87. The hearing was organised by Professor Robert Owen the corrupt Medical Ombudsman appointed by the Welsh Office (see post ‘In Memoriam – Professor Robert Owen’) and was led by Professor Robert Bluglass, who was as corrupt as the rest of them, who knew Dafydd and was a close colleague of Tony Francis’s former mentor Ian Brockington (see post ‘Ian Brockington’s Mischief’). Most aspects of my complaint were not even investigated and evidence from an Angel that Dafydd had lied to Bluglass during the hearing was ignored as was evidence from Angels that Dafydd had entered into a corrupt deal with Superintendent Roberts at Bangor Police Station to unlawfully arrest and imprison me (see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’). Bluglass concluded that Dafydd and paedophiles were ‘caring’ people who had been ‘harassed’ by me and that I was a psychopath with a ‘homicidal capacity’ who would ‘end up in Broadmoor’.

It was very, very difficult ever getting that farce of an investigation. Letters from me to NHS officials were simply ignored, which is where these allegations of me ‘harassing’ people arose from. I had to write to both Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities repeatedly, because I was either not receiving replies or when I did, barefaced lies were told. Gwynedd Social Services refused to speak to me even on the phone and after only my second letter of complaint to them they served an injunction on me preventing me from writing to them ever again – an injunction gained on the basis of the perjury of two social workers, one of whom had never met me (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’). My complaint re Gwynedd Social Services was that I had been threatened by Alun Davies and then unlawfully detained in Ysbyty Gwynedd by one of their social workers. I now have documents that demonstrate that was exactly what happened. The complaint has never been investigated. Months after serving the injunction on me, Gwynedd Social Services tried to have me imprisoned for breaching it – on the basis of their staff perjuring themselves in Court in Chester (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’).

The letters written to other people by Mr D. Hinchliffe, the administrator at the North Wales Hospital, demonstrate that Hinchliffe repeatedly wrote to Dafydd after I complained, but Dafydd ignored Hinchliffe’s letters. Peter Higson couldn’t get a reply out of Dafydd either and Hinchliffe and Higson agreed that Dafydd wasn’t following complaints procedures. Their solution was for Hinchliffe to write to me and tell me that my complaint had been investigated and was found to be groundless. This was happening during 1987. The letters demonstrating that this was happening were written by D. Keith Jones – a senior nurse at the North Wales Hospital – David Ewart at the Mental Health Act Commission Regional Office in Liverpool and Dr Duncan Egdell of Clwyd Health Authority, as well as by Dafydd, Hinchliffe and Higson. Names mentioned on the letters – people who were colluding with this way of dealing with serious complaint – included Terence James (social worker) and Dr Ramiah Ramaiah, one of Dafydd’s corrupt Top Doctor associates who turned up to ‘assess’ me whilst I was in Denbigh and concluded that I was most wicked . All of these people were involved in a flat refusal to ensure that any investigation took place and that a series of lies were told to me and indeed about me.

On July 13 1987 Hinchliffe wrote to Dr Duncan Egdell regarding Dafydd not responding to my complaints. The letter explains that the Mental Health Act Commission were also complaining about delays in response to their complaints and that they will be writing to Clwyd Health Authority. Hinchliffe states ‘I am therefore writing to advise you of the current situation and at the request of the Members of the Health Authority attached to the Unit [North Wales Hospital] to see whether you could offer any assistance in resolving the situation’. CC Mrs Mars-Jones, Mr Drennan.

Mrs Mars-Jones – referred to on another document as Mrs D. Mars-Jones – I am fairly sure is the wife of David Mars-Jones from near Denbigh. I think that David Mars-Jones is the younger brother of Sir William Mars-Jones, corrupt judge and paedophiles’ friend (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). I have been sent information alleging that Mars-Jones’s son Adam – who became a very well-known novelist – as a young man used to visit Bryn Alyn. Adam Mars-Jones is gay and wrote a biography of his father in which he claims that his father was incredibly homophobic and thought that Adam could be ‘cured’ by sex with the right sort of (female) people. I presume that Mrs Mars-Jones was a member of Clwyd Health Authority.

Letters written by Dafydd to Hinchliffe (dated 21 July 1987) and by David Ewart to Hinchliffe (dated 8 Aug 1987) make reference to the plan and attempt by Dafydd to have me framed and imprisoned for ‘attempting to stab a doctor with a knife’) (see post ‘Workers’ Play Time’). Ewart himself was fully on board with this conspiracy.

A letter from Duncan Egdell to Hinchliffe dated 27 July 1987 states that ‘I enclose herewith for your information and that of Mrs Mars-Jones and Mr Drennan (to whom I am copying this), a copy of a letter I have today sent to Dr DA Jones though I have not indicated that on the top copy that I am doing so. I do hope it achieves the desired effect and shall look forward to hearing whether it does’. Copies to Mrs D. Mars-Jones and Mr R.F. Drennan.

What was going on? I can find no clues among my documents as to what Egdell was up to – but it was obviously a bit of deception involving Hinchliffe, Dafydd, Mrs Mars-Jones and Mr Drennan.

David Ewart wrote to Hinchliffe on 11 Sep 1987 pointing out that the Mental Health Act Commission still hadn’t had answers to two questions posed in their letter of 11 June. By this time Ewart had probably found out that the plan to imprison me for ‘attempting to stab a junior doctor’ had not worked. Ewart had initially been under the mistaken belief that they’d got away with it because Dafydd jumped the gun and wrote to Ewart telling him that I had been taken to Risley Remand Centre – Dafydd didn’t realise at that time that the police had protected me from further false allegations by Janice Davies the senior nurse at the North Wales Hospital and that a nursing officer at Ysbyty Gwynedd had made a statement which evidenced that it was a lie that I had tried to stab someone and so I had been released from Bangor Police Station.

On 5 Jan 1988 PM Rees (an administrator with Gwynedd Health Authority) wrote a ‘note for file’ referring to a meeting ‘this afternoon 4 Jan 1989’ between Prof Owen, Alun Davies, Sandra Phillips, PM Rees and Robyn Williams (an administrator at Gwynedd Health Authority). Rees explains that he phoned Duncan Egdell of Clwyd Health Authority to ask if my original letter to him detailed my complaints about Gwynedd Health Authority. Egdell confirmed that it did and that a letter had been received from me ‘ages ago’, but neither Egdell or anyone else addressed my complaints because ‘it was none of their business’. Rees noted that ‘it apparently did not occur to them to send us a copy so that we could look into the Gwynedd aspects of the complaint ourselves’. Rees stated that Egdell will be faxing my letter over to Gwynedd, that he ‘will communicate this information to Prof Owen’ and will instigate the first of the two stages of the clinical judgement complaints procedure ‘as quickly as possible with a view to having it dealt with (if considered still necessary) at the third stage hearing, tentatively to be held at the end of Jan’.

PM Rees dates the note as 5 Jan 1988, but refers to a meeting that day, 4 Jan 1989. If one was dealing with normal people, this could be explained as a simply typo. But we are not talking normal people here as we shall see.

This memo is extraordinary anyway. Not only because of the apparent lack of communication between Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities, who were responsible JOINTLY for providing the psychiatric services in north Wales – Gwynedd patients were regularly sent to the North Wales Hospital although it was managed by Clwyd and Dafydd had beds at Ysbyty Gwynedd and held clinics there, although his contract of employment was held by Clwyd – but also because of Gwynedd’s claims not to know the details of my complaints against them. They had received numerous letters from me detailing my complaints – Tony Francis had served a High Court injunction on me stopping me from writing any more of them to him and Gwynedd Health Authority were consulting with the crooked Welsh Office lawyer Andrew Park with a view to also gaining an injunction against me stopping me writing letters of complaint. They were in no doubt at all regarding the details of my complaint. Furthermore, the Mental Health Acts Commission by then had also written to Gwynedd Health Authority asking them to respond to their own questions after I had written to the MHAC. The MHAC had told Gwynedd Health Authority that the appropriate report and documentation had not been provided by Gwynedd Social Services when I had been threatened by Davies and then detained at Ysbyty Gwynedd in the autumn of 1986 – so that detention was unlawful…

Gwynedd knew exactly where the land lay, even if Duncan Egdell couldn’t be arsed to write to them.

This memo was in my files alongside an undated ‘report’ about me written by Tony Francis. It is a substantial report in which Francis does his best to present his skills as a psychotherapist. His conclusion is simple – that I am a ‘paranoid litigant’ who’s complaints cannot be taken seriously and have no substance. Which is exactly what Dafydd said about Mary Wynch when she sued him after he had her unlawfully arrested and imprisoned in the North Wales Hospital for a year – Mary won that case (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’).

There is a letter to PM Rees from Duncan Egdell with a copy of my original complaint to Egdell (which was dated 2 March 1987) and letters of complaint written by me on 10 and 11 Dec 1987 because my original complaint had not been addressed. My letter of 11 Dec 1987 addressed to Mr Griffiths, the General Administrator of Clwyd Health Authority, mentioned that I am now writing to him because I have received a letter from Hempsons (the MDU solicitors) who are threatening to seek my imprisonment on the grounds that my letters of complaint to Gwynedd Health Authority broke the personal injunction that  Francis obtained against me. (I was not imprisoned because I had not broken Francis’s injunction.)

This letter from Egdell was dated 4 Jan 1989. Again, it would normally be presumed that this was just an error and it was meant to be 4 Jan 1988 – but when I looked closely at some of the other documents, it was clear that there was something highly irregular about many of them.

On 20 April 1988, Duncan Egdell, Community Physician, finally wrote to the Medical Officer for Complaints at the Welsh Office regarding my complaint about Dafydd. Egdell wites ‘please note that some of the enclosed papers are libellous [an interesting way of describing the most serious aspects of my complaint about Dafydd]. I am sending them to you under confidential cover because you have a legitimate interest in receiving them. We do have to guard ourselves against any allegations that we have ‘published’ libellous material’. Egdell mentions in his letter that he doesn’t know which Medical Officer will be handling the case. Yet in Jan 1988 PM Rees had documented a meeting to ‘discuss’ me as a result of my complaint – to which Prof Robert Owen and Uncle Tom Cobley and all had been invited. Although Rees stated that the meeting took place in Jan 1989…. QUE???

Presumably the ‘libellous material’ concern is why there do not seem to be any official records anywhere of the many complaints from patients about Dafydd’s sexual misconduct. No-one could write them down because it would libelling Dafydd! Which explains why in 1989 Bluglass stated that I described my interactions with Gwynne the lobotomist in ‘highly negative terms’. What I remember saying to Bluglass – and to a number of other people – was that Gwynne had sexually propositioned me, lied about me to discredit me, that Dr DGE Wood told me that I was ‘not allowed to complain’ when I did complain and then yelled at me to ‘drop it or you will find yourself in trouble’.

You didn’t tell me that people were going to try to murder me Wood!

 

I have a copy of an internal memorandum from Tony Francis to Alun Davies dated 29 Nov 1988. It thanks Davies for a letter from Duncan Egdell and states ‘please note that he requests copies [underlined] of the notes rather than the originals. I would be grateful if [my] notes could be kept in the hospital as I may need them for the coming High Court action’.

This memo isn’t signed by Francis, it simply has ‘pp’ and then two initials – a D and another one which looks as though it is a G, an E or a B. It it stamped as being received by Gwynedd Health Authority, 30 Nov 1988.

I have in my possession a letter purporting to be from Alun Davies to Mrs L. Canning, Welsh Office, Cathays Park, Cardiff, dated 1 Dec 1988. [Lesley Canning was Prof Robert Owen’s secretary.] It reads ‘Please find enclosed three copies of the Gwynedd case notes for this lady. will forward my correspondence when photocopying done’. Davies also stated in this letter that he was ascertaining who the Registered Medical Officer was and who the police surgeon was who saw me at Bangor Police Station when Dafydd had me arrested in Dec 1986.

This letter is not signed – despite accompanying the delivery of confidential documents crucial to an investigation.

I also have a copy of a letter purporting to be from Alun Davies to Chief Inspector Parry, Bangor Police Station, dated Dec 1988 – I can’t work out the day, the typing is blurred. Davies says in this letter that he’s been asked by the Chairman of the Inquiry Panel [ie. Prof Robert Owen] to ascertain who the police surgeon was.

The letter is not signed. Which seems a little odd for an NHS official writing to a Chief Inspector regarding an Inquiry after a patient alleged serious criminality on the part of the NHS, the social services and the police.

I have a copy of a letter to Alun Davies from ‘Superintendent for Chief Superintendent’ – signed by what looks like someone called Edwards or it might be Rowlands – dated 12 Dec 1988. it makes reference to ‘your letter of 7 December 1988 regarding the above named and her complaint to Clwyd Health Authority’. The letter informs Davies that Dr K Shah was the police surgeon who attended Bangor Police Station after Dafydd ordered that I be arrested in Dec 1986 and that Ann Williams was the social worker. The letter is signed and stamped as received by Gwynedd Health Authority, Ysbyty Gwynedd, on 18 Dec 1988. The letter bears the address of the North Wales Police Divisional HQ at Maesincla, Caernarfon and is marked with ‘ref TJE/CVD’.

I have a copy of an internal memorandum from PM Rees but signed by ‘SA Phillips for PM Rees’ [which will be Sandra Phillips, who rose to high office as a corrupt NHS manager in the mental health services in north Wales]. Alun Davies’s name appears at the top of the document., which is dated 15 Dec [no year]. It states ‘I refer to my memorandum of the 21 Nov 1988. I understand that Dr Francis has no objection to disclosure of [my] case notes to the Independent Professional Review being held in Clwyd and I should be grateful therefore if you could let me have two copies as soon as possible’. There is a reference to the ‘last letter’ that they had received from me, in which I had the temerity to dispute that Dafydd was my doctor. I did indeed do this. At no point did I ever ask to see Dafydd. In the autumn of 1986 I was unlawfully detained at Ysbyty Gwynedd and the Angel in charge of the ward Bridget Lloyd refused to let me go until I’d spent 20 mins alone in a room with Dafydd. Dafydd tried to talk to me about sex, I refused to discuss any such thing with him, asked him what the hell he thought that he was doing, whereupon Dafydd told me that he would only let me go if I agreed to leave the town of Bangor immediately and if I ever returned I’d be arrested. I thought ‘fuck you, you’re the second pervert who’s threatened me during the course of their employment as a psychiatrist, I’m not keeping quiet about this’ – although I did leave Bangor immediately because a few days later I was due to start an MSc at Hammersmith Hospital and I realised that these people were capable of anything. Thus the war began…

From then on Top Doctors constantly told me that Dafydd was my doctor and that I had to be referred back to him – even Top Docs in London. No-one could do anything without speaking to Dafydd first. Because he was ‘my doctor’ who ‘knew all about me’.

 

I have a copy of a document purporting to be a letter from Alun Davies to Prof Robert Owen, Medical Officer for Complaints, Medical Investigation Dept, Welsh Office, Cathays Park, Cardiff, dated 16 Dec 1988. The letter says ‘I enclose two sets of correspondence that we have received from [me]’. The letter also states that ‘Ann Williams of Gwynedd Social Services attended the police station’. This letter was not signed – despite transmitting crucial evidence with regard to an Ombudsman’s investigation.

After Dafydd demanded that I be arrested in Dec 1986, an amazingly pleasant, fair social worker was called by the police and ordered to section me ‘because Dr DA says so’. The social worker refused, had a row with the policeman and left. She was one of the few social workers whom I encountered in north Wales who had an understanding of the law, was not prepared to abuse it and was able to talk to clients. Although this lady was not prepared to break the law that night, everyone else was, which was how I ended up in Denbigh a few hours later (see post ‘Hippocratic Oaf or Hypocritic Oaf’). I spent years trying to trace this social worker. I was told by everyone – including the police and Alun Davies – that there was no record of a social worker visiting me in Bangor Police Station that night. At the hearing in July 1989 Bluglass told me that there was no social worker in the police station that night – he really didn’t know what I was talking about…

I have a copy of a document purporting to be a letter from Alun Davies to PM Rees (general administrator from Ysbyty Gwynedd), dated 20 Dec 1988. It reads ‘I refer to your memorandum of 15 Dec 1988. I confirm that I have already forwarded three copies of [my] case notes to Professor Owen’s office in Cardiff’.  Davies’s letter states that before I was taken to the North Wales Hospital in Dec 1986 by the police on the orders of Dafydd, that Dafydd had seen me in the police cells. He hadn’t – that’s why my detention was unlawful. No-one had provided any evidence that I was ill and sectionable. Bluglass himself in his report compiled in the summer of 1989 admitted that there was no documentary evidence anywhere that Dafydd had seen me before I was taken to Denbigh. So had Bluglass not seen this letter that Davies had sent to Rees months before? If Dafydd had seen me in the cells, where was the documentary evidence?

This letter from Davies to Rees is not signed. Which is surprising in view of the potential legal ramifications of my allegation that Dafydd unlawfully imprisoned me…

I have a copy of a document purporting to be a letter written by Alun Davies, dated 22 Dec 1988. It reads ‘I have been contacted by Professor Owen who has been nominated to Chair a Medical Review Enquiry Panel concerning complaints made by [me]…Professor Owen believes that it would be helpful to have an informal meeting to discuss [me] and I therefore write to invite you to a meeting on Wednesday 4 January 1989 at 2 pm in the Committee Room at Ysbyty Gwynedd. If you are not able to attend another date can be arranged.’ The letter is not signed. A ‘distribution list’ names  Tony Francis, Mrs J Evans [presumably Julie Evans, a particularly noxious social worker who has never met me but felt able to spend many years telling people that I was dangerous and she wouldn’t like to think of her kids living near me. Julie was happy to emphasise this after I began working as a school teacher], Jeff Crowther, Dr DGE Wood, Mr PM Rees.

The letter is not signed.

Wood was invited to the meeting although he was no longer my GP. This was known – on 23 June 1986 Alun Davies sent a memo to a minion of Bernard Rhodes (the General Administrator for Gwyned Health Authority) stating that I had transferred  from Wood’s practice. This memo also mentions that the MDU had become involved in  my ‘case’ – Dr Ian Sanderson was the person at the MDU whom they were communicating with. Sanderson has featured in previous posts on this blog – Sanderson did his best to assist the paedophiles’ friends in their attempts to imprison me, although he knew that they were perjuring themselves. DGE Wood had not been named as part of my complaint, so why he had been invited to the meeting I do not know.

I have a copy of a letter purporting to be from Lesley Canning, Prof Owen’s secretary, based at Crown Buildings, Cathays Park, Cardiff, dated 23 Dec 1988, to Alun Davies, thanking him for the two sets of correspondence concerning me.

I have a copy of a document purporting to be a letter from Debra Lewis, Secretary to Alun Davies, to Professor Robert Owen. It is dated 29 Dec 1988 and is addressed to Owen at his home – ‘Bryn Celyn’, Pwllycrochan Avenue, Colwyn Bay. The letter begins ‘Further to our recent telephone conversation regarding a meeting on Wed 4 Jan 1989 at 2 pm to discuss [me], Dr DGE Wood has contacted me…’ The letter offers contact between Wood and Owen.

The letter is not signed.

 

After Bluglass had given Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends the all clear, Prof Robert Owen wrote to Alun Davies on 2 Aug 1989 to thank him ‘most sincerely’ for the ‘excellent way’ in which he organised the Professional Review. The note claimed to have been dictated by Professor Owen and signed in his absence.

 

In view of the number of errors on these documents, the number of them which are unsigned, even when dealing with allegations of serious misconduct and criminality or when accompanying crucial confidential packages of evidence to the Welsh Office and the number of times that the contents of the letters contradict each other, the only conclusion that I can draw is that some of these documents – if not all of them – are forged. After Bluglass cleared Dafydd and the paedophiles of wrongdoing and declared me to be a dangerous murderous psychopath, within three months there was a serious attempt to declare me insane and have me transferred to a high security hospital – without my knowledge, whilst I was living in London (see post ‘The Night of The (Dr Chris) Hunter). The stakes were very high for Dafydd and the paedophiles at that time because Alison Taylor wouldn’t shut up and Mary Wynch had made legal history in her case against Dafydd and had gained press coverage.

I believe that at some point after the Owen/Bluglass Inquiry, Alun Davies, staff of the Welsh Office and others wrote a stack of letters and pre-dated them, giving the appearance of a paper trail demonstrating that Gwynedd Health Authority had followed all the appropriate procedures in the wake of my complaint. They hadn’t. Upon receiving my complaints, they were ignored. I persisted and was then threatened, unlawfully detained in psych wards, served with High Court injunctions and finally subjected to regular attempts to fit me up and have me sent to a high security hospital or prison.

I believe that when Owen and Bluglass organised their farcical inquiry into my complaints, the documentation from Gwynedd Health Authority had not even been sent to the Welsh Office, although I know that the records from Clwyd had. That lot conducted business entirely by having a word with each other on social occasions or off the record and by lying through their teeth when necessary. I have other documents in my possession which were definitely forged and I caught Top Doctors and the paedophiles’ friends red-handed amending records on a number of occasions – the first person whom I caught bang to rights doing this was Gwynne the lobotomist. The Waterhouse Report contains references to a forged letter found in the possession of Lucille Hughes heaping praise upon two abusers employed as children’s home managers – allegedly written by someone who had complained about being abused by them.  Waterhouse also refers to constant inaccuracies in the records of kids in care in north Wales. Children alleged that they stayed in certain homes and were assaulted by members of staff of which there was no record. Because Waterhouse was Waterhouse he interpreted this as witnesses lying. No they weren’t, the paedophiles’ friends lied constantly and forged documentation.

I was told that there was no record of the social worker Ann Williams visiting me in Bangor Police Station and I was told that no clinical psychologist visited me in Denbigh. He did – it was Nigel Stennet-Cox and I am in possession of a letter in which it is stated that Stennet-Cox is to be told not to speak to me if I contact him and everybody else is to tell me that they don’t know who I’m talking about. On 22 Feb 1988 an Angel called Bob Ingham told me that he was social worker Keith Fearns when he dragged me along a corridor and injured me. The lies and misrepresentation were constant and routine. Alun Davies noted in writing that he was keeping my medical records at his house and the medical records staff at Ysbyty Gwynedd admitted to removing documents from my files. Accepted practice was not followed in any way.

 

Two more anecdotes to illustrate how business was – and still is – conducted in the NHS in north Wales.

I have mentioned a number of times previously how in the late summer of 1987 Brown listened in to a number of phone calls between Dafydd and me. Dafydd tried to threaten me into dropping my complaint about him by saying that he would have me imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and when that didn’t work he tried to bribe me. Dafydd told me that if I dropped my complaint he would ensure that I was given a place at Liverpool Medical School – he maintained that he was friends with Professor Richard someone or other and all he needed to do was to have a word with the criminal with a Chair at Liverpool. I was so gobsmacked that I just stopped the conversation. Brown heard every word of what Dafydd said in all the phone calls. I made a complaint about Dafydd’s attempts to threaten and bribe me. I was ignored – as ever – so I pressed the point. I was told that I had no evidence and of course Dafydd would never do such a thing. So Brown wrote a letter to Gwynedd Health Authority, in which he stated very clearly what he had heard. We heard nothing in response.

I raised the matter of Dafydd’s bribery and corruption with Bluglass at the Inquiry – two years later. Dafydd told Bluglass that of course he had not tried to bribe me, he had ‘spoken supportively’ to me as he would have to any ‘young person overcoming health problems and hoping for a career’. So which health problems was I overcoming then? Was it the  disturbed personality disorder, the paranoid schizophrenia, the manic depressive insanity or the psychopathy with homicidal capacity? Because according to Dafydd I had the lot. At different times, depending upon what suited Dafydd. Your mate Professor Richard at Liverpool must be a very understanding man Dafydd.

As the war continued and Dafydd geared up for action again in about 1993 and further ludicrous allegations were made about me, Brown and I resurrected the matter of Dafydd’s threats and bribes – which had still never been investigated. I persisted and was told to produce evidence. So Brown wrote another letter. Ian Rickard, at that time the Head of Mental Health Services and Project Manager at the Hergest Unit, told me that he had not received Brown’s letter when I asked why we hadn’t received a response. So Brown wrote another letter.

By 19 May 1995 there had still been no investigation – although I have a letter sent by Alun Davies to Dafydd regarding the matter. Davies asks Dafydd for a response to his previous letter about it of 15 Feb 1995. Davies tells Dafydd that ‘I am sending correspondence to Dr Jeffries in order that he is aware of the complaint and time lapse in not having a response’.

Dr Jeffries was the Medical Director of the Clwydian Community Health Trust and/or Clwyd Health Authority which at that time held Dafydd’s contract.

On 6 Sep 1995 Jeremy Corson, the Medical Director of Gwynedd Community Health Trust, wrote to Dafydd regarding my complaint and Brown’s letter. Corson offered to meet Dafydd to discuss it with him…

On 19 Dec 1995 John Mullen the CEO of the Gwynedd Community Health Trust wrote me a letter denying that Dafydd had threatened or tried to bribe me. Mullen stated that ‘he spoke to you at considerable length in a supportive way as he would have done to other young persons in a similar position hoping to recover from health problems and to proceed with a career’. Presumably Mullen had just looked back at Bluglass’s Report some seven or eight years before and repeated what Dafydd said to Bluglass because Dafydd had ignored all requests to respond to correspondence about the matter. Furthermore Dafydd ‘totally refutes the allegations’ which had been investigated by Bluglass in 1989 anyway. When Brown’s letter was ignored and Dafydd was allowed to trot out horseshit about speaking supportively to me…Silent copies of Mullen’s letter had been sent to a number of people including a Dr J Gilbonthavis or a Dr J Gilboravis of the MDU.

I did remember Dafydd speaking to me at ‘considerable length’. He was on the phone for at least half an hour trying to bribe me. I can remember exactly what Dafydd said before he made the offer of a place at Liverpool Medical School – ‘some of my colleagues would rap me on the knuckles for saying this’. No they wouldn’t Dafydd, you were involved in serious organised crime and every one of them colluded with you after I complained. As for speaking to me at length – when I next spoke to Dafydd after failing to accept the bribe, he went absolutely bananas because I had not withdrawn my complaint. He yelled at me ‘I spent a whole thirty minutes speaking to you the other night’ and then he slammed the phone down.

I wrote back to Mullen saying that there had obviously been no investigation.

On 17 Jan 1996 I received a letter from John Mullen stating that ‘The Trust has done its best to investigate the allegations about the telephone conversation with Dr DA Jones and I don’t feel we can do any more or could add anything to my previous reply’.

There is a copy of one of Brown’s letters about the phone calls – to Ian Rickard, dated 6 Feb 1995 –  in my files. A handwritten unsigned note accompanies it asking ‘What shall we do about Dr Brown’s letter?’ An unsigned handwritten message next to that one says ‘do not reply’.

 

Jeremy Corson is now listed as a Public Health Specialist in Cardiff and also as a partner in Corson Diaz Consulting Ltd, a company on Parc Menai, Bangor. The following testimonial appears on the website of Joseph Lawrence, Chartered Tax Advisors – Accountants:

 ‘I established my business as a Freelance Public Health Consultant in 2001, having completed a 22 year career in the NHS. Peter and Anthony had also decided to establish their own accountancy business in 2001 after a number of years working in North West Wales. I was therefore one of their first new clients. My self employment has involved a range of work within Wales/UK and overseas, particularly in the Caribbean, and Joseph Lawrence have been able to guide me through the requirements for VAT returns and annual accounts. In 2004 I ‘refreshed’ my GP training, and since then have spent half my time as a GP locum, mostly for the Royal Air Force, across the UK and in places like Germany, Cyprus and Naples. This brought further accounting issues that Peter and Anthony have been able to advise on. 5 years ago I moved from Bangor back to Cardiff, but having established our initial professional relationship, we have been able to conduct all our business, such as the annual self assessment tax return, by email and occasional telephone call. This has been especially useful when I have been working overseas when these deadlines have had to be met.”  Dr Jeremy Corson, MBChB FFPHM MRCGP DRCOG Freelance Public Health Consultant & General Practitioner

 

I wonder if Dafydd would like to write a recommendation for his tax advisors and accountants?

 

Another person who knew about the criminality of Dafydd et al was Dr Lyn Williams, the Chief Administrative Medical Officer of the Clwydian Community NHS Trustand/or Clwyd Health Authority. Lyn Williams ‘discussed’ Dafydd’s conduct with Dafydd after Owen and Bluglass’s cover-up. Bluglass’s Report was sent to the Chairman of Clwyd Health Authority – whoever that was, they will have been mates with Mrs Mars-Jones and the rest of the paedophiles’ friends who sat on that Health Authority.

A true insider was Dafydd’s secretary in 1989, Sharon Fraser.

 

Well Lawrence Conway and indeed everybody else – what have you got to say about all this?

 

There will be more accounts of the idiocy and dishonesty of Dafydd, the paedophiles and their friends with reference to my collection of documents after Easter when I return from holiday. I will also explain what happened when the Director of Nursing Services for Gwynedd Community Health Trust, Nerys Owen, did dare challenge one of the paedophiles’ friends regarding his abuse of patients.

I haven’t finished yet paedophiles’ friends…

I saw a newspaper headline a few days ago – ‘Do you know anyone as stupid as Trump?’ Definitely. He’s called Alun Davies. There might have been another one going under the name of Rhodri Morgan as well.

 

For readers’ entertainment, here’s a reminder of the timetable of the Friday Seminars for staff at the Psych Dept at Ysbyty Gwynedd for summer 1988:

24 June – Dr DA Jones was talking about the Assessment and Management of Drugs and Alcohol Abuse.

1 July – Mrs Caroline Bertalot was talking about The Effectiveness of Sex Therapy.

8 July – two videos by ‘Squibb’ were being shown courtesy of Mr Cecil Slater, ‘Observing Tardive Dyskinesia’ and ‘Sharing, Caring’.

15 July – Mr Dave McGhee was giving a talk called ‘Don’t Be Shy, Aspects of Social Anxiety’.

And that lot wondered why the patients took the piss out of them.

 

On 25 Oct 1989 Alun Davies wrote a letter to Mr Don Campbell (Deputy Director of Nursing Services (Arfon) telling Don that Dr Chris Hunter, Director of Forensic Services at Whitchurch Hospital, had agreed to provide a second opinion about me. Hunter is dead now – I never met him. I did not know until a few years ago that he had even provided a second opinion about me or that he had held a whole conference about me at which he took evidence from a number of other paedophiles’ friends who had never met me either. I was living and working in London when Hunter held his conference about me at Garth Angharad, the paedophiles’ prison in north Wales. Hunter concluded that I was ‘extremely dangerous’ and offered to provide a court report on me. I was not facing any charges at the time. But I was arrested within a few months…

Davies’s letter tells Don that Hunter’s meeting about me will take place 8 Nov 1989. On the same letter someone has scrawled an unsigned handwritten extra message to Davies – which suggests that the letter to Don had been sent around the houses and not sent directly from Davies to Don. The message says ‘Alun, John Alcock [or Akok?] WNB education officer is here for our approval (we hope) visit. It is appropriate that Jeff is involved’.

 

The WNB I think is the Welsh National Board. Jeff will have been Jeff Crowther, the psychiatric nursing officer who wasn’t as thick or as mad as his colleagues, but he did know how bloody awful they all were. Jeff was honest enough to admit to me that Dafydd was a ‘corrupt old bastard’. I suspect that Ysbyty Gwynedd was up for a visit to see of it could be deemed suitable to be used as a training centre for psych Angels. Angels were subsequently trained there. Yes, the WNB approved this bunch of lying, perjuring bastards who arrested patients if they complained and forged documents en masse.

‘As a trained mental health nurse I know how to use de-escalation techniques with paranoid patients.’ I kick the shit out of them and then my mates perjure themselves and secure a conviction of assault against them.

 

Radical Leicester And Some Other Free Radicals

Whilst researching the background of people who protected the paedophiles’ friends, I noticed that a great many had been involved in some way with the Runnymede Trust. I’m not sure why – the Runnymede Trust is a registered charity, an ‘independent race equality think tank’ which ‘aimed to generate intelligence for a multi-ethnic Britain through research, network building, leading debate and policy engagement’. It was established in 1968 and at present receives much of its funding from the Home Office. Other major donors are the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust, Esmee Fairbairn Foundation and the Robert Gavron Charitable Trust.

It could just be that an involvement with the Runnymede Trust looks good on one’s CV and there’s nothing more important to the cadre of paedophiles’ friends whom Blair appointed to senior positions or to the Lords than ticking the right boxes on one’s CV – but of course, if that is happening, the Runnymede Trust will be doubling up as a networking opportunity for the paedophiles’ friends.  I decided to have a look at those who founded the Runnymede Trust as well as those who have held leading roles in that organisation.

One of the movers and shakers in the establishment of the Runnymede Trust and its first Director was Dipak Nandy. Dipak is an Indian Marxist who was born in Calcutta in 1936 and came to Britain in 1956. Nandy studied at Leeds University where he met his first wife – whom he later married in 1964, by which time he was a lecturer at the University of Leicester (I think that she was one of his students at the time). Dipak and his wife, Maggie, feature in ‘Radical Leicester’, a document produced years ago which proudly flags up a few folk who flew the red flag in that city in the past.

In the 1980s Leicester was known as a city which had one of the notorious ‘loony left’ councils – Leicester City Council were very hot on race and ethnicity ‘initiatives’ because of the composition of the population. Not that these initiatives always reached the people who were alleged to be benefiting from them. I lived in Leicester for a few months in 1987 – I shared a house with Brown and a few others and we were the only white British people in the street. One afternoon one of our neighbours paid us a visit and asked if I and my friend would teach his daughters English. My friend was someone who was involved in aspects of Radical Leicester herself and asked me why our neighbour hadn’t contacted the City Council if he wanted English lessons. Well if you’re a first generation migrant who works long hours and who doesn’t speak much English yourself you won’t be having much contact with Keith Vaz or his mum in the City Council, but if you have two young English women as neighbours who work in universities, the obvious thing to do if you want someone to teach your daughters English is to ask the neighbours.

In 1987 I knew very little about Leicester – unlike my friend I didn’t have links with Radical Leicester and I was far too busy trying to stop those we know and love in north Wales from having me imprisoned. I had a part-time job in an old people’s home where I worked with a young Indian woman who’s sister had run away from home to escape a forced marriage, so I learnt that was happening. I also heard a local GP joking about all the Indian girls running away from home before they were 19 to escape forced marriages, so I knew that the problem was being ignored. I knew that there were at least three sweatshops down the road from our house which were owned by people who’s attitude to fire hazards would make Richard Littlejohn look like the most enthusiastic member of the HSE and who Unemployed South Asian women with no English who worked in secret throughout the night and then all sneaked out of the door at about 5 am. I therefore assumed that they were working illegally. I found out from someone who’s husband worked in clothing that the existence of these sweatshops was also very well-known.

It was whilst I was living in Leicester that I first discovered how well-known the criminality of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones et al in north Wales was. As I was repeatedly arrested on the basis of the increasingly lurid allegations made by Dafydd and the Top Doctors and cases collapsed in Court after it became clear that they had all lied their arses off (see post ‘Workers’ Play Time’), Brown became very worried indeed that one day they’d get their stories straight and it would be a long prison sentence for me. Brown knew a mature student who was a former social worker whom he invited over for advice who incredibly enough turned out to be lovely – she had left social work because she found that her colleagues were far more interested in pursuing vendettas against each other than in helping their clients. I told her some of what had happened to me in north Wales and showed her some of the police statements that had been made about me and she was horrified, told me that the contingent in north Wales had broken the law repeatedly and that something very worrying was going on. She recommended that I go to MIND for advice.

I went to see Leicester MIND – only to find that the man down there had heard that there was serious corruption in the mental health services in north Wales, that it was ‘all tied up with Freemasonry’, that there’d been a big investigation up there and that one psychiatrist ‘had everything stitched up for himself’. He recommended that I go to see William Bingley, MIND’s legal director in London. Bingley told me that Dafydd was ‘a very charming psychopath’, that there had been numerous complaints about him to the GMC including at least one which involved a death, that he routinely threatened and bribed people, that he ran a ‘sex therapy’ clinic in north Wales which he used to wield power over people and that if I returned to north Wales I would undoubtedly find myself constantly harassed by him and his henchmen. What William didn’t tell me was that in addition to all this, Dafydd was facilitating a paedophile gang, that MIND were colluding with it all and that Bingley used this a few years later to bag himself a job as Chief Exec of the Mental Health Act Commission – who were also colluding with Dafydd and the paedophiles.

Because I was living in Leicester whilst one of the cases that Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends brought against me was going through the courts, my lawyer used the services of a psychiatrist from Leicester, Dr James Earp, for the court report. James Earp wasn’t the lunatic that Dafydd was, but he covered up for Dafydd’s law breaking nonetheless (see post ‘An Expert From England’).

I now know that there was a paedophile ring operating in Leicester that had links to Dafydd’s gang and that as in north Wales, the mental health services, the social services and the City Council were concealing it – and I bet that MIND in Leicester were as well. The high profile figure involved with the paedophile gang in north Wales/Cheshire was Sir Peter Morrison, the Tory MP for Chester and Thatcher’s aide. The high profile figure in Leicester who was involved with the gang there was of course Lord Greville Janner, Labour MP for Leicester North West (1970-74) and Leicester West (1974-97). Janner succeeded the seat of Leicester North West after his father Barnett Janner – who like Greville Janner was a lawyer who was given a peerage. Barnett Janner had spent the first part of his life in Cardiff and had been a student at the University College of South Wales and Monmouthshire. Barnett was subsequently Liberal MP for Whitechapel (1931-35), then Labour MP for Leicester North West (1945-70). Greville Janner was famously never prosecuted, although he was interviewed by the police in 1991 – his lawyer Sir David Napley was so certain that Janner would be charged that he retained the crooked barrister George Carman (see post ‘Sisters Are Indeed Doing It For Themselves’). Janner wasn’t charged although the CPS have since fessed up that there was sufficient evidence for charges – but no-one has explained why none were forthcoming. Much more recently Janner was supposed to have faced a trial of the facts. There was delay after delay and Janner died before even that happened. Janner’s daughter Rabbi Laura Janner-Klauser and his son, Daniel Janner – who is a lawyer like old Greville was – are robustly asserting that their dad was a lovely old boy who has been wrongly accused by gold-diggers and Daniel Janner has threatened to sue the arse of any former kids in care who allege that his dad molested them. Janner’s other daughter is the notorious Marion Janner, who is a mental health campaigner. Marion and her support dog Buddy are regulars on the Radio 4 ‘All In The Mind’ programme and Marion has complimented the mental health services in north Wales on their excellence. Marion seems to have succeeded in extracting a rather higher standard of mental health care out of the mental health services for herself than the rest of us ever have.

Greville was friends with a man called Frank Beck. Beck was a senior social worker who was officer in charge of a number of children’s homes in Leicestershire who died not long after he was jailed in 1991. Beck received five life sentences for multiple sexual and physical assaults on children and a further 24 years for other offences, including rape. Before he was convicted – even after there had been complaints about his conduct – Beck was constantly described as an extremely able dedicated social worker who pioneered successful therapy for troubled children. Beck had also been elected as a Liberal Councillor on Blaby District Council in 1983 – he was re-elected in 1987. The Kirkwood Inquiry which followed Beck’s conviction absolutely damned Leicestershire County Council. The Kirkwood Inquiry was at the time the biggest investigation that there had ever been into institutional child abuse in the UK – until the Waterhouse Inquiry a few years later. Greville remained in Parliament as did Keith Vaz who had been sitting in the constituency of Leicester East throughout but had never noticed anything amiss. When Greville took up his seat in the Lords in 1997, Patricia Hewitt succeeded him in Leicester West. The Patricia who was General Secretary of the NCCL whilst it was affiliated to PIE, the Patricia who later became Blair’s Secretary of State for Health. The Patricia who is married to William Birtles – a judge. Birtles was also involved with the NCCL.

Radical Leicester will have heard about the paedophile gang – you can’t work on the ground in communities and not notice at least a few clues when something like that is happening. Another person who will have known is Sue Townsend, the celebrated author of the Adrian Mole books. Townsend lived in Leicester her whole life and she worked as a community youth worker. Some people in Leicester University will also have known – James Earp’s colleagues in the medical school knew and people involved with social work/social policy/ sociology will have known.

Tony Blair’s advisor and favourite sociologist Anthony Giddens began his career at Leicester University – Giddens taught social psychology there between 961-69. In 2004 Anthony Giddens became Lord Giddens and joined Greville in the upper house.

Nigel Lawson, Thatcher’s Chancellor of the Exchequer, 1983-89 – whilst Sir Peter Morrison was Minister of State for Employment (1983-85), Minister of State for the DTI (1985-86), Deputy Party Chairman (1986-87) and Minister of State for Energy (1987-90) – was MP for Blaby in Leicestershire, 1974-92. Nigel Lawson was yet another person who was elevated to the peerage in 1992 – days before five witnesses to the paedophile gang in north Wales were killed by a firebomb (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

As with north Wales, the paedophile gang in Leicester went back decades – I suspect that playwright Joe Orton who grew up in Leicester may have been involved with them (see comments following my post ‘They Planned To Put Acid In All The Reservoirs’).

 

To return to Radical Leicester. Dipak Nandy’s first wife, Maggie, had studied sociology at Leeds University, was a member of the Communist Party and was active in the Communist Party during the 1963 elections. In 1964 Maggie undertook postgraduate teacher training at Leicester University’s School of Education. Whilst at Leicester University she was a member of the Anti-Racialist Committee. Maggie and Dipak split up in 1969, just after he founded the Runnymede Trust.

Dipak and Maggie Nandy were both active in the CRE (Commission for Racial Equality) and in the 1970s Maggie was active against the NF (National Front). She taught at Bushloe and Countesthorpe College and was the warden of Blaby Teachers Centre. Maggie wrote for ‘Forum’ – not the soft porn magazine which published stories by Alastair Campbell, but a left-leaning education magazine which went under the same name. Maggie was also active in the Youth Foundation which provided housing for black people. By 1977 Maggie was Deputy Head at West Moors Middle School in Dorset – she then returned to Leicester and began studying to become a lawyer. She died from cancer in 1982.

Someone with Maggie’s CV could not have remained completely unaware that children were being abused.

Rob Evans, one of the senior managers of the north Wales children’s services in the 1980s whilst the paedophile gang operated within those services, had previously worked as a team leader in Dorset and before that had undertaken social work training at Leicester University. Rob Evans was then given responsibility by Gwynedd Social Services for mental health services, where he took no action at all when challenged about the abuses of Keith Fearns and the Arfon Community Mental Health Team (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’). Post-Waterhouse dear old Rob was appointed to run community services on Anglesey. Rob was one of the many who accused me of ‘arassin’ him after he’d spent a few years delivering children to a paedophile ring. Rob was one of the social workers who took the children’s shoes away because they did insist on trying to escape from the beatings and the buggery – when Rob admitted to me that he did this, he described it as ‘social work practice’.

‘Radical Leicester’ also paid tribute to Colin Grundy, a member of the Labour Party. Grundy began his teaching career in 1960 as a science teacher at Roundhill School and was the Labour candidate for a Leicester constituency in 1966 and 1970. In the 1970 General Election Grundy was beaten by the Conservative candidate Tom Boardman by 106 votes. Boardman held the seat until 1974 and was a key figure in Heath’s Gov’t. In 1973 Grundy was elected to Leicester City Council for North Braunstone ward; he was Councillor for Westcotes ward from 1983 and became Chair of the Planning Committee. Grundy became Deputy Head at Alderman Newton’s School, retiring in 1987. In 1991 Grundy was Lord Mayor of Leicester.

 

Dipak Nandy married again in 1972. He married Annie Byers, the daughter of Lord Frank Byers, who was leader of the Liberals in the Lords for 19 years. Frank Byers was a member of the committee which ‘investigated’ Jeremy Thorpe’s conduct in 1971. The investigation included Normal Scott being interviewed by the committee – the interview ended with Frank Byers shouting insults at Norman Scott and Scott leaving the room in tears (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). Because Norman was just a Nancy boy of course, not because Jeremy was plotting to have him murdered.

Dipak and Annie had a daughter in 1979 – Lisa. She’s now a Labour MP! Please see post ‘He Knows Where The Bodies Are Buried’ for details of my unpleasant experiences when the Compass Group invited me to go to London to hear Lisa speak.

Dipak Nandy left academia when he founded the Runnymede Trust in 1968. When he stepped down from the role of Director in 1973, he spent a year having an ‘educational break’ with Social and Community Planning Research. Nandy then acted as a special consultant to the Home Office to work on the Sex Discrimination Bill in 1975 – he also was one of the people who drafted the Race Relations Bill in 1976. The Home Secretary at the time was the Lord Protector of Paedophiles, Roy Jenkins (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part I’).

In 1976 Nandy moved to Manchester where the EOC (Equal Opportunities Commission) was located.  He was appointed the EOC’s Deputy Director and Chief Policymaker and remained in those roles until 1986. In 1979 Nandy began to forge a link with the Directorate-General V of the European Commission – he was Conference Secretary for the Commission’s Conference regarding their work towards the equal treatment of women throughout the nine members of the European Commission.

Dipak Nandy was Chairman of the BBC’s Immigrant Programme, 1983-88 and of its General Council, 1983-90. Presumably Dipak found his way to those positions as a result of his membership of the Annan Committee, which was established in 1974 to discuss the UK Broadcasting Authority and the funding of the BBC, IBA and broadcasting standards. It was the Annan Committee who when they reported in 1977 recommended a fourth independent TV channel.

Dipak sat on the Annan Committee along with Sir Charles Morrison’s wife. Charles Morrison was the elder brother of Sir Peter Morrison, who at the time that his sister-in-law was discussing broadcasting standards with Lisa Nandy’s dad was Conservative MP for Chester and was molesting children in care in north Wales as well as in other locations.

 

The Chair of the Annan Committee was Lord Noel Annan. Noel Annan entered Kings College, Cambridge in 1935. Whilst he was there he was a member of the secret debating society the Cambridge Apostles – Guy Burgess and Michael Straight who later spied for the Soviets were also members. In 1940 Annan joined the Intelligence Corps and he then served in Churchill’s War Cabinet. In 1944 he was posted to Paris with British Military Intelligence.

Annan returned to Kings College in 1946 as an academic. He was appointed Provost of Kings in 1956, received a peerage in 1965 and then became Provost of UCL in 1966. Annan was Vice-Chancellor of the University of London, 1978-81. My post ‘Doris Karloff – Honest About Her Expenses But Not Much Else’ explains how Ann Widdecombe, although in a senior administrators job at London University, was in the early eighties positively encouraged by her boss to take as much time off as she wanted in order to go hunting for a suitable constituency where she could stand as the Conservative candidate as well as to pursue covert activities opposing the anti-nuclear movement. Furthermore, Widdecombe was allowed to take secretarial staff from the University with her in pursuit of her ventures – the staff provided free labour. Noel Annan was Vice-Chancellor at the time and Ann’s misuse of University resources continued under the next VC, Lord Randolph Quirk. Lord Annan was: a Director of the Royal Opera House, Covent Garden; Chairman of the Trustees of the National Gallery; a Trustee of the British Museum; the President of the London Library.

Another member of the Annan Committee was Philip Whitehead, Labour MP. My post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part IV’ describes how Whitehead was the MP for two different constituencies, on in Derbyshire and then one in Staffordshire, both areas with very serious problems of organised child abuse.

Professor Hilde Himmelweit also sat on the Committee. Himmelweit was a social psychologist who did her PhD with the discredited H.J. Eysenck at the Institute of Psychiatry. She worked at the LSE, 1948-83 and was given a Chair in 1964.

Tom Jackson the trade unionist was also a member of the Committee. Jackson was General Secretary of the Post Office Workers and was Chairman of the General Council of the TUC, 1978-79 – the TUC which embraced all those unions representing the staff of children’s homes, psychiatric hospitals etc who abused or concealed the abuse of the people whom they were paid to care for. Jackson was a BBC Governor, 1968-73,  a member of the Court and Council of Sussex University, 1974-78 and a Director of BP, 1975-83.

Sir Antony Jay, a writer, broadcaster and director who worked for the BBC and in PR was another Annan Committee member. Jay joined the BBC in 1955, was Editor of ‘Tonight’, 1962-63 and Head of Television Talk Features, 1963-64. Jay left the BBC in the mid-60s and in 1972 became John Cleese’s business partner in Video Arts. Antony Jay was a big supporter of Thatcher and penned a lot of material in which he accused the BBC of being a dangerous bastion of liberalism and having a left-wing bias. Jay co-authored the only thing that Thatcher ever seemed to find amusing, the series ‘Yes Minister’.

Lord Mackay of Clashfern, a Conservative peer, also sat on the Committee. Mackay was Lord Advocate, 1979-84 and Lord Chancellor, 1987-97. Mackay concealed the cesspit which was the alcoholic wife-beater Sir Nicholas Fairbain – who was most certainly a paedophiles’ friend and stood accused of child molesting himself – and his doings and was also responsible for the appointment of the paedophiles’ friend Baroness Patricia Scotland as the first black woman QC, the youngest QC since William Pitt, the most incredible QC that the world had ever yet experienced – see post ‘More On Baroness Patricia Scotland QC – And Her Very Sleazy Friends’ for the catalogue of horrors that can be traced back to the doors of Fairbain and Mackay.

On the Annan Committee along with this lot was Geoffrey Sims, Vice-Chancellor of Sheffield University, 1974-91.

Also on the Committee was Sir Marcus Worsley. Worsley went to Eton and New College, Oxford, along with so many others who concealed organised child abuse (see post ‘A Study In Tyranny’). He was a Councillor on Malton Rural District Council from 1955 and became Vice-Chairman in 1965. Worsley was Conservative MP for Keighley, 1959-64 and then for Chelsea, 1966-74. He was Second Church Estates Commissioner, 1970-74 and wielded great influence in the Church of England. In 1978 Worsley was Deputy Lieutenant for North Yorkshire, in 1982-83 he was High Sheriff for North Yorkshire and then Lord Lieutenant for North Yorkshire, 1987-99.

So Worsley spent a great deal of time in the higher echelons of Yorkshire society during the years when organised child abuse and police corruption reigned supreme in the region. Sir Marcus undertook duties associated with the Royal Household whilst Yorkshire’s highest profile sex offender and friend of Prince Charles and Thatcher – Jimmy Savile – was in his heydey.

Worsley was PPS to Enoch Powell when Powell was Minister of Health – the Enoch Powell who was so shocked by what he witnessed on a visit to the North Wales Hospital Denbigh that he announced that he would close the place down, but was prevented from pursuing this aim by forces unknown (see post ‘The Creme de la Creme’). Worsley resigned as Powell’s PPS late in 1961, citing ‘pressure of work’. It was in 1961 that Powell made his famous ‘Water Towers’ speech in which he signalled that would close the asylums. During his years in Parliament, Worsley also served as PPS to Bill Deedes MP for Ashford (1950-74) who was Editor of the Tory Party’s in-house magazine ‘The Daily Telegraph’ and a friend of the Thatchers. Worsley served as PPS  for Willie Whitelaw when Whitelaw served his first term as Lord President of the Council under Ted Heath (1970-72) – the Willie who was mates with Ted Heath and who so loyally served the Tory Party during the many years that it kept the lid on various sex scandals, including Sir Peter Morrison’s activities with children (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). Worsley had a ‘special interest’ in social services whilst he was a politician.

Worsley worked for the BBC European Service, 1950-53, which suggests that he had links to the security services.

Sir Marcus observed that he wasn’t able to impact on Chelsea whilst he was the MP there as he was able to impact on Yorkshire, where everybody knew each other and he was invited to lots of local gatherings. I suspect that this translates as he ran Yorkshire and was rather put out when found that he couldn’t do the same in Chelsea. There was absolutely no escaping the long arm of Sir Marcus in Yorkshire – he retained a ‘particular interest’ in York Minster and also had a finger in the big juicy pie that is the National Trust.

Sir Marcus’s sister Katherine became the Duchess of Kent and his wife Bridget led the sort of well-connected aristocratic existence that Baroness Jean Trumpington did, including doing the obligatory turn at the Queen Charlotte’s Ball and a stint at Bletchley Park as a ‘code-breaker’ (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’). Bridget and Trumpers will have known each other – Trumpers was bound to have sniffed her out, what with her being related to a Duchess.

 

There were two others involved in founding the Runnymede Trust along with Dipak Nandy – Jim Rose and Anthony Lester QC.

Jim Rose was yet another alumni of New College, Oxford and worked for the intelligence services during WWII, in the RAF and at Bletchley Park. Rose was a journalist with Reuters and was literary editor of ‘The Observer’, 1948-50. At this time, Waldorf Astor, yet another graduate of New College, Oxford – and husband of Nancy Astor and a friend of David Lloyd George -owned ‘The Observer’. In 1951 Rose moved to Zurich where he formed the International Press Institute, through which he got to know well virtually all the editors of the major newspapers and their senior journalists.

In 1962 Rose returned to England and was invited by Philip Mason, civil servant and Director of the Institute for Race Relations (1958-69), to become the Director of the Survey of Race Relations, a five year study of post-war immigration in Britain. This was published in 1969 as ‘Colour and Citizenship’ and in 1968 Rose co-founded the Runnymede Trust. Philip Mason was a member of the Athenaeum, of which Jimmy Savile was also a member – the Athenaeum is favoured by Top Doctors and academics.

Jim Rose was Educational Director of the Westminster Press Group, 1970-74 and then Chairman of Penguin Books until 1980.

The Runnymede Trust was able to get off the ground because Anthony Lester QC had a commitment of $5000 pa for three years from ‘a liberal East Coast Foundation’ – who this was I have not yet found out, but it’s odd that their name isn’t up in flashing neon in view of the influence and status of the Runnymede Trust – provided that this was matched by a British Foundation. Jim Rose persuaded the Rowntree Trust to take up the challenge.

Anthony Lester QC is a barrister and Liberal Democrat peer who was educated at Trinity College, Cambridge and Harvard. He was involved with drafting the race relations legislation in the 60s and 70s and was the Chairman of the sub-committee of the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination. Lester was a member of the: Society of Labour Lawyers; Fabian Society; Council of Race Relations; British Overseas Fellowship; National Committee for Commonwealth Immigrants. He was Chair of the Fabian Society, 1972-73 and Chair of the Runnymede Trust, 1991-93. Lester is Patron of the FPA (Family Planning Association) and a member of the Joint Committee on Human Rights. Lester was special advisor to Roy Jenkins at the Home Office in the 1970s – when Jenkins was concealing the paedophile gang  in north Wales in his capacity as Home Secretary (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part I), although it’s obvious from Lester’s other affiliations that Roy was certainly not the only person known to Anthony Lester who was concealing child abuse or the associated abuses in the mental health services.

Anthony Lester was, along with Roy, as one of the founders of the SDP in 1981.

Lester was given his peerage in 1993. Once those five witnesses to the activities of the paedophile gang in north Wales were safely dead after the firebomb attack (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’), once Sir Peter Morrison had stepped down as MP for Chester, once Mary Wynch had been shafted by Michael Howard at the Home Office (see post ‘A Few Of The Relevant Politicians Re Mary Wynch’s Case’) and once the North Wales Police had satisfied themselves that there was not a paedophile ring in operation in north Wales. The North Wales Police who at the time employed Superintendent Gordon Anglesea who later went to prison for abusing children in care in his capacity as a member of the paedophile ring which did not exist.

In 2007 Lester acted as Jack Straw’s advisor when Straw was Secretary of State for Justice.

Lord Lester practices at Blackstones Chambers. His colleagues there include Michael Beloff QC. Michael Beloff is a friend of the Blairs and was the legal advisor who in 1996 ordered the insurers of Clwyd County Council which ran the ‘child protection’ services investigated by the Jillings Inquiry to withold from everyone (even the Councillors) – and then pulp – all copies of the Jillings Report on the grounds that what happened to the children was indefensible. The insurers were also told to tell the members of the Council who commissioned the Jillings investigation that if any of them did find out what was in the Report and they publicised it, the insurers would withdraw cover and the Councillors themselves would be personally liable if any former child in care sued – the Councillors were warned that they would lose their homes if this happened. The insurers also recommended that Malcolm King, the Chair of the Social Services Committee, be sacked if he continued to make a nuisance of himself bellyaching about child abuse. If any of the kids who had been beaten and repeatedly raped or buggered did try and sue after all this, they’d have difficulty – because within hours of the Jillings Report being submitted, Clwyd County Council was abolished and ceased to exist.

The insurance company which provided cover for Clwyd County Council also provided cover for the North Wales Police.

Michael Beloff’s father Max Beloff was the historian who some years previously had reviewed a book on local governance by Ioan Bowen Rees and described it as ‘essential reading’. Ioan Bowen Rees was Chief Executive of Gwynedd County Council whilst the paedophile ring shared with neighbouring Clwyd County Council raged within its Social Services Department and when Alison Taylor, the social worker who blew the whistle on the child abuse, was sacked.

Michael Beloff is also the President of Trinity College, Oxford and questions were asked years ago when he seemed to be admitting students with a not particularly impressive academic record but a great deal of money. Even more questions were asked when a student called Euan Blair decided that it would be a good idea to apply there, what with his mum being a good mate of the President. Something obviously backfired though because Euan went to Bristol University in the end, which was why Cherie ended up purchasing properties there with the help of the crook that was the boyfriend of her lifestyle guru Carol Caplin. I was delighted to see that when Cherie was forced to explain herself regarding this matter, she gave a tearful interview on TV concerning the difficulty of being a working woman ‘juggling’. I expect that Cherie believes that she’s better at multi-tasking than Tony because of her corpus callosum – after all she’ll have read all those articles in ‘Cosmopolitan’, in their ‘neurobiology for fuckwits’ series.

 

Trustees of the Runnymede upon its foundation included Lord Jock Campbell, Lord Edward Boyle and Archbishop Trevor Huddlestone.

Lord Jock Campbell was the first Chairman of the Runnymede Trust, 1968-80. Jock Campbell’s family owned sugar plantations in British Guiana and his great-great-grandfather was a slave owner. In 1934, after Eton and Oxford, Jock went to British Guiana to manage the family estates. He was sufficiently horrified by the working and living conditions that he witnessed to embark on a programme of reform. Many years later in the Lords in 1971 Jock Campbell dissociated himself from his ancestors.

However Jock did inherit a great deal of money from his family – dosh which could be traced back to that slave trade that his ancestors had been fully paid of adherents to – and he continued to receive a very generous income from the family’s interests in British Guiana. Jock was Chairman of the Commonwealth Sugar Exporters Association, 1950-84 and Chairman of Booker McConnell. He was Chairman of New Statesman and Nation and Chairman of the Milton Keynes Development Corporation, 1967-83. Jock was a member of the Fabian Society and in 1966 was given a peerage by Harold Wilson.

Jock Campbell was a friend of Ian Fleming who was related by marriage to Sir Charles Morrison, the older brother of Sir Peter Morrison. Before his death Fleming had a discussion with Jock regarding the ways of avoiding heavy taxation on his estate. Jock suggested that Bookers could act as bankers for Fleming to the benefit of both parties. Bookers acquired a 51% share of the profits of Goldmore Productions, the company handling the profits from Fleming’s books but not the film rights. Thus Bookers Authors Division was born, which later acquired the copyrights of other authors including Agatha Christie, Dennis Wheatley and Harold Pinter. The Booker Prize was launched in 1969 after publisher Jonathan Cape suggested that Bookers should sponsor a prize. So there are you are Radio 4, you’ll never be able to wax lyrical in a pretentious manner about Booker Prize winners again, it’s SLAVE TRADE MONEY at the root of it…

Lord Edward Boyle was the Conservative MP for Birmingham Handsworth, 1950-70 and was appointed Vice-Chancellor of Leeds University in 1970 when he stood down from Parliament. He received a peerage in the same year. Boyle was educated at Eton and Christ Church College, Oxford and worked at Bletchley Park. He was a Minister for Education, 1962-64. Boyle was a Trustee of the British Museum, 1970-81 and the Chairman of the Committee of Vice-Chancellors and Principals of UK Universities, 1977-79. It was noted in Boyle’s obituaries that he died ‘unmarried and childless’.

Archbishop Trevor Huddlestone was an English Anglican Bishop who was educated at Christ Church College, Oxford and Wells Theological College. Huddleston spent the 1940s in South Africa which is where he became involved with the anti-apartheid campaign. Huddlestone knew Archbishop Desmond Tutu when he was a boy and Tutu names Huddlestone as being a huge influence on him. Huddlestone also knew Hugh Masekala and was the person who gave him his first trumpet when he was 14. Huddlestone was close to Oliver Tambo, the President of the ANC between 1962 and 70, the years of exclusion. Huddlestone returned to the UK in 1956 and then between 1960-68 was Bishop of Masasi (in Tanzania). Between 1968-78 Huddlestone was Bishop of Stepney. In 1978 he became Bishop of Mauritius and later on in the same year he was appointed Archbishop of the Province of the Indian Ocean.He retired from episcopal office in 1983 but continued his anti-apartheid work – Huddlestone had become President of the Anti-Apartheid Movement in 1981. Huddlestone lived in Mirfield in West Yorkshire after his retirement – he had previously lived there as a young man.

In 1974 Huddlestone was questioned by the police regarding the sexual abuse of four boys who had been playing in Huddlestone’s office whose parents had reported Huddlestone to the police. The allegations were that Huddlestone had touched the boys indecently – Huddlestone didn’t deny his actions but stated that none of it was done with indecent intent. The police recommended charges of four counts of gross indecency. The matter was referred to the DPP Sir Norman Skelhorn, a man who had great difficulty prosecuting high profile people for child abuse no matter how overwhelming the evidence (see post ‘They Planned To Put Acid In All The Reservoirs’). Skelhorn decided not to charge Huddlestone after consulting senior figures in the Labour Party.

None of this was known to the public until the publication of Piers McGrandles biography of Huddleston in 2004 – McGrandles was part-time chaplain to Huddleston.  Desmond Tutu and Bishop Gerald Ellis (the Bishop of London whilst Huddlestone had been Bishop of Stepney) were greatly upset by the story and were convinced of Huddlestone’s innocence. Their explanation was that Huddlestone’s political enemies had set him up and that B.O.S.S., the South African Bureau of State Security, was behind it.

Huddlestone did have political enemies – Thatcher hated him, let alone B.O.S.S. and B.O.S.S. would do just about anything to their opponents, so it is possible that Huddlestone was smeared. However, as Normal Skelhorn demonstrated repeatedly, in the 1970s there was a huge reluctance to challenge yet alone prosecute ‘respectable’ men over allegations of child sexual abuse. If the police were recommending four charges of gross indecency, whatever Trevor Huddlestone was alleged to have done must have been quite serious and there was probably some very convincing evidence.

Jim Rose took over as Chairman of the Runnymede from Dipak Nandy and remained as Chairman until 1990, then Anthony Lester Chaired the Trust, 1991-93. Between 1993-98 Trevor Phillips was Chairman.

Trevor Phillips spent his childhood in north London and British Guyana and did a chemistry degree at Imperial College. Whilst at Imperial he was President of the Students Union and then became the first black President of the NUS, 1978-80, during the NUS’s Particularly Mad phase. Trevor’s associates at the NUS included future New Labour big wigs Charles Clarke and Peter Mandelson, both of whom know something about organised child abuse and wrongdoing in the NHS (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part IV’). Phillips worked with his mate Mandy again at LWT – Mandy was best man at Phillips’s first wedding in 1981. Phillips was a researcher and a reporter for LWT, 1980-86 and then Head of Current Affairs at LWT, 1992-94. Phillips wrote and produced ‘The London Programme’ for LWT and also worked on projects for the BBC and Channel 4. It was Phillips who gave Richard Littlejohn his first break in TV. Phillips established Pepper Productions, an independent TV production company from which he made a great deal of money. Through Mandy Trevor became friends with Blair and he joined the Labour Party in 1996.

Phillips was a Labour candidate for London Mayor but his plans in that direction fell apart when it was discovered that he had sent his daughters to very upmarket public schools – namely the North London Collegiate School and Westminster School. However the Labour Party did designate Trevor as a member of the London Assembly in 2000 – he was Chair of the Assembly until 2003, when he resigned his seat in order to take up the position of Chair of the CRE. The CRE was abolished in 2006 and replaced with the EHRC and Tevor was appointed Chair of that body – he remained Chair until 2012. A lot of people in the EHRC know a great deal about abuse and criminal activities involving vulnerable people. Ann Beynon who’s husband Leighton Andrews was at one point Minister for Public Service Delivery in the Welsh Gov’t – whilst criminal conduct went unhindered in the NHS in north Wales and when the social services and mental health services had been destroyed by those who had protected the paedophile gang fifteen years previously – was a member of the EHRC. So unbelievably was Rachel Perkins. Perkins is a clinical psychologist who was clinical director of Springfield Hospital, the psychiatric unit attached to St George’s Hospital Medical School and who then sat on the Board of the St George’s University Hospitals NHS Foundation Trust. Whilst Perkins was clinical director of Springfield, staff there concealed child abuse and associated serious criminal activity, a number of patients were sexually assaulted and even murdered and at least one member of staff was murdered as well. A subsequent public inquiry condemned Springfield and suggested that the problems were such that the hospital was probably irretrievable. Whilst she was clinical director, Perkins ran a work scheme for ‘service users’ – one placement was found for one young woman as a pole dancer. Perkins herself is of course a lesbian feminist – the last place she will be working is in a strip joint. But then she doesn’t have to – she sat on the EHRC as a consequence of her ‘lived experience’ as a service user.

Trevor might be a black man – but more importantly very rich and a friend of Tony Blair and Mandy – but Rachel really claimed the street cred when she metamorphosed into a service user. Rachel had suffered from depression for many years and had taken a great deal of time off work – although she managed to write books about her Great Suffering whilst she was not going to work. Of course if Rachel really had been clinically depressed it is entirely understandable that she would need time off. But Perkins claimed to be so ill that she was literally never there  – but she remained as clinical director. Whilst people murdered each other. Rachel did finally step aside – I suspect it was the dreadful press coverage re Springfield that was behind that particular decision rather than Rachel’s putative poor health – and popped up on the Board of St George’s as the service user representative! I haven’t read much of Rachel’s work, but I’m wondering that if I did whether I might recognise some of it from other places. Because just before Rachel was appointed to the EHRC, I recognised part of something that Brown and I had published in an article that dear old Rachel had written. Feel free to reproduce this blog Rachel, I’ll be delighted.

Trevor’s time as Chair of the EHRC was not a smooth ride. Six commissioners walked out after expressing concern about his leadership and probity. Perhaps that’s how Rachel got in there.

In 2007 Trevor was awarded the Chevalier de la Legion d’Honnuer after he made a few comments following the race riots in France in 2005 that caused Sarkozy to insult black people who lived in the banlieue in Paris.

In 2010 Phillips was investigated concerning his attempts to influence the Joint Committee of Human Rights – a Parliamentary Select Committee – whilst they were writing a report on him. A Lords Committee cleared him of the allegations that had been levelled against him but described his behaviour as ‘inappropriate and ill-advised’.

Trevor Phillips is a Vice-President of the Royal Television Society – the RTS whose manager Tony Pilgrim remarked that it was a pity that one of their employees who was known to be a paedophile had been caught molesting a 10 year old boy and the RTS who employed manager Claire Price. The lovely Claire harassed and then unlawfully dismissed a close friend of mine who knew what happened to me in north Wales and wanted to make a documentary about it. The President of the RTS at the time was Sir Paul Fox, who was very anti-union and presumably a keen Thatcherite (see ‘Their Trade Is Fuckwittery’).

Among other things Trevor Phillips is: Deputy Chair of the Board of National Equality Standard; Chair of Green Park Diversity Analytics; Director of WebberPhillips; Director of Pepper Productions; member of the Board at the Barbican Arts Centre; member of the Council of Aldeburgh Music; Trustee of the Social Mobility Foundation. At present Trevor is President of the Partnership Council of the John Lewis Partnership.

For 28 years Trevor was married to Asha Bhownagary, a child psychotherapist. Asha trained at the Tavistock Clinic and has worked for education and social services, in a hospital paediatrics department and in a special care baby unit. She has a private practice and lectures at the Tavistock. I suspect that Trevor knows a great deal about the abuse of vulnerable people but Asha will know so much that she’ll be in a position to give evidence in Court. But they will of course both remain completely silent on such matters.

Lady Diana Brittan was Chair of the Runnymede Trust 1998-99. Diana is the widow of Leon Brittan, former Home Secretary and the man who was investigated by Operation Midland for sex offences. It was reported earlier this year that Lady Diana had received approx £100k in compensation – which was accompanied by a confidentiality clause – from the Metropolitan Police for them daring to investigate Leon. Thatcher appointed Leon as Minister of State at the Home Office in 1979 under Willie Whitelaw and then in 1983 Leon became Home Secretary himself. Whilst Leon was Home Secretary organised child abuse was concealed, the dossier naming Westminster figures who were allegedly molesting children  that was given to Leon by Geoffrey Dickens MP was ‘lost’, the police abused their powers repeatedly but action was never taken against them – there was a feeling that the police had become a private army of Thatcher’s Gov’t (see post ‘A Few Of The Relevant Politicians Re Mary Wynch’s Case’). Just about everything that was the responsibility of the Home Office was riddled with corruption under dear old Leon. Whilst Leon was Home Secretary the Home Office gave funding to PIE. Leon left the Cabinet as a result of the scrap over Westland and it has been alleged that he was the fall guy to prevent it being exposed that Thatcher had lied – Leon was given a job as a European Commissioner as compensation. Leon has been named repeatedly as a child abuser himself which is partly what caused him to come to the attention of Operation Midland – that and the allegation from a woman that he had raped her many years ago.

In 2002 ‘The Independent’ ran a toadying article about Diana, identifying her as a ‘new-style Tory wife’, explaining that she was actually very similar to Tony Blair: ‘She’s just where Tony is, she doesn’t act as a result of a traditional, party political, ideological perspective, but from a moral perspective. She does something because its the right thing to do.’ We all know how moral Tony is and how he had a penchant for doing the right thing. He was after all a pretty straight kind of guy – which will be why he lied to Parliament, was mates with Berlusconi and now acts as an advisor to various dictators and kleptocrats.

The Indie was writing about Diana because she had had an upsetting experience. In her capacity as Chair of the National Lottery Community Fund Diana had OK’d grants to what ‘The Daily Mail’ had described as ‘bizarre and politically correct’ causes and ‘The Daily Mail’ had unleashed a ‘hate campaign’ against her. Paul Dacre had become vexed that Diana had given her blessing to grants to a gay choir and an organisation breeding Andean guinea pigs, but the last straw for Dacre was the funding of an organisation helping unsuccessful asylum seekers fighting deportation. The hate campaign was unleashed – the Mail urged readers to WRITE TO DIANA’S OFFICE. That is what poor old Diana was having to deal with, which is what prompted the Indie to describe her as a ‘brave woman with a moral sense of what is right’.

Diana the Brave and Moral has had her fingers in many pies. She sat as a magistrate on the City of London bench from 1984 – whilst she was married to the Home Secretary whilst the police did what they like including amending statements in order to fit people up – and was appointed a member of the EOC in 1989 and then its Deputy Chair, 1994-96. Diana became Deputy Chair of the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Authority in 1990 – whilst IVF clinics lied to their patients and generally fleeced them (see post ‘Every Sperm Is Sacred – Particularly In Scotland’). She was Chair of the Race in Europe Network, Chair of the European Union of Women, Chair of the OU Foundation and a member of the Lord Chancellor’s advisory committee on legal education and conduct.  The Indie mentions that Diana is a ‘committee person’ because those are the people who get things done and that the world of committees like people with good networks. Perhaps such as people who are married to other people who concealed serious crime for years and then popped over to Brussels to help out. I expect that Diana has had Dominique Strauss-Kahn to dinner – a delightful man…and Christine Lagarde as well, Christine who Woman’s Hour really loved and put on their Power List. The Christine who was found guilty of ‘negligence’ by the French courts regarding that business of the 403 million euros ‘arbitration’ in favour of Bernard Tapie and would have gone to prison except that she was MD of the IMF and you’re not allowed to put them in prison.

Between 1977-89 Diana was the managing editor of a ‘technical press agency’ – I wonder what sort of sins were involved there. Being the brave moral woman that she is, she ‘advised’ Jonathan Aitken after he was found guilty of perjury and was facing prison.

Diana is involved with the Carnegie UK Trust.

Diana and Leon kept a home in London where they troughed with the rich n famous, but they also had a home in Wensleydale, North Yorkshire, what with Leon being the MP for Richmond. The North Yorkshire which was the centre of a paedophile ring. William Hague succeeded Leon’s seat in Richmond, became Secretary of State for Wales despite all that boasting about being a Yorkshireman through and through and having shown bugger all interest in Wales. Upon his appointment he organised the cover-up into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal which was the Waterhouse Inquiry. When William was running for the Tory Party leadership he found himself in urgent need of a wife – the Tories were expressing great concern that he was ‘single’, which seemed a little inconsistent in so far as they had no problem with Sir Peter Morrison attending sex parties with under-aged boys from children’s homes in north Wales. Fortunately for William a suitable woman arrived as if to order – Ffion, who had been a senior civil servant in the Welsh Office whilst it concealed criminal conduct in the children’s services and mental health services in north Wales. Love blossomed, although Thatcher was disgusted that Ffion and William shared an hotel room before they were married. I have just purchased a copy of Thatch’s autobiography ‘The Downing Street Years’ – I’ve only read the foreword and introduction so far but I’ve noticed that Peter Morrison is one of those thanked by Thatch in the book. I’m looking forward to reading Thatch’s fond reminiscences re her old mate Jimmy Savile.

Following Diana’s brief stint at the Runnymede, Samir Shah was Chair of the Runnymede Trust until 2009. Samir is a media executive who certainly ticks all the boxes. He was a student at St Catherine’s College, Oxford in the 1970s as were Mandelson and others known to this blog (see post ‘A Study In Tyranny). In 1977 Samir worked for the Intelligence Unit at the Home Office whilst Merlyn Rees was Home Secretary busy concealing criminal activity in north Wales, so he’ll have found out a few interesting things and made a few contacts there (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’). Then in 1979 he joined Mandy and the gang at LWT where he was a researcher and a producer on Eastern Eye, Credo, Weekend World and The London Programme. In 1987 Samir was appointed head of BBC’s TV current affairs and in 1994 he was appointed head of BBC’s Political Programmes, TV and Radio. In 1998 became Chief Exec of Juniper, an independent production company.

Shah was a Trustee for the Medical Foundation of the Victims of Torture, 2004-06 – who I seem to remember a few years ago were found to be harbouring a Top Doctor who had played a key role in the Rwandan Genocide. He was the former Chair of Screen West Midlands and  was a non-executive Director of the BBC Board, 2007-10. Shah is on the Board of BAFTA, is or was Deputy Chair at the V&A Museum and in 2014 was appointed Chair of the Geffrye Museum. He is a visiting Prof at Nottingham University and sits on the advisory panel on Oxford University’s Humanities Division. Samir was also on the Advisory Group of the dear old Royal Television Society’s Cambridge Convention in 2015.

Samir Shah was followed as Chair of the Runnymede by Chris Jones who is at present still in post. Chris Jones is another broadcaster and media executive…

 

So those are the Chairs of the Runnymede Trust. What about the Directors? Well obviously Dipak Nandy was in place until 1973, but then he handed over the reigns to others. The Runnymede has had a few Directors with CV’s and networks as interesting as Dipak.

Usha Prashar was Director, 1977-84. Usha was born in Kenya but came to the UK – Yorkshire – with her family in the 1960s. She went to the independent Wakefield Girls School and then Leeds University, graduating in 1970. A post-graduate course in Social Administration at Glasgow University followed. Directing the Runnymede Trust certainly launched Usha into the action. She was a Fellow of the Policy Studies Institute – a think tank which later merged with Westminster University – between 1984-86 and was then appointed as Director of NCVO – the umbrella organisation for so many charitable organisations concealing serious wrongdoing. Usha was non-executive Chair of the Parole Board, 1997-2000. That was when the Parole Board appointed Colin Berry, David Mawson and Chris Hunter – three Top Doctors who concealed the abuses of psychiatry and the associated paedophile gang in north Wales – as members, as well as a number of other very questionable people.

Usha was appointed a Civil Service Commissioner in 1990 and was First Civil Service Commissioner, 2000-2005. She was a non-executive director of Channel 4, 1992-99 and a non-executive director of UNITE Group plc, 2001-04. UNITE Group plc is ‘the UK’s leading manager and developer of student accommodation’. So they’ll be the ones who built those extravagantly luxurious apartments which were ruthlessly marketed to students including those who couldn’t afford them and ended up in financial trouble. Never mind the quality of your courses, just look at the accommodation that you’ll live in if you come to study here… Usha became a Governor of De Montfort University in 1996 and was Chancellor, 2001-2006. In recent years after the arrival of a new Vice-Chancellor, DMU has became a much happier less dysfunctional place. Whilst Usha was on board however a lot of very odd things went on at DMU and a number of recent graduates ended up in scandals, including a social worker who was caught illegally smuggling a baby into the UK which she had purchased in Africa. The staff at the time kept flagging up that things were unravelling on the ground, but they were ignored.

Usha was also appointed a Trustee of the BBC World Service Trust in 2002 and a non-executive Director of ITV plc in 2005. She is or was President of the Royal Commonwealth Society and Deputy Chair of the British Council. She was Chair of the National Literacy Trust, 2001-05.

Usha served on the Hutton Inquiry into Iraq. The inquiry into the conduct of Usha’s friend Tony Blair who had given Baroness Usha her peerage in 1999.

Usha is a Trustee of Cumberland Lodge, ‘an educational charity initiating fresh debate on the burning questions facing society’. The website of  Cumberland Lodge has no sign of anything educational or anything remotely fresh, although the slogan ‘creative thinking and inclusive dialogue’ is emblazoned across the site – but they do hold their meetings in a lovely castle and there’s plenty of photos of that. The castle in question is Windsor Castle. That’s so inclusive that I might drop into a meeting of Cumberland Lodge myself.

The intellectual powerhouse that is Usha is also a Governor of the Ditchley Foundation, which was established to ‘promote international understanding and relations, especially Anglo-American’. The Ditchley Foundation was founded in 1958 by Sir David Wills, a descendant of W.D. and H.O. Wills, the tobacco barons. It is based in Ditchley Park, another splendid building for Usha to do her thinking in, near Chipping Norton. So Rebekah Brooks and Cameron are just down the road then.

The Chair of the Ditchley Foundation is Lord George Robertson, Secretary of State for Defence under Blair, 1997-99 and then NATO General Secretary, 1999-2003. That went well then. The Chairman of the Ditchley Foundation between 2000-09 was Sir John Major, former PM, one time bedfellow of Edwina Currie and the protector of the paedophiles of north Wales via the vehicle of William Hague.

The Director of the Ditchley Foundation from 2010-16 was Sir John Holmes, a former diplomat who also held a senior role with the UN. Sir John was Principal Private Secretary to Blair whilst Blair was PM and he was also involved in the N Ireland peace talks – in which whatever happened at the Kincora Boys Home was used as a negotiating tool. Sir John Holmes has just been appointed Chair of the Electoral Commission.

The Director of the Ditchley Foundation, 1999-04 was Sir Nigel Broomfield, a former diplomat who was Chairman of Leonard Cheshire Disability, 2004-09.

Virtually all the Directors are of this ilk – former diplomats who have done a stint with the UN and who often have links to defence officials.

What about Usha’s fellow Governors at the Ditchley Foundation? Here are the names of some of them:

Lord Adonis, David Cameron, Margaret Beckett, Virginia Bottomley, Lord Carrington, Robin Butler, Shami Chakrabarty, Menzies Campbell, David Hunt, Geoffrey Howe, Neil Kinnock, David Miliband, Pauline Neville-Jones, Malcolm Rifkind, Jack Straw, Shirley Williams, Peter Jay, Paul Boateng.

There is only one question to be asked – WHERE IS DR DEATH?

 

Ann Dummett was Director of the Runnymede between 1984-87. Ann went to Somerville College and was married to the philosopher Sir Michael Dummett. Ann and Michael were high profile anti-racism campaigners and along with the MP for Oxford Evan Luard founded the Oxford Committee for Racial Integration (previously the Oxfordshire Council for Community Relations). Ann then worked at the Institute for Race Relations and for the Joint Council for the Welfare of Immigrants.

Michael Dummett was Wykeham Professor of Logic at Oxford, 1979-82 and whilst he held that position was also a Fellow of New College – where else? Dummett also held teaching posts at Birmingham University, UC Berkeley, Stanford University, Princeton University and Harvard University. In 1944 Dummet converted to Catholicism and enthusiastically engaged in Catholic debates.

Evan Luard, the MP with whom the Dummetts campaigned and worked, was a graduate of Kings College, Cambridge. In 1950 he joined the Foreign Service but resigned in 1956, in protests at Britain’s involvement in the Suez Crisis. He became a research fellow at St Antony’s College, Oxford in 1957 and was a Labour Councillor on Oxford County Council, 1958-61. Luard then served as Labour MP for Oxford, 1966-70 and again, 1974-79. He was Parliamentary Under-Secretary for State in the Foreign Office, 1969-70 under Foreign Secretary Michael Stewart and again, 1974-79 – under dear old Dr Death.

Evan Luard was sufficiently attached to Dr Death to follow him into the SDP shortly after Shirl et al founded it in 1981. Luard contested the 1983 General Election for as the SDP candidate – he was deselected in 1987 in favour of Chris Huhne, but I haven’t found out why.

The Rev Ken Leech was the Director who followed Ann Dummett – Ken Leech was Director until 1991. The Rev Ken was an Anglican priest and a Christian Socialist who was born and grew up in the Cheshire/Lancashire area. He was inspired in 1956 after he heard Trevor Huddlestone speak.

In 1958 Ken moved to the East End of London where he lived whilst he studied at Kings College, London. In 1961 he began his theological studies at Trintiy College, Oxford whilst at the same time training for the priesthood at St Stephen’s House. He was ordained in 1965. He then spent many years working in some of the poorest parishes in London, in places like Hoxton (1965-67), Soho (1967-71) and Bethnal Green (1974-79). The Rev Ken took a special interest in drug addicts, prostitutes and homeless young people. In 1967 he set up the Soho Drugs Group. It was Ken who in 1969 – along with Anton-Wallich-Clifford and the Simon Community – established Centrepoint, which dealt with youth homelessness. Centrepoint’s first Patron was Diana, Princess of Wales.

The Rev Ken spent most of the years between 1965 and 2004 working on the ground  with the very people who would have been witnesses to the abuse of kids in care and the trafficking of them into prostitution and the involvement that some Westminster figures had in this, as well as the collusion on the part of the mental health services, the police and the legal and criminal justice system. There is no way that the Rev Ken did not know about this. Anyone who listens to homeless young people, care leavers, drug addicts, prostitutes and mental health patients finds out about it. I did and my CV is not half as good as Ken’s in that respect. Just on one occasion, in London in 1987, Brown and me stopped to help a young homeless man who had been taken ill in a subway after going overboard sniffing glue. Because we stopped to help we were within minutes surrounded by his mates and his girlfriend – they were kids in care who had run away, some of them from Swansea. We found out about it after one brief stop to help their friend. If you help people having a hard time, you do find out what is happening to them, it is dishonest for people who work with those folk to claim that they ‘didn’t know’. The Rev Ken will have almost certainly been given the names of the members of the Westminster Paedophile Ring – repeatedly. Furthermore in Hoxton 1965-67 the Krays and their notorious mum were still living in Vallance Road, Ken will have been their neighbour – I’m sure that he noticed.

Ken’s obituaries tell us that he fought against the NF and other racist and fascist groups in the East End, that he campaigned for CND, for gender equality, for gay and lesbian rights. But Ken never opened his mouth about the organised sexual abuse of kids in care, the associated criminality in swathes of ‘respectable’ society – or about sexual abuse within the Church. But then if he had have done this, he wouldn’t have become Director of the Runnymede Trust. Or started up the Jubilee Group with Rowan Williams. Or sat on the Church of England’s Board of Social Responsibility. Or indeed have persuaded Diana to become Patron of Centrepoint. Neither would his ventures have received funding.

 

Sukhvinder Kaur-Stubbs was Director of the Runnymede, 1996-2000. Sukhvinder had all the ingredients for success as measured by ‘The Guardian’ – she was a Punjabi girl who grew up in Birmingham after her dad arrived in the UK with only a few fivers in his pocket, who got into Oxford and then learned the disciplines of management, marketing, budgeting and PR in the public, private and voluntary sectors. Obviously at the age of 33 it was inevitable that Sukhvinder would be appointed as Director of the Runnymede and that ‘The Guardian’ would write a profile which obsessed about the colour of her silk blouse, her jewellery and her ‘power hairstyle’ (which sounds like the sort of thing that Hillary Clinton probably has).

After four years at the Runnymede Trust, Sukhvinder became CEO of the Barrow Cadbury Trust, but she left there in a hurry in 2009 on the grounds that she wanted to spend more time with her adopted daughter. It was probably very much more preferable than working in what the Third Sector has now become.

Sukhvinder was/is also a member of the Council at Birmingham University, Chairwoman of the European Network Against Racism, a non-executive Director of Severn Trent, a member of the Board of the Black Country Development Corporation and of Advantage West Midlands, as well as a Director of the Home Group Ltd.

Sukhvinder is a Director at Swan Housing Group and Chair of the Social Care Institute for Excellence. I have laughed at the Social Care Institute for Excellence and taken its name in vain for years because it was one of the key vehicles that promoted the idea of ‘service user involvement’ in mental health. Whilst service users were mistreated, abused, unlawfully denied treatment, fitted up for crimes that they had not committed and died, whilst no complaints about anything anywhere were ever investigated properly, the SCIE continued publishing laughable guides to service user involvement. The guides aimed at service users themselves contained illustrations of cartoon-like characters sitting around in meetings – there was always an Asian lady among them – with think or speech balloons saying things like ‘what if I don’t feel comfortable?’ or ‘should I ask my social worker about this?’ and a few lines about how as a service user you were now empowered. As the media gradually moves towards a tiny bit of honesty regarding the state of social care in the UK, I think that we should now be asking where the fucking excellence ever was, why the SCIE were allowed to publish lies for so many years, who established that organisation and who footed the bill for the mountains of crap which emanated from it. Perhaps Professor Peter Beresford could enlighten us.

Recently Sukhvinder has become a non-executive Director of the Lewisham and Greenwich NHS Trust, an organisation recently created out of other NHS organisations – I suspect because the previous organisations were scandal ridden and bankrupt, so a rebranding exercise was needed. Sukhvinder’s colleagues on the Trust Board are the regulation collection of Angels who have undertaken MBAs and moved into management, managers and social workers previously affiliated to organisations where the most terrible disasters and scandals have occurred, accountants and former employees of the Dept of Health.

 

So that’s an account of a few free radicals, some of whom should not be free at all after their role in colluding with some of the most serious child abusers that have operated in the UK.