A Legend Lives

BBC News Wales have reported that 46,000 patients have had to find new Top Doctors in the past five years after GPs practices have shut. Last year’s closures were the highest in the five-year period, with the BMA saying the closures put ‘extra pressure’ on the system. The situation is particularly bad in north Wales, with many patients, including the elderly, having to travel many miles to see a GP. The patients will be on buses as well, not in expensive cars like the Top Docs.

Dr Charlotte Jones, Chair of the BMA’s GP Committee Wales, said surgeries were struggling to stay afloat due to problems recruiting and retaining doctors, the ‘sheer volume’ of workloads, ‘under-resourcing’ and ‘overwhelming bureaucracy’.

Duw it’s hard, with the Top Docs being among the highest paid people in Wales, with many of them working a whole three days/week and many now retiring at 55 yrs old .

Charlotte, can I ask if Dr D.G.E. Wood, who facilitated the trafficking gang in north Wales, is still playing a leading role in GP training in north Wales and the Royal College of GPs? In 2017 Dr Eamonn Jessup, a GP from north Wales, Spoke Out About The Crisis. Eamonn is or was a colleague of Wood’s, they were both popping over to Cyprus to hold clinics together!

BBC News Wales also reported today that homeless people in Wrexham – Wrexham now has one of the biggest homelessness problems in Wales – will be housed in shipping containers. Not permanently, that would be greedy of them. They will be housed in shipping containers over Christmas. They won’t all be able to fit into the shipping containers, because only a few shipping containers will be available and there are more homeless people than shipping containers, but at least a lucky few will have a shipping container over their heads for Christmas.

 

Bob Cratchit and Tiny Tim from A Christmas Carol by Charles Dickens Stock Photo

 

By the age of 40, D.G.E. Wood was living in the second most expensive house in the expensive (by Anglesey standards) village of Llandegfan. The most expensive house was owned by Top Doctor Terry Maxwell, the Medical Director of Ysbyty Gwynedd. Terry Maxwell presided over slaughter and scandal and was given a performance-related pay award in return for cutting the already terrible mental health services, in the run up to the Waterhouse Inquiry. After Maxwell did his best, many patients became destitute and some died. Maxwell was a heart and lung specialist who trained at Liverpool. Liverpool thought so much of Terry Maxwell that in 1984, Liverpool University rang up Terry Maxwell’s daughter Sonia and offered her a place to do medicine, even though she hadn’t applied to Liverpool. Sonia continued to turn her nose up at Liverpool and trained at one of the London hospitals instead. She returned to Gwynedd to practice as a GP in Llanberis. Sonia Maxwell is one of the GPs in Llanberis who unlawfully refused to treat a Hergest Unit patient who had complained after being wrongfully imprisoned on the basis of the perjury of Hergest staff. For further details see post ‘Maxwell’s Silver Hammer’.

Some 20 years ago, a cardiologist from Ysbyty Gwynedd, Dr David Thomas, attempted suicide by driving his car over the edge of a mountain. He was sacked by Ysbyty Gwynedd, publicly denounced, sectioned and admitted to the Hergest Unit where all confidentiality was broken. I always wondered what it was that Dr Thomas had been so frightened of, particularly as it involved Terry Maxwell (see post ‘A Mystery From Twenty Years Ago’).

 

Let me remind the dedicated, committed, Top Docs of the wider UK of a few more of their activities.

Readers might remember that after Blair won his electoral landslide in May 1997, the Tories began ripping each others throats out and held a leadership contest. This was the moment that Heseltine had wanted, another chance for him to have a final stab at becoming Tory leader and eventually PM, but Hezza was getting on a bit and had previously experienced a heart attack when he was living it up in Venice in 1993. Hezza had been filmed climbing from a hospital trolley into an ambulance looking like death warmed up and later maintained that this was because he had gout. Hezza’s gout caused him to take four months off work and the gout also prevented him from conducting himself as usual ie. waving the Mace around, making weak jokes about the Labour Party, flicking his hairstyle about and generally being a tosser. He did make an appearance at the Party Conference, but what with that gout, he wasn’t up and leading them all in a rousing speech, he just entertained the crowd with a few arm movements.

The candidates for the Tory leadership in 1997 were Ken Clarke, Peter Lilley, William Hague, Michael Howard and John Redwood. Hague of course won, among much bad feeling, because the constituency parties had overwhelmingly wanted Ken Clarke, but the Parliamentary Party wanted Hague. The constituency parties were unaware that the Parliamentary Party were eternally grateful to Hague for organising the Waterhouse Inquiry, thus concealing the barrel of shit which was the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal and the key role that Thatcher’s personal friend, the Tory MP for Chester, Sir Peter Morrison – who had been found safely dead on 13 July 1995 – played in it. Bing Spear, the corrupt Chief Inspector of the Home Office Drugs Branch who was so accommodating re Dafydd (see post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’), had died on 9 July 1995. So that was two problems out of the way before the Waterhouse Inquiry.

Heseltine didn’t in the end stand in the leadership contest, although he was the stand-out favourite when John Major announced his resignation. Heseltine is someone who knows about the Westminster Paedophile Ring and the role that Dafydd and the gang played in it. Heseltine was the Tory MP for Tavistock in Devon, 1966-74 and knew all about his fellow Devon MP, Jeremy Thorpe. Heseltine then served as the MP for Henley, 1974-2001 and held numerous Ministerial, Shadow Cabinet and Cabinet roles, under Heath, Thatcher and Major. He was in Gov’t with Peter Morrison and Norman St John Stevas – another MP whom I was told when I worked in London was known to be abusing boys – and will have known about the rest of the allegations of organised abuse that were concealed until very recently. Heseltine came from Swansea and there was an abuse gang in west Wales with links to Dafydd’s crew in north Wales.

Even Heseltine’s much trumpeted success at regenerating Liverpool, a cause close to his heart, was achieved – if indeed it was achieved – as a result of his close working relationship with Sir Trevor Jones, the Liberal leader of Liverpool City Council. Trevor Jones was born in north Wales to Welsh parents and he was networked into the empire of Dafydd’s gang (see post ‘He Knows Where The Bodies Are Buried’). It was Heseltine who arranged for the first of five bi-annual National Garden Festivals to be held in Liverpool in 1984. Trevor Jones arranged for the City Council to delegate the bid to the Merseyside Development Corporation, of which Trevor Jones was a Director. More than 3 million people eventually attended. Two of those people were Brown and me. When Liz Stables, the Angel who worked at the Student Health Centre at Bangor University, was still pretending to be friends with Brown and me and was extracting information from us which she then relayed back to Dr D.G.E. Wood and others in Dafydd’s gang, Liz gave us a lift to Liverpool to go to the Garden Festival. Liz knew Liverpool well, she had been a teacher there in the 1960s and used to tell me about the girls in her class whom she knew were working as prostitutes. Liz kept in touch with some of them as their adult lives really hit the pits and they ended up addicted to Class A drugs, in prison etc. At the time I thought that Liz was showing genuine friendship to some people who’d had a terrible time, but now I know that Liz was mates with Dafydd et al and that Dafydd’s gang were procuring young people for sex work outside of north Wales, including in Liverpool, I find Liz’s interest in the lives of those women rather worrying. Liz left Liverpool and teaching in 1969 to train and then work as an Angel in the old C&A Hospital in Bangor, where Dafydd and the gang were operating…

My post ‘Those Who Are Ready To Serve’ provided details of Heseltine’s role in the future of Westland Helicopters, a small ailing company in Somerset, which employed Janet Mitchell, a girl who was one of my playmates when I was young and who knew what had happened/was happening to me in north Wales, who’s career took off like a rocket after Heseltine took a sudden inexplicable interest in Westland.

After deciding not to stand for the Tory leadership in 1997, Heseltine, a very rich man thanks to his property developing and publishing business, devoted himself to his arboretum and 50 acre garden. There is archive footage of Heseltine and his family being interviewed after Heseltine left politics and every one of them ends up in tears at the memory of poor old Hezza never becoming PM, including of course Hezza himself. Is it not touching that as with Thatch, the only time that these people show any emotion is when they are kicked out of high office or indeed don’t reach it?

One of the archive clips about Hezza enlightened me as to the reason why Hezza decided not to stand for the Tory leadership in 1997. It was as a result of a conversation that Hezza had with his Top Doctor, the cardiologist Peter Mills, under who’s care Hezza was after that nasty attack of gout. After his conversation with Peter Mills resulted in Hezza deciding not to stand himself, Hezza supported Ken Clarke for the leadership.

Peter Mills, like all the best Top Docs, will have known about the Westminster Paedophile Ring, but Mills will have had a particular hotline to and interest in Dafydd and the gang, because Peter Mills, when a young Top Doctor, had worked at St George’s Hospital Medical School, which for years concealed Dafydd’s gang and a linked paedophile/trafficking gang in south London.

In an interview about his career, Mills was quoted as saying: ‘My father was a GP but I was always rather rebellious and so chose to read biochemistry at Oxford. I realised I was wrong and changed to medicine when it became apparent I was more interested in people than science. In contrast to today’s young medics, who seem forced to decide at medical school which career path to follow in order to shape their CV, we had much more freedom to choose our speciality relatively later. I believe cardiology chose me, rather than the other way around. An unexpected vacancy arose at St Georges Hospital at Hyde Park Corner where I was a locum and so I was invited to study Cardiology.’

Not only did many of the staff at St George’s conceal organised abuse, but Professor Oliver Brooke was employed as a paediatrician there from the mid-1970s until he was jailed for the possession of child porn in 1986. Brooke was a key figure in a pan-European paedophile gang. After Brooke was jailed, his colleagues and friends remained working at St George’s colluding with the gang, some of them being active members. See post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’.

Ken Clarke knew what was going on at St George’s when Clarke was Health Minister and subsequently Secretary of State for Health, 1988-90. Furthermore, it was when Clarke was in Health that he and Thatch had to sort out a little local difficulty re St George’s. The original St George’s Hospital at Hyde Park Corner had been developed as a result of a bequest given by the Duke of Westminster in the 18th century. After St George’s had relocated to its new site in Tooting in 1980, the then Duke of Westminster, Gerald Cavendish Grosvenor, told Thatch and Ken Clarke that he wanted the market price for the original site which had been donated by his ancestor. The Hyde Park Corner site was a piece of Knightsbridge real estate worth millions. The Gov’t refused the Duke’s request, but instead resolved the problem by letting the Duke buy the Hyde Park Corner site for £6000.

The Duke of Westminster was the President of the City of Chester Conservative Party’s Constituency Association, the local MP being Sir Peter Morrison. Gyles Brandreth succeeded Morrison as Tory MP for Chester and Gyles has been frank that Morrison ‘having sex with little boys’ was openly gossiped about by members of the constituency association as well as local people whom Gyles met when he was campaigning. The Duke of Westminster was a close friend of Carlo. Peter Morrison’s sister Dame Mary Morrison spent most of her life as Woman of the Bedchamber to Lilibet.

Boys from Bryn Estyn were taken to the Duke’s estate for ‘work experience’ but refused to return there without explaining why.

 

Peter Mills worked as a consultant cardiologist at the Royal London Hospital and subsequently the London Chest Hospital, which both became part of Bart’s Health, for around 35 years. It was Barts who found that they were ‘unable to revive’ John Smith, the leader of the Labour Party, after his heart attack on 12 May 1994. Matt Arnold, the Head of Bryn Estyn, died from an ‘unspecified blood disease’ on 9 June 1994. On 13 June 1994 the trial of Arnold’s friend and colleague Peter Howarth and Paul Wilson for sexual offences against boys in care began.

Dafydd’s mate Professor Linford Rees was a leading light at Barts for many years and provided much protection for Dafydd. Linford Rees was from west Wales and furthermore had extensive showbiz connections via his daughter, the actress Angharad Rees and her husband Christopher Cazenove (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’). Barts’ concealing of organised abuse was given a further helping hand by the very close connections that Lady Juliet Bingley of MIND had with Bart’s – Juliet’s father had been a surgeon at Bart’s and Juliet worked for a while as a medical almoner (social worker) at Bart’s. Juliet’s son William continued the collusion with Dafydd et al in William’s capacity as Legal Director of MIND and then Chief Exec of the Mental Health Act Commission (see previous posts).

 

So after the chat with the Top Doc who was formerly of St George’s and Barts, old Hezza decided to offer Ken Clarke his support with regard to Clarke’s ambitions to lead the Tory Party and ultimately become PM. The Ken who was at the scene when the Duke of Westminster – Britain’s richest man – picked up a prime piece of Knightsbridge that the NHS was flogging off for a bit of loose change.

 

The information concerning Peter Mills’s career is provided on the website of Cavendish Medical. Cavendish Medical is a company which provides ‘financial planning’ services for ‘senior medical and NHS professionals’. I don’t think that Cavendish Medical simply manage the Top Docs’ Post Office savings accounts. Mills talks about his hobbies, which includes medieval art and explains that he has a ‘travel fund’ which enables him to jet around the globe in pursuit of this interest, the travel fund resulting from his Cavendish investments.

Peter Mills was Chairman of Cardiology SAC for the Royal College of Physicians, 2002-06, which involved Mills taking a leading role in the education of cardiologists. In 2015, the media reported that ‘Dr Peter Mills, the Football Association’s regional cardiologist for South East England’, was found by the High Court to have been negligent with regard to his treatment of Tottenham Hotspur footballer Radwen Hamed, who in 2006, when he was 17, suffered a cardiac arrest in his first game for the club and was left brain damaged. It was believed that the damages could reach £7 million.

 

The archive film of the interview with Hezza included a camera shot of the name plate of Peter Mills’ Harley Street practice, which showed that Mills shared his practice with Top Docs Duncan Empey and Michael Wareing.

I presume that Duncan Empey is Prof Duncan Empey, who has helpfully provided the following details on his LinkedIn profile:

Medical Director, Barts and The London NHS Trust, 1994-01

Professor Emeritus, University of Hertfordshire, March 2009-March 2012;

Group Medical Director, BMI Healthcare, Jan 2008-Dec 2012

Responsible Officer, BMI Healthcare, Dec 2012-Sept 2016

Trustee, National Council for Osteopathic Research, Jan 2018-present

Board Member, The Osteopathic Foundation, Sept 2017-present

 

Top Doctor Michael Wareing is an ENT specialist who works at The London Clinic. Wareing has his own website ‘145 ENT’, which contains the following information:

‘Welcome to the website for Mr Michael Wareing, MBBS BSc, FRCS(ORL-HNS), Consultant Ear, Nose and Throat Surgeon. Michael Wareing is a London based Consultant Ear, Nose & Throat (ENT) Surgeon. He has an NHS practice which is based at St Bartholomew’s & The Royal London Hospitals, where he has also been the Head of the ENT Department in 2 separate spells, 2003-9 and 2012-14. His private practice is based at The London Clinic where he has a fully equipped consulting suite at 145 Harley Street. Mr Wareing has over 25 years experience as a doctor and has been a consultant since 2000. He offers expertise in all aspects of General ENT as well as supraspecialist knowledge in Ear & Skull Base Surgery, Voice Disorders, Dizziness & Tinnitus, Sinus Disease and Children’s Ear Problems. He has concentrated his private practice in one place to ensure the very best continuity of care for all his patients’.

The ‘profile’ section on Wareing’s website tells us that: ‘Michael Wareing was educated at the Haberdasher Aske’s School for Boys, Elstree and entered St Bartholomew’s Medical School (Barts) in 1982. Following success in his preclinical studies, he took the opportunity to spend a year of further study to complete a BSc in Pharmacology. He returned to his clinical training at Barts in 1985 where he developed an interest in ENT, and won the Sydney Scott Prize for Otorhinolaryngology (ENT) in 1988. He qualified as a doctor in the same year.

He worked in a number of busy posts in Neurosurgery, General Surgery and A&E in southeast England during his general surgical training, before taking up an ENT position at Addenbrooke’s Hospital in Cambridge. During this time he passed both the General Surgical and ENT Fellowships of The Royal College of Surgeons of England. His specialty ENT training gave him experience and expertise not only in District General Hospitals, but also in tertiary referral centres such as Guys, Kings & St Thomas’ Hospitals, and the Great Ormond Street Hospital for Sick Children. He also developed a particular subspecialty interest in Otology (diseases of the Ear) and Ear Surgery.’

Michael Wareing worked at Guy’s and Tommy’s with Ed Miliband’s Uncle Harry then! And of course with Dafydd’s friend and umbrella Professor Jim Watson the sex therapist (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’).

‘In 1997 the King’s Fund awarded him a prestigious TWJ Travelling Fellowship to enable him to spend seven months in the Laboratory of Molecular Otology at the University of California at San Francisco. There he studied inner ear gene therapy and performed new and exciting research on the roles of liposomes and viruses in introducing genetic material to the cochlea.

In 1999 he was awarded the Skull Base Fellowship at Addenbrookes Hospital, Cambridge, where he was able to refine his interest in Ear, Acoustic Neuroma and Skull Base Surgery.

In 2000, Mr Wareing returned to St Bartholomew’s and The Royal London Hospitals as a Consultant ENT Surgeon. This was a high profile position which incorporated the dual role of maintaining a general ENT practice of adult and paediatric patients from the City of London, Islington and East End of London, whilst also being the Lead Clinician in Otology, Ear Surgery, Acoustic Neuroma and Skull Base Surgery. He ran a specialist Voice Clinic, and a Paediatric Ear Disease Clinic.

From 2003-9 Mr Wareing took over the additional role of Lead Clinician for the department of Otorhinolaryngology: Head and Neck Surgery at St Bartholomews and The Royal London Hospitals. This position allowed him to further develop the ENT services offered in both the City of London and the East End of London. He relinquished the role, only to be reappointed as the Lead Clinician in 2012. He enjoys working closely with many allied Health Professionals, where he is known as a helpful, reliable and considerate expert. He is in charge of the appointment and appraisal of ENT Colleagues, both Consultants and Junior Staff alike. He also has wide ranging responsibilities for the education of Medical Students within their ENT attachment, and also for GP Postgraduate ENT Education.

Mr Wareing’s Private ENT work started in 2000 when John Booth, his predecessor at Barts, saw an opportunity to retire by asking him to take over the care of his established Upper Wimpole Street Practice. In 2005 Mr Wareing chose to move his growing practice to the special setting of The London Clinic, Harley Street, where he and his colleague Mr Jonathan Harcourt are the only two ENT Surgeons to hold permanent rooms within the Clinic. Since that time he has equipped his Consulting Room with the very best equipment available for modern office based ENT practice.
Mr Wareing is also pleased to work as an Honorary Consultant for St Luke’s Hospital for the Clergy, Fitzroy Square.Mr Wareing is a well respected colleague, seeing patients from around the South East of England and overseas. He has featured in articles in the Daily Mail and the Observer, in radio shows and has written book chapters on a number of topics including the development of the ear and on voice problems. He has published over 40 peer reviewed articles and is invited to lecture within the UK and abroad.
Tatler Doctors Guide 2013
In 2007 he was one of only a handful of ENT Surgeons to appear in the ‘Tatler’ Guide to the top 250 Private Health Professionals in the UK. He also appears in the updated 2013 version of this guide.Mr Wareing lives in North West London. He is married to a doctor and they have 4 children. He is a keen (ex single figure handicap) golfer and has been pleased to win several medical golfing society trophies. He is also a keen cyclist, and cycled with a friend from Lands End to John O Groats in 2012, raising £25000 for Deafness Research UK and Help for Heroes.’
The Tatler-recommended charidee-supporting Mr Wareing provides for us on his website the address of his Registered Office: c/o Sandison Easson & Co. Rex Buildings Wilmslow Cheshire SK9 1HY
(Company No 09903639-Registered in England & Wales)
Wilmslow is located at what was the heart of geographical area of the Cheshire arm of the North Wales/Cheshire trafficking ring.

Wareing’s website helpfully introduces us to his ‘team’:

MS REBECCA BAS

Rebecca Bas

‘Ms Rebecca Bas is Mr Wareing’s Practice Manager, Secretary and PA. She joined the team in early 2014. She has extensive experience as a Medical PA, previously working for a leading OMFS surgeon for 18 years. She ensures the highest standards of administrative care and advice for all Mr Wareing’s patients. Rebecca is responsible for the day to day running of the practice and co-ordinates the booking of appointments, organisation of any tests required, and admission for surgical procedures. She is highly dedicated to ensuring that all aspects of your care are dealt with in an efficient and caring manner, easing the path back to full health. Many of Mr Wareing’s patients pass comment on her helpful and organised approach to their care. Rebecca works full time for Mr Wareing and can be contacted during normal working hours, five days a week.’

 

MRS JACKIE RICHARDS

Jackie Richards

‘Mrs Jackie Richards is Mr Wareing’s Accounts Manager. Having worked as his PA and Practice Manager for over 10 years, she has reduced her workload but still retains a key role in ensuring efficient practice management in all spheres.’ So Jackie ensures that you cough up the money before Mr Wareing is ready to see to your every clinical need.

 

DR ANIL PATEL MBBS, FRCA

Dr Anil Patel

Dr Anil Patel is a Consultant Anaesthetist who works privately with Mr Wareing. He has an NHS practice at the Royal National Nose Throat and Ear Hospital, Grays Inn Road – just next door to the lawyers! – and has extensive experience in all aspects of ENT Anaesthesia. He is a particular authority on the difficult airway and the use of the laryngeal mask in ENT Anaesthesia and lectures extensively both nationally and internationally on ENT Anaesthesia’.

 

DR KAMRAN AHMAD BMEDSC, MBBS, FRCA

Dr Kamran Ahmad

‘Dr Kamran Ahmad is a Consultant Anaesthetist who works with Mr Wareing at Barts and The London as well as in private practice. He has extensive experience of ENT Anaesthesia and is dedicated to making the ENT journey.’

 

MR IAN SABIN BMSC, FRCSE FRCS

Ian Sabin

‘Mr Ian Sabin is a Consultant Neurosurgeon who works jointly with Mr Wareing at The Royal London Hospital, where they run a combined Skull Base and Acoustic Neuroma clinic on a monthly basis and receive referrals from around the southeast of England. Mr Sabin has been a Consultant for 16 years. He has particular expertise in the Neurosurgical aspects of Skull Base Surgery and a wealth of experience in the use of Gamma Knife Radiosurgery. His areas of interest include Skull Base Surgery, Cervical Spine Surgery,  and the treatment of trigeminal neuralgia and pituitary tumours. Private patients requiring both ENT and Neurosurgical expertise are seen individually by both Mr Wareing and Mr Sabin and are then discussed jointly by the Consultant to ensure optimisation of management, in conjunction with patient desires.’

Mr Sabin is available for those patients whom the Walton Centre have left to die because of their association with those who have challenged the paedophiles’ friends in north Wales (see post ‘A Vampire at Glyndwr University!’). Or probably not, if a distress flare has been sent up by Dafydd.

 

Mr Wareing of Very Expensive Private Practice has featured in the media, including in that organ dedicated to the NHS ‘The Guardian’, as well as the Mirror and the BBC. Not that Mr Wareing bothers to supply a photo of these publications, he prioritised ‘Tatler’ in that regard.

 

Mr Wareing works at The London Clinic, a private clinic which sprawls over much of the Harley Street disctrict of London.

John Biffen, the Thatcherite Tory MP who went to school with my father and who knew about the Westminster Paedophile Ring and the lengths to which a great many people were going to conceal it (see post ‘A Local Boy Made Good’), was a Trustee of The London Clinic, 1994-2002, which spans the whole period of the Waterhouse Inquiry and the publication of the Waterhouse Report.

In Ian MacGregor’s book ‘The Story Of The Miners’ Strike 1984-5′, MacGregor mentions that when he read that John Paul Getty II had given £100k to the striking miners’ Christmas appeal in 1984 which had been launched by Anne Scargill, Arthur Scargill’s wife, MacGregor called upon David Hart – the shady right wing figure who was behind many dark matters during Thatcher’s years in office – to arrange a meeting between MacGregor and Getty at ‘The London Clinic’ ‘where he was more or less permanently in residence’. At the meeting, Getty gave Hart a cheque for £100k to the National Working Miners.

Scargill’s daughter is a Top Doctor. Scargill’s friend Michael Mansfield QC who founded the Socialist Labour Party with Scargill knew what was happening to me in north Wales in 1993 because I wrote and told him about it. I wrote to Mansfield and explained that I had been prosecuted under the legislation introduced by Thatcher’s Gov’t to criminalise picketing miners after I attempted to get answers from the north Wales mental health services when Top Docs and Gwynedd Social Services social workers had broken the law. The much publicised police investigation into a possible paedophile ring in north Wales/Cheshire was underway when I was prosecuted and when I wrote to Mansfield. He wrote me a one line reply thanking me for my letter.

 

The website of The London Clinic is a source of high quality entertainment. We are told that ‘The London Clinic is one of the UK’s largest private hospitals, dedicated to providing the best, personalised healthcare with a breadth of surgical and medical expertise. The London Clinic has a number of premises across Harley Street and Devonshire Place…’

The London Clinic may be one of the UK’s largest private hospitals, but they’re all heart down at The London Clinic: ‘The charitable status of The London Clinic means that our surpluses are reinvested back into the hospital and our journey since 1932 has seen significant expansion and development’.

This charidee has been so successful at raising dosh to reinvest back into itself that The London Hospital’s Duchess of Devonshire Wing cost ninety million quid and that was a few years ago.

Highlights in the evolution of The London Hospital include:

In 1932, The opening of The London Clinic, which was performed by the Duchess of York, accompanied by the Duke of York (later King George VI) on 18th February 1932.

On 10 May 1949, a visit by Winston Churchill to Anthony Eden (later Lord Avon), presumably when Eden was laid up in The London Clinic.

In 1963 Elizabeth Taylor was spotted leaving The London Clinic with her knee in a splint after falling on a film set.

In 1989 HRH Prince Carlo opened the physiotherapy department at The London Clinic.

In 1991 HRH Princess Margaret, aka Ma’am Darling, who availed herself of the services of a few private Top Docs herself in her quest for chemical recreation (see post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’) opened the MRI unit in the radiology department. Ma’am Darling’s husband Lord Snowdon was the bisexual son of a Welsh Top Doc; Lord Snowdon was reputed to have used the services of rent boys and used to visit north Wales. As an elderly man, Lord Snowdon had a relationship with Marjorie Wallace, who’s selfless service to Top Docs who were involved with serious organised crime was pretty much unsurpassed (see post ‘One Dangerous Fucker’).

In 2002, TV star Martine McCutcheon opened the latest development of The London Clinic at 119 Harley Street. Martine was an actress in East Enders. As was Barbara Windsor, who probably would have been a more suitable celeb to have opened a new bit of The London Clinic.

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In 2005, Nigel Havers opened the new consulting room suites at 145 Harley Street. Nigel is the son of Sir – later Lord – Michael Havers, the Tory MP for Wimbledon, 1970-87, who had many constituents who doubled up as Top Docs at St George’s. Havers was the corrupt Attorney General for England and Wales as well as for N Ireland, 1979-87, who consistently blocked the prosecution of ‘VIP paedophiles’, as well as the prosecution of nearly all not such VIP paedophiles in north Wales/Cheshire. His sister Lord Elizabeth Butler-Sloss concealed the extent of the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal (see post ‘Twas The Night Before Christmas And The Culprits Were Named’) and during the brief few minutes for which she Chaired the IICSA, Butler-Sloss tried to prevent any investigations into the Anglican Church. Butler-Sloss is a high profile Anglican.

In 2007 the Duchess of Devonshire attended the official opening of the new consulting room building at 5 Devonshire Place. The Duchess of Devonshire, who was born Deborah Freeman-Mitford, one of the famous fascist family.

Debo’s daughter Emma married Tobias Tennant, son of the 2nd Lord Glenconner. Charlie Tennant, the eldest son of the 3rd Lord Glenconner, was the heroin addict who flogged photos of Princess Margaret in fancy dress at a knees-up to raise money for drugs. Charlie’s dad the 3rd Lord Glenconner  owned Mustique, the island that Ma’am Darling used to visit to let her hair down with her toyboy Roddy Llewellyn, where she wandered around in a kaftan like a Royal Elizabeth Taylor. Charlie Tennant died in 1996, of either Hep B or HIV, I’ve forgotten which. Debo’s daughter Sophia’s second husband was Alastair Morrison, Sir Peter Morrison’s nephew.

After David Cameron became PM, Debo gave media interviews stating that Cameron and his drip of a wife ‘were rather good for the country’. Debo was mates with Sam the Drip’s father, Sir Reginald Sheffield. Sam’s mum Annabel later divorced old Reggie and remarried William Waldorf Astor III – the son of Bill Astor who starred in the Profumo Affair – who was the nephew of her own stepfather, Michael Langhorne Astor.I cannot help thinking that if these domestic arrangements were occurring on a council estate in Merthyr Tydfil, they would be the cause of much pompousing and huffing and puffing from Call Me Dave.

 

2007 was a good year for The London Clinic. As well as Debo opening their new block, members of staff at The London Clinic joined the Xtreme Everest expedition. Lest anyone believes that the staff of The London Clinic just went up Everest to enjoy themselves, the website of The London Clinic reminds us that the Everest expedition was about Research and Helping People. The London Clinic is pursuing ‘research’ up Everest which will benefit hundreds of thousands of people no less.

In 2010, Joanna Lumley opened the consulting rooms and pathology laboratory at 116 and 120 Harley Street.

In 2010 The London Clinic received another visitor almost as glam as Joanna Lumley. HM the Queen Lilibet opened the new, purpose built, state-of-art cancer facility at 22 Devonshire Place. Debo didn’t peg out until 2014, so perhaps she was too busy admiring Cameron and the notepaper which his wife designed for a living to make it to the opening, so Lilibet substituted.

In 2011, HRH Princess Alexandra opened the new Eye Centre at 119 Harley Street and was greeted by Professor Robin Williamson.

In 2011, The London Clinic received the Queen’s Award for Enterprise in International Trade. International Trade in what is not made clear.

In 2013, members of staff at The London Clinic were off up Everest again, continuing their investigations of human adaption to hypoxia at high altitude. Definitely not on a jolly.

In 2017 Camilla opened the new state-of-the-art 13 bed ICU at 20 Devonshire Place.

 

As all good charidees do, The London Clinic has a Patron, a Life President and a Board of Trustees.

The Patron is Camilla:

 

 

The Life President is The Duchess of Devonshire. Or was, until she turned her toes up.

The Board of Trustees of The London Clinic acts as its Board of Directors, overseeing and directing the activities of the charidee.

The Trustees are:

  • Mr Hamish Leslie Melville – Chairman
  • Lady Otton
  • Mr Manish Chande
  • Professor John Gribben
  • Mr Nicholas Melhuish

Hamish Leslie Melville, the Chairman of this medical charidee, is a banker. Melville is: Chairman, Investment Banking Committee of Royal Bank of Scotland Group plc; Chairman of Mercantile Investment Trust plc (formerly J.P. Morgan Fleming Mercantile Investment Trust plc; was MD of Credit Suisse Securities (Europe) Ltd, 2005-08; Chairman of Mithras Investment plc, 1994-08; Chairman of Old Mutual South Africa Trust plc; Director of Scottish Investment Trust plc, 1996-07; of Northern Recruitment Group, 1997-04; of Persimmon plc, 1995-10; of Jamestown Investments Ltd, 1992-94; Eclipse Film Partners No 1 LLP, 2006-14; 73 Cadogan Square Freehold Ltd, 2007-08; Erlangers Ltd, 2000-06; Scottish Woodlands Ltd, 1992-05; Brechin Castle Centre Ltd, 1996-02; Dunedin Capital Partners Ltd, 1992-95; West Highland Woodlands, April 1992-June 1992; Batsford Estates (1983) Co Ltd, 1991-92.

Melville is also the former Chairman of the National Trust, Scotland.

In Jan 2006, the business diary from The Torygraph reported that ‘Credit Suisse First Boston managing director Hamish Leslie Melville has upset his neighbours with plans to build a 43-turbine wind farm on his Lochluichart estate in the Scottish Highlands. Leslie Melville, along with a company formed by Savills and a Dutch wind farm developer, has applied for planning permission to erect the windmills on land the developers describe as “degraded habitat”. Local residents disagree. They’ve set up a protest group called A Wind Farm Too Far, arguing there’s plenty of wildlife and that the steel giants would wreck the view and threaten tourism. Apparently, rather than take an annual rent, the estate has opted for a stake in the venture. My Scottish mole estimates that if all goes according to plan, the project could rake in £625 m over the wind farm’s 25-year lifetime. Not a bad return for Leslie Melville – a former Chairman of the National Trust for Scotland – who was unavailable for comment.’

 

Lady Helen Otton is a Lady as a result of being married to a Sir, namely Sir Philip Otton, a former Lord Justice of Appeal, 1995-01. Lady Helen describes herself as a ‘conference organiser’. She was a Director of: Everyman Action Against Male Cancer, 2010-13; ICR Enterprises Ltd, 2010-13; The Maytree Respite Centre, 2005-10; Classical Opera, 2002-06; Nottingham Law School Ltd, 199394.

Some years ago Lady Helen Otton’s name appeared in a ‘Daily Mail’ article which named and shamed ‘acolytes’ who had ‘dined at tax-payers expense’ with Tony and Cherie Blair.

 

Manish Chande describes himself thus: ‘Manish is a senior partner of Clearbell Capital LLP and has over 30 years of real estate experience and is involved in all aspects of the business. Manish is Chairman of the Investment Committee. Manish co-founded Mountgrange Investment Management in 2007 and was the CEO of Mountgrange Capital, a private property investment and development group from 2002. He was previously a board director at Land Securities plc, CEO of Trillium, a pioneering sale and lease-back property business; and CEO of Imry, a publicly-quoted property investment and development company. Manish originally trained as a chartered accountant at Midgley Snelling & Co. between 1975 and 1980 and worked at Deloitte, Haskins & Sells in London from 1980 to 1985. Manish has been a member of the Institute of Chartered Accountants in England and Wales since 1980. In 2008 he was elected a fellow of the Royal Institution of Chartered Surveyors. He was a Commissioner of English Heritage between 2003 and 2011. In 2007, Manish was appointed a Trustee of The London Clinic and in 2012 he was appointed a Trustee of the Canal and River Trust.’

The London Clinic’s website says of Professor John Gribben: ‘Professor John Gribben graduated from the University of Glasgow in 1980. He subsequently trained in Haematology at University College London and in Medical Oncology at the Dana-Farber Cancer Institute, Harvard Medical School, where he remained on the faculty for 17 years before returning to the UK. He specialises in haematological cancers including lymphomas, leukaemias and bone marrow transplantation. His NHS post is as Consultant Haematologist and Medical Oncologist Barts and The London NHS Trust.’

He is the author of more than 300 articles and chapters in peer-reviewed publications and has a global reputation for his work in researching new drugs and forms of cancer treatment. He has grant funding from The National Cancer Institute and Cancer Research UK for pioneering studies in leukaemia and lymphoma. He has sat on and chaired numerous international executive committees dedicated to investigating new approaches to cancer care, and several of the editorial boards for professional publications which are focused on cancer. He has lectured across the world on new therapies for cancer treatment.’

John Gribben features on the website of Barts Cancer Institute, which mentions that he was a Wellcome Trust Clinical Research Fellow 1987-89, at UCL and a Fogarty International Fellowship, 1989-1991, at Harvard.

 

Nicholas Melhuish is a ‘fund manager’: ‘Nicholas Melhuish joined Amundi in 2013 as head of global equities. He was previously head of global equities at UBS Asset Management (2007-2012), lead portfolio manger for global equity strategies at Nicholas-Applegate Capital Management (2003-2007) at San Diego, California and in London and senior portfolio manager, international core equity, at Putnam Investments, London (1999-2003). Nicholas started his career as an analyst and small cap portfolio manager at Schroder Investment Management (1991-1999). He holds a BA (Hons) degree in Modern History from New College, Oxford and is also a member of the CFA Institute and the CFA Society of the UK.’

.

Take note: the Top Docs of The London Clinic trained in the NHS and for most of their careers held senior NHS jobs as well as extensive private practices. Now who was looking after their NHS patients when they were busy at that charidee The London Clinic? Just look at how many of those involved in running the charidee are people who work in global capitalism…

 

  • The Great Rock 'n' Roll Swindle (1980) • movies.film-cine.com

 

Other news:

The Governor of HMP Berwyn, the UK Gov’ts new ‘flagship’ prison – the biggest prison in the UK – which no English authority wanted in its back yard but was welcomed with open arms by the idiots who represent Wales in both the Senedd and Westminster, has been suspended over unspecified ‘allegations’.

 

Operation Pallial has resulted in another conviction of an elderly sex offender who worked in a children’s home in north Wales. Once more the bravery of the victims has been praised. If only someone had listened to them as well as the screams coming from the numerous other victims 30 years ago. I cannot share the police’s excitement at their inadequate action decades too late. The elderly paedophile who has just been imprisoned was not convicted until he was 79 yrs old because the full might of the British state was deployed to protect him, not the kids whom he assaulted. Many of them will be dead now anyway, kids in care and Empowered Service Users don’t usually make it as far as 79 yrs old.

 

Dafydd is in his late 80s, as is Lucille.

 

Sir Norman Bettison, the former senior officer of the South Yorkshire Police, has been told that he will no longer face any charges as a result of the Hillsborough disaster. Bettison had faced four counts of misconduct in a public office. He was accused of telling lies about the ‘culpability of fans’ and his role in the wake of the tragedy, but the CPS has now said that insufficient evidence meant there was no real prospect of securing a conviction. This is because of ‘changes in the evidence of two witnesses’ and the death of a third witness. How very convenient.

Sir Norman was accused of untruthfully describing his role in the South Yorkshire Police response to Hillsborough – where over 90 people died – as ‘peripheral’ in a 1998 comment to then Chief Inspector of Constabulary Sir David O’Dowd, when applying for the job of Chief Constable in Merseyside. He was also accused of lying to Merseyside Police Authority when he said he had never attempted to shift blame for the disaster ‘on to the shoulders of Liverpool supporters’. Bettison was alleged to have lied in a statement issued on 13 September 2012 following the publication of the Hillsborough Independent Panel report, when he said he had never offered any interpretation other than that the behaviour of Liverpool fans did not cause the disaster. He was also accused of misconduct over a statement released the following day in which he said he had never ‘besmirched’ Liverpool fans.

The court heard that the prosecution relied on two witnesses, Mark Ellaby and a woman identified only as Mrs J. It was alleged by Mr Ellaby that, over a pint in a pub while on an MBA course together in 1989, Sir Norman said he had been appointed to a team, the role of which was to blame the fans. Paul Greaney QC, defending Sir Norman, said it took ‘repeated requests’ from the defence for the other students to be traced by the IPCC. When ‘eventually’ they were, fifteen other students and a lecturer were contacted and ‘not a single one’ recalled Sir Norman expressing any ‘inappropriate view’ about Hillsborough.

Those witnesses with the very bad memories were on an MBA course. They will now be running the NHS, the Social Services, the County Councils, teaching in university business schools and of course like Bettison, some may have achieved high rank in the police.

It’s OK Dafydd and Lucille, you have nothing to worry about at all. I’ve got 10,000 documents, dozens of people were found dead, but you are absolutely safe from any risk of prosecution.

 

My post ‘Additional Security Measures’ details the fabrication of documentation by the Home Office and the order to stress the alleged bad behaviour of the fans rather than the inadequacies of the police that Home Office officials gave before the publication of the Report into Hillsborough by Lord Justice Peter Taylor. The Home Office were ably assisting Dafydd and the gang at the same time.

The police officers who fabricated and altered witness statements in the wake of Hillsborough were from the South Yorkshire force. The South Yorkshire force were involved in the brutality towards striking miners in 1984-85 and in the collusion with the paedophile gang in Yorkshire.

 

Bettison joined the South Yorkshire Police in 1975. In May 1993 he was appointed Assistant Chief Constable of West Yorkshire Police. In 1998 he became Chief Constable of Merseyside Police. Bettison retired from the police in January 2005 to become Chief Executive of Centrex, which provided training and development to police forces in the UK and enforcement agencies throughout the world until it was abolished in March 2007. Bettison rejoined the police service in January 2007 as Chief Constable of West Yorkshire Police. He attempted to secure a package to receive both a retirement pension from Merseyside and a salary from the new post; he threatened legal action but the claim was settled out of court.

Jimmy Savile was on excellent terms with the police right across Yorkshire. The Merseyside Police colluded with Dafydd and his gang.

 

After the Battle of Orgreave was brought to the UK public by the Great British Press, Liz Stables, the Angel at the Student Health Centre at UCNW/Bangor University, told me that ‘those miners should be shot’. Liz was part of the trafficking gang in north Wales. One boy at Bryn Estyn maintained that he’d been sexually assaulted at gunpoint. But then I was followed by a gun wielding policeman before I left Wales, as was someone who made a witness statement about me being threatened by NHS staff and managers from the North West Wales NHS Trust.

 

After the Court case in which all charges were dropped against Bettison, Bettison talked of the ‘loss of loved ones’, the ‘enduring tragedy’, ‘a devastating loss’, ‘all of our sympathies’ and then reminded everyone that ‘I have been forced to deny, strenuously, that I was guilty of any wrongdoing in the aftermath of the disaster’.

A few weeks after Liz told me that the miners should be shot, she told me that she’d been at an event where dear old Dafydd dropped by in his helicopter and that ‘Dr DA was great’.

Never mind a murdering paedophile gang, the boys in blue got their priorities right:

  • 30 years on, police face inquiry over Battle of Orgreave ...
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  • If we want the BBC to do its job we have to complain when ...

 

  • Richard Attenborough - Oh! What a Lovely War [DVD] [1969 ...

 

Those Who Are Ready To Serve

Some of my recent posts eg. ‘The Village’ and ‘The Turn Of The Screw’ and additions to my posts by the use of the ‘comments’ facility have mentioned how a number people in Somerset with links to the Tory Party who knew me before I went to UCNW (Bangor University) in 1981 found out about my battles with Dafydd and the sex trafficking gang and put this information to good use, receiving large quantities of dosh from persons unknown in return for their silence in the face of the horrific things which were happening to me and my friends as well as in return for their silence if I went to prison or was found dead.

I continue to receive information about – and yet more names of – those who knew me who decided to take advantage. I did notice at the time that a number of people whom I’d known in Somerset seemed to do spectacularly well for themselves, inexplicably so.  I have been told that less fortunate people who knew Brown and me who drifted into petty crime were paid to smear us and for info, but it was of course those who aspired and with influential connections whom I have been told really spotted the potential.

So let me introduce one of my playmates from when I was about six yrs old, along with some information regarding her later career – Janet Mitchell. Janet was Janet Sims when I knew her and most unusually for a girl in Somerset in those days, Janet became an engineer. Janet’s dad Fred Sims was a lecturer in mechanics at Bridgwater College. Janet wanted to follow in her dad’s footsteps, but had rather more academic aspirations so she aimed for an engineering degree. She didn’t do very well in her A levels, so she didn’t go to university after the sixth form, she took up an apprenticeship and completed academic qualifications when she was a bit older.

In 1982 Janet began working as an engineer at Westland Helicopters in Yeovil. Westland was a company which struggled all the way through the 1970s. It was a major news item on ‘Points West’ if somebody actually bought a helicopter, or even looked as though they might be reaching for their chequebook. In mid-1980s, by the time that Brown and I had begun writing to Ministers and the GMC about the Top Docs et al in north Wales, Westland became world famous as a result of the then Secretary of State for Defence Michael Heseltine’s robust support for the ailing company. People in Somerset thought it entirely reasonable that Heseltine seemed to be staking his career on the future of Westland, but the big wigs in politics and the London-based media ranted on about Heseltine’s inexplicable interest in a ‘small West Country company’.  It was a company which employed my former childhood playmate who’s mum and a few others knew what was happening to me at the hands of a branch of the Westminster Paedophile Ring and that had at some point been brought to Heseltine’s attention. Securing Heseltine’s backing was a real coup for Westland, it ailed no more and Janet’s career soon took off like a meteorite.

 

The Westland Affair involved Thatch and Heseltine going public over a Cabinet dispute with questions raised about whether the conventions of Cabinet Gov’t were being observed and about the integrity of senior politicians.

Westland was Britain’s last helicopter manufacturer and in 1985 was to be the subject of a rescue bid. Heseltine favoured a European solution, integrating Westland with a consortium including British Aerospace (BAe), Italian (Augusta) and French companies, but Thatch and the Trade and Industry Secretary, Leon Brittan, while ostensibly maintaining a neutral stance, wanted to see Westland merge with Sikorsky, an American company.

Heseltine refused to accept Thatcher’s choice and claimed that Thatcher was refusing to allow a free ministerial discussion about the matter, even suggesting she had lied about cancelling a scheduled meeting. When Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for his European consortium, he resigned and walked out of a Cabinet meeting in Jan 1986. Brittan was then forced to resign for having (on the orders of Thatcher’s aides, as he admitted some years later) previously ordered the leaking to the press of a confidential legal letter critical of Heseltine and for his lack of candour to the Commons about his efforts to persuade BAe to withdraw from Heseltine’s consortium. Thatcher’s survival as PM appeared to be in question, although she rode out the crisis. The episode was an embarrassment to Thatch’s Gov’t and undermined her reputation.

Now for the details of the scrap and those involved.

 

The rescue of Westland came as a great relief to the MPs in the area, Westland having previously been in deep trouble and an embarrassment. MPs with an interest included Tom King (Tory, Bridgwater), Paddy Ashdown (Lib Dem, Yeovil); Bob Boscawen (Tory, Somerton and Frome), David Heathcoat-Amory (Tory, Wells) and Jerry Wiggin (Tory, Weston-Super-Mare).

I have mentioned that Tom King was personally known to the people in Somerset who knew me and who received money in return for their silence, but at least one of them knew Jerry Wiggin as well and one of them aspired to get up close and personal with Paddy Ashdown, but I don’t know if that plan succeeded.

 

At the beginning of the Westland crisis Tom King was Secretary of State for Employment and his Minister of State was Sir Peter Morrison, who was abusing kids in north Wales, Cheshire as well as in other locations. On Sept 2, 1985, King was made N Ireland Secretary, where he was involved in concealing the scandal at the Kincora Boys’ Home, which was even worse than, but linked to, Dafydd and the gang in north Wales. On Sept 2, 1985, Peter Morrison was appointed Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan – who was involved in the decisions regarding Westland…

Tom King was given a peerage in 2001, the year after the Waterhouse Report was published, as the voices denouncing it as a whitewash began to fade.

 

Sir Jerry Wiggin was a farmer who was on the right of the Tory Party, a member of the Monday Club and a supporter of Ian Smith in Rhodesia. Wiggin was something of a bon viveur with his own ‘set’, usually high-living and right-wing Sir Bufton Tuftons. I remember well the Sir Buftons from my youth. Wiggin’s judgement was doubted by senior Tories and ‘Private Eye’ called him ‘Junket Jerry’ because of his frequent trips abroad. In 1981 Wiggin became a junior Minister at the Ministry of Defence, covering the armed forces; it was left to him to defend the withdrawal of the naval ice patrol ship Endurance from the South Atlantic, which is often seen as having been the trigger for the Argentine invasion of the Falklands in 1982. Wiggin was dismissed from the post a year later. On the eve of a Gov’t reshuffle in June 1983, Wiggin anticipated a promotion and was surprised to be sacked. Despite his pleading and invocation of his experience as a major in the TA, Thatch was unmoved. It was speculated that she may have heard rumours that Wiggin was something of a ‘chancer’ who had diverted an RAF helicopter to visit a girlfriend. At the time, he and his wife Rosemary Orr had recently divorced and Wiggin claimed massive trauma.

Wiggin’s son from his first marriage, William, the Conservative MP for Leominster from 2001, was a year ahead of David Cameron at Eton and married a former girlfriend of Cameron’s. Wiggin’s son Thomas is an asset manager and his daughter Audrey an ‘executive coach’. Wiggin married for a second time in 1991 when Morella Bulmer – who had previously married into the family of the cider group – became his wife.

After Wiggin’s sacking, he ‘seemed to nourish a grudge’ against Thatch. In 1989 he voted for Sir Anthony Meyer when Meyer made a token challenge for the leadership, an extraordinary step given Wiggin’s political views. I have no idea whether Wiggin was aware of this, but Anthony Meyer knew about the havoc that Dafydd and the gang were causing in north Wales and Meyer not only decided to wound Thatch, but also fought a battle to prevent the toxic Beata Brookes, Dafydd and Lucille’s partner in serious organised crime, from becoming the MP for Clwyd West (see post ‘The Celtic Iron Lady And Yet More Recent History’).

Wiggin frequently rebelled in the Commons. In 1996 he defied the Whips over the Firearms Bill, which tightened the use of guns after the massacre of children in Dunblane. His objection was that the proposed level of compensation for those affected by the banning of firearms was inadequate, adding, ‘I am deeply ashamed of my government’. As indeed should he have been, but not for that reason.

Wiggin was knighted in 1993, at about the time (or shortly after) the North Wales Police wound up their investigation into child abuse in north Wales and announced that there was no evidence of a VIP paedophile ring in the region subjected to a high level cover-up. Wiggin retired from Parliament in 1997. Just as the Waterhouse Inquiry got going.

William Rees-Mogg, a former Editor of ‘The Times’, described Wiggin as ‘a shrewd politician — though perhaps closer to the intellectual tone of the rugby XV than of All Souls’. Mystic Mogg lived in Somerset himself whilst all this was going on.

 

I note that Jerry Wiggin was a junior Minister in the MoD at the time of the Falklands conflict. The village in Somerset where the people who knew me and received thousands of pounds in hush money also contained a family with two sons who had both joined the Army after leaving school – they both went to school with me. The older boy joined the Army first and then two years later his younger brother followed. The younger boy alleged the most terrible experiences – what would now be described as very, very serious bullying from NCOs, the sort of thing that was alleged to be happening at Deepcut. This young man was rash enough to try and give back what he was receiving – or at least claimed to be – and he belted an NCO. He was subjected to MoD disciplinary measures, but everything just backfired. He went wild, absolutely beserk, was transferred to what I think must have been a military prison and then there was some sort of Top Doc’s intervention. According to him, he was ferociously beaten constantly, kept naked in cells for days on end, denied contact with anyone etc. Eventually he was discharged and went straight home to his family, which was the first that they knew about it all, because he had not been allowed to communicate with anyone.

This young man’s father was a trade union activist – he was a farm worker who had been involved with the union for years – and he hit the roof when he heard what had happened. He approached the union movement, numerous politicians, lawyers, he really was determined to elicit an investigation into what had happened. He fought for quite a few years and got absolutely nowhere. Meanwhile, his eldest son, who seemed to get on much better in the Army, had been sent to serve in the Falklands conflict. When he returned to Somerset, he was angry and disillusioned with the Army, claiming that the other ranks had been put at risk by the incompetence of the officers and that his mates had died as a result. No-one wanted to hear what he had to say – Somerset was True Blue and nearly everyone supported Thatcher’s adventure in the South Atlantic. This man was viewed not as a voice from the front line but as a wicked traitor.

I don’t know how much substance there was in the allegations made by the two sons of this family, but I imagine that the same politicians who spent years doing the most disgusting deals in order to keep a lid on Dafydd et al crushed these two young men and their family underfoot.

 

Jerry Wiggin was the MP for Weston-super-Mare. Jeffrey Archer grew up there and his mother used to write a column on the ‘Weston Mercury’. When Archer was given a peerage, he became Lord Archer of Weston-super-Mare. I imagine that he will have retained many links with the area, despite being based in Cambridgeshire and London. Archer and his wife had a number of connections with people known to Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘Tuppence And His Fragrant Wife’). Peter Morrison succeeded Tuppence as Deputy Chairman of the Tory Party.

 

Paddy Ashdown, the MP for Yeovil at the time, is a former Royal Marine who was in the SBS and worked as an intelligence officer with MI6. Yeovil was Paddy’s wife Jane’s home town and in 1976 when Paddy was selected as the Liberal Party’s prospective parliamentary candidate for Yeovil, he took a job with Normalair Garrett, then part of the Westland Group. Paddy wasn’t elected until 1983. In 1981 he became a youth worker with Dorset County Council’s Youth Service, working on initiatives to help the young unemployed.

In the early 1980s, Rob Evans, the senior manager in Gwynedd Social Services with responsibility for child protection when the children’s services in Gwynedd hosted a paedophile ring, had been a social work Team Manager in Dorset. In 1992 Evans was given responsibility for managing the community mental health services in Gwynedd. Patients were threatened, assaulted and fitted up for crimes by mental health staff. The area had one of the highest suicide rates in the UK. Complaints were never investigated and even when Evans condescended to meet patients who had the most terrible experiences, Evans simply talked around the subject and nothing was ever resolved (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’).

 

Paddy Ashdown knew about Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith and the numerous other Parliamentary molesters. He knew about the biggest, most dangerous bag of shit of all, Kincora Boys’ Home in Belfast, as well as much else because of his work with MI6. Paddy was living the high life in Geneva before he rocked up scratching a living in Yeovil. It wasn’t an obvious career move and it is highly probable that Paddy had been deployed to the West Country by the security services because of Thorpe’s shenanigans in north Devon at the time. At the time of Westland, David Steel was leader of the Liberal Party and the Liberals had formed their Alliance with Dr Death’s bunch. David Steel was told about Cyril Smith abusing boys and ignored it and Dr Death was mates with some of the Top Docs in north Wales with whom I was having such terrible problems. Paddy became leader of the newly merged party, the Lib Dems, in 1988 and was always a one for attempting back room deals with the paedophiles’ friends in a desperate attempt to get into Gov’t.

At the time of the Westland Affair, the brother of the former Liberal MP John Pardoe lived in the same village as those receiving the dosh to keep quiet about events in north Wales. John Pardoe had been the MP for North Cornwall who lost his seat in 1979, because, it was perceived, as a result of his strong support for Jeremy Thorpe, who was at the time standing trial at the Old Bailey for conspiracy and incitement to murder Norman Scott (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). In the 1987 General Election campaign, John Pardoe was campaign manager for the SDP-Liberal Alliance. When he was at Cambridge, John Pardoe was in Footlights with Top Tosser Jonathan Miller, who was called upon himself to come to the rescue of the paedophiles’ friends of north Wales (see post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’).

I have not been told that John Pardoe’s brother was involved with those we know and love – Brown and me knew him quite well and liked him, we spent a summer working on his farm, as did friends of ours – but this was such a heap of crap with the security services and others nobbling people who knew Brown and me and either bribing them to shaft us or wrecking the lives of those who stood by us, that I would be very surprised if Robin, John Pardoe’s brother, had not been approached. Furthermore, Robin Pardoe’s son Simon was an Aberystwyth graduate who at that time was working for ILEA, an organisation which was complicit with kids from inner London being sent to children’s homes in north Wales and his daughter Rachel had recently graduated from Sussex University. I really don’t think that Dafydd’s protectors will have been able to resist the opportunity.

 

At about this time, a company which could only be described being run by crooks and spivs, FPS (Financial Planning Services), arrived in Somerset. For a short while one of the Somerset contingent known to me took a job as a ‘financial consultant’ with FPS. She was told at the time that FPS were conmen and after she had spent a few weeks working for them, this became evident. She did eventually wave a fond farewell to them, but not before she found out that one of the leading lights in FPS was a former SBS action man of a Paddy-type. The SBS man was also a complete thug who terrorised everyone and sexually exploited young women. Was he known to you Paddy? Because you were all down there near Yeovil at the same time.

If you were sent to Somerset on Lilibet’s secret service Paddy, you did a bloody awful job. DAFYDD!!?? For God’s sake, was he really worth protecting??

 

Robert Boscawen, Tory MP for Wells, was the fourth son of Evelyn Hugh John Boscawen, 8th Viscount Falmouth. Boscawen’s ancestors included PM Charles Grey, 2nd Earl Grey.

After serving in the British Army during WWII, Boscawen served during 1947-48 in Hamburg, with the British Red Cross civilian relief teams organised by his mother, Lady Falmouth, a Vice-Chairman of the Tory Party. From 1948, Boscawen spent two years with Shell Petroleum before joining the family-owned Cornish china clay business, Goonveen. He became a Lloyd’s underwriter in 1952. Boscawen’s political career began in 1948 when he joined the Young Conservatives.

Boscawen was a member of the Monday Club and was MP for Wells, 1970-83 and then, as the result of boundary changes, he moved over to the nearby constituency Somerton and Frome. Boscawen supported the restoration of capital punishment, drastic cuts in the welfare state and student grants, but opposed abortion. He also became a leading supporter of Ian Smith after Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence.

Boscawen was interested in the NHS and sat on its London Executive Council, 1954-65. He was on the backbenchers’ Health Services Committee and Vice-Chairman, 1974-79. So it wouldn’t have been too difficult for leading Tories to lean on Boscawen if they thought that Dafydd et al were about to be exposed.

Boscawen served as a Lord Commissioner of the Treasury from 1981. Peter Morrison had been Lord Commissioner of the Treasury, 1979-81, during which time Boscawen had been an Assistant Gov’t Whip.

Boscawen was Vice-Chamberlain of Her Majesty’s Household 1983-86 and Comptroller of the Royal Household until 1988. Peter Morrison’s sister Dame Mary Morrison spent most of her life as Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Lilibet.

Boscawen became a member of the Privy Council in 1992, the same year that he retired from the Commons. Days after his retirement, the Brighton firebomb killed the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

Boscawen married Mary Codrington in 1949 and they had two daughters and one son, who followed him into the Coldstream Guards. Boscawen was a rower and yachtsman. He stroked the Trinity boat and rowed in the University trial eights. He was a member of the Royal Yacht Squadron and regularly sailed in international races, including the Fastnet.

 

Now here’s a funny thing. The MP who succeeded Boscawen in 1992, days before that firebomb did its best, was Mark Robinson. Mark Robinson was the man who wrote to me when I first raised concerns about Tony Francis, Dr D.G.E. Wood and Gwynne the lobotomist witholding my medical records from me and in the case of Gwynne, altering them. At the time, Robinson was the Tory MP for usually safe Labour seat of Newport West. He ended up writing to me because in 1985 Robinson was appointed a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, under Secretary of State Nicholas Edwards and it was Robinson who wrote to me after I paid a visit to Keith Best, the Tory MP for Ynys Mon, who was not only my constituency MP, but also a Minister in the Welsh Office (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). I had no idea at the time that Best was a crooked barrister who had previously lived in the Brighton area, had served as a Brighton Councillor when John Allen was trafficking kids in care in north Wales to brothels owned by Allen in Brighton and from the moment that Best arrived in north Wales concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang. Indeed I expect that’s why Best was sent to Ynys Mon as part of the reinforcements to assist the paedophiles’ friends.

Nicholas Edwards was still Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the Westland Affair (see posts ‘The Cradle Of Filth’ and ‘Old Nick Bites The Dust’).

Mark Robinson was born in Bristol to John Foster Robinson and Margaret, née Paterson. Mark Robinson’s father was High Sheriff of Avon in 1975, so he almost certainly knew Brown’s dad.

Dr D.G.E. Wood’s family came from Bristol, where his father worked as a Top Doctor. Wood went to medical school in Bristol. Lord David Hunt, who has spent most of his career concealing and colluding with Dafydd and the gang, did his degree in law at Bristol University and then in 1970 unsuccessfully contested Bristol South for the Tories. For some unfathomable reason, in the 1973 Birthday Honours Hunt was awarded an MBE for ‘political services in the west of England’. After unsuccessfully contesting Kingswood in 1974, Hunt was sent to contest the Wirral in a by-election in 1976 to provide back-up for Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Hunt subsequently provided the best of services to the paedophiles’ friends for decades, in his various roles at the Welsh Office and in his capacity as an international lawyer acting for the MDU and others.

By the mid-1970s, John Allen and others were flocking into north Wales purchasing isolated old buildings which were converted into children’s homes or residential schools. Nearly all of these establishments were part of the same paedophile ring. After the Children Act 1975, business really boomed. The Children Act 1975 was the work of Leo Abse who skilfully bullied and manipulated others into getting it onto the statute books. It was Dr Death who was roped into doing the crucial bit, introducing the private member’s bill that was necessary. See posts ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’ and ‘The History, Boys…’. Just before the Act was passed, Peter Morrison was selected as the Tory candidate for Chester, was then elected and a local authority reorganisation resulted in the creation of Gwynedd and Clwyd County Councils, which kicked off with Chief Executives David Alun Jones and T.M. Hadyn Rees respectively (see posts ‘I Know Nuzzing…’ and ‘Ain’t Nothing Clean – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists’). North Wales had opened for business as a production line for trafficked young people.

 

John Robinson’s family ran ES & A Robinson, the paper and packaging conglomerate that later became Dickinson Robinson Group. Apart from paper, the Robinsons were famous for cricket: Mark Robinson’s grandfather, Sir Foster Robinson, was captain of Gloucester; other members of the family played for, and captained, Gloucestershire. Mark Robinson was educated at Harrow and Christ Church, Oxford, where he read Modern History.

Mark Robinson spent six years at the UN: at the UN Relief Operation to Bangladesh; in the Office of the Under-Secretary General; and in the Office of the Secretary General, Kurt Waldheim. From 1977–83 Robinson was Assistant Director in the Office of the Commonwealth Secretary-General, who was then Sir Shridath Ramphal.

 

‘Sonny’ Ramphal was born in British Guiana. After attending schools in Georgetown, Ramphal studied law at King’s College London and was called to the bar at Gray’s Inn in 1951. So Sonny will have known Sir William Mars-Jones, who grew up in Denbighshire, a leading light at Gray’s Inn who was a mate of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse and President of UCNW. Mars-Jones and his family in north Wales provided years of protection for Dafydd et al.

As a pupil barrister Ramphal worked with the British politician and lawyer Dingle Foot. Sir Dingle Foot was born in Plymouth and was Liberal MP for Dundee, 1931-45. He joined the Labour Party in 1956 and was the Labour MP for Ipswich, 1957-70. John Allen came from Ipswich before arriving in north Wales in the late 1960s and opening the Bryn Alyn Community. Ipswich was also the base of Dr John W. Paulley and his wife. Paulley carried out harmful experimentation on his patients and Paulley’s wife ran a counselling and family therapy centre, which I suspect concealed organised abuse. Paulley was involved with the establishment of the University of Buckingham. See post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’ for further information on Paulley and his network.

Dingle Foot was Solicitor General, 1964-67, in Harold Wilson’s Gov’t. Wilson’s Gov’t concealed the abuse and criminality in north Wales and of course the sexual offences of George Thomas, who got on very well with Harold Wilson. Thomas was a junior Minister in the Welsh Office whilst Dingle was Solicitor General. The Secretary of State for Wales above Thomas was Lord Cledwyn, Labour MP for Anglesey, 1951-79 and friend of the Windbag and his extended family (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’).

Dingle Foot was the eldest son of Isaac Foot, solicitor and founder of the Plymouth law firm, Foot and Bowden. Isaac was Liberal MP for Bodmin, 1922-24 and again from 1929-35 and also a Lord Mayor of Plymouth. Dingle’s brother was Michael Foot, who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang and of course of George Thomas (see post ‘Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks…’). Another brother was Lord John Foot, a Liberal politician; another was Hugh, Lord Caradon, Governor of Cyprus and British Ambassador to the UN and yet another brother was Christopher, a solicitor who joined the family firm. Dingle also had two sisters. His nephew, Hugh’s son, was the journalist Paul Foot. Who campaigned on behalf of many people experiencing injustices but not anyone who was the victim of the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles or their friends.

Dingle Foot died on 18 June 1978 in a hotel in Hong Kong, after choking on a bone in a chicken sandwich. I don’t know if anyone actually witnessed his death. Peter Morrison, who had been the Tory MP for Chester since 1974 and who was looking forward to a Cabinet career when his mate Thatch became PM, must have been quite relieved when old Dingle pegged out. As must have been a great many other people, who weren’t Labour supporting paedophiles like George Thomas, but were paedophiles who supported the Tories. Croesor in north Wales was a village where many radicals and activists on the left spent the summer and they knew about Dafydd and the gang (see post ‘The Village’). Bertrand Russell, who lived in nearby Penrhyndeudraeth, was friends with some of this crowd and he knew about Dafydd et al as well. I suspect that Dafydd proved quite useful to Russell. Many of the Croesor contingent were lefties who knew Michael Foot and would have been delighted to bring Thatcher down, but the problem was that many people on the left were colluding with the sexual exploitation of young people as well.

 

Dingle’s pupil barrister Ramphal also studied law at Harvard. Ramphal started his legal career as a Crown Counsel in the Attorney-General’s Office in 1953, becoming Solicitor-General and then Assistant Attorney-General of the short-lived West Indies Federation. After a period in private practice in Jamaica he returned to Guyana in 1965 to be the Attorney General. Two years later Ramphal was also appointed Minister of State in the Ministry of External Affairs, later becoming Minister of Justice (from 1973) and Minister of Foreign Affairs (from 1972). In 1975 he left Guyana to be Commonwealth Secretary-General.

Ramphal served as the Chancellor of the University of Warwick, 1989-02, was at the University of the West Indies until 2003 and was then Chancellor of the University of Guyana. In 1995, along with Swedish PM Ingvar Carlsson – who became PM after the assassination of Olof Palme in 1986 – Ramphal was one of the co-chairs of the Commission on Global Governance. In the same year, the Commission on Global Governance produced a controversial report, ‘Our Global Neighbourhood’. The report was attacked because it calling for UN reforms that would increase the UN’s power. It was also criticised for the use of the term ‘global governance’ rather than ‘world federalism’.

The Commission on Global Governance was established in 1992 with the full support of the UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who oversaw the UN at a time when it dealt with several world crises, including the breakup of Yugoslavia and the Rwandan genocide. Neither of which were the UN’s finest hour.

 

Mark Robinson’s background at the UN and Commonwealth resulted in his appointment to the Foreign Affairs Select Committee after his election for Newport West in 1983, a position he held until in 1985 when Thatch transferred him to the Welsh Office. By 1985, I had already written to the GMC about Gwynne and raised concerns with UCNW (Bangor University) regarding his presence in the Student Health Centre. By that time Mary Wynch had been given leave by the Master of the Rolls Lord Donaldson to sue Dafydd et al after she was unlawfully arrested and imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and then in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and Alison Taylor had raised concerns about the abuse of children in care in north Wales.

At the time of the Westland Affair, Mark Robinson was still a Minister in the Welsh Office, colluding with Dafydd and the gang.

Robinson lost his seat at the 1987 General Election and was re-elected in 1992 for Somerton and Frome. By that time I and my two friends who worked in the media had been hounded out of our jobs (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). Robinson was appointed PPS to the Minister for Overseas Development, Baroness Lynda Chalker and the Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary, Douglas Hurd. Robinson has since served as a Commonwealth election observer.

 

Lynda Chalker was Tory MP for Wallasey, 1974-92. Wallasey is a constituency in Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Chalker was educated at Roedean, Heidelberg University, Queen Mary University of London and the Poly of Central London (now the University of Westminster). She worked as a statistician and market researcher, including a spell with Shell-Mex, before entering the Commons. Chalker held a number of Gov’t posts, including spell at the DHSS, 1979–82. Being a statistician, Chalker would have noticed the very high suicide rate in north Wales, the high number of deaths at Risley Remand Centre, the fact that Dafydd had more patients on 12 month sections than any other Top Doc in the UK and the enormous number of children in care from right across the UK who had been placed in the numerous children’s homes in north Wales. Chalker would have noticed the dire state of the finances at Gwynedd Health Authority and Clwyd County Council. She’d have known about Mary Wynch’s case as well because the shit hit the fan as a result of that in 1979-80.

Chalker served as a junior Minister at the Dept of Transport, 1982–83. In 1983 she became Minister of State at Transport and she was Minister for Europe, 1986-89. Professor Oliver Brooke of St George’s Hospital Medical School was jailed for the possession of child porn in Dec 1986. Brooke was a key figure in a pan-European paedophile ring and was involved in an international trade in child porn. Brooke’s colleagues at St George’s continued to facilitate and collude with Dafydd et al in north Wales and a paedophile ring in south London. John Allen owned a villa in the south of France where he took kids in care ‘for holidays’ and Dafydd ‘held clinics’ in France.

Chalker was Minister for Overseas Development and Africa, 1989-97.

In June 1974, Chalker was awarded an Honorary Citizenship from President Guebuza for services to Mozambique.

Chalker was given a peerage in 1992, after losing her seat in the General Election, days before that Brighton firebomb.

Chalker is the Founder and President of Africa Matters Limited, an ‘independent consultancy providing advice and assistance to companies initiating, developing or growing their activities in Africa’. She is a member of the international advisory board of Lafarge, a French company which produces cement, aggregates and concrete. The victims of Dafydd probably end up in their products as parts of flyovers. Chalker sits on the Board of Trustees of the Investment Climate Facility for Africa. She is a Consultant for Uganda’s Presidential Investors Roundtable (PIRT) that advises the President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, on ways to improve Uganda’s investment climate and competitiveness.

Chalker is a founding Member of the Global Leadership Foundation, an organisation which works to ‘support democratic leadership, prevent and resolve conflict through mediation and promote good governance’ in the form of democratic institutions, open markets, human rights and the rule of law. Chalker’s having great success on that front then. The Global Leadership Foundation achieves its aims ‘by making available, discreetly and in confidence, the experience of former leaders to today’s national leaders’. Is Blair involved? It sounds like the sort of thing that would appeal to him. The Global Leadership Foundation ‘is a not-for-profit organisation composed of former heads of government, senior governmental and international organisation officials who work closely with heads of government on governance-related issues of concern to them.’

Chalker is a Member of the Board of Trustees of Sentebale, a ‘charity set-up to reach Lesotho’s neediest children, many of whom are the victims of extreme poverty and the HIV/AIDS epidemic of that area’. Chalker founded the Chalker Foundation, which seeks to support the improvement of healthcare in Africa. Somehow I doubt that the needy children of Africa are going to benefit from Lynda’s largesse.

Chalker held the position of Non-Executive Director and Chairman of the Corporate Responsibility and Reputation Committee for Unilever, retiring in May 2007 having served three terms of three years. She joined the Board of Unilever as an Advisory Director in 1998, becoming a Non-Executive Director in 2004.

Professor Fergus Lowe’s empire at the School of Psychology at Bangor University was built on the back of huge grants from the ESRC and Unilever in 1992 (see post ‘Feet In Chains’). Fungus created his empire by overthrowing Dafydd’s influence in the School and then holding everyone who had colluded with or concealed Dafydd’s crimes over a barrel. Including Liverpool University, Dafydd’s alma mater, which employed – and continues to employ – many of Dafydd’s friends and associates. Philip Lever – Lord Leverhulme – was an advisory Director of Unilever  and was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1980-93 (see post ‘Heart of Darkness’).

Dr Death was MP for Plymouth Sutton and Plymouth Devonport, 1966-92 and was friends with some of the Top Docs associated with Dafydd and the north Wales gang. The Foot family were still very much a presence in Plymouth when Dr Death was the MP down there. Dr Death was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1996-09.

 

Lynda Chalker has served on the Africa Advisory Board of Renaissance Capital. She is a former Chairman of the Medicines for Malaria Venture and a former Non-Executive Director of Group Five. Chalker was shortlisted for the Grassroot Diplomat Initiative Award in 2015 for her work with ‘Africa Matters’.

In 2018, it was announced that Chalker would take over as President of the Royal Geographical Society.

Here she is, lest any disadvantaged children encounter her and need to run for their lives:

Official portrait of Baroness Chalker of Wallasey crop 2.jpg

 

Lynda Chalker holds the 20th-century record for continuous Gov’t service, along with Kenneth Clarke, Malcolm Rifkind, Tony Newton and Patrick Mayhew, as she held office for the entire duration of the Conservatives’ 18 years in power. Clarke, Newton and Mayhew knew about the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales and elsewhere, saw mountains of documentary evidence and actively concealed everything for years.

 

Chalker succeeded Ernest Marples as MP for Wallasey. Ernest Marples was a Minister under Macmillan and Douglas-Home throughout the Tory Gov’t, 1957-64. Marples was embroiled in much controversy throughout his political career, as a result of allegations of conflict of interest and dodgy financial deals, often involving companies which had been given Gov’t contracts.

In the late 1940s Marples was a director of a company called Kirk & Kirk, which was a contractor in the construction of Brunswick Wharf Power Station. Marples met civil engineer Reginald Ridgway, who was working as a contractor for Kirk & Kirk. In 1948 the two men founded Marples Ridgway and Partners, a civil engineering company. The new partnership took over Kirk & Kirk’s contract at Brunswick Wharf and in 1950 Marples severed his links with Kirk & Kirk. Marples Ridgway’s subsequent contracts included building power stations in England, the Allt na Lairige dam in Scotland, roads in Ethiopia and (significantly) England as well as a port in Jamaica. The Bath and Portland Group took over Marples Ridgway in 1964. Brunswick Wharf Power Station (also known as Blackwall) was built by Poplar Borough Council after WW II. Poplar was a borough where the organised abuse of children had existed for generations – by the 1970s, those children were being sent to children’s homes in north Wales.  By the 1990s, the stench of the scandal was so bad that people in north Wales and very rich high places in London were busy scratching each others backs to ensure that the truth never emerged (see posts ‘Apocalypse Now’ and ‘The Bodies Beneath Canary Wharf’).

Blackwall Power Station was built for the BEC (British Electricity Company), the predecessor of the CEGB. Walter McLennan Citrine, 1st Baron Citrine was Chairman of BEC/CEB (Central Electricity Board), 1947-57. Citrine was a leading British and international trade unionist. He was General Secretary of the TUC, 1926-46 and helped transform the Labour Party into a substantial force for government from 1939. Citrine was also President of the then influential International Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU), 1928-45. He was joint Secretary of the key TUC/Labour Party National Joint Council from 1931 and a Director of the UK ‘Daily Herald’, 1929-46, a mass circulation Labour paper.

Citrine was highly influential in the Labour movement. His involvement helped secure its recovery after the crushing defeat which followed the fall of the British Labour Gov’t in 1931. Citrine played a key role from the mid-1930s in reshaping Labour’s foreign policy, especially as regards re-armament and through the all-party anti-Nazi Council in which he worked with Churchill.

Citrine strengthened the TUC’s influence over the Labour Party. After Ramsay MacDonald formed a coalition with the Tories to force his policies through, Citrine led the campaign to have MacDonald expelled from the party. Citrine later supported the Attlee Gov’ts policy of nationalisation and served on the National Coal Board as well as Chairman of the CEB.

Citrine was in Liverpool and left school at the age of 12. He was a member of the ILP from 1906 and joined the Electrical Trades Union (ETU) in 1911. He was soon the leading activist for the ETU in Merseyside, the first full-time District Secretary in 1914, a post he served in until 1920, gaining much experience negotiating with major employers all round Birkenhead docks, as well as with electrical contractors in the area. Citrine became Secretary of the regional Federation of Engineering and Shipbuilding Trades (FEST) in 1919 and was elected Assistant General Secretary of the ETU in 1920. In 1924, he was appointed Assistant General Secretary of the TUC. Citrine was an enthusiastic acting General Secretary of the TUC during the General Strike of 1926 and was confirmed in that position afterwards.

With other leading figures, such as Ernest Bevin, Citrine helped change the face of British trade unionism. They took the unions from class conflict rhetoric to co-operation with employers and Gov’t in return for union recognition and industrial advances, ie. ‘from Trafalgar Square to Whitehall’.

Citrine accepted the position of Privy Councillor and this gave him total access to Churchill, the then Prime Minister and considerable influence with all Ministers on behalf of the TUC throughout WW II. Who’d have thought that Walter Citrine, born into the working classes on Merseyside and who left school at 12 would be sitting there drinking Chateau de Chasselas…

Citrine acted as an envoy for Churchill with the U.S and Soviet trade unions. This strengthened the position of the Labour ministers in Churchill’s Gov’t of 1940-45 which greatly assisted Labour’s election in 1945.

Citrine’s battled with the Communist International (the Comintern) after the General Strike. The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) and its front organisation in the unions, the Red International of Labour Unions (RILU)/later the Minority Movement, blamed the TUC leadership for the defeat of the strike. Citrine exposed this attempt by the Comintern to subvert the leaders of the British trade unions and this helped isolate British communists in the trade unions and Labour Party.

Many of the summer visitors to Croesor in north Wales during the middle years of the 20th century and their friends and colleagues who knew what Dafydd et al were up to (see post ‘The Village’) were members of the Communist Party of Great Britain and will have known about Walter Citrine and his battles. Such as Ed and David’s dad Ralph Miliband.

Citrine had originally been a keen supporter of the Russian Revolution and trade with the Soviet Union. He was one of the first to visit the Soviet Union in 1925 and did so again in 1935, 1941, 1943 and 1956. However, as President of the IFTU, based in Berlin from 1931-6, Citrine saw the rise of Hitler and the destruction of the huge German trade union and labour movement as partly the fault of the communists’ divisive tactics. He and Bevin were determined to prevent such an occurrence in Britain and this perhaps gave them a heightened sense of communist conspiracy in their dealings with internal opposition within the unions and the Labour Party. This caused much hostility to him amongst minority Left forces, such as the Socialist League, which would colour the attitude of many on the Left to him thereafter. Michael Foot’s biography of Nye Bevan is indicative of this.

In April 1940 Citrine and his colleagues in the TUC sued the ‘Daily Worker’ (which later became the ‘Morning Star’) for libel. Mr Justice Stable found for Citrine and the TUC. Sir Ronnie Waterhouse was friends with Justice Owen Stable’s son Philip. Citrine and his colleagues were awarded substantial damages and costs, but these were never paid, as the ‘Daily Worker’ changed publishers two days after the judgement. The TUC subsequently published the full judgement in a pamphlet by Citrine entitled ‘Citrine and others v Pountney: The Daily Worker Libel Case 1940’.

Citrine visited Finland in Jan 1940, at the height of its Winter War against the Soviet Union. In Oct 1941, a TUC delegation under Citrine’s leadership travelled to the Soviet Union as part of Churchill’s diplomatic efforts following the German invasion of Russia to bring the Soviet Union into the alliance against Germany.

It was at the invitation of the Minister of Fuel and Power, Manny Shinwell MP, that in 1946 Citrine was invited to join the newly nationalised NCB and given a welfare role for its then 700,000 or so miners (pithead baths, Summer Schools and machinery for joint consultation). Citrine served for a year until Shinwell again recommended his appointment as Chairman of the BEC (from 1955 the Central Electricity Authority) and in 1947, PM Attlee confirmed this appointment. Citrine served in this capacity for ten years, then remaining on the Board until 1962 in a part-time capacity.

Walter Citrine was given a peerage in 1946 and was an active attender of debates in the Lords in the 1960s.

 

In his capacity as Chair of the BEC/CEA, Walter Citrine will have been involved with Windscale Power Station. It is possible that Windscale was built by Marples Ridgway, but I haven’t been able to confirm this. On 10 Oct 1957 a fire at Windscale led to Britain’s worst nuclear accident. The reactors at Windscale had been built as part of the British post-war atomic bomb project. Windscale Pile No. 1 was operational in Oct 1950 followed by Pile No. 2 in June 1951. The 1957 fire burned for three days and there was a release of radioactive contamination that spread across the UK and Europe. On the morning of 11 Oct 1957, when the fire was at its worst, eleven tons of uranium were ablaze. Temperatures became extreme (one thermocouple registered 1,300 °C) and the biological shield around the stricken reactor was in severe danger of collapse.

The fire released an estimated 740 terabecqueres (20,000 curies) of iodine -131, as well as 22 TBq (594 curies) of caesium-137 and 12,000 TBq (324,000 curies) of xenon-133, among other radionuclides. Later reworking of contamination data has shown national and international contamination may have been higher than previously estimated. The Three Mile Island accident in 1979 released 25 times more xenon-135 than Windscale, but much less iodine, caesium and strontium. Estimates by the Norwegian Institute of Air Research indicate that atmospheric releases of xenon-133 by the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster were broadly similar to those released at Chernobyl and thus well above the Windscale fire releases.

Radioactive releases compared (TBq)
Material Half life Windscale Three Mile Island (compared to Windscale) Chernobyl Fukushima Daiichi
(atmospheric)
Iodine-131 8.0197 days 740 much less 1,760,000 130,000
Caesium-137 30.17 years 22 much less 79,500 35,000
Xenon-133 5.243 days 12,000 6,500,000 17,000,000
Xenon-135 9.2 hours 25 × Windscale
Strontium-90 28.79 years much less 80,000
Plutonium 6,100

 

The presence of the chimney scrubbers at Windscale was credited with maintaining partial containment and thus minimising the radioactive content of the smoke that poured from the chimney during the fire. These scrubbers were installed at great expense on the insistence of John Cockcroft and were known as Cockcroft’s Folly until the 1957 fire.

In 2007, tapes released to the BBC revealed that there had been a major cover-up regarding the Windscale fire and the reasons why this was. Scientists had been warning about the dangers of an accident for some time and the safety margins of the radioactive materials inside the reactor were being further and further eroded. Physicists at the Nuclear Research Laboratory in Harwell, Oxfordshire, were among those highlighting the potential dangers. However politicians and the military ignored the warnings; instead they increased demands on Windscale to produce material for an H-bomb. A succession of British PMs since WW II had been determined to persuade the Americans to share the secrets of their nuclear weapons with Britain. Harold Macmillan believed that if Britain could develop an H-bomb on the scale of the Americans, Britain would be treated as a nuclear equal and an alliance would be formed. At the very time that the fire at Windscale was being fought, with everyone involved unsure of whether they’d be able to bring the incident under control, Macmillan was arranging a summit in Washington. It laid the foundation of Britain’s ‘special relationship’ with the US.

Macmillan realised that if the American Congress knew that the fire at Windscale had been the result of reckless decisions taken in an attempt to produce an H-bomb, they might veto Macmillan’s and Eisenhower’s plans. Thus Macmillan covered up the true cause of the fire and issued a report saying that the accident had been caused by an ‘error of judgement’ by the Windscale workers. For 50 yrs, the official record on the accident was that the men who had in fact averted a potentially devastating accident were to blame for causing it. A subsequent inquiry cleared the Windscale workers.

 

Gov’t lies about the cause of the fire at Windscale might explain the roots of one of the many mysteries in which I have taken an interest. It does of course concern Dafydd. Before Dafydd embarked upon his glorious career in medicine at Liverpool University, in the early 1950s, he had already been thrown out of another degree course – I think that it was chemistry – at another university. Dafydd had been given a prestigious scholarship and the world was very angry when the Bethesda boy who had been given such an opportunity screwed it up. I don’t know why Dafydd was kicked out, but I expect that the wrongdoing involved will have been substantial, Dafydd doesn’t do things by halves. Yet somehow, after this huge disgrace that was very well-known and on his record, Dafydd subsequently bagged a place to do medicine at Liverpool – and the money to support himself while he did it. Back in Dafydd’s day, places at medical school weren’t as precious as they are now and medicine was not such a prestigious subject academically, but if one had previously buggered up a university place, one did not get another chance.

So how did Dafydd get through the doors of Liverpool University? It will have been nepotism because Dafydd and Liverpool Medical School only operate on nepotism, but knowing Dafydd, it won’t have been based on the nepotistic kindness of someone thought that he was a lovely young man who would make a good doctor. Dafydd will have had shit on someone so great that arms were twisted.

Before Dafydd went to Liverpool University, he worked at Windscale. The Legend of Dr DA that has been handed down through the Welsh mists tells us that it was whilst he was working as ‘an atomic scientist at Windscale’ that Dafydd decided that his future lay in medicine. Dafydd won’t have been an atomic scientist, but he was doing something at Windscale. Being Dafydd, if he was just cleaning the loos he’d have been creeping around variously ingratiating himself to or threatening people. Dafydd found something out whilst he was working at Windscale, which must have been very soon after Windscale opened, that had people jumping when he told them to jump for the rest of his life…

Dafydd’s adventures at Windscale might also explain why Gov’ts of all hues appointed nuclear physicists to preside over Top Docs when the Top Docs became even more uncontrollable than usual. Nuclear physicist Sir Alec Merrison Chaired an Inquiry regarding the pay and conditions of the Top Docs set up by Keith Joseph in 1973 (which reported in 1975) as well as the Royal Commission on the NHS, set up in 1976 by Barbara Castle, which reported in 1979. Barbara Castle as Secretary of State, along with her Health Minister Dr Death, allegedly chose Merrison to Chair the Royal Commission because he was a supporter of the NHS (see post ‘The History, Boys…’). It was of course nuclear physicist Lord Brian Flowers of Imperial College who was given domain over the Top Docs of London University whilst they committed huge research frauds and colluded with Dafydd’s sex trafficking gang.

Merrison and Flowers both had years of experience in the nuclear industry. Merrison had worked at the Atomic Energy Research Establishment Harwell, 1946-51. It was the physicists at Harwell who raised concerns about the dangerous design of/practices at Windscale. Merrison left Harwell for a post at the University of Liverpool. He was in that post when Dafydd was given a place to study medicine at Liverpool. Sir Alec Merrison remained at Liverpool until 1969, when he became VC of Bristol University. Dr D.G.E. Wood studied medicine at Bristol in the late 1960s and of course David Hunt had an association with Bristol University. Somehow I don’t think that Merrison being a supporter of the NHS will have been the driver behind him Chairing Royal Commissions concerning that organisation.

Even if Dafydd didn’t find out about the cause of the fire at Windscale, he probably did know that there had been some sort of cover-up. Dafydd would have also known something else that would have given him great blackmailing potential and ideas for his future business. That Ernest Marples, the MP for Wallasey, Minister in Macmillan’s Gov’t and the Director of the company that was building power stations and many other major infrastructure projects for the Gov’t, was using prostitutes. As of course were Harold Macmillan’s friends and Ministers (see post ‘In Memoriam – Bronwen, Lady Astor’). Macmillan’s wife was enjoying herself with various people as well, including the Conservative politician Lord Bob Boothby, who was bisexual and hanging out with gangsters, including the Krays (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’).

 

When Lord Denning conducted his 1963 investigation into the security aspects of the Profumo Affair and the rumoured affair between the Minister of Defence Duncan Sandys and the Duchess of Argyll, Denning confirmed to Macmillan that the rumour that Marples regularly used prostitutes was true. The story was suppressed and did not appear in Denning’s final report. By that time, Dafydd was working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and had been put in charge of the women’s wing. Nine hundred women, virtually all of them banged up because they had pregnancies which were inconvenient to other people or were saying things that might cause embarrassment to other people. For example that certain people were having sex with them or others when those certain people really didn’t want anyone to know that. Furthermore, not so far away from Denbigh, in Croesor were Sir Clough Williams-Ellis and his wife Amabel, who was a member of the Strachey family of ‘Bloomsbury set’ fame. Then there were all Clough’s friends who visited him or rented cottages on his estate, an assortment of alternatives and radicals. Including Bertrand Russell, who was highly sexually exploitative and had a few members of his family banged up on the grounds that they were insane as evidenced by their outrageous allegations about him (see post ‘So Who Was Angry About What?’).

 

Ernest Marples was given a peerage in 1974, but then in early 1975 suddenly fled to Monte Carlo, just before the end of the tax year, fearing that he would otherwise be liable for a substantial tax bill.

The flight came at a time when Marples was facing problems on several fronts. Tenants of his block of flats in Harwood Court, Upper Richmond Road, Putney, were demanding that he repair serious structural faults and had threatened legal action. Marples was being sued for £145,000 by the Bankers Trust merchant bank in relation to an agreement made with the French company Ernest Marples et Cie. He was also being sued by John Holmes, the chartered surveyor and Director of Marples’ property company Ecclestone Enterprises, for wrongful dismissal and who was claiming £70,000 in damages. The Inland Revenue was demanding that he pay nearly 30 years back taxes on his residence in Eccleston Street, Belgravia, London, as well as capital gains tax on his properties in Kensington. In addition, in 1974, Marples had lost 130 cases of wine to a fire in a store he owned under a railway line in Brixton and he had been convicted of drinking and driving for which he received a one-year ban and a £45 fine.

Marples’s departure came in the wake of the failure of a plan to avoid paying tax on his properties by involving a Liechtenstein-based company with which he had been involved for more than ten years. He was to sell his Harwood Court block of flats for £500,000 to Vin International which would refurbish and sell them for between £2.25 million and £2.5 million. Marples would only be liable for capital gains tax at 30% on the transfer to Vin which, as an offshore company, would only be liable for stamp duty at 2%. The plan failed following the change of Gov’t in 1974. After reports of this plan were published in the ‘Daily Mirror’, the Treasury froze Marples’ assets in Britain. In Nov 1977, he paid £7,600 to the British government in settlement of his breach of exchange control regulations, following which Marples made a return to London.

Marples’ final years were spent on his 45-acre vineyard estate in Fleurie, France. He died in a Monte Carlo hospital on 6 July 1978.

 

It is only since researching for this blog post that I have found out who Marples was and the extent of his wrongdoing. But there is someone in north Wales who knew of Marples – the Hergest patient, F, whom I discussed in my posts ‘Killing Floor – I Know Cos I Was There!’ and ‘An Appalling Vista’.  F is the man who claimed to have detailed information about the death of Jimi Hendrix and F alleged medical negligence; it was F who was fitted up for drugs and violently assaulted by the North Wales Police and who then experienced a psychotic episode as a result and set fire to his house after being refused help by Til, the thuggish neighbour in Carneddi who worked for S4C; F who was then arrested by the officers who had fitted him up and was detained in Risley Remand Centre where he heard the other inmates screaming as the screws beat them up; F who was then sent into the care of Dafydd at Denbigh although by that time he was no longer psychotic, but was given amphetamines by one of Dafydd’s drugs patients and was then kept in Denbigh for a year. There was never any investigation into any part of this. F disappeared within the psychiatric system and was forever after dismissed as a ‘chronic schizophrenic’.

F however had a sense of humour and thought that Dafydd was ‘a bit of a twat’. F knew that Dafydd was sexually exploiting female patients and F also knew that Mary Wynch’s mother died in questionable circumstances in one of Dafydd’s ‘nursing homes’. So F used to take the piss out of Dafydd. It was F who said to Dafydd after Dafydd accused him of lying, ‘I lied, you murdered’.

F used to talk about the Minster for Transport Marples a great deal, although for some reason F confused Ernest Marples with his wife, Lady Marples. But the reason why F made frequent references to ‘Mrs Marples’ was that F’s mother, a middle class business woman in Surrey, took part in a campaign to have Marples removed as a Minister back in the 1950s. F’s mother had attended an angry meeting of concerned people who confronted Marples and she lost her temper and hit Marples with a placard that read ‘Marples Must Go’. F’s mum then rushed back to the family home and there was concern that she might be arrested, but she wasn’t. F told everyone he knew about the day that his mother ‘hit Mrs Marples over the head with a placard and nearly got arrested’.

The game that the Angels played in north Wales was to maintain that the patients were all completely mad and could not be believed. However, if a high profile name was mentioned, or a mention of an influential friend or relative, those Angels clocked it, noted it and it was conveyed back to Dafydd Central. On every occasion. Even if F had never mentioned ‘Mrs Marples’ in front of Dafydd or an Angel – which he almost certainly had – F sat in my house and told me about it, several times and he told Brown as well. We now know that the security services had us under surveillance and had been bugging us and just about everyone else back as far as at least the early 1980s. They will have known about F’s mum and Ernest Marples and they were using all info gathered to protect Dafydd and the paedophile gang, not us.

The mountain of manure which was being concealed became ever higher with every minute that passed.

 

Now to return to Mark Robinson, the junior Minister who was the first umbrella of Dafydd’s to write to me and who subsequently found himself as the MP for a constituency near many people from my days in Somerset who were paid to keep quiet about what was happening to me.

Mark Robinson’s boss after Lynda Chalker was Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd. Hurd’s stint as Foreign Secretary, 1989-95, followed his time as Home Secretary, 1985-89. It was while Hurd was Home Secretary that Dafydd and the paedophile gang fitted people – including me – up with the assistance of the Home Office and corrupt police officers. Kids in care and mental health patients in north Wales were the victims of serious crimes on the part of the paedophile gang and their associates, but there were no investigations. Documentation was forged and this was happening in the Home Office as well. Hurd was the nephew of the botanist Prof Edred Henry Corner, who was known to some of the botanists at Bangor University who were colluding with Dafydd and the gang, one of whom was Dr D.G.E. Wood’s wife. For further details see posts ‘Security, Security’ and ‘Additional Security Measures’.

Hurd had been a favourite pupil of Baroness Jean Trumpington’s husband Alan Barker when Hurd was at Eton and in her autobiography Trumpers boasts that it was Hurd who, at the request of Barker, in 1979 secured her the position of UK delegate to the UN Commission on the Status of Women, in which role Trumpers managed to cause a few diplomatic incidents. In 1980 Thatch made Trumpers a Baroness and before long a junior Health Minister and it was in this capacity that Trumpers appointed Jimmy Savile to the management of Broadmoor Hospital – where some of the victims of Dafydd and the gang were ending up (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’). Savile visited Bryn Estyn on one occasion and a former resident of Bryn Estyn alleged that Savile witnessed him being sexually assaulted by a group of men.

Hurd also knew that kids in care were being found dead in Risley Remand Centre and that a visiting clap clinic was deemed necessary for the ‘medical wing’ – which was full of Dafydd’s patients. It was Hurd who was Home Secretary when Risley finally erupted into an uncontrollable riot in 1989. For details of the shameful state of Risley under Home Secretary Hurd, see post ‘Include Me Out’.

 

David Heathcoat-Amory, the Tory MP for Wells, 1983-2010, was another Somerset MP who would have had an interest in Westland. Heathcoat-Amory is the son of Brigadier Roderick Heathcoat-Amory and the nephew of Harold Macmillan’s Chancellor of the Exchequer, Derick Heathcoat-Amory.

David Heathcoat-Amory was educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford. He was President of the Oxford University Conservative Association and was a contemporary of John Redwood, William Waldegrave, Edwina Currie and Gyles Brandreth. Redwood was Secretary of State for Wales, 1993-95, when Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends made repeated attempts to have me imprisoned on the basis of their perjury. By that time, the dosh was certainly rolling into the pockets of people in Somerset. Waldegrave was Health Secretary, 1990-92, so his term of office covered the stuffing over of me at St George’s Hospital Medical School and my friends at that the Royal Television Society and the BBC (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). It was in about 1990 that the fortunes of the Somerset contingent seemed to take an inexplicable upward turn. Edwina was a junior Minister in Health at the same time as Trumpers and Trumpers allowed Edwina to take the blame for Savile being let loose in Broadmoor. Edwina admitted in 1990 in her ‘Diaries’ that it was widely known that Peter Morrison was molesting children and such was the panic in the Tory Party that she feared what people would do to conceal this.

Well now you know Edwina, they tried to murder my friends and I and had already succeeded in killing one of us by the time that you wrote that entry.

Gyles Brandreth succeeded Morrison as the MP for Chester. He discusses in his autobiography how local people and members of the constituency association openly shuddered at the recent memories of Morrison molesting ‘little boys’. See posts ‘I Want Serious Money Now Please’ and ‘It’s The Sun Wot Won It’.

Heathcoat-Amory qualified as an accountant in 1974 and joined Price Waterhouse. In 1980, he was appointed as the assistant finance director of the British Technology Group (BTG) where he remained until he was elected as MP in 1983. He is also a farmer with employees. Heathcoat-Amory’s various positions in Parliament included PPS to John Moore in 1985, when Moore was Financial Secretary to the Treasury. Moore was Secretary of State for Social Services/Social Security, 1987-89, in which capacity he concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al. Heathcoat-Amory was PPS to Douglas Hurd, 1987-88, when Hurd was Home Secretary. Heathcoat-Amory was Minister of State for Europe, 1993-94.

Heathcoat-Amory’s younger son, Matthew, committed suicide in 2001. His nephew Edward Heathcoat-Amory used to write for the ‘Daily Mail’ and has written for ‘The Spectator’. Paul Johnson, who was a youthful Labour supporter and mates with Sir Ronnie Waterhouse but then evolved into a right wing journalist involved with ‘The Spectator’, purchased an estate at Over Stowey in Somerset in approx the late 1970s. Johnson’s son Cosmo was friendly with at least one of those known to me who found themselves in receipt of so much money. Johnson’s wife is psychotherapist and former Labour parliamentary candidate Marigold Hunt, daughter of Dr Thomas Hunt who was physician to Churchill, Attlee and Eden. Johnson’s son Luke is the former Chairman of Channel 4. Marigold’s niece is Celia Walden, who is married to Piers Morgan.

 

There was another politician whom I believe played a major role in the good fortune of some of those who knew what was happening to me in north Wales – in particular Janet Mitchell – and that was Graham Watson, the Lib Dem MEP for Somerset and North Devon, Somerset and North Devon, 1994-99 and for South West England, 1999-14. Graham Watson might not have been a player at the time of the Westland Affair, but he certainly proved useful a few years down the line.

Watson was born on the Isle of Bute. His father was an officer in the Royal Navy and his mother a teacher. Watson was educated at the City of Bath Boys’ School and attended Heriot-Watt University where he studied languages.  He worked as an administrator at Paisley College of Technology (1980-83). He now speaks four European languages.

Watson had begun his political activity in the National League of Young Liberals in 1972. As international officer of the Scottish Young Liberals he became involved in the International Federation of Liberal Youth, becoming a Vice-President (1977) then General Secretary (1979) of the organisation. Watson was a founder of the European Communities’ Youth Forum. He served as a Council member of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party, 1983-93. Between 1983-87 Watson also served as head of the private office of then leader of the Liberals, Sir David Steel. 

Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith, Paddy Pantsdown, Dr Death… I need not continue. Graham had accumulated dynamite on a great many people.

In 1988 Graham Watson began work for HSBC in London and Hong Kong. His work there included three months with the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and gave him an interest in the Far East. He is now an adviser to the Asia Pacific Public Affairs Forum and is learning Mandarin Chinese.

Watson was Leader of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party in the European Parliament, 2002-04. He was Leader of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe in the European Parliament, 2004-09 and President of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party, 2011-15. Watson is a supporter of the Campaign for the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly, an organisation which advocates for democratic reformation of the United Nations. Obviously, Watson will want to be their leader.

Watson and his wife lived in Langport for years, but they now live in Brussels and Edinburgh, having extracted every drop of capital possible from the victims of a vicious paedophile gang and having found that they have bled Somerset and its opportunities dry.

 

The Westland Affair originated with Alan Bristow’s £89 million bid for the company in April 1985. Thatcher’s Gov’t forced the Westland Board to accept the bid from Bristow Rotorcraft. By June, Bristow was threatened to pull out unless the Gov’t assured him that there would be future orders for the company from the MoD and that the repayment of over £40 million of launch aid for Westland’s newest helicopter from the DTI was waived.

 

Alan Bristow was born in south London and after serving in WW II, he joined Westland as its first helicopter test pilot but was sacked after attacking the company’s sales manager. Bristow worked as a freelance helicopter pilot and then started his own helicopter trading and operating company in 1949. Bristow then provided helicopter spotting services for Aristotle Onassis’s pirate whaling fleet in the Antarctic. Bristow started operating flights in aid of oil exploration in the Persian Gulf. Bristow Helicopters Ltd eventually expanded to cover most of the globe outside Russia and Alaska, with notable profit centres in the British North Sea, Nigeria, Iran, Australia, Malaysia and Indonesia.

In 1968, Bristow took over from Freddie Laker as the Chairman of British United Airways. After leading the 1970 merger with Caledonian Airways to form British Caledonia, Bristow then returned to Chair Bristow Helicopters.

 

Bristow’s reign over the British helicopter sector came to an end in 1985 after he fell out with Lord Cayzer, whose family holding company British & Commonwealth was one of the shareholders brought in by Freddie Laker. Bought out by the Cayzers, Bristow retired and the company’s fortunes declined with the North Sea oil industry.

A keen equestrian, Bristow represented Great Britain at four-in-hand carriage driving with Phil the Greek.

Bristow claimed to have been offered a knighthood if he would return to the negotiating table to help Thatcher’s Gov’t out of its embarrassment re Westland.

 

Defence Secretary Heseltine was uninterested in Westland helicopters when initially approached by Tebbit, the then Trade and Industry Secretary, because plenty of American helicopters were available to meet Britain’s defence requirements. Heseltine attended two meetings about Westland’s future in June 1985, Chaired by Thatch. It was decided that Tebbit should persuade the Bank of England to co-operate with the main creditors in the hope that a recovery plan and new management would end the threat of receivership.

Brown and I had raised serious concerns with the Top Docs and Bangor University about Gwynne the lobotomist in the summer of 1984, after which Brown and I were threatened several times by Dr D.G.E. Wood. I also wrote to the GMC. It was in approx June 1985 that I also raised concerns about Dr Tony Francis. Francis had lied to me, denied that he had lied and was unlawfully witholding my medical records. For a long time I thought that perhaps Francis had simply made a mistake, not felt able to admit to it and the situation escalated unnecessarily. It was only relatively recently that I have discovered that Francis was actually fully on board with Dafydd, Gwynne and the paedophiles, was doing some pretty terrible things to patients without their knowledge and was probably far more dangerous than Dafydd and Gwynne because he wasn’t obviously identifiably mad to anyone within five minutes of meeting him. However, everybody who worked with Tony Francis did know that he was a troubled and dangerous doctor. No-one was warned. Patients remained on his list, were told by Angels that he was doing his best for them and were urged to return for more appointments  if they said that they didn’t want any more ‘services’ and new patients were referred to Francis as well.

 

Bristow withdrew his bid and in late June Sir – later Lord – John Cuckney was brought in as Chairman of Westland. Cuckney was educated at Shrewsbury School and then read medicine at the University of St Andrews, returning to the University after service with the Royal Northumberland Fusiliers and the King’s African Rifles during WWII to study history and economics. He was recruited by MI5 ‘with whom he served until 1959’. Although I doubt if he stopped serving then. ‘No-one leaves the Mafia’ after all. Particularly if there are lefties and service users Who Know to be dealt with and a load of greedy bastards from Somerset.

 

Cuckney’s time in MI5 featured in Peter Wright’s book ‘Spycatcher’ where Wright described him as ‘a tough, no-nonsense’ officer. After leaving MI5, Cuckney worked in the City at stockbrokers Standard Industrial Group, before joining merchant bank Lazards, where he became the first Director to resign in over 100 years. Cuckney then established Anglo-Eastern Bank with Sir David Alliance, specialising in trade finance between Britain and the Middle East.

Cuckney was appointed Chairman of the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board in 1970. He left in 1972 to become the first Chief Executive of the Property Services Agency to set up to manage the Gov’ts property estate. In 1974 Cuckney moved to the Crown Agents, which was in financial difficulty. He joined as Chairman and separated out the military sales arm as International Military Services (an MoD company), which he also became Chairman of and served until 1985. He left the Crown Agents in 1978, and briefly joined the Port of London Authority.

Cuckney subsequently became Director and/or Chairman of various companies, including travel company Thomas Cook, Midland Bank, tea company Brooke Bond, engineering firm John Brown, Westland, Royal Insurance, Investors in Industry (later 3i), Glaxo and Orion Publishing Group.

Cuckney had gained a reputation as a ‘the company doctor who never lost a patient’ following his involvement with the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board, Crown Agents, and John Brown. As Chairman of Westland, Cuckney’s favoured option of Sikorsky merging with Westland prevailed. You might not have lost your patient Westland Lord Cuckney, but a great many patients in north Wales died.

Following the Westland Affair, in 1992 Cuckney was appointed as an adviser to Peter Lilley, Secretary of State for Social Services – who also concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang – following the death of Cap’n Bob and the discovery that the Cap’n had stolen hundreds of millions of pounds from his companies’ pension funds. Cuckney headed the Maxwell Pensioners’ Trust and in 1995, brokered a £276 million out-of-court settlement, known as the Major Settlement, between the pension schemes and those institutions against which the schemes had potential legal claims.

So Cuckney sorted out the mess left behind by Cap’n Bob, but Dafydd was too much for him. If your mates from MI5 had helped extract my medical records for me Lord Cuckney, I could have published an insider’s account of the Top Docs’ criminality for you all years ago. You wouldn’t have had to keep paying the BMA whatever they demanded and Blair would never have become PM on the basis of his knowledge of the sordid business involved in concealing the Westminster Paedophile Ring and then caused a few more hundred layers of problems.

John Cuckney was given a peerage in 1995. When the world was told lies about Dafydd retiring, about the North Wales Hospital closing down, about there being no paedophile ring in north Wales, oh you all get the picture. John Cuckney sleeps in the Lords as a Conservative. Don’t bother to wake him up, he couldn’t stop a firebomb being thrown into a building with five key witnesses in there when his MI5 colleagues had every hospital, docs surgery, university, phone line and even the houses of targets bugged, whatever would he be able to contribute to the the Lords.

 

Re Westland, Cuckney proposed that a new minority shareholder of 29.9% be introduced. No British firm was willing, but Sikorsky was interested. Cuckney proposed that Westland merge with United Technologies Corporation, of which the US company Sikorsky was a subsidiary. Heseltine opposed this plan after realising that Westland would probably become responsible for assembling the Sikorsky UH-60 Black Hawk, which the Ministry of Defence would then be under great pressure to buy, whereas he preferred Westland to go into receivership so that British companies GEC and BAe could buy the viable parts of the business.

In mid-Oct 1985 Heseltine suggested a European consortium which would include French Aerospatiale, German MBB and Italian Agusta (Sikorsky was now negotiating a strategic linkup with Italian Fiat). Leon Brittan, who had replaced Tebbit as Trade and Industry Secretary in Sept 1985, at first urged Thatcher to consider a European option (Heseltine later claimed Brittan preferred this option, although Brittan denied this).

By mid-Oct 1985 I had contacted MPs, Ministers and the GMC about the mental health services in north Wales. People in Somerset knew that I was encountering very serious problems in north Wales. The security services had placed Brown and me under surveillance and we had already had extraordinary and upsetting encounters with two people whom we now know were working for the security services, a man called Leslie Gore, who was a psychotherapist working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’ and ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’) and a Jewish teacher from Stoke Newington, Naomi Grunfeld (see post ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’).

Leon Brittan knew all about the criminality in north Wales, as well as about the other sex trafficking rings across the UK with which the north Wales gang was linked, because Brittan had been Home Secretary, 1983-85 and was one of those concealing what was happening. It was Leon Brittan who as Home Secretary ‘lost’ files naming Westminster figures who were alleged to be abusing children and it was on Brittan’s watch that the Home Office gave a grant to an organisation campaigning on behalf of paedophiles’ rights.

By mid-Oct 1985, Alison Taylor had told the North Wales Police about the abuse of children in care in north Wales which she had witnessed. She was accused of lying and malice.

On 2 Sep 1985, Peter Morrison was moved from his position as a Minister for Employment, where his boss had been Tom King, to the role of Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan, who was at the centre of the Westland Affair.

 

Two other people who played a major role in enabling the abuse and crime in north Wales to continue unchecked also lived in Somerset at the time of Westland. Clifford Graham, who in the late 1980s and the early 1990s was the Dept of Health’s mandarin responsible for mental health as well as much else, lived in Somerset. My post ‘The Old Devils’ discusses how Cliff Graham not only presided over a totally corrupt Dept, but how everything that Cliff Graham did ensured that the abuse of patients continued to be embedded deeper and deeper into the mental health system. Graham was at the highest level of the DoH when patients were murdered in Ashworth and Broadmoor and while Savile was dropping into secure hospitals raping whichever patient he felt like. Ian Dunlop, the tame Prison Service Governor whom Hurd appointed to conduct the Inquiry after the 1989 Risley Remand Centre riots, also lived in Somerset (see post ‘Include Me Out’).

 

The Gov’t was officially neutral regarding the deals involving Westland (ie. arguing that it was a matter for Westland directors and shareholders) but by Nov 1985, Heseltine was lobbying hard for the European option. In late November Peter Levene, Chief of Procurement at the Ministry of Defence, had a meeting at the Ministry with his French, West German and Italian counterparts (the National Armaments Directors or NADs) and the representatives of the consortium, and agreed to ‘buy European’ for certain classes of helicopters. If Westland went ahead with Sikorsky, then its helicopters, under this new agreement, would be unable to be bought by the four governments. The meeting was later praised by the House of Commons Defence Select Committee. Thatcher, who only learned of the meeting through Cuckney, was displeased, as were Brittan and the Treasury, who thought the US option might be cheaper, although Thatcher and Leon Brittan kept to their official pretence of neutrality.

In Nov 1985, Sikorsky made an offer which was favourable to Westland’s management.

On 5 and 6 Dec 1985 Thatcher had two ad hoc meetings with Heseltine, Brittan, Tebbit, Willie Whitelaw (Deputy PM), Geoffrey Howe (Foreign Secretary) and Nigel Lawson (Chancellor of the Exchequer).

All of the above people knew about the crimes of Dafydd et al in north Wales. Willie Whitelaw had concealed them in numerous different roles, most obviously as Home Secretary, 1979-83, but also in his capacity as Lord President of the Council, 1983-88, which gave Whitelaw the role of visitor for the University of Wales. At the time, Wood, Dafydd, Gwynne and many others in UCNW were facilitating the trafficking ring. Carlo was Chancellor of UCNW and the sister of Peter Morrison who was a member of the sex ring was of course Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Carlo’s mum.

Geoffrey Howe, a good friend of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse, had worked for years as a lawyer on the corrupt Chester and Wales circuit and was Solicitor General under Heath. Howe was Lord President of the Council, 1989-90. It was of course Geoffrey Howe who put the fatal boot into Thatcher towards the end of 1990 for which many people were grateful, but it really was too little too late, look at the scale of the problem.

Nigel Lawson also damaged Thatcher and got rid of the idiot Alan Walters, but again, huge damage had already been done. Lawson’s constituency was in Leicestershire, bang in the middle of the paedophile gang of which Frank Beck and Greville Janner were part, which was being concealed by Top Doctors who also colluded with Dafydd (see post ‘An Expert From England’), as well as scores of people in Leicester University (see posts ‘Radical Leicester And Some More Free Radicals’ and ‘Gwlad y Menig Gwynion’), local lawyers and judges as well as Leicester City Council. And Keith Vaz of course. After Beck was jailed, the Kirkwood Report admitted that the degree of negligence on the part of the police was inexplicable. Although Kirkwood himself forgot to mention a few salient facts regarding Greville Janner.

Nigel’s daughter Nigella had been friends with some of the members of the Dangerous Sports Club when she was at Oxford. Some members of the DSC were personal friends of one of those in Somerset who bagged all that dosh (see post ‘The Village’).

Tebbit, like Whitelaw, concealed the criminality in north Wales in every way that he could. Tebbit was Chairman of the Tory Party whilst Peter Morrison was Deputy Chairman, Sept 1986-June 87 and has latterly admitted that perhaps there was a little bit of a sort of cover-up of Morrison’s  crimes.

 

Regarding the possibilities for rescuing Westland. Brittan argued that the NADs’ opposition should be set aside, but Howe and Tebbit were not unsympathetic to Heseltine’s proposed consortium, and the decision was deferred to the Cabinet Economic Affairs Committee (E(A)) on Monday 9 Dec 1985. Cuckney and a Westland financial adviser were invited to attend the E(A) meeting. Cuckney said that it was the management’s view that the Sikorsky option was the best one. A majority of the E(A) meeting agreed to dismiss the NADs’ opposition. Thatcher, who complained that three hours had been spent discussing a company with a market capitalisation of only £30m (a tiny amount in Gov’t terms), allowed Heseltine until 4 pm on Friday 13 Dec to submit a viable proposal for a European deal. He did (with BAe and GEC now part of his consortium), but Westland’s Directors rejected it and chose Sikorsky.

Heseltine had expected that there would be a second meeting of E(A) to discuss his consortium, but no such meeting was called; Thatcher later claimed that the Monday meeting had agreed to leave the decision to Westland to take, but it later emerged that Nicholas Ridley and Lord Young had placed such a meeting in their diaries and had been told by No 10 that it had been cancelled. Heseltine threatened resignation for the first time.

At Cabinet on Thurs 12 Dec 1985 Heseltine had an angry exchange with Thatcher about the allegedly cancelled meeting (Thatcher claimed that no such meeting had ever been scheduled). Westland was not on the Cabinet agenda that day and Thatcher refused to permit a discussion on the matter, arguing that Cabinet could not do so without the necessary papers. Heseltine asked for his dissent to be minuted and this was not done, although Cabinet Secretary Robert Armstrong claimed that this had been an error and added it himself.

 

Robert Armstrong was Principal Private Secretary to Ted Heath, 1970-75. Between 1979-87 he was Secretary to the Cabinet under Margaret Thatcher. He was elevated to the peerage in 1988 and sits as a crossbencher. It was Robert Armstrong who, in 1986, coined the phrase ‘economical with the truth’ when he was giving evidence in the Spycatcher trial. Armstrong was a key witness for the British Gov’t, which sought to suppress the publication of the book written by Peter Wright, a former senior member of MI5. Wright’s lawyer at the time was Malcolm Turnbull, who later became the PM of Australia. The British Gov’t were ultimately unsuccessful and Spycatcher was published.

Armstrong was Chancellor of the University of Hull, 1994-2006 and until 2013, the Chairman of the Sir Edward Heath Charitable Fund.

Armstrong has admitted that he knew about the paedophilia of Sir Peter Hayman, the British diplomat who was a member of PIE. Armstrong stated: ‘I was aware of it at the time but I was not concerned with the personal aspect of it’. It was Armstrong who gave Thatcher a veiled warning not to give Jimmy Savile a knighthood because of the allegations of child sexual abuse swirling around him – advice that Thatcher ignored.

It July 2015, the ‘Mail Online’ reported that in 1986, the then head of MI5 Sir Antony Duff wrote to Armstrong and told him that an MP had a ‘penchant for small boys’. Armstrong’s response was that ‘at the present stage…the risks of political embarrassment to the Government is rather greater than the security danger’.

In 2015 Armstrong told the ‘Mail Online’ that ‘if there is evidence it would have been properly examined at the time. I don’t think this is a matter of important people being protected. You  can’t pursue inquiries unless you have evidence on which you can base the enquiry’.

See post ‘Lord Robert Armstrong’ for more background on Armstrong.

 

On Mon 16 Dec 1985 Brittan told the Commons that the decision was up to Westland; on Wed 18 Dec Heseltine won the backing of the Commons Defence Committee for the European Consortium’s latest bid. On Thurs 19 Dec the matter was discussed at Cabinet for ten minutes: Cabinet approved leaving the decision to Westland and Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for the European option.

Over Christmas, Thatcher discussed with close colleagues the option of sacking Heseltine, as Brittan had urged her to do so, but Chief Whip John Wakeham cautioned against. Thatch later admitted in her memoirs that she shrank from sacking Heseltine as he was too popular and weighty a political figure.

Wakeham would later become Lord President of the Council, 1988-89 and following that, he was Peter Morrison’s boss at the Dept for Energy, when Morrison served as Minister of State in that Dept (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’).

 

Thatcher and ministerial colleagues spent two and a half hours writing three successive drafts of a letter threatening Heseltine with the sack, but did not send it as her Press Adviser Bernard Ingham advised that Heseltine might use it an excuse to resign.

By now the political row was being discussed in the media, ‘partly because of the lack of other news in Dec 1985′. There was plenty of news worth reporting in north Wales but no-one actually gave a stuff because the victims of the serious organised crime prevailing were kids in care and psych patients.

John Cuckney wrote to Thatcher, at her behest, asking for reassurance that the Sikorsky deal would not damage Westland’s business prospects in Europe. Heseltine was not satisfied with Thatcher’s draft reply when he saw it and consulted Sir Patrick Mayhew (Solicitor-General and acting Attorney-General as Sir Michael Havers was ill) on the grounds that the Gov’t might be legally liable for any incorrect advice.

Patrick Mayhew, in his capacity as Attorney-General, 1987-92, authorised a number of prosecutions of me for contempt of court – my imprisonment was sought on each occasion – on the basis of the perjury of the Top Doctors and Gwynedd Social Services. Forged documents were also involved. The MDU lawyers acting from Tony and Sadie Francis admitted that there was not the evidence for the claims that were being made about me in Court. Andrew Park, the crooked lawyer who was employed by the Welsh Office, also admitted in writing that the evidence for claims being made about me on oath did not exist.

Mayhew was N Ireland Secretary, 1992-97. While in office, Sein Fenn accused Mayhew of using forged documents. Now there’s a surprise.

Mayhew’s assistance to Top Docs abusing vulnerable people went back a long way. It was Mayhew who was the QC at the 1970s GMC’s fitness to practice hearing involving Dr Morris Fraser, a Top Doctor (child psychiatrist) from Belfast who had been convicted of sexually abusing a child. Fraser was allowed to continue practising and subsequently worked at St George’s/Springfield and UCH. Fraser had been involved with the Kincora Boys’ Home.

 

Heseltine supplied extra material about the risk of Westland losing European business, which Thatcher did not include in her reply to Cuckney. Thatcher replied to Cuckney to the effect that the British Gov’t would continue to support Westland in gaining orders in Europe.

In early Jan 1986, Heseltine wrote to David Horne of Lloyds Merchant Bank, who was advising the European consortium (in reply to planted questions from Horne which had been dictated to him over the phone by one of Heseltine’s staff), giving him the advice which Thatcher had declined to include in her letter to Cuckney. Contradicting Thatcher’s reassurances to Cuckney, Heseltine claimed that the Sikorsky deal would be ‘incompatible with participation’ in European helicopter projects. Heseltine’s letter was leaked to ‘The Times’. This was a blatant challenge to Thatcher’s authority as Heseltine had not consulted Downing Street, the DTI or Mayhew before writing to Horne.

Heseltine’s letter to Horne, on Thatcher’s request, was referred to the Solicitor-General, Patrick Mayhew. Mayhew sent a reply to Heseltine, noting ‘material inaccuracies’ in Heseltine’s letter, and asking Heseltine to write to Horne again, correcting them. Mayhew’s letter of rebuke to Heseltine – marked ‘Confidential’ – reached Heseltine at lunchtime on Mon 6 Jan and was immediately and selectively leaked to the Press Association by Colette Bowe, Chief Information Officer at the DTI, at Brittan’s request.

Bowe’s leaked letter led to the resignations of both Heseltine and Brittan, for which someone must have been grateful because Colette Bowe is now Dame Colette.

Bowe was Chairman of Ofcom, 2009-14, Chairman of Electra Private Equity plc, 2010–14 and Chairman of the Council of Queen Mary University of London, 2004–09. She has also served on the boards of Thames Water Utilities, London and Continental Railways, Axa IM, Morgan Stanley and the Yorkshire Building Society. She founded and was first Chairman of the Telecoms Ombudsman Service (now Ombudsman Services) in 2002–3. She was the first Chairman of the Ofcom Consumer Panel (2003–08) and has worked as the Executive Chairman of the distribution arm of Fleming Asset Management.

Bowe is the Chairman of the Banking Standards Board and the Associated Board of the Royal Schools of Music. She is the President of the Voice of the Listener and Viewer, a Trustee of The Tablet and of the Nuffield Foundation. Bowe is also a visiting fellow of Nuffield College. She is also a Board member of the UK Statistics Authority and a non-executive Director of the Dept for Transport.

An extra safe pair of hands is clearly possessed by Colette.

There was controversy over whose orders Colette Bowe was following when she dropped the clanger. The Attorney-General, Sir Michael Havers, ‘took a stern view of leaks’, especially of confidential legal advice and threatened to resign if an official inquiry was not set up to look into it. Thatcher agreed to do this.

It was Michael Havers who in his capacity as Attorney-General blocked the prosecution of a number of VIP child sex offenders, including the diplomat Sir Peter Hayman. Michael Havers was the Tory MP for Winbledon, 1970-87. A lot of Top Doctors from St George’s lived at Wimbledon, including Prof Geoffrey Chamberlain. Chamberlain was a friend of Prof Oliver Brooke, who was jailed for child porn offences in Dec 1986. Havers was Lord Chancellor, 13 June 1987-26 Oct 1987. Oliver Brooke was released on appeal in June 1987, after Lord Chief Justice Geoffrey Lane heard the appeal in May 1987. Lane compared Brooke’s enormous collection of kiddie porn – Brooke was a major figure in a pan-European paedophile ring – to a collection of cigarette cards.

I was illegally arrested and imprisoned in Denbigh by Dafydd in the same month that Oliver Brooke was jailed. Alison Taylor was suspended from her job as a social worker by Gwynedd County Council in the same month.

Havers’s sister was Lord Elizabeth Butler-Sloss, who Chaired the Inquiry into the havoc that Dafydd’s mates caused which resulted in the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal and utterly failed to grasp the enormity of what was happening (see post ‘Twas The Night Before Christmas And The Culprits Were Named’).

Cabinet met on the morning of Thurs 9 Jan 1986, with Thatcher already having agreed her position with close colleagues at Chequers that weekend and arranged that Scottish Secretary George Younger should take over as Defence Secretary if Heseltine resigned. Westland was first on the agenda, and Heseltine and Brittan were permitted to put their cases. Heseltine had won the moral high ground over the leaking saga, but Nigel Lawson recorded that he seemed obsessive at Cabinet and attracted little sympathy. Thatcher reiterated her position, which had already been endorsed by the Cabinet, that Westland’s future was a matter for Westland to decide and announced that as this was a time of business negotiations, all answers to questions about Westland must be cleared through the Cabinet Office. Heseltine agreed. In response to a question by Nicholas Ridley, Thatch then confirmed that this also applied to statements which had already been made. Heseltine argued that he should be allowed to reaffirm statements he had already made but Thatcher disagreed, arguing that Cabinet collective responsibility should be observed. Heseltine protested that there had been no collective responsibility, gathered up his papers and left.

Although eyewitness accounts differ as to the exact details, Peter Jenkins claimed that Heseltine lost his cool and proclaimed ‘I can no longer be a member of this Cabinet’. Heseltine then walked out of Downing Street and announced his resignation to the assembled media.

Thatcher then adjourned the Cabinet for a brief break. George Younger was then offered and accepted the office of Secretary of State for Defence, which Heseltine had just relinquished. The Prime Minister’s office then requested Malcolm Rifkind to take up Younger’s previous job, Secretary of State for Scotland, which he accepted. Cabinet then resumed.

At 4 pm that day – 9 Jan 1986 – at the Ministry of Defence (rather than waiting to make a statement to the Commons when it resumed four days later) Heseltine delivered a 22 minute resignation statement detailing his grievances. He blamed Thatcher’s intransigence, saying his views were ignored. He may well have prepared this earlier, although his Private Secretary Richard Mottram says not. To Thatcher’s fury, Defence officials had helped him throughout the crisis and in preparing this document. Thatcher sent a letter to Heseltine, as is customary on these occasions.

Sir Richard Mottram  entered the civil service in 1968 aged 22 after graduating from Keele University. At that time -and indeed since – Keele employed a number of people who were either paedophiles’ themselves, such as social work academic Peter Righton, or concealed and colluded with organised abuse.

Mottram served in the Defence and Overseas Secretariat of the Cabinet Office, 1975-77. He was then the Secretary of two study groups on the rationale for and system options for a successor to the UK’s strategic nuclear deterrent which led subsequently to the decision to adopt Trident. Mottram was then appointed Private Secretary to the Permanent Under Secretary, of the MoD, Sir Frank Cooper. From 1982-1986, Mottram was Private Secretary to a succession of Secretaries of State for Defence – John Nott, Heseltine and George Younger.

In 1985, as Private Secretary to Heseltine as Secretary of State for Defence, Mottram was a witness for the prosecution in the trial of Clive Ponting who was later acquitted of an offence under the Official Secrets Act for passing information to Labour MP Tam Dalyell regarding the sinking of the Belgrano. When Mottram was asked whether answers to parliamentary questions should be truthful and not deliberately ambiguous or misleading, there was a long silence before he replied: ‘In highly charged political matters, one person’s ambiguity may be another person’s truth’.

Mottram: they were trying to kill us and they did kill other people. There is no ambiguity in that.

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From 1986-89, Sir Richard Mottram was the Under-Secretary responsible for the defence programme and from 1989-92, the Deputy Secretary with responsibilities for UK defence policy and strategy and defence relations with other countries at the time of the end of the Cold War.

Mottram retired in 2007 from his most recent senior post as Permanent Secretary, Intelligence, Security and Resilience in the Cabinet Office.

This lot were so resilient that they couldn’t even deal with Dafydd.

Mottram serves on the Board of a number of private and public sector organisations, including Chairing the board of Amey PLC. He is a Visiting Professor at the LSE and member of the Advisory Board of LSE IDEAS. Mottram is a Trustee of the Royal Anniversary Trust, which oversees The Queen’s Anniversary Prizes for Higher and Further Education.

 

As a fairly high ranking British Army officer who lived in Somerset at the time, Brown’s dad will have known a number of the people involved in all of this.

On 13 Jan 1986, Thatcher held a meeting with Whitelaw, Brittan, George Younger and John Wakeham to decide what should happen. The conclusion was that Brittan, rather than the PM, should reply to Heseltine’s statement on that day.

In his resignation statement in the House of Commons Heseltine accused Brittan of pressuring Sir Raymond Lygo, CEO of British Aerospace, to withdraw from the European Consortium. In response to questions in the House from Heseltine, Brittan denied that he had received a letter from Lygo, but later had to admit that he had received a letter from Sir Austin Pearce, Chairman of British Aerospace; he had not disclosed it, he claimed, because it was marked Private and Strictly Confidential. He was forced to return to the House a few hours later to apologise.

Admiral Sir Raymond Lygo joined the Royal Navy in 1942 during WW II. He was appointed the commanding officer of the frigate Lowestoft in 1961, the frigate Juno in 1967 and the aircraft carrier Ark Royal in 1969. Lygo was Director General, Naval Manpower and Training,  Feb 1974-June 1975. He went on to be Vice Chief if the Naval Staff in 1975 and retired in 1978.

After retirement, Lygo joined British Aerospace, becoming Chief Executive in 1986.

Lygo will have known Admiral Sir Alec Bingley and all the other senior figures in the Royal Navy and Admiralty who concealed the organised sexual abuse of young people or who were alleged to have been abusing underaged children themselves, such as Lord Louis Mountbatten (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’).

Sir Raymond Lygo
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Juno
Goddess of marriage and childbirth
So that is why there is so much child abuse, sexual exploitation and repressed homosexuality in this sorry tale!
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Raymond Lygo was also Chairman of the Rutland Trust in 1991, Chairman of TNT (Express) UK Ltd in 1992 and Chairman of the Liontrust First UK Investment Trust in 1997. He was Patron of the Fleet Air Arm Association.

 

Sir Austin Pearce, was Chairman of British Aerospace, 1980-87 and steered the company through its privatisation by Margaret Thatcher’s Gov’t. Although Pearce had spent his entire working life with Esso, of which he had been Chairman and Chief Executive for eight years, he had some experience of the aerospace industry: in 1976 he had been appointed to the organising committee for the nationalisation of the industry and the formation of British Aerospace.

The Gov’t sold 52 per cent of BAe in 1981. Four years later it decided to sell the remaining 48 per cent, Pearce arguing successfully for a price of 375p, rather than the 400p which the government originally wanted.

Known to his colleagues as ‘Tin’, Pearce faced a number of problems at BAe, including inefficiency and over-staffing. During his tenure there were unsuccessful attempts by Thorn EMI and GEC to take over the company. Also, the Nimrod Airborne Early Warning programme was running four years late and substantially over budget; eventually the Gov’t cancelled the programme.

Pearce also faced difficulties over BAe’s involvement in the project to build the Airbus. At first the British Gov’t refused to support the BAe application for aid for the A 320 aircraft. The other partners in Airbus – the French, Germans and Spanish – already had their Gov’ts’ approval and would be happy to take over BAe’s work on the wings. Without financial help, Pearce knew that BAe would be out of Airbus and would consequently be faced with massive redundancies. Without telling either his colleagues or the DTI, he asked for a personal meeting with Thatch. He got the money. During the Westland affair, because BAe hoped to become a partner in a European consortium it aligned itself with Heseltine against Thatch. At one stage, at a meeting with the MoD, Pearce was asked if BAe would take over Westland, but he refused on the ground that BAe had enough spare capacity to take on Westland’s entire workload without assimilating more than a few of its employees.

Austin Pearce was born in Plymouth in 1921. He was educated at Devonport High School for Boys and then went to Birmingham University. As a member of the University Senior Training Corps of Royal Engineers, Pearce was assigned to the Petroleum Warfare Department, working on flame-thrower fuels and incendiary bombs. At the same time he completed a PhD in Chemical Engineering.

In Sept 1945 Pearce joined the AGWI (later the Esso) refinery at Fawley as a junior engineer. In 1950 he was promoted to process superintendent, in charge of the running of all the refinery units. In 1956 Pearce became general manager (refining) for Esso in the UK. In 1963 he joined the Esso Board, with responsibility for the marine and pipelines systems; this included taking charge of the tanker fleet and overseeing the building of the pipeline from Milford Haven to the Midlands and Manchester. In 1968 he was appointed Managing Director and 1972 Chairman and Chief Executive of Esso UK.

Austin Pearce was the first President of the UK Petroleum Industry Association and as Esso’s representative, participated in the negotiations with the Department of Energy, British National Oil Company and Shell on the North Sea participation agreements.

In 1973 Pearce joined the board of Williams and Glyn’s Bank, becoming its last Chairman before it was incorporated into the Royal Bank of Scotland, of which he was appointed a Vice-Chairman.

In 1985 Austin Pearce was appointed Chairman of the Trustees of the Science Museum. He Chaired the meeting that introduced entrance charges; this helped the museum to improve and create new galleries and to rebuild the Railway Museum at York.

Pearce served on the Council of Surrey University, the site of so much skulduggery when I worked there in 1988. He was a Director of Jaguar, Smiths Industries, Pearl Assurance and was Chairman of Oxford Instruments.

Austin Pearce was married first to Maglona Twinn and then to Dr Patricia Grice.

On 15 Jan 1986 there was a debate on Westland in the Commons in which Thatcher replied to the Windbag. Thatcher listed all the ministerial, committee and Cabinet meetings on Westland. Heseltine then made a speech criticising the way collective responsibility had been damaged over Westland.

Sir Robert Armstrong, the Cabinet Secretary, held an inquiry into the leaking of Mayhew’s letter and reported his findings to Thatch on 21 Jan 1986. Armstrong concluded that Brittan had told Colette Bowe to leak Mayhew’s letter through a telephone conversation to Roger Mogg, Brittan’s Private Secretary. Thatcher is said to have asked Brittan four times: ‘Leon, why didn’t you tell me.’ Havers, who demanded the inquiry, later claimed: ‘Unless the PM is the most marvellous actress I’ve ever seen in my life she was as shocked as anybody that in fact it was on Leon Brittan’s instructions.’ At the time Brittan claimed he had misunderstood Thatcher’s wishes but later (on the TV programme The Thatcher Factor on 7 April 1989) admitted that he had acted on the ‘express’ instructions of Charles Powell and Bernard Ingham, Thatcher’s two senior advisers. On 23 Jan 1986, Thatcher had to make a speech to the Commons on Armstrong’s inquiry.

Brittan was being heavily criticised because of the fallout from the leak of the Mayhew letter and because of his lack of candour about the letter from British Aerospace. At a meeting of the 1922 Committee, Conservative back-benchers, demanded Brittan’s resignation. The Chairman of the 1922 Committee at the time was Cranley Onslow, a former MI6 agent who was forced to stand down as Chairman in 1992 by Thatcher’s old mates, who partly blamed him for her previous departure. On 24 Jan 1986 Brittan resigned, because ‘it has become clear to me that I no longer command the full confidence of my colleagues’.

On 27 Jan 1986, Labour set down an adjournment motion. Whitelaw, Howe, Wakeham, John Biffen and Douglas Hurd helped Thatcher draft her speech for this occasion.

In Jan 1986 John Biffen was Lord Privy Seal. John Biffen grew up on a farm about three miles away from where I lived in Somerset. Biffen went to Dr Morgan’s School in Bridgwater along with my father and many others who remained in Somerset. Biffen’s parents remained living at their farm in Combwich and occasionally made trips to London to marvel at their famous son and his associates. John Biffen was a swotty kid who was badly bullied by the locals and he didn’t waste his time with his former tormentors and he did fall out with Thatcher eventually. However, I can’t imagine that he will have resisted if pressurised over all this, there will just have been far too many careers of ruthless dangerous nutters at stake.

Biffen was MP for Oswestry and then North Shropshire. John Allen had a children’s home in Shropshire, there was an abuse ring in operation in the region and many children’s home staff migrated between Bryn Estyn and Shropshire. The family seat of the unfortunate Ormsby-Gores was at Oswestry and David Ormsby-Gore aka Lord Harlech preceded John Biffen as MP for Oswestry. Ever since Lord Harlech served at US Ambassador during JFK’s Presidency, the Ormsby-Gores have had a penchant for dying young and in unfortunate circumstances. The biography of Francis Ormsby-Gore, who farmed near Harlech and was found dead at his home relatively recently, had all the signs of one of someone who was under sustained attack by the paedophiles’ friends (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’).

Douglas Hurd was Home Secretary, presiding over the carnage in north Wales.

Ronald Miller, one of Thatch’s friends, was asked to help revise the speech and Thatcher remarked to him that she might not be PM by six o’clock that evening if things went badly.

The Windbag, who knew Tony Francis from their days as students in Cardiff, was generally thought to have made a poor opening speech.

Heseltine was frustrated at the Windbag’s failure to exploit the moment and claimed that Thatcher’s statement brought ‘the politics of the matter to an end’ and that he would support the Gov’t in the lobby.

Sikorsky then bought Westland, aided by mysterious prior purchases by mystery buyers, suspected by Cuckney and others, although without clear proof, of being an illegal concert party.

 

Westland damaged Thatcher’s credibility and made her look anti-European for the first time. It has been suggested that Thatcher’s keenness on American control of Westland may have been linked to the Al-Yamamah arms deal which was mired in allegations of corruption, or that the US might have wanted Westland to sell Black Hawk helicopters to Saudi Arabia in circumvention of Congressional rules which prevented US arms sales to that country at the time.

Leon Brittan’s behaviour was thought in part to have been motivated by resentment at his demotion from Home Secretary to the Secretary for DTI in Sept 1985. He also thought Heseltine’s mooted European consortium to be monopolistic and anti-competitive.

Apart from his clash of personalities with Thatcher, it was thought that Heseltine, concerned at having to take responsibility for Defence cuts which had been put back until 1986 and worried that Thatcher was unlikely to promote him further, was looking for an excuse to resign. Resigning would put him in good stead to be elected Party leader after, as seemed likely at the time, the Conservatives lost the next election, due by summer 1988.

Heseltine retired to the back benches and spent nearly five years conducting an undeclared campaign for the Party leadership. Although the Thatcher Gov’t was re-elected in 1987, Heseltine eventually challenged her in Nov 1990, polling well enough to hasten her resignation.

Three months after Heseltine ‘resigned from the Cabinet as a matter of honour’, my close friend and house mate on Anglesey was killed in a head-on collision with another car. Our friend Geoff Johnson was a passenger and was left severely brain-damaged. The young man who drove the TR7 straight into Anne somehow only walked away with a broken arm. It was acknowledged that Anne had not been at fault – the other car had been driving on Anne’s side of the road at high speed – but there was no investigation and no prosecution. Anne knew everything that was happening to me at the hands of the Top Docs. Weeks before she was killed, D.G.E. Wood remarked that he always knew when Anne drove past his house – he lived in the same village as us – because he could recognise her car.

Two days after Anne was killed, Liz Stables, the Angel who worked in the UCNW Student Health Centre, took Anne’s file out of a locker and wrote ‘DEAD’ in capital letters across it in front of me. Liz then said that I couldn’t hang around mourning, there were things to do. Some two weeks later Wood yelled at me to ‘forget about everything that has happened here and go away and make a new life for yourself’. Presumably so Wood’s accomplices could kill the rest of us off miles away from Bangor to avoid the fickle finger of suspicion ever being pointed at them.

Heseltine, the man who would do anything, anything at all to become PM, came from Swansea. Heseltine never became PM. Another procession of empty headed narcissistic oafs did instead.

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All together now -‘I’m ready to serve’.

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Now for a bit more info on the lady who worked in a junior capacity at Westland when the almighty ding dong broke out and who – along with a few others – did very nicely out of it all. This blog post is already quite long, so I won’t dissect Janet’s career bit by bit, highlighting who assisted her and when they did so, I’ll leave it up to readers to make the links to police investigations, the Waterhouse Inquiry etc. Regular readers will by now be familiar with the skulduggery and those involved.
 Janet Mitchell, CEng FRAeS:
Janet worked as a Stress Engineer, Westland Helicopters, Product Support Division, 1982-87.

Then Janet was Future Projects Engineer, Airbus, 1987-89: Reporting to Head of Future Projects for BAE Commercial Aircraft Division.

Janet was Stress Engineer, Stresswork Ltd, 1989-91.

supported the Aerospace, Automotive and Civil Engineering Industries. It also covered Nuclear Power, Engineering Design of a Composite Commercial Vehicle Chassis and engineering project management of the structural certification for the A340 Wing Composite Components.
From 1993-94, Janet was Senior Principal Engineer on the Future Large Aircraft Composite Wing Study for BAE Systems.
Between 1994-95, Janet worked on the Airbus Composite Wing Strategy for BAE Systems. She was:

‘Accountable for leading and delivering the BAE/AIRBUS Composite Wing Strategy, this was a significant business transformation programme, I successfully led all business functional specialists to deliver a Strategy for acquiring the Composite Capability for Airbus Wing Business including programme plans and costs of the Technology Development programme. This was delivered to the Airbus Senior Management Board at AUK and BAE SYSTEMS Head Quarters – Directorate for Engineering.’

From 1995-99, Janet was Project Manager of the Low Cost Composite Technology Research for the Airbus Group. She was: ‘Accountable for developing the capability in low cost, low weight Composite Technologies for Airbus UK Wing Technology including materials, manufacturing processes, design and analytical methods and assembly technology. Successfully delivering the bid content for the wing contribution to the 83 million euro EC Framework 5 “TANGO” programme, the DTI funded AMCAPSII programme, private venture, national collaborative projects with research institutes, universities and national industries. Development of specific research project management and financial management processes and the Composite Strategy in line with business objectives’.

Between 1999-02, Janet was Head of Research and Technology Programme, Airbus UK Airbus Group. She was the: ‘Executive accountable for all Airbus UK Research and Technology Projects in Composites, Metallic’s Systems and Advanced Wing Technologies ( including Aerodynamics,Structures, Manufacturing, Assembly Technology and Wing Integration). This team was in excess of 250 people and an annual budget in excess of 100 million euros. Accountabilities included the R & T Operational Business Plan for the UK, contribution to the Airbus Technology Strategy, Technology Plan for UK, Primary interface for Airbus UK into the DTI and European Commission (EC) and Academia for technology projects. Project management of the Airbus Composite Wing technology programme which was funded by the EC and called TANGO’.
Between Oct 2002-06, Janet was head of A400 Military Transport Aircraft Wing Programme for Airbus.

In Jan 2007 Janet Mitchell set up her own consultancy, McSquared Consultants Ltd, of which she has been the CEO since its foundation

When we were kids, everyone had great difficulties playing with Janet although she was a good laugh, because she used to cheat in all the games. Everybody’s mother used to say ‘ooh it’s because Janet’s an only child, she’s not used to playing with others or sharing’. That may well have been the case when we were seven Janet, but I’m not sure that’s an excuse for the last 30 years.

Janet’s family were unusual among the people whom I knew when I was young in that they were not from Somerset. They were from Chorley and Janet’s entire extended family, to whom she and her parents were still close, all lived in Chorley. She was also much doted upon by the Chorley clan because she was the only grandchild of a big family. Chorley is an area which suffered badly in the 20th century post-industrial decline. There were two main employers in the area until recently – Leyland Trucks and BAE Systems. BAE systems closed its doors in 2008. That was OK though, Janet had set up her own consultancy by then and all her elderly relatives whom I remember who always batted so hard for Janet will have died by 2008.

I receive more names every day of those in Somerset whom I am told maxed out on their knowledge of what happened to me. I’m not putting them all up here, because I’m loathe to do so without a degree of evidence, at least circumstantial. However I have been told to enquire into the means by which a farming family by the name of Hill near Fiddington transformed their farm into a premier equestrian centre, Stockland Lovell Manor. The Hills were never at all horsey, but at the height of my difficulties with those we known and love, they raised an enormous sum of money and came up with very flash equestrian centre. Neighbouring farmers could not work out how the Hills had persuaded an investor to part with so much money, even if the farm had been used as security. The Hills had a daughter whom they told everyone was ‘working in the financial services’ in Europe, but she wasn’t a trader or a banker, didn’t possess professional qualifications and from what I was told it sounded as though she was actually a PA. Another daughter was a midwife – in Nottingham. Where I used to work and where a big research fraud between the Cancer Research Campaign and an American drug company was taking place in labs located at Nottingham University (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’). The Hills also had a son, whom I am told now works for Somerset County Council Social Services, with disadvantaged youngsters.

The Hills used to give one of those who received money in return for their silence about what was happening to me a lift to Fiddington Church every Sunday. Mr Michael Hill was a churchwarden and a leading light in Somerset Cricket Club, so there’ll have been a few hobnobbing opportunities there. Ah the good old days, when stars like Ian Botham and Viv Richards played for Somerset, who would get pissed down the Anchor Inn in Combwich, in the company of the man who suddenly found himself with so many celebrity friends and so much money from about 1990 onward…

I think that Michael Hill and his wife Lavinia have both died now, so perhaps their offspring Diane, Jenny and Martin could explain how the family laid their hands on such a huge amount of dosh. Jenny Hill is probably the person to ask.

Series titles over a docklands terrace street

Two other Top Tossers who were tripping over themselves in the 1990s to make unlikely friendships with people in Somerset who knew what was happening in north Wales were Dangerous Sports Club members Ding Boston and Martin Lyster. Boston and Lyster are both veterans of pointless dangerous activities dressed up as ‘extreme sports’ in which people sustain injuries or even die (only a prosecution for manslaughter, not murder and even then that nice lady judge at Bristol Crown Court directed the jury to acquit!). The dear old Dangerous Sports Club had the wind taken out of its sails some years ago, what with its founder the conman David Kirke going to prison and then the death of that Bulgarian student, but I note that Ding now describes himself as ‘Co-Ordinator, Oxford Universities Motorsport’. Don’t ask me what Ding’s real name is, he refuses to give it, even in toadying media profiles. ‘Dickhead’ will suffice.

Ding’s mate Martin Lyster did a first degree and then a PhD in physics at Oxford in the 1980s and then years later a Masters at Loughborough University in Renewable Energy. His Linked In profile describes his present position as an R&D Project Manager for SSE Power Distribution.

So who with links to Thatcher/Major – apart from Tommy Leigh-Pemberton’s father obviously – was the source of all the dosh then Ding and Martin?

When I was discussing all this with Brown, he remarked that the emissaries of Thatcher’s and Major’s Gov’ts will have seen me as doubly dangerous. Not only had I gathered huge amounts of crap on Dafydd and related sex trafficking rings in other parts of the country with links to Tory Ministers, but coming from Tory stock myself I’ll have been seen as a renegade who really had to be stopped. Brown commented that while we were having our friends murdered and our careers destroyed, a lot of older people in Somerset would have been able to remember my grandfather, who was the leading campaigner for Sir Gerald Wills, the Tory MP for Bridgwater, 1950-69. Indeed. The vacuous shite Tom King built on the solid Tory support that had accumulated in Bridgwater.
I reminded Brown that I think that Tom et al will have seen me as far more than doubly dangerous. My grandpa was a high Tory who hung out with the Sir Bufton Tuftons, but he did a few things that pissed people like Tom King off. Such as: denouncing Edward du Cann as a crook (du Cann was later demonstrated to be, er, a crook); turning down a knighthood – Lord King and Lady Jane would never have found it within themselves to do that; refusing an invitation to a Buck House garden party; taking the piss out of the Freemasons and, I understand, the Water Buffaloes as well.
In 1979, one day at school I and my friends were in the library reading the ‘Bridgwater Mercury’ and we happened upon the ’25 years ago today’ column. Everyone howled with laughter, because the snippet chosen was a speech that my grandfather had made to the Somerset Tories, in which he had said that ‘the Conservative Party today is not what it used to be’. Well it certainly wasn’t by the late 1980s, it was trying to murder his granddaughter because she’d stumbled across the Westminster Paedophile Ring.
Anyone for a Buck House garden party?
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The Banality Of Evil

I have previously detailed how bare-faced lies were documented about me and other patients by the mental health services in north Wales and a perusal of our records demonstrated quite clearly that on numerous occasions the staff were well aware that they were documenting fallacies, just as they cheerfully perjured themselves in attempts to secure convictions against patients who had made serious complaints. My recent posts ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’ and ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’ provided accounts of how serious complaints that I made were simply never investigated yet various managers then wrote to me telling me that their investigations had not upheld my complaints; how managers either ignored correspondence from the Mental Health Act Commission or lied to Commissioners; how patients were repeatedly lied to when they attempted to follow up complaints and were told that accounts provided by third parties who had witnessed wrongdoing had not been received whilst those accounts were lying in files with instructions not to reply to the witnesses; how the solution for dealing with patients who produced evidence of serious wrongdoing was to serve them with High Court injunctions preventing them from writing repeatedly to follow up complaints and then to prosecute them and declare that representation from those patients could be ignored because they were, after all, lying criminals.

In ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’ I provided details of documentation in my medical records that was fairly obviously forged, amended at a later date or at the very least not compiled on the dates given.

The staff of the mental health services in north Wales were characterised not only by their callous, brutal treatment of patients but by their callous, brutal treatment of each other – I have given previous examples of staff being unfairly dismissed, having nervous breakdowns, committing suicide and the claims of one female member of staff who worked with the Arfon Community Mental Health Team leaving the area after she was sexually assaulted by one of her male colleagues following her complaint of workplace bullying. The culture within the health and welfare sector in north Wales was – and remains -toxic.

So here are a few more gems from the records that my lawyers managed to obtain after the mental health services unlawfully witheld them for the best part of 25 years and a few more names of people who knew just how serious the criminality was and who should now be speaking to the police.

 

On 7 Jan 1991 a Debra Lewis made a note regarding me phoning Gwynedd Health Authority and telling her that I had been told by my colleagues in London that a sleazy looking person had turned up saying that he had come to serve court papers on me. I remember this well – I was working in London but had gone away for a few days and my colleagues and my house mates in London contacted me to say that a rather dodgy man in possession of a stack of papers was looking for me. I presumed that it would be something to do with Gwynedd Health Authority – the bailiffs used by the courts often looked as though they were on their uppers – so I rang in order to find out what was happening. Gwynedd Health Authority told me that they had no idea what I was talking about so I rang Hempsons, the MDU solicitors. Hempsons refused to discuss anything at all with me. Debra Lewis’s note explained that the seedy looking man was indeed in pursuit of me after Gwynedd Health Authority had ordered him to serve papers on me, but she explained in her note how everybody was to lie to me and profess complete ignorance of what was happening. So what was the outcome of this stupidity? Well the sleazy man tracked me down to where I was staying – with relatives in the west country, so I presume that once more someone had unlawfully accessed a confidential database in order to find those details, because I hadn’t given them to anyone – and the sleazebag served the papers on a relative of mine. Unlawfully. When the seedy old bailiff realised that the person to whom he’d just handed the bundle wasn’t me, he panicked…

Why everybody felt obliged to lie to me about this I do not know. I wasn’t trying to escape the country, I was trying to find out what on earth was going on. But it was business as usual – a stream of lies, the telling of which was faithfully recorded in the records that these people unlawfully refused to hand over every time that I or my lawyers requested them.

In the early months of 1991 I finally got so fed up of the threats, the harassment and being bullied out of jobs when it was discovered that I had dared take on Dafydd and the paedophiles that I sought a barrister’s opinion. I was told that I had a case against the NHS for false imprisonment and trespass to the person. What happened over the next few months was exactly what happened on the two occasions since when I have tried to begin legal action against the mental health services – crucial papers disappeared and then even the lawyers did as well. One barrister in north Wales who provided his opinion but after which everything inexplicably fizzled out – Wyn Williams – was married to a psychiatric nurse in the Ablett Unit. The senior psychiatrist in the Ablett Unit at the time was Dr Neil Davies. Who was Dafydd’s colleague at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and was involved in falsely imprisoning me….

On 22 March 1991 Alun Davies wrote to Tracey Jones, a lawyer employed by AJ Beale – the legal firm in the Welsh Office who also employed the corrupt lawyer Andrew Park who documented that Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and Tony Francis (Dr X) were lying about my alleged assaults on people but was happy to begin proceedings against me nonetheless – re my proposed action against Gwynedd Health Authority for false imprisonment and trespass to the person. Davies explained to Tracey Jones that Gwynedd could not be held responsible because it was Clwyd Health Authority who managed the North Wales Hospital and held Dafydd’s contract. Davies had failed to explain that although Dafydd was employed by Clwyd, he held clinics in Gwynedd and had beds at Ysbyty Gwynedd – and that I had been unlawfully detained in Ysbyty Gwynedd and told by Tony Francis that Dafydd was now my doctor. It was indeed in Ysbyty Gwynedd where I first encountered Dafydd. Furthermore, I had been unlawfully arrested in Ysbyty Gwynedd no less – on the orders of Dafydd – and then been taken to the North Wales Hospital, where I had been held illegally. The North Wales Hospital was used for patients from Gwynedd and Clwyd. So Gwynedd were pretty bloody culpable but began wriggling desperately when I mentioned legal action.

On 23 April 1991 Alun Davies wrote to Tracey Jones to confirm that Dr Neil Davies was the RMO for Bryn Golau Ward in the North Wales Hospital, where I had been illegally imprisoned. Davies also admitted that Dafydd  ‘still provides a service to Gwynedd’.

On 20 May 1991 Alun Davies writes to Mrs T.L. Jones – who as far as I can work out is the Tracey Jones to whom Davies had written just days previously in AJ Beale’s firm, but who was now working for DG Lambert, Solicitor, Crown Buildings, Cathays Park. DG Lambert was obviously another legal firm working for the Welsh Office, but I don’t know why they were involved at that point, particularly as Andrew Park of AJ Beale’s company had not gone anywhere. Park continued to send me threatening letters and ‘advise’ the paedophiles’ friends as to how to secure convictions against me. Davies explained to Tracey Jones the latest problem that he had with me – that I had now written to Huw Thomas, the General Manager of Gwynedd Health Authority. Tracey came up with the usual solution and wrote back to Davies telling him that she would write to me and threaten me with court action if I did not stop writing to Gwynedd Health Authority.

In spring 1991, under John Major’s NHS modelled on business principles, the idiot Davies was no longer styled as ‘Priority Services Administrator’, but was now ‘Business, Planning and Contracts Manager’. Such was the fuckwittery of every NHS reorganisation – the same old crooks and fools were left in place and given new job titles. Older readers will remember the Tories ‘internal market’ which they imposed upon the NHS. Ooh yes, GPs and managers would be able to buy services from the best provider, thereby increasing patient choice and enabling patients to ‘shop around’ for the best care. What happened in north Wales? Hilarious, Gwynedd Health Authority took out full page adverts in the local papers explaining that they would be buying mental health services from – Dafydd and the North Wales Hospital! How Brown and me laughed. Here’s your choice under the Tories’ internal market – Dafydd and the paedophiles. Again.

When I mentioned this to the fat fool Davies, he snapped at me that in north Wales there wasn’t any choice. Yes, I had noticed – I escaped to London and was still told that Dafydd was my doctor. Professor Nigel Eastman of St George’s Hospital Medical School told me to go back to north Wales for ‘care’, even though Eastman had been told by his colleague Dr Robin Jacobson that Dafydd had described me as ‘attractive and seductive’, that Dafydd ‘had a soft spot for me’ and that Jacobson had noticed that Dafydd and Tony Francis had ‘lost their boundaries’ (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London…’). Escaping from Dafydd trying to get his leg over? We’ll say nothing about the perjury taking place in an attempt to imprison you and when the case collapses we’ll send you back to Dafydd whilst telling everyone that you’re the dangerous one…

‘There was no evidence of any criminal conspiracy in north Wales with people outside of the region in order to conceal sexual abuse.’

The criminal conspiracy of course had begun back in 1987, when Dr James Earp of the Towers Hospital Leicester had colluded with Dafydd, Tony Francis and Gwynedd Social Services after the first time that I had been unlawfully detained and exposed to Dafydd’s highly inappropriate conduct (see post ‘An Expert From England’).

What else happened in the early months of 1991? My friend who worked at the Royal Television Society who knew what had happened to me in north Wales and who wanted to make a documentary about it was unlawfully dismissed and blacklisted – her husband who worked at the BBC was told by his boss that they would make sure that he ‘never worked in this town again’. He was transferred to Manchester and made redundant some months later. Another friend of mine from our Bangor days who was working for a pharmaceutical company in Kent found that he was driven  out of his job as well. Brown discovered that his colleagues had been told by someone that ‘he could not be trusted around children’. Then the workplace harassment of Brown at Aston University began in earnest.

The other thing that happened in early 1991 was that my solicitor – who was amazingly supportive – had done his best to secure what he thought would be an independent second opinion in the face of the constant charges brought against me by the north Wales mental health services. My solicitor found someone called David Mawson who was certainly pleasant and friendly and didn’t conduct himself in the manner of Dafydd et al (see post ‘Doctors Who Disappeared From The Medical Register’), but I have now found out that Dr Mawson knew all about Dafydd and the paedophiles and like absolutely everybody else he was not going to say a word about their criminal activities. Everyone took the same view – the solution here is to stress that it is the patients who are the problem not a bunch of professionally qualified gangsters who are into serious organised crime. Documents in my possession show that Alun Davies and Tony Francis (Dr X) made it their business to contact David Mawson without my or my solicitor’s knowledge or consent and ask him what he was going to say in his report….

 

Documents in my possession show that after they feared that I was going to sue, Gwynedd and Clwyd simply sent letters back and forth to the lawyers in the Welsh Office in which everybody claimed that it wasn’t them who had been responsible for my unlawful arrest and detention. The Welsh Office’s solution? Threaten me with legal action to stop me writing to anyone. Meanwhile, crucial evidence – such as the identity of Ann Williams, the one honest social worker who was a key witness (see post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’) and documentation – was witheld.

I suspect that it might have been at about this time that Alun Davies et al forged the documentation that I detailed in my post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’. Gwynedd Health Authority knew that if I began legal action against them at some point, documentation could be extracted by a High Court order – as indeed it was many years later – and all would be revealed. So a load of paperwork was compiled to make it look as though legal procedures had been followed in 1988-89 when Professor Robert Owen (see post ‘In Memoriam – Professor Robert Owen’) at the Welsh Office conspired with Professor Robert Bluglass and Dr Colin Berry to conceal the wrongdoing of Dr Tony Francis, Gwynedd Social Services and Dafydd (see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’).

 

By the spring of 1991 the authorities were having great trouble convincing everyone that something terrible was not happening in north Wales. Former residents of children’s homes were being found dead at an alarming frequency and some members of staff of the children’s homes had been convicted of violent and/or sexual assaults on children. There had been many more allegations of abuse which had been dismissed as untrue. From spring 1991 matters snowballed.

In May-June 1991, the by now sacked Gwynedd social worker Alison Taylor took her allegations that children in care were being abused to Wrexham Councillor Dennis Parry. On 10th June 1991 Wrexham Labour Councillors Dennis Parry and Malcolm King held a crisis meeting with John Jevons, the Director of Social Services for Clwyd County Council. On 17th July 1991 a letter was sent to the Chief Constable of North Wales stating that there were allegations circulating that a paedophile ring was in operation in the children’s homes of north Wales. On 30th July 1991 yet another member of staff of the children’s homes in north Wales was convicted of rape and indecent assault.

On 2nd August 1991 the North Wales Police launched an investigation into Clwyd children’s homes. In Sept Wrexham Councillor Dennis Parry contacted ‘The Independent’ newspaper, alleging a North Wales Police ‘cover up’. On 19 Sept 1991 Dennis Parry met journalist Dean Nelson at a London hotel and on 26 Sept 1991 HTV screened a film outlining complaints about Nefyn Dodd, the manager of the Ty’r Felin children’s home in Bangor. On 12 Oct Dean Nelson met Alison Taylor at her home in Bangor and on 7 Nov 1991 ‘The Independent’ newspaper formally commissioned Dean to report on the North Wales allegations.

On 14 Nov 1991 police warned Alison Taylor about ‘contacting witnesses’. On 30 Nov Frank Beck, the Leicester social worker and associate of Greville Janner, received three life sentences for the abuse of children in his care. There were links between the Leicester gang and the gang in north Wales… On 1 Dec 1991 the ‘The Independent on Sunday’ published an article about child abuse in North Wales. North Wales Police merged the Clwyd and Gwynedd child abuse inquiries on 2 Dec 1991 and on 6 Dec two former kids in care in north Wales launched a joint compensation claim against Clwyd County Council.

 

So who in high office presided over this carnage? The Secretary of State for Wales during this time was none other than this blog’s friend David Hunt who had already loyally served the paedophiles’ friends for years (see post ‘The Paedophiles’ Friends Of Cardiff North’).

The Secretary of State for Health was William Waldegrave and the Secretary of State for Social Security was Tony Newton. Alison Taylor had previously written to Newton on 28 Feb 1988 and described a brutal assault that she had witnessed on a child in care.

 

The havoc and concerns in north Wales continued throughout 1992. Two former residents of north Wales children’s homes Heath Kelvin Jones and Barry Williams were found dead in their bedsits/flats. In Jan and Feb Dean Nelson continued seeking evidence regarding the paedophile gang in north Wales.

On 15 March 1992 police arrested sixteen men and one woman in dawn raids in and around Wrexham. All but one of these had once worked at Bryn Estyn. ‘No child pornography’ was found and there was ‘no evidence’ of any paedophile ring. By the end of that day the police had no alternative but to release twelve of the sixteen without bringing any charges. Of the four that remained – Stephen Norris, Peter Howarth, Paul Wilson and David Birch – only Norris made any admissions.

On 9 April 1992 John Major won the General Election. Just days later, Adrian Johns died along with Mabel Roberts, Paul ‘Tony’ Jones, Tim Sharpe and Andrew Manners when a firebomb was thrown into a building where a party was taking place in Brighton. Two people – AIDS counsellor Mabel Roberts and Andrew Manners – died from multiple injuries trying to jump to safety. Seven people managed to escape by clambering down a drainpipe at the back of the building. One, Tim Sharpe, fell to his death after losing his grip. Several people were impaled on the spiked railings as they jumped to safety from the upstairs windows. Adrian Johns, 32, and another man, Paul ‘Tony’ Jones, 33, remained trapped in the flat and died of smoke inhalation. Their bodies were so badly charred that they had to be identified by dental records. A number of those caught in the fire had been in care in north Wales. Days later the man who allegedly confessed to starting the fire was found dead. One survivor claimed that witnesses to the abuse of children in north Wales were being murdered. This man was later found dead after giving evidence at one of the trials of John Allen. For full details of the fire and its aftermath, see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’.

On 13 Sept 1992 a story about the abuse of kids in care in north Wales was published by ‘The Observer’. On 17 Sept Mark Humphreys and Steven Messham appeared on TV and accused Gordon Anglesea of abusing them whilst they had been in care in north Wales. Carl Holden watched them at home on television and then telephoned the BBC. During Oct-Nov 1992 Carl Holden was visited by BBC journos and on 30 Nov the BBC filmed Carl Holden accusing Gordon Anglesea of abuse.

Anglesea subsequently sued HTV, ‘Private Eye’, ‘The Observer’ and the Indie on Sunday for libel and in 1994 was awarded nearly £400k damages (see posts ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd’ and ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd – A Few Additional Comments’). Shortly after giving evidence at the trial, Mark Humphreys was found dead, hanging from the stairwell in the block of flats in which he lived in Wrexham. In 2016 Gordon Anglesea was jailed for the historical abuse of children in care in north Wales.

 

So I was interested to discover from my medical files that on 12 Nov 1992 Alun Davies wrote to Rob Evans, the Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services, demanding that an approved social worker should be allocated for the specific purpose of being on hand to ‘assess’ me, because they never knew when I might require sectioning under the Mental Health Act. Who did Davies ask to perform this service? A Terence James, as recommended by Tony Francis.

Terence James was one of Dafydd’s mates. Whilst I was in the North Wales Hospital being unlawfully imprisoned and threatened, Dafydd called upon the services of Terence James to section me – after I had been unlawfully arrested and held for three weeks. So why did Dafydd need to do this? Because the next day I was due to appear at Bangor Magistrates Court on a charge of assaulting a junior doctor. I was pleading not guilty because I hadn’t assaulted him – unbeknown to me, the doctor himself had admitted this and the charges were going to be formally withdrawn but no-one told me that. Dafydd and the paedophiles’ knew though and thus sectioned me the day before I was due to appear in court. So I was taken in the clutches of Angels across to Bangor Magistrates Court, told when I arrived that the charges had been dropped – and was taken straight back to the North Wales Hospital because Terence James had sectioned me the night before. James had sectioned me on the grounds that I was suicidal – he agreed with the charge nurse Mike Williams that the atmosphere on Bryn Golau Ward was ‘difficult and oppressive’ and that was why I had become suicidal. So there was only one answer – I had to stay in the ‘oppressive’ atmosphere which had made me suicidal….Just to emphasise how important it was for me to stay banged up, Dafydd contributed his ha’porth – I was ‘excitable and potentially dangerous’. Which is hardly consistent with being depressed and suicidal, but when did coherent thought ever have a role to play with this lot? For details of the conflicting evidence, the lies and the fuckwittery, see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE ‘.

When I was in Bryn Golau Ward in the North Wales Hospital, because the paedophiles’ friends were indulging in their usual practice of refusing to identify themselves, every time that I found out who one of them actually was, I made a note of it. I had a list of the guilty parties on a sheet of paper on my pillow. One day it disappeared. Just like that. However, I’ve found it! It turned up in my medical files! So a helpful Angel must have swiped that when they realised that I was identifying the culprits. One of the names on my list was ‘Terence James, social worker’.

I had no idea in Nov 1992 that Davies and Francis were trying to persuade one of the paedophiles’ friends to be on stand by until they gave him the signal to bang me up again. However I note from my records that Terence James was ‘unwilling to make himself available’. I wonder if Terence was a bit shaken by the police investigations and newspaper exposes regarding matters in north Wales?

Terence would have good reason to be. I have discovered that Terence was a member of the Aberconwy social work team. The Aberconwy team were rather heavily implicated in the abuse of children. From 1987, the Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services – whilst the paedophile gang carried out business unhindered – responsible for the Children’s Section was Rob Evans, who had been the Area Officer for Aberconwy since November 1984. Rob Evans had graduated in Social Sciences from Leicester University and obtained his CQSW in 1976. Whilst Evans was in Leicester, the paedophile gang involving Frank Beck and Greville Janner were busy and were being concealed by a number of people in Leicester University (see post ‘Radical Leicester and Some Other Free Radicals’). In 1992 Rob Evans was appointed Assistant Director (Mental Health) in Gwynedd.

No wonder Terence didn’t introduce himself when he imprisoned me in Bryn Golau Ward – and no wonder my piece of paper with Terence’s name on disappeared.

‘We didn’t know.’

‘There was no evidence of any criminal conspiracy.’

Some witnesses at the Waterhouse Inquiry were not considered credible because they consistently misidentified staff whom they claimed had assaulted them.

It was all a pack of lies to claim compensation!!!!

 

In April 1992 Virginia Bottomley took over as Secretary of State for Health and Peter Lilley took over as Secretary of State for Social Security. Anyone remember Peter Lilley’s ‘little list’ of all the social security scroungers whom he wanted to eliminate? You bloody idiot Lilley, just look at what was happening to the ‘scroungers’ at the hands of a bunch of white collar serious criminals.

 

Now here’s the name of someone else who has info for the police – Bethan Jones, who was working as Dafydd’s secretary in March 1993. Dafydd’s secretaries didn’t hang around for long because he used to do things like ask them to dress up and come to work wearing ‘a brief mini skirt and smokey grey stockings because that’s my favourite’.

#ME TOO!!

Except in wasn’t a case of #Me Too, these snivelling invertebrates freely admitted to each other that they were leaving because they couldn’t bear Dafydd propositioning them – and worse – but on every occasion that a patient described similarly offensive conduct from Dafydd, the same invertebrates were happy to do as they were told and complain about these dangerous patients making ‘wild allegations’ about Dr DA Jones and oooh they were ever so frightened and they thought that the deranged patient in question was probably going to ‘attack’ them. If any patient ever attacked a member of staff it will have been in self-defence.

Another man who might have been up to no good with the patients at the North Wales Hospital was Frank Riley. He was some sort of occupational therapist. I didn’t have the pleasure of the Frank Riley Experience myself, but I did hear about him. From female patients. I was told by a male Angel that Frank Riley was ‘a sex symbol for the over 60s’ in Denbigh. Frank could have been innocent – Dr David Healy used to have a following when he was younger and I don’t think that he was indulging in Dafydd-like pursuits – but in my experience, much of the ‘harassment’ that staff in north Wales were alleged to be receiving from patients was actually sparked off by the conduct of the staff themselves.  If Frank Riley wasn’t sexually exploiting patients himself he knew people who were.

 

Previous posts have mentioned Bob Ingham, a thug of a CPN employed in the Arfon Community Mental Health Team. In 1988 Slob Ingham dragged me along a corridor and injured me. Whilst telling me that he was Keith Fearns. I only found out that Slob had misidentified himself after I tried to make a complaint about him assaulting me. I told Jeff Crowther, a nursing officer at Ysbyty Gwynedd, that Keith Fearns had just assaulted me and Jeff told me that I was lying because ‘Keith Fearns isn’t in work today’. I later found out that my assailant had been Slob.

My medical records reveal exactly why Keith Fearns wasn’t in work that day – he was on strike. Along with the rest of the social workers in Gwynedd. Whilst it is tempting to observe that for once the patients would have been safe if the paedophiles and their friends were on strike, they weren’t because Slob assaulted them instead.

The notes that Slob made on that day refer to a Mrs Nancy Jones and a Mrs Crowley being the only other people in the building. Perhaps Mrs Nancy Jones and Mrs Crowley would like to make a statement re Slob assaulting me, they could hardly have missed it. I don’t know Mrs Crowley, but I do remember Nancy. Nancy was an utter incompetent who for a long while worked as Tony Francis’s receptionist in Ysbyty Gwynedd. Nancy was rude to patients and she kept screwing up the appointments – so people wouldn’t receive their appointment through the post until after the salient date had come and gone. Francis knew that Nancy was doing this because so many people complained about her. So he did what he seemed to have done a great deal of – he was charm itself to the patients and their relatives, told them that it would never happen again and then fumed and planned revenge. The first bit of ‘evidence’ that Francis sent to the MDU solicitors Hempsons regarding my irrationality and dangerousness was a complaint that I had made about Nancy – after the fouth time that I received a little yellow card through the post telling me that my appointment had been the day before the card arrived.

Being dragged along a corridor was not my only encounter with Slob Ingham. Following that incident, I was partaking of my usual habit ie. reading the newspapers in the supermarket – namely Safeways in Bangor – when I felt a drunken thuggish presence next to me. Then the presence elbowed me and I realised that it was Slob. I asked him what he thought that he was doing and Slob insulted me and walked off. So unsurprisingly I followed him. Slob then told me that he would be calling the police to report me for ‘harassment’. It got better. Slob then supplied a statement to the police explaining that he knew that I was in Safeways (how?? ESP???) and he also knew that his colleague Jackie Brandt was shopping in Safeways at the same time. So in order to stop me ‘attacking Mrs Brandt’, he ‘distracted me’. How I was supposed to have even known that Brandt was shopping in Safeways let alone be getting ready to attack her whilst I was reading ‘The Guardian’ I cannot fathom. Furthermore, if danger was really imminent the most sensible course would have been for Brandt to do her shopping somewhere else. This incident was faithfully logged as yet another occasion on which a paedophiles’ friend narrowly escaped with their lives after a chance encounter with me.

Brandt appeared in court on several occasions and perjured herself in an attempt to secure convictions against me, on one occasion with Slob, Keith Fearns and their partner in crime Maggie Fookes, on another with Keith Fearns and in 1993 by herself (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’). On one occasion Brandt started crying after my solicitor demonstrated that I had not – as she alleged – screamed and yelled at her, indeed I hadn’t even spoken to her. I was fined £60 quid for looking at her. Yes, honestly – Gwynfor Evans, the Chairman of Bangor Magistrates Bench, claimed that by looking at Brandt I had caused her to feel fear and distress as defined under the Public Order Act. Gwynfor was a retired bank manager from Holyhead. God knows what sort of decisions Gwynfor was making when he managed the bank. He also deported an overseas student at Bangor University who nicked a credit card from another student. Gwynfor was quoted in the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ as saying ‘this is what we call organised crime and we will not tolerate that in Bangor’. I showed the article to Brown’s brother and he pissed himself laughing and said ‘organised crime, that’s the Mafia isn’t it?’

Well Gwynfor, I’ve got news for you – there was organised crime in Bangor, Dafydd and his mistress Lucille Hughes were running a paedophile ring with interests in drug dealing and child porn. But Gwynfor almost certainly knew that at the time, which was why he was fining the victims of Dafydd and the paedophiles £60 for looking at them in Safeways. I don’t know whether Gwynfor simply just worked in Holyhead or whether he lived there as well, but the children in the children’s home in Holyhead were being abused.

In May 1993 John Redwood took over as Secretary of State for Wales.

In the summer of 1993 an exceptional cousin of mine who had a place to do a PhD with Stephen Hawking found that his career was unexpectedly derailed (see comments following my post ‘Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks’).

In Oct 1993 Ron Davies – of moments of madness and looking for badgers fame (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’) – was appointed Shadow Secretary of State for Wales.

 

Just weeks after I was find £60 for looking at Jackie Brandt, I had yet another encounter with Slob Ingham. I was standing in a corridor at Ysbyty Gwynedd chatting to an Angel, when Slob advanced towards us and stood right next to me glowering at me. He didn’t move until I finished the conversation and I had walked away. I – and other patients – had by then had such a bellyful of the constant aggro from Slob and the gang that we agreed that if we could be fined for looking at them whilst they continued to conduct themselves like this, it left us in a very vulnerable position. So I made representation about Slob and two other patients backed me up, having witnessed his intimidation.

My medical records contain a fascinating account of what happened behind the scenes after we complained about Slob. On 30 Nov 1993 Alun Davies wrote a letter about it all. Davies’s letter explained that ‘a member of staff, Mrs Penny Phillips’ witnessed everything and that Penny barely noticed Slob’s presence let alone any silent intimidation.

Penny Phillips was married to another Hergest Unit nurse, Gareth. Gareth Phillips developed back problems a few years later and was unable to continue working as an Angel. I was told by a former member of staff that the North West Wales NHS Trust had ‘looked after Gareth’. This looking after of Gareth consisted of the Trust giving Gareth a job as the RCN rep and in this capacity Gareth obediently gave interviews to the local papers explaining how many psychiatric patients were carrying out violent attacks on Angels after every allegation that there was abuse of patients happening in the Hergest Unit. I never saw Gareth or Penny abuse patients themselves but they certainly knew that some of their colleagues were doing so.

But then Gareth and Penny had an idyllic existence on their smallholding on Ynys Mon with their horses and horses don’t come cheap. What would have happened if the Phillips’s had to live in poverty like the patients?

Alun Davies had certainly prepared for all eventualities after he received representation about Slob. Before he even asked the tame Angel Penny for her opinion, Davies had written to Tony Francis – for his opinion on my ‘mental state’ no less, immediately after Davies received my complaint about Slob. I could see the logic in such a course of action if, for example, an acutely ill patient had complained that there was a spaceship parked in the hospital grounds and he wanted someone to remove it. Even so, the opinion about someone’s ‘mental state’ should be sought with the complainant’s knowledge and consent and in tandem with – or following – an appropriate investigation.

Well if Davies was hoping that Francis was simply going to declare me insane and he could therefore ignore my complaint as the rantings of a lunatic, he was to be disappointed. Francis – for a man, who without my knowledge spent much time and energy sending letters to the BMA, Hempsons and the MDU demanding that I be prosecuted and locked up on the grounds of the enormous imminent danger that I presented to the world – had an interesting response.

On 25 Nov 1993 Francis replied to Davies, but Francis refused to comment on my ‘mental state’. Because it would have been thoroughly unethical? Er, no. Because Francis noted that a member of staff had witnessed the incident – so Francis knew that Penny was on hand to lie – and that it was important ‘therapeutically’ for people to view this situation sensitively and ‘through [my] eyes’.

I suspect that the reason why Francis had not done the usual – put on his jackboots and told Davies that I should be ignored because I was nuts – was because they had already been stung after using this approach. After I complained about Gwynne the lobotomist’s lechery at the Student Health Centre at UCNW (Bangor University), the corrupt GP Dr DGE Wood had tried the ‘you’re mad and we’re right’ approach and it backfired. Brown was livid and wrote to them as well, we gained evidence of complaints by other students against Gwynne the lobotomist, we contacted the Students Union so they all began crapping themselves up there (see post ‘Just A Language Divide?’) and eventually we wrote to the Vice-Chancellor.

So obviously a different approach had to be adopted – particularly, as with the students at Bangor University a few years before, there was no shortage of people ready to testify as to Slob’s previous.

 

The police investigation into a possible paedophile ring in north Wales ended in 1993. The North Wales Police claimed to have found ‘no evidence’ of a paedophile ring, just a ‘few evil men’. Which is odd because I found absolutely scores of evil men and as many evil women as well, so obviously the North Wales Police weren’t looking in the right places. They obviously were just searching behind the cushions instead of in the NHS, the BMA, the GMC, the MDU, Hempsons, the social services, MIND, the Samaritans, the County Councils, the Houses of Parliament, the Magistrates Courts, the Crown Courts, the High Courts and their own police stations. Easy to miss I suppose.

 

My records show that on 20 Jan 1994, Alun Davies sent a memo to Rob Evans, Slob, Ella Fisk (the nurse who ran the very popular day centre), Jeff Crowther (a nurse manager), Keith Fearns (the thug who was leader of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team), Jackie Brandt and Bruce Napier (a clinical psychologist who had a much nicer manner with the patients than did most of his colleagues and who for a while had a management role at the Hergest Unit). The memo purports to have been sent by Alun Davies but it is signed D. Parsons. The memo states that there is a ‘need to discuss the issues’ raised in Jackie Brandt’s letter to Bruce Napier of 23 Dec 1993 and Brandt’s solicitor’s letter to me.

There is no copy of any letter from Brandt to Bruce Napier in my files, but Brandt did send me a solicitor’s letter at about this time. I had been in Bangor on a Saturday morning and had walked past her and her husband in Bangor High Street, near the clock which is in the main thoroughfare through Bangor town centre. About 30 mins later I passed them again in the shopping centre. Brandt’s solicitor accused me of following her – although it was Brandt’s husband who breached the peace by shaking his fist at me and shouting. Bangor is a small town and if one is in town at the same time as someone else, it is highly likely that you’ll see that person – particularly near the clock where you have to pass to get from one end of the town to the other or in the shopping centre. There is only one shopping centre and it doesn’t have that many shops in it.  It would be possible to miss someone if one of you was visiting the cathedral because that’s at the other end of town, but go to Bangor on a Saturday morning in a car or on the bus to do some shopping and you’ll all end up in pretty much the same place. As my solicitor explained to Brandt when she threw a hissy fit and her husband shook his fist at me.

As for Brandt’s letter to Bruce Napier, I never saw it, but I was told that Brandt hit the roof because I walked past her in a corridor in the Hergest Unit. Brandt explained to Bruce that she had been with ‘a reluctant paranoid client’ – yes, that was Jackie Brandt being nice about a client – and just the sight of me could have had a deleterious effect on this ‘reluctant paranoid client’. As opposed to her mate Slob dragging them down a corridor or Brandt illegally detaining them in Ysbyty Gwynedd where Dafydd then shuts himself in a room with them and talks about sex with no prompting. After seeing me in the corridor, Jackie Brandt declared that she would no longer be prepared to attend Ysbyty Gwynedd lest she see me there again.

Brandt clearly pushed the boat out on this occasion. Not only had she sent me a solicitor’s letter and banged on to Bruce Napier about a reluctant paranoid client, but Brandt had also made contact with Gwynedd County Council’s legal dept – the legal dept that employed the crooked lawyer Ron Evans, who’s assistance not only kept a lot of people out of prison after the Jillings Report caused everything to hit the fan and was then followed by the Waterhouse Inquiry, but who was also involved in the rigged court case in Chester in July 1990 when Lucille, Fearns, Brandt, Slob and Maggie Fookes tried to have me imprisoned by perjury par excellence (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’).

 

Brandt ‘advised’ Ron Evans and Gwynedd’s legal dept that Slob was ‘subject to a spurious complaint’ from me and referred to my ‘abusive behaviour’  which, according to Brandt, was interfering with Slob’s ‘clinical work’ no less.

The correspondence regarding the terrible threat that I presented to Jackie and Slob and the need to have a meeting to discuss it – on Jan 24 1994 – was CC’d to Mrs J. Hughes, legal dept and to Rob Evans, the Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services.

I presume that Mrs J Hughes was Janet Hughes, of Gwynedd County Council’s legal dept. Although Gwynedd County Council was a separate body from the various incarnations that the NHS in north Wales passed through, they were always happy to put their heads together in their efforts to shaft patients. Andrew Park, the crooked lawyer employed by the Welsh Office – who’s lawyers the NHS used – wrote to Gwynedd County Council and asked them to ‘share information’ with him because he thought that the injunction which Gwynedd County Council obtained against me was ‘more favourable in its terms’ than the injunction that Gwynedd Health Authority obtained.

It certainly was – the reason why I was a punchbag for Fearns and Brandt was that after my second letter of complaint to Gwynedd Social Services about Brandt unlawfully detaining me, Lucille Hughes asked Ron Evans to obtain an injunction against me preventing me from writing to anyone in Gwynedd Social Services or visiting any of their properties. Park wanted to know how they obtained such a wonderful and far reaching injunction. Easy. Brandt and Fearns lied their arses off on oath and Ron Evans took the request before a judge in Leeds, a paedophiles’ friend called Sir John Kay (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’). So Brandt and Fearns did whatever they wanted and I could not even make written representation, unless I splashed out for a lawyer and paid them to write to Gwynedd Social Services on my behalf.

Ron Evans seems to have been on tap quite regularly. Ron had a trademark signature, a distinctive R which was underlined – it appears on a number of NHS documents concerning me to which Ron should had not have had access. Ron was also on hand to advise when Alun Davies and Tony Francis tried to entrap me over the phone – Ron was advising them on which recording equipment to invest in.

It was Ron’s wife who told me that Ron kept the paedophile gang out of prison – I worked with her at Bangor University. She had no idea that he had tried to have me imprisoned and it was a while before I realised that her husband was the Ron who had caused me such problems.  She told me that Ron was the best and they all used to go to him for advice. Well he was not as daft as the rest of them, I’ll give him that. I’ve got documents that were forged by Ron and they are far superior to Alun Davies’s efforts at forgery (see post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’). Ron remembered to sign them, he was careful to get the date right when he pre or post dated them AND he forged the Gwynedd Health Authority stamp with the appropriate date on. So how do I know that Ron forged them? Because unlike Ron, the silly fuckers who were finally forced to hand my records over to my lawyer in 2005 or see Keith Thomson – the CEO of the North West Wales NHS Trust – go to prison for contempt of court, handed the whole lot over without sifting through them when my lawyer sent the bailiffs in to search all the Trust buildings and seize everything relating to me. So all the documents that Ron would have had the brains to remove were handed over as well – the original copies, the plans and the instructions to people to lie in court.

I’ve got the lot Ron!

 

Following Penny Phillips’ bearing false witness and Alun Davies writing to me telling me that Slob Ingham had not tried to hassle me in any way whatever, I and another patient decided to take this further in the light of the number of patients who had told us about the naked abuse and aggression that they had experienced from Slob. One family told us how on a ‘home visit’ Slob threatened to hit a member of the family, his ‘client’. The family were so frightened of Slob that they were locking themselves in their house. We had all had years of getting absolutely nowhere with the mental health services no matter what had happened to us, so I suggested that we should go outside of the mental health services, above their heads. I discovered that there was a Director of Nursing for the Gwynedd Community Health Trust, a Nerys Owen, who was probably not a psychiatric nurse and I wrote to her.

Nerys wrote back and met both I and another patient. She actually seemed to take the matter very seriously and we noticed that none of the Hergest Unit staff tried their usual fuckwittery in front of Nerys. They were incredibly polite to her, even Slob Ingham kept a civil tongue in his head which I had never seen before or saw since. We had a private meeting with Nerys and told her just how serious some of the allegations against Slob were. She gave us a supply of her business cards and virtually begged the other people who had been threatened and hassled by Slob to get in touch with her. (They wouldn’t – they simply pointed out to us that he knew where they lived, he knew confidential information about them and that he or Fearns and/or another member of the gang could turn up at any point and section them and that would be it. Which is a fair point – someone said to me two years ago ‘you complained about them and look what happened to you’.)

Although our meeting with Nerys left both I and the other patient with the firm impression that Nerys really was doing her best, the truce was short-lived, as I shall explain.

When I obtained my records, I found a copy of the letter that Nerys wrote to Slob after I and the other patient contacted her. On 16 Feb 1994 Nerys wrote to Slob ordering him to a meeting with her on 21 Feb 1994, ‘to discuss in detail comments and complaints that [my name] has made in relation to your behaviour…the areas to discuss with you will be limited to your attitude and behaviour in a professional capacity…my intention is to address issues raised by [my name] and then to move forward endeavouring to create an atmosphere of understanding rather than confrontation which the current situation appears to be’. The letter was CC’d to Alun Davies.

My perception is that Nerys’s letter was excellent. Slob was rude, aggressive and threatening and this was well-known. His attitude towards patients was dreadful and he was also very unpleasant and confrontational with a lot of other staff. Slob, Fearns and the alcoholic alcohol counsellor Tom Harney –  who was another totally abusive member of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team – could be seen every day in Safeways in Bangor between 9-30 am and 11-30 am enjoying a cooked breakfast in the cafe. They were supposed to be in their office on duty and incredulous patients who had been told that the Arfon Team were ‘too busy’ to fulfil various simple basic functions would watch this every morning. Then other people would see Slob enjoying a round of golf on the golf course in Bangor on many a weekday afternoon.

The Hergest patients gained the impression that Slob backed off after Nerys intervened. Then came the backlash. Slob did back off, but the other paedophiles’ friends advanced fully armed.

Meanwhile, on 12 May 1994 Labour leader John Smith died unexpectedly after the Top Doctors at Barts just could not revive him after a heart attack. When Smith had his first heart attack, he was absolutely reassured by Top Doctors that the problem was not his heart. See post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’ for details of how the Top Doctors just didn’t seem to get it right with John Smith.

Tony Francis was most interested when he heard me telling everyone at Hergest that I’d just heard on the radio that John Smith had died.

 

Dafydd led the post-Slob charge. He was making constant representations about my very presence in the day centre – where I used to go to meet my friends and for appointments with my key worker, who was by then the Hergest whistleblower and was always very, very helpful. Dafydd made constant demands that I should be legally prevented from going to the Hergest Unit. He put in a complaint literally every time he saw me. Even on the occasion when Dafydd walked through the front door and was traumatised because he saw me sitting on a chair talking to an Angel. Not even Penny Phillips’ witness testimony managed to cause any problems on that occasion.

At about this time the Mental Health Act Commission paid a visit to the Hergest Unit. I and another patient made an appointment to see them. We told them of the suicides, the constant aggression from certain members of staff, the fact that complaints were never investigated – and we also told them about Dafydd’s conduct towards female patients. One of the Commissioners laughed. We asked him what he was laughing at and he told us that he was laughing in despair because he’d heard this so many times.  Jeff Crowther, the nursing manager, sat in on the meeting. He told us later that the second Commissioner, an older lady, had spoken to him after our meeting and had commented that she had been involved in inspections of North Wales Hospital in the 1960s ‘and it was exactly the same story then’.

To remind readers of just a bit of Dafydd’s previous in relation to patients: in 1987 a worker for MIND had collected statements from five female patients all independently stating that they had had a sexual relationship with Dafydd. He cohabited with a number of female patients, at one time with two at once. Dafydd’s conduct towards women, including patients, was the subject of jokes among the staff and many years later I was told by a former social worker who had given up with Gwynedd and walked away that it was an ‘open secret’ that Dafydd was sexually exploiting patients. In 1991 Dr Robin Jacobson of St George’s Hospital Medical School/Springfield Hospital documented that Dafydd and Tony Francis had ‘lost their boundaries’ after Dafydd told Jacobson that I was ‘attractive and seductive’ (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London…’). Jacobson did not tell me that Dafydd had made these comments. In the mid 1990s Alun Davies received a series of anonymous letters about Dafydd and after what was said to me (Davies thought that I was behind the letters) I suspect that Dafydd’s sexual relationships with patients were the topic.

Any comment or a complaint from patients about such matters resulted in it being diligently recorded but not as a complaint. My post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’ mentions how even documenting the numerous complaints about Dafydd’s sexual misconduct was said to be ‘publishing libellous material’. Instead comments from patients were recorded and used to demonstrate how mad the patients were.

One the first occasion on which I mentioned Dafydd’s sexual exploitation of patients Tony Francis was so livid that he documented that I was a ‘very disturbed individual’ and whoever had given me information about Dafydd’s ‘private life’ should be hunted down and sacked. After I raised the subject of Dafydd’s sexual exploitation of patients with two different members of admin staff at the North Wales Hospital, they passed on my comments ‘behind the scenes’ and Andrew Park made a written note that I was making a nuisance of myself again and that I had to be stopped. My files reveal that on 23 July 1990 Lilian Roberts, a temporary secretary to Dafydd, wrote to Alun Davies after I mentioned Dafydd’s conduct with female patients; that on 23 July 1990 an A. Howells, another secretary or administrator, took a phone call from me about the matter and that on 29 July 1990 a Dr Fear, ‘registrar, psychiatry’, made a note that I had mentioned it to him as well.

What did not happen at any time was any sort of investigation. Finally in about 1995 after I dared raise the subject of Dafydd again, Alun Davies bellowed at me that I should ‘put up and shut up’.

 

The situation was so widely known that it was the subject of piss-taking among patients. One person quipped that when the first female patient tried to report Dafydd they probably refused to document the complaint because she didn’t know the Welsh for ‘rape’. It wouldn’t actually surprise me if someone really had used that excuse.

English immigrants to north Wales who have learnt Welsh will be very familiar with the conversational Welsh course which is taught absolutely everywhere, WLPAN. WLPAN comes highly recommended and is good fun, but you don’t always get the vocabulary that you need to deal with Dafydd. So here’s a quick guide to learning Welsh the Dafydd way. Vocabulary which could be needed includes –

paedophile – pedoffilydd

rape – trais rhywiol

hooker – putain (plural = puteindra)

brothel – putaindy

testicles – carreg gwr (this is a nice one, it translates as ‘men’s stones’)

People who live in Caernarfon will be familiar with ‘Wenglish’, the slang Welsh which contains many English words which many younger people speak. Hence the reference to the need to ‘kick him in the carregs’ as explained to me by one of the bar staff in Wetherspoons one day.

Should pigs ever fly and Dafydd ends up under investigation but tries the Max Clifford excuse as to why he cannot possibly be a sexual predator, the Welsh for ‘small penis’ is ‘pidyn bach’. Just so that everyone understands Dafydd’s excuse of last resort.

Sadly there is a catch for anyone who even learns the appropriate vocab in an attempt to make a complaint about Dafydd. Welsh grammar is complex and difficult (but not as complex and difficult as English grammar) and no doubt if someone arrives at the office of Andrew Park/Alun Davies/Ian Rickard or indeed anyone else and makes their complaint in Welsh, they’ll be told that they haven’t mutated properly and dear oh dear we cannot possibly take down this complaint.

 

I did not hear any more from the Mental Health Act Commissioners, so I presumed that once more complaints about the most serious misconduct had been ignored.

 

On 9 June 1994 the head of Bryn Estyn, Matt Arnold, died of an ‘unspecified blood disease’. On 13 June the trial of Peter Howarth – Arnold’s colleague and long time friend – and Paul Wilson on sexual abuse charges began. Howarth was found guilty at Chester Crown Court on 8 July 1994 and was sentenced to 10 years imprisonment. Paul Wilson was acquitted of all charges, although on 28 Nov 1994 Wilson pleaded guilty to three counts of physical assault.

My files show that on 13 June 1994, Ian Rickard replied to a letter from Dafydd re Dafydd’s ‘extreme concern’ regarding the safety of him (Dafydd), his colleagues and patients ‘in relation to the above woman’ (ie. me). This letter was rather different in tone to the letter from Francis a few months earlier, regarding the need to see things through my eyes and show sensitivity to patients’ anxieties. Rickard finished the letter by offering to discuss me with Dafydd any time at Dafydd’s convenience…

On 4 July 1994 Ian Rickard wrote to Francis regarding me bothering Dafydd and the possibility of banning me from the hospital, although here were no examples given of whatever I was supposed to be doing that was causing such distress. Rickard also asks Francis if I should be assessed by a forensic psychiatrist. At this time Rickard’s job description was that of a ‘mental health advisor’ for Gwynedd Community Health Trust.

 

My files contain a copy of a letter from Mrs Joyce Kaye of the Mental Health Act Commission (Maid Marian House, Nottingham) written to Alun Davies on 7 July 1994, reminding Davies that on a visit to Ysbyty Gwynedd the Commissioners had spoken to him about me and asking Davies for an update re his investigation of my concerns.

On 4 Aug 1994, Joyce Kaye from the MHAC wrote to Alun Davies again. This letter was from Joyce on behalf of the Chief Exec of the MHAC and mentioned that it was further to her letters of 7 July 1994 and 12 July 1994 wanting an update on Davies’s investigation of my concerns.

 

In the wider world, on 21 July 1994 Tony Blair became leader of the Opposition. The Pretty Straight Kind Of Guy who is married to a lawyer who was mates with and indeed mentor to so many of those ‘radical lawyers’ who ignored the plight of kids in care and psych patients who were being so seriously abused. Tony and Cherie know many lawyers who are personal injury specialists – who undoubtedly know folk who have worked for the MDU and/or Hempsons.

 

On 26 Aug 1994 Alun Davies wrote a memo which was circulated to Rob Evans, Tony Francis, Keith Fearns, Ella Fisk and Jackie Brandt confirming a meeting on the same day to discuss my ‘present needs’ and to formulate a response to the Mental Health Act Commission.

The one really helpful person – my keyworker, the Hergest whistleblower – was not invited to the meeting to discuss my ‘needs’. Yet Fearns and Brandt – who had made it crystal clear that they hated me and had even lied on oath a few times in their attempts to have me imprisoned – had been invited to discuss my ‘needs’.  Fearns and Brandt had no part in my ‘care’ – although they were invited to nearly every meeting and CC’d into confidential letters about me.

On 1 Sept 1994 Alun Davies wrote to Joyce Kaye, giving details of my ‘care’ – presumably on a separate sheet, because I do not have those details. Alun Davies also told Mrs Kaye that Rob Evans – the Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services – would meet with me.

Rob Evans had graduated in Social Sciences from Leicester University and obtained his CQSW in 1976. Whilst Evans was in Leicester, the paedophile gang involving Frank Beck and Greville Janner was concealed by a number of people at Leicester University (see post ‘Radical Leicester And Some Other Free Radicals’). In 1992 Rob Evans was appointed Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services (Mental Health).

I was told that my meeting with Rob Evans was to discuss the constant aggro between Brandt, Fearns and me. However Rob didn’t discuss that. Instead Rob gave me a tutorial on ‘changing social work practice’. He explained that what was once acceptable is not any more. As an example, Rob Evans explained that when he used to take children into care, he would take their shoes away because if he didn’t they would run off. (People who had been in care in north Wales explained when they were adults that they had tried to run away from the beatings and the buggery but social workers took their shoes away so they couldn’t escape.) Rob told me that he knew some people in north Wales hated him but he didn’t care because he knew that he had done the right thing by taking their kids into care because they didn’t know how to look after them. I spent a long while wondering whether Rob Evans was just stupid, but I have come to the conclusion that he is pure bloody evil.

I last saw Rob Evans just before I left Bangor, in Tesco no less. When he saw me he told me that if ‘arrassed him he’d call the police.

Rob Evans made a record of his meeting with me and what happened afterwards. After meeting me, Evans held a meeting with Keith Fearns and asked Fearns what he wanted him (Evans) to do with me. Fearns replied ‘lock her up’. Evans documented that he told Fearns that wasn’t possible. Fearns repeated ‘lock her up’. Evans recorded that there was no solution to this situation and because he was being transferred to a new role the following day the matter would no longer be his responsibility.

When Rob Evans gave evidence to the Waterhouse Inquiry he explained that after running the children’s services in Gwynedd, he transferred to mental health. Rob told Waterhouse that the mental health services in north west Wales had been recognised as being among the best in Europe. But then Dafydd kept appearing in the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ describing himself as ‘Europe’s leading forensic psychiatrist’.

For the details on Rob and his child molesting colleagues, see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’.

 

In the autumn of 1994 Dafydd was writing to the MDU making ludicrous allegations, such as that I had thrown a rock through the glass door of his house at 3 am one morning, for which he did not have a shred of evidence (see post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’). When Dafydd described events that had actually taken place as opposed to those events he described which had simply never happened at all, it was the actions of people other than me that Dafydd detailed. But nonetheless, Dafydd knew that I was the wicked genius behind it all. It was certainly true that Dafydd was the subject of much piss-taking and the butt of many jokes, but I didn’t need to encourage anyone to do that, Dafydd himself was quite sufficient. One example of ‘criminal damage’ to Dafydd’s Range Rover with which the MDU was supplied occurred when a Hergest patient drew a cartoon and carefully tucked it under one of the windscreen wipers. The incident had arisen because a group of patients had watched Dafydd arrive at the hospital, park illegally, ignore the pleas of the parking attendant – who was actually one of the patients, a man called Emlyn (one of those who died shortly after the day centre was shut and scores of patients became destitute) – and had started exchanging Dafydd anecdotes. One woman said ‘well he says the most dreadful things to you, but I think he’s trying to shock you into getting better’. Whereupon someone else said ‘what do you think he is, a Zen master??’ and drew a cartoon of a Buddha with Dafydd’s face under the slogan ‘prepare for Nirvana’ and placed it under Dafydd’s wiper. Not only did Dafydd attribute the incident to me – no I wasn’t responsible, but I did think that it was quite entertaining – but Dafydd maintained that his windscreen wiper had been wrenched back, buckled and needed repairing at the garage.

The MDU did not ask Dafydd to produce any evidence for any of his allegations. They presented them all in court as uncontested matters of fact.

On 11 Oct 1994 Dafydd wrote to John Mullen, the CEO of Gwynedd Community Health Trust, telling Mullen that he’d ordered the MDU to raise an injunction against me. Dafydd CC’d this letter to Keith Thomson. I don’t know what Thomson’s job title was at the time, but Keith Thomson eventually became the CEO of the North West Wales NHS Trust. Thomson refused to investigate serious complaints and also refused to co-operate with external NHS investigations. He declared me and a number of other people to be ‘vexatious complainants’ and on those grounds refused to answer our correspondence. On Keith Thomson’s watch, north west Wales had the second highest suicide rate among women of any area in England and Wales. It was Thomson who was summoned before the High Court in Cardiff in 2005 and ordered to hand over all documentation relating to me or face imprisonment for contempt of court. Hours later Thomson resigned. An article subsequently appeared in the ‘Daily Post’ entitled ‘Ten Years At The Top For Keith’ waxing lyrical about Thomson’s glorious career and how he was now retiring. Thomson was then awarded an OBE. He didn’t retire. Thomson went down to Pembrokeshire and became CEO of the NHS Trust there. Where there was havoc in the NHS and a paedophile ring in operation.

Rhodri Morgan was FM when Thomson was let loose on the NHS in west Wales. There was a paedophile gang in operation in west Wales which had links to the one in north Wales – Ioan Bowen Rees, the Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council who was in post whilst the paedophile gang in were busy on his turf, had previously been County Secretary of Dyfed County Council, whilst a paedophile gang were busy there (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’). Rhodri’s wife Julie is a former social worker who was Assistant Director of Barnardo’s. Some Barnardo’s staff were involved with the abuse of children in north Wales.

 

More recently I heard that Barry Shingles had always expected to become CEO of the NW Wales NHS Trust, but Thomson knifed him and usurped. Shingles committed suicide.

 

On 3 Nov 1994 Dafydd obtained a High Court injunction against me on the basis of a truly extraordinary affidavit in which he discussed his anus of all things (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’). The official who served the injunction on me had read it and was laughing, I was later told that the Bangor police heard about the contents and were having a good laugh and I took it into the Hergest Unit to show everyone. Tony Francis was attempting to section one patient on that day for unclear reasons and interestingly enough when this man recited the contents of the injunction and told the assessing ‘second opinions’ that it had been passed around the day centre to great amusement, all talk of sectioning him was quietly dropped. This man was yet another person who disappeared without trace after the day centre closed. He was a lecturer from Bangor University who had experienced a breakdown. Bright, well-read and someone who would have been in a position to witness just how outrageous and crazy Dafydd’s conduct was if there was ever any sort of inquiry into the abuse of vulnerable people in north Wales.

So is Dave Nunn now dead along with all the rest of the witnesses then Dafydd?

 

Someone who will be in a position to give the police information concerning the mistreatment of patients during this time is Sharon Thomas  who worked as Tony Francis’s secretary in 1994.

 

An injunction wasn’t enough for Dafydd. He also demanded that an alarm system be installed in the Hergest Unit – because of the danger that I represented to him. On 1 Nov 1994 Alun Davies wrote a letter to John Mullen regarding the alarm system as required by Dafydd. Alun Davies estimated the cost at 25k and told Mullen in his letter that he wanted to discuss the funding with Mullen.

Meanwhile, I had made representation about Dafydd’s injunction. Not about the fact that Dafydd had discussed his anus in the affidavit or the crazed allegations that another patient losing his temper with Dafydd and telling Dafydd that he was going to stick a hand-grenade up Dafydd’s bum was evidence that I was about to murder Dafydd using a rectal method. I had made representation because among the gossip, speculation and mad fantasy in Dafydd’s injunction, he had breached confidence. He had provided clinical details of a matter involving me many years previously which had no relevance to the injunction or to any of Dafydd’s claims re the danger that I presented to him. I remembered how many times people had told me that they wouldn’t complain about Dafydd ‘because he knows things about me and he’ll tell people’. I knew enough to know that Dafydd was not on sound ground including some of the comments that he had in his affidavit. So I wrote to the NHS authorities in north Wales making it clear that Dafydd had now done what he was constantly alleged to do in the face of challenge – he had breached confidence and this time in the High Court in Liverpool.

On 11 Nov 1994 John Mullen wrote to the Medical Director of Gwynedd Community Health Trust, Jeremy Corson, asking him to investigate my complaint re Dafydd and the breach of confidence.

On 16 Jan 1995 Ian Rickard, now styled as the ‘Head of Mental Health Services and Project Manager’, wrote to me concerning my complaint re Dafydd’s injunction. Rickard stated that ‘any personal information about you was likely only to have been read out in open court in Liverpool, I feel that this is sufficiently far enough away to offer you anonymity…I conclude therefore that in this case confidence has not been breached’.

However Ian Rickard didn’t actually send the letter to me.

On the same day –  16 Jan 1995 – Rickard also wrote to Tony Francis saying ‘perhaps you will be kind enough to show my letter to Dr DA Jones when you next see him. I am not sure of the appropriateness of sending him a copy.’ Rickard also stated that I ‘may become quite upset by the outcome of my deliberations’ and thus he had sent the letter to me to Ella – the nurse who ran the day centre – ‘to discuss with me’.

So Ian Rickard didn’t actually carry out an investigation – his response was a result of his ‘deliberations’. He had sought no advice at all, let alone legal advice and had just written back telling me that because Dafydd only breached confidence in OPEN COURT in Liverpool and I lived near Bethesda, that wasn’t really breaching confidence. Furthermore Ian Rickard knew that he shouldn’t have sent a copy of his letter to me to Jones – so he sent a copy of it to Tony Francis, so that Francis could give a copy to Jones. Rickard also knew that I was likely to be highly unsatisfied with his response – so he was sending the letter to Ella. Perhaps to stop me from picking up a phone and calling a lawyer?

Ian Rickard, soon after doing all this, was appointed Head of Mental Health for Gwynedd Community Health Trust. Is it surprising that the Hergest Unit was in crisis and the suicide rate in north west Wales was one of the highest in the UK?

 

Dafydd, Rickard and Francis had their arses fully covered. On 24 Jan 1995  Tony Francis wrote to Dr Chris Jones, consultant forensic psychiatrist for the North Wales Forensic Service, Unit 2, Clwydian House, Wrexham Technology Park, asking for a forensic opinion regarding the danger that I posed to Dafydd. Francis told Chris Jones that there are ‘extensive notes available about her…which I refer you to’. These were of course the notes that Francis, Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends had written about me. Detailing assaults on Top Doctors and Angels that I had not carried out, rocks that I had not thrown through Dafydd’s door, Top Doctors that I had not tried to stab or throttle and people whom I had not tried to kill. Except that Dafydd, Francis et al forgot to mention that although they had lovingly documented all of these crimes there was absolutely no evidence at all that the crimes had even been committed let alone that it was me who had committed them.  Francis CC’d his letter to Jeremy Corson and to Dr Madelin Osborn.

 

Madelin Osborn – her name is spelt thus on my documents, although it is probable that the correct spelling is different, this lot did not know how to spell the names of their own colleagues or their patients – is someone else who needs to make a police statement. Madelin Osborn was a Top Doctor at the Hergest Unit who joined the exodus as the publication of the Waterhouse Report drew near. Madelin Osborn was the doctor of the female patient who was unlawfully sectioned by Jackie Brandt and kept at Ysbyty Gwynedd for three days with no clothes or access to her relatives. When the young woman’s parents complained, they claimed to have been told ‘lie after lie after lie’. Then the young woman was evicted from her rented house after she locked the door to try to stop Brandt coming in – Brandt called the police who broke the door down and Brandt then sectioned the young woman. This young woman used to appear to make a good recovery on a number of occasions and would begin new jobs and undertake postgrad courses – whereupon Tony Francis would state that she was becoming ill, alter her medication and within a month she’d be sectioned again. Before this patient ended up in the Hergest Unit she’d been leading a rather yuppyish life in London working for Marco Pierre White when a number of things happened to her that she found very upsetting. She was ‘sent home’ (she came from Gwynedd) by a Top Doctor in London and ended up in Ysbyty Gwynedd after her encounter with Brandt. Her only wish was to recover and resume her life in London but she kept being told by mental health staff in north Wales that ‘people in London don’t want to see you again’. I wonder why that was? Then there was the occasion on which she was sectioned in Ysbyty Gwynedd and she swore blind that Tony Francis had tried to get into her room and had exposed himself to her. Well she was completely bonkers, how could anyone ever believe such a thing. Her complaint was not upheld.

Step forward Madelin Osborn, you are needed in north Wales – to tell the truth for once in your life.

 

I’m not sure what a forensic psychiatry service was doing on a technology park in Wrexham, such services are usually in hospitals. However the two children homes where very serious abuse of children was happening in north Wales – Bryn Alyn and Bryn Estyn – were located close to Wrexham and forensic psychiatrists were constantly being called upon to assess the kids. Whilst Chris Jones was in business on the Wrexham Technology Park, a full police investigation into the possibility of a paedophile ring in north Wales had been undertaken, the Jillings Investigation into the abuse of children in the care of Clwyd County Council was well underway and Nicola Davies QC was conducting a review of the documentation concerning child abuse in north Wales in order to ascertain whether a public inquiry was justified. Dead former kids in care and psych patients were turning up everywhere.

Not that the police had found any evidence at all of a paedophile ring, despite a number of ‘care’ staff and teachers going to prison for abusing the children in their care. The month before Francis wrote to Chris Jones asking for a ‘forensic opinion’ on me, Gordon Anglesea won his libel case…

 

On 9 Feb 1995 John Allen, the owner and manager of the Bryn Alyn Community, was convicted of indecent assault against six former residents and received six years imprisonment.

 

On 13 Feb 1995 Gwynedd Community Health Trust’s solicitor Tony Lane wrote to John Mullen re Dafydd’s breach of confidence in Court in Liverpool. Lane mentioned that Hempsons – the MDU solicitors – had acted for Dafydd.

On 27 Feb 1995 Hefin Davies, the Chairman of Gwynedd Community Health Trust wrote to Tony Lane requesting his advice. Was Hefin’s letter seeking legal guidance re Dafydd and the breach of confidence? No. Hefin was asking Tony Lane if there was any more that they could do to have me prosecuted.

On 9 March 1995 John Mullen wrote to me maintaining that Dafydd’s affidavit was not read out in open court, it was presented to a judge ‘in High Court chambers in a private hearing’. Mullen knew that Rickard had previously written to me stating that there was no breach of confidence because the case had only been heard in open court in Liverpool because Mullin mentioned Rickard’s letter.

So either Ian Rickard was lying or John Mullen was.

On 16 March 1995 John Mullen wrote to Dafydd. Mullen refers to Dafydd sharing my complaint regarding the breach of confidence with Jeremy Corson and makes a reference to the MDU’s ‘latest letter’. Mullen asks Dafydd to ask the solicitors who dealt with the injunction – Hempsons – whether they considered a breach of confidence likely to occur.

I suppose that is an advance on Ian Rickard spouting lies as he thought of them, telling Ella to break the bad news to me and then giving Francis a copy of a letter to give to Dafydd when he knew damn well that Dafydd should not have been given access to the letter, but nonetheless I doubt that John Mullen made much headway asking Hempsons – who had breached confidence – whether they thought that they had breached confidence.

The issue of the breach of confidence on the part of Dafydd was never resolved. Neither did anyone ever explain why so many lies were told about the ‘investigation’ of the complaint.

The merry go round continued after this date – there were further attempts to have me declared dangerous and to prosecute me…

As for Chris Jones, the forensic psychiatrist most conveniently placed near to Wrexham. Well he came up trumps amazingly enough – Chris Jones effectively told Francis that he thought that he was making a fuss about nothing and that the chance of me launching a murderous attack on Dafydd was really rather low. So Francis just made another referral for me to see Chris Jones after a decent interval had passed, stressing to Chris Jones that I really was potentially very dangerous.

The one thing that I remember discussing with Dr Chris Jones was the abuse of vulnerable people in institutional care. Chris Jones agreed that it was a substantial problem – he commented that the abuse of elderly people in care homes was a major problem and he thought that it would soon break as a major scandal.

I heard years later that Chris Jones was one of the mental health professionals from north Wales who had a nervous breakdown and left the area. Chris Jones didn’t seem to be quite so mad and sadistic as many of his colleagues, which was probably why he didn’t survive working with that bunch of lunatics. Take it as a compliment Dr Jones, you weren’t barking mad and you wouldn’t lie about me. At least you’re not looking at a prison sentence for being an accessory.

Not being mad and abusive certainly took a high toll on mental health staff in north Wales. My post ‘The Blog Post Which Was Hacked Can Now Be Read’ detailed Dafydd’s missile that he fired at Don Campbell the Assistant Director of Nursing Services (Psych), in July 1988 after Campbell refused to break the law and lock me in a room. Dafydd went absolutely wild and wrote to Huw Thomas, the General Manager of Gwynedd Health Authority, accusing Campbell of ‘gross impertinence’ and demanding his head on a plate.

Bruce Napier, the very pleasant clinical psychologist who didn’t hate the patients, left Hergest and took up a mental health research job at Bangor University. I was told that before long Bruce Napier announced his desire to ‘get out of the NHS’ and he went to England to live on a canal boat. I don’t know for sure but I suspect that Bruce Napier was hounded out. He crossed the path of Dafydd. When Gwynedd Health Authority were not doing a very good job of trying to persuade Dafydd to retire, it was left to Bruce Napier to tell Dafydd that Dafydd didn’t have an office in the Hergest Unit. Dafydd did of course have a room in which to work for the one day a week that he spent at the Hergest, but it didn’t have a brass name plate on the door and Dafydd was fuming. The others were too frightened to tell Dafydd, so they got Bruce Napier to do it. Then Bruce Napier had to go on Welsh news and defend the Gwynedd Community Health Trust when Dafydd was making guest appearances on Kilroy, the Kane Debates, Welsh news, S4C and telling everyone that in making him retire the Trust was ensuring a certain death for the many patients whom depended upon Dafydd. The matter would have been settled had anyone just gone on tele and said ‘look he’s sexually exploiting the patients, running a paedophile gang, flogging drugs and dishonest expert witness reports and what’s more he’s got a load of people shut in a dungeon at the North Wales Hospital’. But no-one did, not even Bruce Napier, even later on from the safety of his barge. He probably feared being torpedoed.

I also wondered if Nerys Owen might have been ‘dealt with’ after challenging Slob Ingham. On our last meeting with Nerys, Nerys told me and the other patient who complained about Slob with me that if ever we needed her again we should not hesitate to get in touch because she would not tolerate the mistreatment of patients. My post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’ described how in 1997 I and another person – the same person who made representation with me about Slob Ingham – were arrested and prosecuted after Bridget Lloyd, one of Slob’s colleagues, told a pack of lies about us threatening her. The case collapsed – but not until after we had both been banned from the hospital and yes, referred to Dr Chris Jones and the forensic team again as dangerous nutters – and there was a flat refusal to apologise to us. We contacted Nerys but only received a weak frosty letter saying that the law had taken its course. There is a document in my collection signed by Nerys during that period of time which demonstrates that she obediently went along with the general insanity of the paedophiles’ friends, signing off records of meetings as ‘fair and accurate’ when the meetings were held by people who never made fair and accurate records of anything.

I presume that Nerys Owen was probably a wolf in sheep’s clothing all along. She reached a senior position in a totally corrupt organisation and was in that position between 1994-1999 and possibly for much longer. It’s unlikely that she’ll have been able to do that without being complicit with some dreadful things. I don’t think that she was a psych nurse, so she’ll have been a general nurse or a midwife and someone knew about those psych patients at the North Wales Hospital being sterilised in order to stop them becoming pregnant because the staff were having sex with them, the theft of the babies of the female patients who had not been sterilised, the disappearance of the girls in the children’s homes who had become pregnant after being raped by the ‘care staff’ and the horrors of the St David’s Laundry in Bangor (see post ‘The BMA And It’s Ethics’).

Nerys Owen must also have been complicit with the running down and then the closing of the day centre at the Hergest Unit during the duration of the Waterhouse Inquiry, which ensured that a considerable number of psych patients became destitute and died.

Let’s have a chorus of that old favourite by The Jam, ‘A Town Called Malice’…

 

In May 1995 it was announced that the Welsh Office had appointed Nicola Davies QC to conduct a review of the documentary evidence related to the abuse of children in north Wales in order to ascertain whether a public inquiry was warranted. Nicola subsequently discovered that all the paperwork from 1989 onwards was missing!

On 26 June David Hunt returned as Secretary of State for Wales until 5 July 1995. Just for a few days – whilst the deal to pretend that Dafydd was being retired off was completed (see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’) and the public were told that the North Wales Hospital had been shut (see post ‘The Paedophiles’ Friends Of Cardiff North’). It hadn’t. Gwynfryn Ward remained open and there are allegations that it remained open until 2000. But no-one can be sure, because no-one will come clean about when the hospital did eventually close, why so many lies were told about it and what happened to the patients whom were imprisoned out there illegally when it closed. Or failed to close.

So what was Gwynfryn Ward? It was a mother and baby unit. A mother and baby unit is usually a cause for ‘ah’, but it bloody well wasn’t at Denbigh. If anyone knows why an institution which was notorious for brutally warehousing women – often under-aged girls – whose pregnancies were inconvenient to other people, continued to provide that service after the rest of the building was literally falling down, please do let me know.

On 5 July 1995 Stephen Dorrell was appointed as Secretary of State for Health, succeeding Virginia Bottomley. William Hague became Secretary of State for Wales on the same day.

On 13 July 1995 Sir Peter Morrison was found dead at his house. Brown was sacked from his job at Aston University in the same month.

Hansard records that in April 1995, Julia Lomas of the Lord Chancellor’s Department replied by letter to a question from Alex Carlile confirming that at some point in 1994 Mary Wynch had been paid a paltry sum of money in full and final settlement regarding her litigation against the Public Trustee (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). Mary had been unlawfully arrested by Dafydd, had been illegally imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and then illegally imprisoned in the North Wales Hospital for a year. She had won her case against Dafydd, Clwyd Health Authority et al but they then simply refused to pay Mary her compensation unless Mary returned to court to enforce payment. Mary continued with the case, as well as with the case against the crooked cartel of lawyers and the Public Trustee who had, in collaboration with Dafydd, fleeced her of her money and property in the first place. The Home Office under Michael Howard dealt the final blow in 1994 – without any public announcement – and ruined Mary. Mary was by then an old lady who had been screwed by a bunch of rural gangsters who had enjoyed the full backing of every Gov’t since she had been unlawfully arrested in 1979 by Dafydd. But the real problem went back to the early 1970s – when Mary’s mother died in the ‘care’ of one of Dafydd’s nursing homes. Mary told me that she was convinced that her mother had been killed. But Mary was nuts wasn’t she. Ooh – except that no, she wasn’t, as was admitted when she won her case against Dafydd.

The patients in the Hergest Unit used to openly talk about how Dafydd had killed Mary Wynch’s mother. It was just a standard topic of conversation, in much the same way that everybody else’s other extraordinary Dafydd-related anecdotes were. Mary always maintained that her mother had been killed by an overdose of barbiturates. One Hergest patient had the measure of Dafydd’s bare-faced lies and used to do a Dafydd voice and rant on about how he only told the nurses to give Mary Wynch’s mother half a Kalm before bedtime and of course that was nothing like an overdose of barbiturates. In fact the patients got so used to the staff just closing their ears to terrible Dafydd-horrors that dares would be undertaken to see if staff could be moved. One such dare involved one patient carrying a rubber plant and walking up to a senior nurse in Ysbyty Gwynedd and saying ‘I did not murder Mary Wynch’s mother and this plant was not the murder weapon. It was Dr DA Jones wot dun it and he used an overdose of barbiturates’. And the nurse said ‘yes dear’ and walked off, leaving a gang of Hergest patients rolling around laughing.

‘We didn’t know’.

The same patient was accused by Dafydd of lying on one occasion, so he responded by saying ‘I lied, you murdered’.

DAVID HUNT WAS SECRETARY OF STATE FOR WALES WHILST MUCH OF THIS WAS HAPPENING. THE MAN IS A FUCKING LAWYER.

In Dec 1995 Secretary of State for Wales William Hague announced that Nicola Davies QC’s review had concluded that a public inquiry into the abuse of children in north Wales was not justified. William changed his mind a few months later and orchestrated the Waterhouse cover-up.

Nicola is now Dame Nicola and has been the Presiding judge of the Wales Circuit.

In Feb 1996 the Jillings Report regarding the abuse of children in the care of Clwyd County Council since 1974 was completed. I can’t say that it was published because it wasn’t. It was heavily redacted and the only people who saw the Report were the insurers and legal advisors of Clwyd County Council – even the Council officers and Councillors were forbidden from reading it. The legal advisor to the Council’s insurers Michael Beloff QC advised that if any Councillor did get their paws on a copy the Council’s insurance should be withdrawn and the Councillors should be held personally responsible for the damages claims that would inevitable follow from former children in care suing. Beloff admitted that this would be a consequence because the abuse of children had been so serious and so well organised over decades that the Council had no defence. Beloff also advised that if Malcolm King, the one Councillor who would not stop asking questions about the abuse of children in the care of the Council, ever found out what was in the Report and publicised it he should be sacked (see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’).

Michael Beloff is a colleague and a friend of Cherie Booth. Michael’s dad Max had some years previously helpfully plugged a book on local gov’t and democracy written by Ioan Bowen Rees. Bowen Rees was the Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council whilst Dafydd’s mistress Lucille was Director of Gwynedd Social Services and the paedophile gang flourished on their watch (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’). Alison Taylor was sacked by Lucille after raising concerns about the abuse of children in care.

Just to be on the safe side, on 1 April 1996 Clwyd County Council was dissolved as a result of a local authority reorganisation days after the Jillings Report was completed. So even if someone did get hold of a copy of the Report there was no-one to sue. I haven’t been able to find out who makes decisions regarding local authority reorganisations but the disappearance of Clwyd days after that Report was finished really was far too convenient to have been an accident.

The Report was pulped, although in 2013 somebody actually found a copy that had escaped the pulping machine and at last the world was allowed to see what was within. It was so heavily redacted that it was virtually meaningless. All that was known was that something dreadful had gone on in Clwyd for decades and that a great many people had colluded with it.

After Clwyd County Council was dissolved, John Jevons, the Director of Social Services for Clwyd who had worked so successfully with the paedophiles and their friends for so many years (see posts ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’ and ‘Ain’t Nothing Clean – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists’), found himself in need of a job. Director of the Social Services which played host to the biggest child abuse scandal in the UK? No problem. Cardiff City Council snapped him up and Jevons took up the post as Director of Social Services for them almost immediately.

Two of those with a sense of humour who were sitting on Cardiff City Council at the time that Jevons was given a warm welcome were Julie Morgan and Sue Essex. Julie, the social worker and Assistant Director of Barnardo’s – the Barnardo’s who’s staff abused kids in north Wales. Sue Essex – who later became Minister for Finance, Local Gov’t and Public Services in Julie’s husband Rhodri’s Gov’t – was Deputy Leader and then Leader of the Labour Group of Cardiff City Council, 1995-99. Sue had previously graced Leicester University with her presence. I presume that it was Julie and Sue who head-hunted Jevons then. For more Julie n Sue fun, see post ‘The Paedophiles’ Friends of Cardiff North’.

In Sept 1996 – virtually as soon as Jevons touched down in Cardiff City Council – the South Wales Police announced a major investigation into the physical and sexual abuse of children at the Taff Vale children’s home in Whitchurch, Cardiff, which had been run by Cardiff City Council. It was feared that hundreds of children had possibly been abused before the home had closed. The police were particularly interested in investigating what had gone in between 1985-91 – there was a belief that a paedophile ring had infiltrated Taff Vale.

Before Alun Michael became an MP he was the Labour Group Whip on Cardiff City Council. Alun Michael was imposed as FM of Wales by Blair and resigned as soon as the Waterhouse Report was submitted, whilst his mates caused a distraction (see post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’).

Of course Rhodri himself and the paedophiles’ friends went back a long way. In 1966 Rhodri began work in the endemically corrupt Welsh Office with George Thomas et al and in 1974 Rhodri found himself working in City Hall Cardiff.

On 17 June 1996 Welsh Secretary William Hague announced the North Wales Child Abuse Inquiry  aka the Waterhouse Inquiry. On 25th Oct eighteen families were left homeless after a fire at a warehouse engulfed their houses. Eight people were taken to hospital and more than 100 residents of Lightfoot Road, Chester, were evacuated as the blaze destroyed a Pickfords storage depot on the neighbouring Hoole Bridge industrial estate. ‘The houses spontaneously combusted because of the intense heat’, said a Cheshire Fire Service spokeswoman. The warehouse held the care records of children from the Bryn Estyn and Bryn Alyn homes.

On 21 Jan 1997 the Waterhouse Inquiry began at Ewloe, Flintshire.

On 2 May 1997 Tony Blair became Prime Minister.

Peter Howarth died of a heart attack at HMP Wakefield on 24 April 1997, so if anyone was worried about him naming a few people involved in abusing kids in care who were rather grander than bottom feeding social care workers they didn’t have to worry any longer. Particularly as Ioan Bowen Rees had died suddenly in 1999, just before the publication of the Waterhouse Report, so as the man who ran Gwynedd County Council for years whilst the paedophile ring’s business boomed under his steady hands, Ioan wouldn’t be dropping any clangers either. Ioan was considered an expert on local gov’t and had advised Dafydd Wigley as well as the working party who set up the infrastructure of the National Assembly for Wales under Ron Davies whilst Ron was Secretary of State for Wales.

The Waterhouse Inquiry held its last hearing on 7 May 1998 and on 30 Sept 2000 the Waterhouse Report was handed to the Secretary of State for Wales, Paul Murphy. Murphy stated that he was delighted that a full and transparent investigation had taken place, that there had been no cover-up and that there was no evidence of a paedophile ring outside of north Wales, let alone the involvement of Westminster or Whitehall figures.

For details of the well-planned co-ordinated attempt during 1997-98 on the part of the north Wales mental health services to have me banged up, please see post ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’.

 

 

A website that is well worth a visit is the site of the North Wales Hospital Historical Society. It is not an historical society, it is a forum for the former staff of the North Wales Hospital and what a source of entertainment it is. Staff leave messages reminiscing about the old days and breaching patients’ confidence, just as they did when they were employed as Angels there. There are messages which are alleged to be from former patients who remember the kindness and the wonderful treatment and who have now become Angels themselves, which I do find a little unbelievable. I suspect that like the positive feedback left on the patient feedback websites about the awful Dr Giles Harborne, a former Denbigh psychiatrist, the messages from grateful former patients have actually been written by former staff.

The North Wales Historical Society website has an observation that no patients from Avallon, the adolescent unit, have left any messages. Avallon was the unit in which Mary Wynch told me that Dafydd encouraged the teenagers to have sex with each other and then the staff would gather around and watch the action. The same correspondent to the website asks if Dafydd is still alive. Yes he’s Chairing his drugs charity CAIS. It is not a surprise that no former patients of Avallon have left messages, they were introduced to a life of street prostitution and hard drugs whilst they were teenagers and most of them died before they were 30.

 

On 31 July 2013 John Allen was charged with 22 indecent assaults and one offence of gross indecency, alleged to have taken place between 1968 and 1989 at Bryn Alyn. The second trial of John Allen on charges of historic sexual and physical abuse took place at Mold Crown Court and on 1 Dec 2014 Allen was sentenced to life imprisonment, with the recommendation that he serves at least 11 years.

 

There has been a great deal written about the collusion of the North Wales Police with Dafydd and the paedophiles. I and other people certainly noticed that when allegations of sexual misconduct/exploitation – or indeed more serious offences – were made against certain people, there was a flat refusal to investigate on the part of absolutely everybody. It didn’t matter how many first hand accounts there were, how many corroborating witnesses, how much supporting documentation, the allegations were simply ignored and if the complainants did not go away they found themselves being charged by the police.

However I do know that this immunity was only enjoyed by certain people. The North Wales Police were certainly not afraid to investigate complaints about other people even if the evidence was extremely shaky. I knew of a case in 1983 involving a teenaged girl from Anglesey who made a complaint of rape against a young man whom she met in a pub in Bangor. The girl was fairly notorious – she felt the need to tell tall stories, really ridiculous ones which even the most trusting person would in the end conclude could not be true. She was also capable of lying through her teeth under all circumstances if she thought that she would benefit from that. She went out boozing in Bangor one night, met a young man and they went up onto Bangor mountain with the intention of consummating the relationship which they had established about 60 mins previously. The young man was too drunk to do very much and he wandered off. Another young man found the girl crying and asked what was wrong. She replied ‘I’ve been raped’. This sort of comment from her wasn’t that unusual – she had told me some really worrying things and it was only when I and my friends had pitched in to help that we discovered that the various dramas hadn’t happened. The young man immediately rang the police and the police did conduct a full scale investigation.

I was involved in the investigation and I remember the detectives visiting me and a female police officer saying ‘I cannot help but be on the side of the girl in rape cases, but she’s told us so many lies that I can’t take that view here’. I hadn’t encountered Dafydd and the paedophiles at the time and I actually gained a very positive view of the detectives working on the case. They were stereotypical coppers – calling women ‘birds’ and wearing macs with the collars turned up – but unlike the drug squad whom I had heard about by then, they didn’t seem to be endemically corrupt. The investigation into the alleged rape took months. It transpired that no rape had occurred or indeed even an attempt at a rape. I wondered if the girl involved would be charged with wasting police time but she wasn’t. I presume that the police did get it right – the girl was alleged to have admitted to a number of people that she hadn’t been raped, she’d told a dramatic story and it had got out of control.

Like many other mental health patients in north Wales, with the exception of a few police officers whom I knew were corrupt, I generally found the police very much more helpful than the mental health services and they undoubtedly protected me and other people from the excesses of the mental health services on a number of occasions.

The problem will have been Westminster, the Attorney Generals – such as Sir Patrick Mayhew – and Whitehall, who were protecting Dafydd and the paedophile gang. A great many police officers would have dearly loved to have dealt with Dafydd et al but they couldn’t. They were being told what to do by organised criminals in high office.

 

What is very clear to me with regard to the documents that I have drawn on to write this post and some others such as ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’, is the key role that the MDU played in protecting a number of Top Doctors whom they knew were abusing patients and perjuring themselves to silence and indeed destroy patients who complained. The MDU and Hempsons were probably more responsible than anyone else for the serious criminality which pervaded north Wales for decades.

There will be a post coming soon naming the movers and shakers in the MDU during those years whilst the MDU ensured that Dafydd and the paedophiles remained in business.

 

Then I’ll be naming a few more of Rhodri Morgan’s circle who knew about it all…

 

One other person who disappeared along with others whom I have previously named on this blog. Nellie. An old lady who was in Bryn Golau Ward the night that I arrived. She was there the next morning and then like the girl who had been abducted, kept in an attic and sexually assaulted (see post ‘The Distressed Young Woman Who Vanished’) and the young man from Wrexham who vanished when another patient who had been in care recognised him, Nellie disappeared. No-one let her out of the front door which was a double door and locked – I last saw her in the kitchen with Angel Iola Edwards. Just near to the back door which was always heavily guarded and was only ever used ‘to bring the catering supplies in and out’. And patients who needed to be disposed of discreetly.

 

There is someone else who is worthy of a mention here. A man who was lurking in the Welsh Office throughout everything detailed in this post – Sir Jon Shortridge. Shortridge joined the Welsh Office in 1984 and  was Private Secretary to both Nicholas Edwards (see post ‘Old Nick Bites The Dust’) and Peter Walker (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). In 1995 Shortridge conducted the Senior Management Review of the Welsh Office and in 1997 he was Director of Economic Affairs, responsible for establishing the National Assembly for Wales. Shortridge became Permanent Secretary at the Welsh Office in March 1999, then for the newly established National Assembly in May 1999 and then for the Welsh Gov’t, 2007-08. In 2009 Shortridge was appointed interim Permanent Secretary at the Dept of Innovation, Universities and Skills – the Dept led by Mandelson. One of Mandelson’s most senior aides was the daughter of Ron Evans, the crooked lawyer employed by Gwynedd County Council, who did Dafydd and the paedophiles’ as many favours as the MDU. Sir John topped off his long record of public service with a stint as Chancellor of Glyndwr University, an institution run entirely by paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘A Vampire At Glyndwr University!’).

 

 

The news over the past few days has been very topical with regard to recent posts on this blog. The Welsh Language Commissioner Meri Huws – who has featured on a number of recent posts as a paedophiles’ friend and a bedfellow of other paedophiles’ friends who doubled up as Ministers in the Welsh Gov’t – has crawled out of hiding and tried to convince everyone that she has some sort of plan. Meri has been talking about everyone going on a journey. Meri isn’t very bright, so when she opens her mouth she tends to trot out whatever cliche she has recently heard bandied around in the media. When Meri worked at Bangor University at one point she was banging on about capturing ‘hearts and minds’. One academic with a great deal of knowledge with regard to Meri and her bedfellows observed that with Meri, ‘shock and awe’ was far more likely to be the order of the day. If Meri had known how much entertainment she had provided for the oppressed of Bangor University I think that she’d have probably resigned on the spot.

Cancer is absolutely everywhere in the media, with George Alighaia and Andrew Lansley both announcing that they have advanced bowel cancer and if only they’d ‘got screened’. It’s not that I’m unsympathetic to these two men, I can imagine they must be feeling quite dreadful, but the chances are that a screening programme would not have made much difference. Huge quantities of the research upon which the screening is based is fraudulent and many of the much publicised screening programmes are in chaos. At the same time other headlines screamed that there is now a new joined up cancer programme to be launched that will make care ‘excellent’. Which is weird, because we’ve been told for years that care is already excellent, indeed that the whole NHS is the envy of the world and that UK hospitals are bursting at the seams with Nigerian women who are pregnant with quins who just Come Over Here To Use Our NHS. More sober reflections on the rather poor clinical outcomes of the UK NHS when compared to other European healthcare systems are strangely absent.

Meanwhile amidst the constant PR, people in north Wales who have dared cross the paths of the paedophiles’ friends are refused care, refused pain relief for conditions such as kidney stones which send the Angels and Top Doctors straight for the opiates when they are afflicted and told to go ahead and do it then if they become suicidal. On the occasions when the paedophiles’ friends have been faced with relatives or the odd patient confronting them with their dreadful conduct the response is usually ‘we didn’t know you felt like that’. Well they bloody well know exactly how I feel about them now that this blog has gathered a readership.

BBC News Wales is trumpeting the new proton beam centre in Newport and how this is going to revolutionise cancer care and Save Lives. Only if you’ve got a lot of money – that centre is a private concern but that doesn’t seem to have received much media coverage.

Winnie Mandela has died and amongst all the tributes people are doing their best to play down the unfortunate business of the necklace killings and the murder of Stompie McKenzie. It is stressed that Winnie suffered at the hands of the South African police under apartheid. I’m sure that she did, the South African police were deeply unpleasant, but it wasn’t the South African police who were targeted in the necklace killings and I don’t think that Stompie McKenzie was a white South African policeman under apartheid either. I seem to remember that he was a 14 year old black boy…

The Mail Online had a Rolf Harris exclusive in which they revealed that Rolf has held a birthday party attended by friends at which he played the didgeridoo. It was a bit of a non-story but I did notice that according to the Mail, one of Rolf’s guests was his ‘old friend’ Timmy Mallett. Most people know Timmy Mallett as a rather over the top children’s entertainer from the 1980s, but I was gobsmacked a few years ago to discover that there is a Timmy Mallett suite at the Gladstone Library in Hawarden. The Gladstone Library – it was called St Deiniol’s Library until quite recently – is a residential library in north Wales. It’s got fantastic collections and you can just go and stay there for a few days and bury yourself in interesting reading matter. It has a strong theological side and is a favourite place for clergy and theologians to hang out. I was completely confused by Timmy Mallett’s association with the Gladstone Library until someone told me that Timmy Mallett’s dad was a clergyman with links there and Timmy Mallett, having made a great deal of money, is a benefactor of the institution. I have found out that the Rev Michael Mallett studied for ordination at St Deiniol’s – as it was then – in the mid 1960s. I’m sorry to go on about it all the time, but Flintshire – the location of the Gladstone Library – was at the heart of the powerbase of the paedophiles’ friends in the 1960s. Sir Ronnie Waterhouse and co came from Flintshire and many of them had connections with the Church. Timmy Mallett was born in Cheshire. Just down the road from Chester – where the north Wales/Cheshire paedophile ring which later numbered Sir Peter Morrison operated. A former Bishop of Chester has been recently named as having been involved.

 

The Mail Online also published a furious article by Daniel Janner, the late Greville’s son. Daniel was hurling venom in the direction of Alison Saunders, who has just announced that she will be standing down as DPP. Daniel maintains that it was Alison Saunders who cruelly put Greville through hell after demanding that there be a trial of the facts with regard to the allegations against Greville. Most people believe that Alison Saunders did Greville a very big favour – she did all she could not to prosecute Greville despite considerable evidence against him and she only announced a trial of the facts after public fury. The announcement came so late that Greville died before a trial of the facts could take place.

Daniel is furious that he was interviewed by the police himself and asked if Greville had ever abused him. I can understand that Daniel may not have been very impressed with that line of questioning, but presumably, Daniel was able to say no – Daniel is a barrister, he is not going to feel intimidated by the police. Daniel fumed about his father being degraded in public, as a doubly incontinent elderly man being accused. Well I didn’t know that Greville was doubly incontinent and I don’t expect that many other people did either, so Daniel seems to have been responsible for inflicting that particular bit of lack of dignity upon his father himself.

Daniel maintains that the CPS was great until Alison Saunders became DPP. Not only was the CPS deeply flawed and notably failed to prosecute certain people for serious offences – including some politicians – despite files of evidence being submitted, but the CPS prosecuted people like me for ludicrous trivial offences. In 1993 Daniel I was prosecuted for ‘staring at a social worker’. In 2002 I was prosecuted because I had told an NHS secretary over the phone that her boss was a fat idiot. The social worker whom I looked at and the fat idiot were both involved in facilitating a paedophile gang. Furthermore Alison Saunders was the first DPP to be appointed from within the CPS. She had worked for them for years.

 

 

 

 

The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part IV

I wasn’t planning to publish this post just yet, but I  have prioritised it as a result of a number of recent requests. So by popular demand, I introduce – Alan Milburn and chums.

Alan Milburn was the New Labour politician who was always described as being politically closest to Blair, although it was dear old Tessa the paedophiles’ friend who memorably said that she would jump under a bus for him. Millburn is currently the ‘Social Mobility Tsar’, ie. Chair of the Social Mobility and Child Poverty Commission, a position to which he was appointed under the ConDems Coalition Gov’t. Milburn’s Deputy Chair was Neil O’Brien, the Director of right wing think tank Policy Exchange, founded by paedophiles’ friends Francis Maude and Archie Norman (see post ‘Disgusting Of Tunbridge Wells And A Few Equally Disgusting Others’), but it is now Gillian Shepherd who was a Cabinet Minister in John Major’s Gov’t. Prior to this role, Milburn was the Chair of the Panel on Fair Access to the Professions which was set up by Gordon Brown and included senior Lib Dem strategist and advisor to Clegg, Neil Sherlock. Milburn was all over the media a couple of days ago expressing his deep distress that social mobility just wasn’t happening in the UK. Could that possibly be at all related to twenty years of you and your ilk dominating policy Alan? The ConDems didn’t even bother to get themselves new policy advisors, they used the left-overs from Blair and Brown – Cameron and Cleggy and then even Theresa May inherited loads of them. Alan Milburn and Louise Casey’s ideas didn’t work twenty years ago and they’re still not working. Nonetheless Louise – who’s mate from university memorably took part in a ‘profile’ programme for Radio 4 and remembered going inter-railing with Louise when they were undergrads and explained that they ‘ate cheese and onion crisp sandwiches and giggled’ – is now Dame Louise. I can only presume from what Louise passes off as policy reports – which contain such gems as observing that low income households often also suffer from associated issues such as mental health problems and incest (it’s those council house people again and I bet that Louise found coal in their baths as well) – that she still spends most of her time eating crisp sandwiches and giggling.

Milburn is not however best remembered for his laughable appointment as Social Mobility Tsar. Milburn became notorious as Secretary of State for Health, Oct 1999-June 2003. I will return to this part of Milburn’s glorious career later in this post.

Milburn was MP for Darlington, 1992-2010. Darlington was a safe Labour seat – and the neighbouring constituency to Blair’s. By the time that Milburn was elected, Blair had been the MP of the neighbouring constituency of Sedgefield for nine years, but wasn’t yet leader of the Labour Party. Milburn will have been selected for that seat on Neil Kinnock’s watch – Milburn was elected in April 1992, three months before John Smith became leader. By the time that Milburn won Darlington, what later became the New Labour machine was well-advanced – Mandelson was running the show and Alastair Campbell had been a advisor close to Kinnock  for years and even used to go on holiday with the Kinnocks. Numerous other future key figures in New Labour were playing leading roles. Although Milburn wasn’t elected until 1992, he’d been beavering away for a long time.

Milburn was born in County Durham and grew up in Newcastle-Upon-Tyne. He graduated from Lancaster University in 1979 and according to his wiki entry, after graduation he ran a radical bookshop, ‘Days of Hope’. However a BBC News report from May 2002 features comments from trade unionist  Alec McFadden, one of Milburn’s mates from his youth. Alec met Milburn when Milburn was doing a PhD at Newcastle University which Milburn never completed. In those days Milburn was committed to CND and world peace and was a fierce opponent of private medicine. McFadden and Milburn both marched across the Tyne Bridge on the 40th anniversary of the establishment of the NHS wearing badges which read ‘public it’s ours, private it’s theirs’. McFadden met Milburn in 1979 when McFadden was the regional President of the TUC and Milburn went into his office looking for welfare advice. Within months Milburn had abandoned his PhD, had become involved in local activism and began working as the sales assistant in Days of Hope. Milburn was attending CND meetings around Tyneside and spent a lot of time in pubs debating revolutionary politics. When he was 23 yrs old Milburn married his first wife Mo O’Toole and McFadden was best man.

Mo O’Toole went to school in Newcastle and then on to Northumbria University. She split up with Milburn in the late 1980s – at the time she was a Labour Councillor in Newcastle. She did a PhD at Newcastle University, lectured at Bristol University and then at Newcastle University. Between 1999-2004 Mo was a Labour MEP for the North East of England.

Mo’s LinkedIn profile tells us that she was Stakeholder Partnerships Manager, English Regions, 2005-08; Co-Owner and Managing Partner of Carruthers and Kent Wine Company, Shop and Deli, 2010-present day; Visiting Professor of Culture, Creativity and Innovation at Newcastle University, 2008-present day.

Mo is someone else who has remained silent about a great deal. She made it onto the all-women shortlist for the safe Labour seat of Bishop Aukland for the 2005 General Election but wasn’t selected. Helen Goodman was the lucky winner and was subsequently elected.

Goodman is an Oxford graduate who began her career in HM Treasury. She is a member of the GMB and was Head of Strategy at The Children’s Society. Goodman worked as a researcher for Philip Whitehead who was Labour MP for Derby North, 1970-83. A number of those who abused children in care in north Wales throughout the 70s and 80s had previously worked in Derbyshire. John Jillings who led the 1993-96  Jillings Investigation into the abuse of children in care in north Wales was the former Director of Derbyshire Social Services. The Jillings Report was so damning that it was pulped and even the Councillors of the Council who had commissioned the Report were not given access to it (see post ‘It’s A Piece of Cake’), but one thing that was widely suspected was that even Jillings had sanitised the situation in north Wales. Jillings was frank that the most terrible abuse had gone on, but he certainly pussy-footed around the question of whether a paedophile ring was in operation and in the end he just decided that it was best not to comment about that particular possibility. He was probably bearing in mind that the year before he was commissioned to conduct that investigation five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed in an arson attack.  Philip Whitehead also served as an MEP, 1999-2005, first for Staffordshire East and Derby and then for the East Midlands. Staffordshire was host to the ‘pin-down’ child abuse scandal in the mid-80s and whistleblowers found themselves fitted up for child abuse themselves (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part I). Staffordshire also of course had a lethal NHS which wiped out the local population for years. Before Philip Whitehead was a politician he was a documentary producer – he worked independently as well as for the BBC and ITV, 1967-70, as an editor. After he lost his Commons seat in 1983, Whitehead returned to TV work.

Some of Helen Goodman’s work was funded by the Runnymede Trust, through which a number of the paedophiles’ friends named on this blog have passed. One of the founders of the Runnymede Trust was barrister Anthony Lester. Lester was Chair of the Runnymede Trust, 1990-93. Anthony Lester had been special advisor to Roy Jenkins when he was in the Home Office in the 1970s concealing organised child abuse (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part I’). In 1981 Anthony Lester joined Roy Jenkins in establishing the SDP. Jenkins was later a mentor to Blair. In June 2007 Gordon Brown appointed Lester special advisor on constitutional reform to the Secretary of State for Justice Jack Straw – Straw had been appointed to that role the day before.

McFadden notes that Milburn’s skill with the media was apparent even back then. In 1983 Milburn joined the Labour Party after becoming involved in the unsuccessful campaign to oust the Conservative MP for Newcastle-Upon-Tyne Central, Piers Merchant. Merchant was elected in 1983, so that campaign must have kicked off virtually as soon as he became the MP. Merchant lost Newcastle-Upon-Tyne Central in 1987 but was elected as Conservative MP for Beckenham in 1992.

Piers Merchant was someone who found himself embroiled in a number of sex scandals. Prior to the 1997 General Election he was caught by a photographer from the Sun having some sort of sex in a public park in south east London with a ’17 year old Soho nightclub hostess’. Piers was married and his side of the story was that the ‘hostess’ was simply a friend and that there was no question of a sexual relationship with her. He and his wife were photographed doing the usual canoodling bit in order to demonstrate that there was no truth in the allegations, although the Sun had provided some rather damning evidence. Nonetheless Piers was re-elected. Not long after he was returned as MP however, there was another tabloid story about Piers and the hostess – Piers’ explanation was that the hostess was now his research assistant, they were writing a book together and that the teenager was a family friend. Piers’s wife was photographed hugging the teenager and told the press that she had no problem with the teenager being in the family home. However, the Sunday Mirror had secretly filmed footage inside what was described as Piers’ and the teenager’s ‘love nest’. Piers claimed that he had set up this whole sting himself, with the help of his friend who had received £25k from the Sunday Mirror – the explanation being that it was Piers who was trying to entrap the newspaper, presumably to expose their techniques. Later still, Piers stated that although he was having an affair with the former hostess, he hadn’t been previously. The teenaged hostess subsequently returned to live with her parents and they expressed the opinion that she had been ruthlessly used by Piers and that he had wrecked her life. Piers stood down from Parliament when the scandal refused to die down. Piers was caught up in another scandal as well, concerning his extra-marital affair with a 41 year old woman.

After Piers left Parliament, he joined UKIP and in 2004 stood as a candidate in the European election. Robert Kilroy-Silk, a fellow UKIPPER, sent Piers a note saying ‘please do not stand within 10 yards of me because I am sure you’ll understand that I do not wish to be photographed with you’. In the mid-1990s Robert Kilroy-Silk invited Dr Dafydd Alun Jones onto his TV show as an ‘expert’. At that time Dafydd was facilitating a paedophile gang, was lying in Court and was handing over whatever drugs his addict patients requested – some of them were selling those drugs onto local school children. Dafydd had been sued for unlawfully imprisoning Mary Wynch, had unlawfully imprisoned other people, was known to be having sexual relationships with patients and had threatened and then tried to bribe me into withdrawing my complaint about him. Kilroy – you’d have been better off with Piers.

As far as I am concerned, whether Piers was having extra-marital affairs or not was a matter for him and his wife. It is very difficult to actually get to the bottom of what Piers was up to and who was entrapping who, but I’m interested that tabloid newspapers were vigorously pursuing Piers. The reference to a Soho nightclub ‘hostess’ is an obvious suggestion that Piers’ friend was a sex worker – she was a young one at that. Piers was elected for Newcastle-Upon-Tyne in 1983 but lost his seat to the Labour candidate Jim Cousins in 1987. At that time the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal – that useful distraction from the activities of the paedophiles and their friends in north Wales – was at its peak. Piers was then re-elected as Tory MP for Beckenham in Kent in April 1992, which was where he encountered the problems with tabloid nespapers. I knew Beckenham vaguely. You’ve guessed it – I worked on an MSc project with the Wellcome Laboratories at Beckenham in Kent in 1987, during those years when unbeknown to me the paedophiles’ friends of north Wales were stalking me and contacting everybody that I was working with. Piers will have been selected as the candidate for Beckenham sometime after losing his Newcastle seat in 1987 but before April 1992. During that time, Alison Taylor, Mary Wynch and I were all raising concerns about the criminal activity in north Wales and police investigations into a possible paedophile ring had begun. There were repeated attempts to frame me for serious offences and I had been hounded out of my career. Days after Piers was elected, five other witnesses were killed by a petrol bomb. I absolutely accept that Piers being selected to stand for that constituency may have been totally unrelated to the activities of the paedophiles’ friends in north Wales, but a few things are worth mentioning.

There was a campaign to remove Merchant from office in the early 80s in which Milburn was active and it was as a result of this that Milburn joined the Labour Party. I can find no information as to WHY there was a campaign to remove Merchant – Milburn knows but doesn’t ever seem to have spoken publicly about it, even when Marchant became embroiled in high profile sex scandals. Merchant – and Milburn – lived and were active in politics in a region of paedophile activity, to which the paedophiles in north Wales had very strong links. Matt Arnold and Peter Howarth worked at Bryn Estyn when the most serious abuse of boys in that home took place – Arnold was Head and Howarth later went to prison for molesting the boys at Bryn Estyn – after they had both relocated from the Axwell Park Approved School in Gateshead where it seems that they were known about and were very likely to have been afforded protection by Ernest Armstrong, the MP for North West Durham and father of Blair’s big mate Hilary Armstrong (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’). Hilary Armstrong succeeded her father’s seat in 1987.

Merchant was up to something which had brought him to the attention of tabloid newspapers and whatever it was his wife was colluding with, or at least tolerating, it. Tabloid newspapers don’t usually get that excited about MPs having heterosexual affairs with women to whom they are not married – they’ll run a story, but all is usually forgiven and forgotten after a photo-call featuring the MP and his family and a few contrite words from the shagger himself along the lines of how lucky he is that his wife is standing by him and how of course she’s always really been the only one for him, a la John Major, Cecil Parkinson, John Prescott, Paddy Ashdown and many more. Tim Yeo had five mistresses at once and Alan Clark wanted to have sex with anything that was female and alive, none of it was considered that horrifying. What if Piers Merchant’s tastes had run to rather more than adult consenting women? The tabloids won’t have dared to have publish it in the same way that they didn’t publish a word about Sir Peter Morrison, Cyril Smith or even Jimmy Savile, but they will have known and will have been interested in him.

A few more interesting things about Piers – he graduated from Durham University in the early 1970s and then spent nine years working as a journalist in Newcastle. So Piers began his career as a local journo just before Matt Arnold and Peter Howarth relocated from Gateshead to Bryn Estyn. Piers then went into PR work. After Piers was elected for Newcastle-Upon-Tyne, he worked as PPS for Peter Lilley when Lilley was Secretary of State for Social Security, 1992-97. As well as being remembered for singing nasty vindictive songs about people with less money than him at the Tory Conference, Lilley is also remembered for being the centre of allegations that he was gay but didn’t dare admit it. Merchant was a Tory MP when Sir Peter Morrison, MP for Chester, was at the heart of Thatcher’s Gov’t. Morrison was Lord Commissioner of the Treasury, 1979-81; Minister of State for Employment, 1983-85; Minister of State for the DTI, 1985-86; Deputy Chairman of the Party, 1986; Minister of State for Energy, 1987-90; PPS to Thatcher, July-Nov 1990. Throughout this time Morrison was molesting children, including children in care in north Wales.

I really cannot work out what Merchant was up to himself but he’ll have known about Morrison because they all did and I bet that he knew about Arnold and Howarth when they were in Gateshead.

The man who replaced Piers Merchant as MP for Newcastle-Upon-Tyne Central in 1987, Jim Cousins, was a product of New College, Oxford, an institution that educated quite a few of the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘A Study In Tyranny’). Cousins was considered a member of the awkward squad in the Labour Party – he rebelled on matters such as the Iraq War. However he was fully behind New Labour’s NHS Reforms. Before he was elected to Parliament he was a lecturer at Sunderland Poly, 1982-87. So he’ll have had local knowledge. Cousins had been a leading member of the Liberal Club when he was at Oxford in the mid-60s – so it’s very likely that he knew the sort of things that Jeremy Thorpe was doing (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’).

Jim Cousins was selected as a Labour candidate and then voted into Parliament in the midst of the then biggest child abuse scandal that the UK had experienced. He doesn’t seem to have said much about it – but then most of the other local MPs didn’t either. Cousins, like most of the other New Labour stalwarts featured in this post, was selected by Kinnock’s Labour Party machine – the Kinnock who knew about the paedophiles’ friends in north Wales, who along with his wife Glenys was a long-standing personal friend of Lord Cledwyn who concealed the wrongdoing of the paedophiles and their friends for years (see post ‘The Cradle of Filth’), who had recently selected Blair for the safe seat of Sedgefield next door to the Armstrong’s fortress. Blair – a barrister from London who had worked as a junior for the crooked barrister George Carman who knew about the paedophile gang in north Wales/Cheshire and who was married to Cherie – who worked in the same chambers as Carman and was ‘mentor’ to scores of other young barristers who were ignoring organised child abuse. Lest anyone think that I’m on the Grassy Knoll, I’ll just remind them that by this time Kinnock had embarked upon his ‘modernisation’ of the Labour Party and Mandelson was the man orchestrating it. It was for the 1987 General Election campaign that Mandy produced the infamous ‘Kinnock – the movie’ film, in which the elderly of south Wales were filmed saying what a nice boy Kinnock was and which featured shots of Kinnock and Glenys walking along the Great Orme, where neither of them lived or had ever lived. Mandy could have dug up just as many people from Wales who would have frothed at the mouth about Kinnock’s opposition to devolution, or people with whom he went to university who viewed him as a thick wally. Mandy could even have wheeled out Dr Tony Francis (Dr X)- a paedophiles’ friend from north Wales who was busy perjuring himself and telling others to do so as well in attempts to frame me after I complained about him, Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and Gwynedd Social Services breaking the law and threatening me – who told a number of students in north Wales who had also complained about the mental health services that he knew Kinnock from his time at Cardiff University.

In 1987 Mary Wych, Alison Taylor and I were all shouting as loudly as we could that something terrible was happening in north Wales. Alison was a Gwynedd social worker who blew the whistle on the abuse of children in care and alleged that a paedophile gang was at work.

 

So Milburn joined the Labour Party in 1983 for some unpublicised reason related to the failure of the campaign to have Piers Merchant removed from office. Alec McFadden remembers that Milburn enhanced his standing in Labour Party circles in the north east by editing a trade union sponsored tabloid called Rostrum. It was at this time that McFadden claimed that Milburn began to change his image – he lost his beard and long hair. In the mid-80s Milburn landed a job as co-ordinator of the Trade Union Studies Information Unit, an organisation that we are told was ‘County Council based’, although which County Council is not made clear. The problem of the abuse of children in the north east will have been located in the Local Authorities.

Milburn became Chair of the Newcastle-Upon-Tyne Central Constituency Labour Party.

In 1990 Milburn became the Business Development Officer for North Tyneside Borough Council and President of the North East Region of MSF. MSF was the union which represented many of the non-clinical staff in the NHS and in universities. In 1990 I was working at St George’s Hospital Medical School and gradually being hounded out of my job – one of the those involved was the Departmental rep for MSF, David Hole, who as far as I could work out was corrupt, as were some of his fellow MSF reps.

In 1990 Milburn secured the Labour nomination for the Tory marginal  seat of Darlington – the neighbouring constituency to Blair’s constituency Sedgefield. In April 1992 Milburn won the seat off Tory Michael Fallon – he who recently resigned from Theresa May’s Cabinet because he had touched a friend of many years standing on the knee whilst having a meal with her. No-one has yet found out the real reason why Fallon scarpered, but I notice that Fallon was PPS to dear old Cecil Parkinson in 1987. Whilst Sir Peter Morrison was busy with boys in north Wales and Cheshire as well as in other parts of the UK. On one occasion Morrison was seen driving away from Bryn Estyn with one of the boys in his car. The Bryn Estyn which was employing Matt Arnold and Peter Howarth who had relocated there from the Axwell Park Approved School in Gateshead – where there had been allegations that Howarth had molested youngsters.

Milburn was elected as MP for Darlington in April 1992 – at the same General Election which saw Piers Merchant elected for Beckenham, at the General Election in which Sir Peter Morrison stood down as an MP. Another very well-known figure was elected to a constituency in the north east of England at the same General Election – Mandelson. He was elected for Hartlepool. Just days after that election, five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed in an arson attack started by a petrol bomb thrown into the building after they had all been invited to a party (see post ‘The Silence of the Welsh Lambs’). The man who allegedly confessed to starting the fire was hit by a lorry and killed a few days later and one of the survivors of the fire who had also been in care in north Wales as a child was found dead in questionable circumstances at a later point after he told people that victims of the paedophile gang in north Wales were being murdered because they had knowledge of sexual liaisons involving politicians. At the time of the fire, police investigations into a possible paedophile ring in north Wales and Cheshire involving public figures had begun.

Milburn became good mates with Blair, Hilary Armstrong, Mandy and the in-crowd. Alec McFadden told the BBC that he and Milburn drifted apart after Milburn became an MP. Milburn has denounced his own beliefs from his days in the Marxist book shop as ‘crackers’. McFadden also stated that ‘Alan has said it would be foolhardy to be in total opposition to Mr Blair’ and that Milburn ‘doesn’t have the right to choose for himself and decide policy’. Yes but when witnesses to a paedophile ring are being murdered Milburn it’s time to speak up or at least disentangle yourself from the people who are either doing it, concealing it or keeping a lid on it in order to become PM.

McFadden mentioned that Steven Byers was another ‘old mate’  who had effectively sold out. Byers was another ally of Blair who was based in the north east of England. He was elected as MP for Wallsend in 1992 and when that constituency was abolished was elected for the safe seat of North Tyneside, 1997-2010. Byers first stood for Parliament – for Hexham – in 1983. So he was someone else selected to stand for Labour whilst Kinnock was leader. Byers has a Chester connection – he went to Chester City Grammar School, then Chester College of Further Education. He read law at Liverpool Poly – as did the former leader of Plaid, that great friend to the paedophiles’ of north Wales, Ieuan Wyn Jones, although Jones is four years older than Byers. Byers then became a law lecturer at Newcastle University. He was elected a Councillor for North Tyneside District Council in 1980 and became Deputy leader of the Council in 1985 – someone else who will have heard about child abuse on his patch and who was on the doorstep when the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal occurred.

In 1993 Byers became an ally of Blair when Byers became a member of the Home Affairs Select Committee. Byers subsequently identified himself as an ‘outrider’ for the New Labour project.

When Blair became Labour leader he appointed Byers as a Whip and when Blair became PM Byers was appointed Minister of State in the Department of Education and Employment under Secretary of State Estelle Morris. Morris famously resigned from that post saying that she realised that she wasn’t up to the job, was becoming unwell with the stress of it and would be much happier out of Gov’t. This resulted in Morris being widely derided for her honesty – but what if Morris had found herself surrounded by ruthless unscrupulous people who were building their careers on the back of their knowledge of something terrible which they were concealing?

When Byers was appointed as Chief Secretary to the Treasury in July 1998 he also became a member of the Privy Council. Stephen Byers was, variously: Minister of State for Education; Chief Secretary to the Treasury; Secretary of State for Trade and Industry and President of the Board of Trade; Secretary of State for Transport, Local Gov’t and the Regions. In 2010 Byers was caught in a lobbying scandal by journalists from the Sunday Times boasting of his access to Andrew Adonis and Mandelson and describing himself as a ‘cab for hire’. He did not resign from the Labour Party but was subsequently banned from Parliament for two years.

 

When Blair won the election in 1997 Milburn was appointed Minister of State for Health under Secretary of State Frank Dobson. Dobson was known to be completely opposed to any sort of privatisation of the NHS and is known for not having the sort of allegiance to Blair and New Labour that Milburn had. Dobson is generally portrayed as a genial Father Christmas character – he didn’t thrive under Blair’s regime but he was wheeled out by Blair in 2000 in an unsuccessful attempt to stop Ken Livingstone becoming London Mayor. However I note that Dobbo was elected as a Labour Councillor for Camden London Borough Council in 1971 and very soon became leader of the Labour Group on the Council and therefore Leader of the Council. He resigned in 1975 when he was appointed to the impartial role of Assistant Secretary of the Office of the Local Ombudsman, a job he retained until 1979.

Dobbo was MP for Holborn and St Pancras 1979-2015 – so he was around a very, very long time, particularly when one takes into his account his years on Camden Council. Dobbo was present throughout the paedophile years and involved with a Council choc full of future New Labour stars who were up to their necks in wrongdoing, including their silence regarding the organised abuse of children – including Tessa, David and John Mills (see posts ‘The London Connection’ and ‘Tower Hamlets, Paul Boateng and Tessa Jowell’).

I have mentioned many times on this blog that in the first few years after the new millennium figures were released which showed that Conwy in north west Wales had the second highest suicide rate for women in England and Wales. No-one could understand why because Conwy is a rural area, wealthy by north Wales standards and very desirable. There was never an investigation – which probably was no coincidence because an awful lot of people believed the problem was almost certainly related to the presence of the lethal Dr Tony Roberts as the psychiatrist leading the mental health team for Conwy, who’s goal in life seemed to be to cause as many patients as possible to commit suicide by refusing to believe that anyone was ill no matter how ill they were. In 2002 Tony Roberts did his best to kill me – he ordered an on-call GP to ‘do nothing’ on the grounds that I was a ‘known troublemaker’ after the GP contacted him and described me as ‘suicidal ++++’. Roberts then ordered every other doctor not to treat me, ignored letters from my lawyers telling him that I had a legal right to a second opinion and tried to have me framed for ‘threatening to kill’ Alun Davies, the manager of the Hergest Unit, after I had called Davies a fat idiot. The case subsequently fell apart and it was clear that the Angels and Top Doctors had perjured themselves but as ever there was no investigation into this. Neither has there yet been a resolution to a problem which I only uncovered last year – after that case collapsed, someone unlawfully altered the PNC to record a conviction of ‘violent disorder’ against my name and someone also forged a certificate of indictment stating that I had been convicted of ‘violent disorder’ (see post ‘Even More Confusion Regarding Those Legal Conundrums’). The former Chief Executive of the North West Wales NHS Trust Martin Jones somehow knew about all this when I didn’t. The North West Wales NHS Trust ran the Hergest Unit and employed both Tony Roberts and Alun Davies at the time, as well as the Angels who happily joined in with the perjury. I made a complaint to the GMC about Roberts but they took no action. Last year my lawyer forwarded me a copy of a document that had been found in the possession of the GMC – it was a forged letter, purporting to be from me, relating to my complaint about Roberts (see post ‘ The General Medical Council – And Yet Another Forged Document’).

My problems with Tony Roberts occurred in 2002 . When it was admitted that the suicide rate for women in Conwy was second only to the suicide rate for women in – Camden! We know that the problem in Conwy was Tony Roberts – Roberts was also a wider problem because somebody appointed this madman as clinical director of the Hergest Unit and then the fun really began.

But who or what was the problem in Camden? I don’t know much about Camden but I do know that although it contains an affluent area where Blair’s mates no doubt lived, one area – St Pancras – was the location of sex workers, including sex workers who were children in the care of the local authority. I say ‘was’ because I haven’t been there for years – I know that the railway station has been redeveloped and is now very grand – but when I lived in London in the late 80s/early 90s, I used to go through St Pancras and I saw those kids flogging their services. Many of them had very obvious serious mental health problems, as did a few other folk, including a man who seemed to be suffering from a serious psychotic condition who lived in that station and was sustained by the Mars Bars that the people who manned one of the stalls selling sweets gave him.

I was not the only person to notice what was going on in St Pancras Station. After I left London I watched a TV documentary about young homeless kids in London and it was revealed that many of them had left local authority ‘care’. At one point in the documentary, a group of young people were interviewed and angrily told the journo of the total disrespect with which they were treated by wider society, of the hassle that they received from the police and of the assaults that they received from thugs. One boy then yelled that everyone knew what was happening to them and that ‘the MP for [constituency bleeped out] is picking up young boys’.

It all happened on your patch Dobbo. Anything to declare whilst you tell us all how great the NHS is?

After a survey of his constituents in 2008 Frank Dobson was named as being one of the very worst MPs in terms of their responses to constituents’ correspondence. Out of 269 of constituents letters sent to Dobbo via WriteToThem.com, Dobbo had replied to just 69. Let me guess -if you were an Angel or Top Doctor who wrote to Dobbo about The Cuts, you’d get a reply by return of post. Concerned constituent asking Dobbo to help because of the terrible problems that you’re having with the mental health services or writing because you’re a resident who has discovered that the kids in the care of Camden Council are being abused or neglected? You’ll have been ignored.

 

Milburn was responsible for driving through PFI deals for hospitals. The PFI deals that are now costing the NHS a great deal of money, far more money than those bastard patients missing appointments or turning up at A&E making a nuisance of themselves because they are unwell, anxious and unable to get an appointment with their GP for three weeks.

Milburn obviously felt that he didn’t make much headway under Dobbo and it is said that Milburn drove through the desired NHS reforms later when he became Secretary of State for Health himself. Meanwhile, whilst Dobbo was Secretary of State for Health, before devolution made the NHS in Wales the responsibility of the National Assembly, the criminality and corruption in the NHS in north Wales continued unhindered. Whilst Dobbo the stooge sat there in office, all hell was unleashed where I lived because the Waterhouse Inquiry had begun and was taking evidence from the former kids in care who had been so seriously abused. The Hergest Unit very obviously started falling apart, the better staff left in droves, Dr Tony Francis had a nervous breakdown and took early retirement after publicly declaring that he loathed all of his colleagues, the consultants were all at each others throats anyway and the care of the patients – which was always very mediocre – basically stopped. The Hergest Unit had a day centre which was about the only part of the Unit which functioned properly and was led by a nurse who I think really did try her best to look after patients with serious long term illnesses against the backdrop of a paedophile gang and their protectors. The day centre was closed down and the nurse who ran it was redeployed as a travelling CBT therapist ‘in the community’. The nurse didn’t drive so spent nearly all of her time sitting on the bus travelling the long distances between the rural locations which she had to visit. Everyone could see that it was farcical, particularly as she was probably the most capable member of staff that the mental health service in Gwynedd had. She wasn’t nuts, she wasn’t a paedophile and she actually knew how to conduct CBT. So Alun Davies and Tony Roberts had her spending her days on a bus. Following the closure of the day centre, patients could be seen destitute around the local towns and a number of them died. The ones who died interestingly enough were those who could remember what went on in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh when Dafydd used to illegally bang up anyone who had complained about him or the paedophiles or who were the patients who had been the former residents of the children’s homes in north Wales. All care and support for them was withdrawn and the pleas of neighbours and other horrified onlookers were ignored. One patient who was left for dead was a close relative of a man whom Alan Milburn knows. She didn’t actually die – by some miracle – but she did become destitute. Her close relative who knows Milburn won’t have afforded her any protection – a family rift when they were young meant that he will not have felt any obligation to her and he’s a famous man in the public spotlight who would only feel embarrassment because of his seriously ill relative. But the patient concerned is someone who can remember the North Wales Hospital and what Dafydd did out there and is also someone who was sexually used by the staff herself. She’s ill but she’s not stupid, there’s no telling who she might name if someone looks after her and asks the right questions.

Another patient who became destitute although neighbours rang Gwynedd Social Services and the Top Doctors repeatedly begging for someone to take care of her as she visibly lost weight through severe malnourishment, lived in derelict buildings, ran out into the road in Bethesda and yelled abuse at the traffic etc used to entertain people who did talk to her by maintaining that she was a prostitute and a groupie. When she first told me all this, to my shame I presumed that it was just the ramblings of a very distressed person. Then I noticed that the rest of her observations were spot-on – and I learned that a paedophile ring had operated in the region for years, a ring which took kids in care and mental health patients to London, Brighton and Manchester and sold them for sex, including to well-known people. This woman’s particular claim to fame was that she had had sex with Mick Jagger. People would listen politely and she would simply repeat that honestly she had, when she was young, because she had been a groupie. She was the right vintage to have been a groupie in the 60s/70s, but I always presumed that she had probably had sex with some rather less high profile people but not actually Murdoch’s wife’s leftovers. Until the day that I saw a collection of photos of Jagger with some of his mates taken in the late 60s – and one of those in the photos was someone who’s network had definitely extended as far as the dispossessed of north Wales.

I also found out today that Jimmy Savile visited Bryn Estyn. I had heard rumours but I thought that they were no more than that. Apparently not – Savile was there and he whilst he was there he was entertained by watching Peter Howarth and others gang rape the boys in their care.

You don’t have to worry Dobbo/Milburn/Blair, nearly all those patients are now dead. They were systematically exterminated in full public view whilst you all spouted rubbish about ‘service user involvement’ and ‘rights and responsibilities’. Not forgetting ‘tough on crime and tough on the causes of crime’ of course.

As Minister of State under Dobbo, Milburn will have known what was going on in the NHS in north Wales, it did not pass unnoticed, there were letters to politicians from many people.

Milburn was moved from the post of Minister of State in the Dept of Health in Dec 1998 to the role of Chief Secretary to the Treasury.

By Dec 1998 the Waterhouse Inquiry had stopped hearing the witnesses evidence and had set about the process of discrediting them as much as possible in their Report which was subsequently published in Feb 2000. In Oct 1998 had Blair appointed Alun Michael as Secretary of State for Wales after Ron Davies’s moment of madness on Clapham Common, which resulted in Alun Michael subsequently becoming First Secretary (now known as First Minister) of the newly created National Assembly for Wales, an appointment that just about no-one supported but Blair. Alun Michael resigned as First Secretary and as Leader of Welsh Labour in Feb 2000. The month in which the Waterhouse Report was published. William Hague, who as Secretary of State for Wales under John Major had orchestrated the cover-up which was Waterhouse, by this time was leader of the Tory Party in Opposition – he’d been appointed to that role in June 1997, having done everyone a massive favour re Waterhouse.

The reason that Milburn was moved to the Treasury however was because Mandy had been forced to resign as Secretary of State for the DTI after the business of the huge undeclared loan from Paymaster General Geoffrey Robinson. Stephen Byers was appointed Secretary of State for DTI in Mandy’s place and Milburn replaced Byers as Chief Secretary to the Treasury. Milburn was Chief Secretary to the Treasury under Chancellor of the Exchequer Gordon Brown.

In Oct 1999 – four months before the Waterhouse Report was published – Milburn replaced Dobbo as Secretary of State for Health. Whilst Secretary of State, Milburn battled with Gordon over NHS funding  and the establishment of NHS foundation hospitals. Gordon famously did release the purse strings for the NHS and it received a great deal of money, as did the Top Doctors personally. Concerns were raised within the Labour Party that foundation hospitals would lead to a two-tier NHS. No-one mentioned the possibility that patient harm and deaths would be concealed by Trusts in their efforts to achieve foundation status. Meanwhile at Mid-Staffs things were going dreadfully wrong – and everybody in the Dept of Health lied through their teeth, fiddled the stats and concealed thousands of deaths.

Milburn resigned as Secretary of State unexpectedly in June 2003 and no-one quite understood why, particularly as he had been identified for promotion. He trotted out the usual lame excuses of the exhaustion and stress with all the commuting between London and the north east and wanting to spend more time with his partner and two children. When Milburn resigned Peter Cordy, the Chief Exec of Macmillan Cancer Relief, said that Milburn had ‘played a pivotal role’ in developing and introducing the NHS cancer plan. UNISON General Secretary Dave Prentis ‘praised Mr Milburn’s dedication’ regarding the ‘difficult job that he had to do in turning around our NHS after 20 years of neglect’. That’s the Dave Prentis who represented thousands of NHS workers, including those employed in the north Wales mental health services at the time who were neglecting and abusing their patients and committing perjury in attempts to frame them. A leading light in COHSE, one of the unions that eventually merged to form UNISON, was David Williams, a ‘nurse’ from the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, who had worked there whilst Gwynne the lobotomist was still incapacitating people for life if they dared to complain about the Top Doctors or paedophiles assaulting them (see post ‘A Very COHSE Relationship With Some Very Nasty People’).

Milburn made a brief return to Gov’t in 2004 when he was appointed Minister for the Cabinet Office and Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster to enable him to lead the campaign for the 2005 General Election, but it got off to a bad start and Milburn stood back from the campaign.

In 2007 Milburn launched the 20:20 website with Charles Clarke. Clarke was a researcher for Kinnock and then became Chief of Staff of Kinnock’s office. Lady Margaret Jay, the daughter of former Labour PM Jim Callaghan Chaired the launch. That’s the Jim Callaghan who visited Glenys Kinnock’s parents’ at their house in Holyhead with Lord Cledwyn, who concealed the paedophile gang in north Wales (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’).

After resigning as Secretary of State to spend more time with his partner and children, Milburn remained a busy man. He took a £30k pa job as an advisor with Bridgepoint Capital, a venture capitalist company with investments in private medical companies. Bridgepoint was involved with a group of care homes which were named and shamed as neglecting their patients. I also remember seeing the name of Chris Patten in connection with Bridgepoint.

Whilst Secretary of State for Health, Milburn made strident attacks on the junk food industry and claimed that the biggest world health problem is chronic illness caused by junk food, including fizzy drinks. After he resigned he called on Ministers to ban snack vending machines from schools.

In May 2007 Milburn accepted a £27k pa post with PepsiCo to assist in building a healthier image for the company. Milburn sat on the nutritional advisory board which was set up by the UK arm of PepsiCo. Philip Gould, another good mate of Blair’s and a key figure in New Labour, sat on the board as well. PepsiCo stated that they hoped that Milburn’s Ministerial track record ‘would be of enormous value’. That’s why this December that huge red juggernaut going under the name of the Coca Cola Truck will be arriving at a town near you to flog sugary fizz with no nutritional value at all to kids gearing up for Christmas.

Milburn is Chair of Global Advisors for Mars Incorporated, is also on the Board of Bridgepoint’s ‘portfolio company’ Diaverum AB and is a Board member of Apos Therapy. Dear old Stuart Rose sits on Bridgepoint’s European Advisory Board, along with Milburn. Milburn is also a member of the Strategic Advisory Board at WellDoc and Vice-Chair, Lloyds Pharmacy Advisory Board.

In Jan 2015 the Guardian reported that Bridgepoint were the major shareholders in Care UK, which is involved in outsourcing NHS services.

Milburn is Chair of iwantgreatcare Ltd.

Milburn also works for PwC. He is the Chair of their Health Industries Oversight Board.

Milburn co-authored an opinion piece for the Financial Times with John Hutton, another Blair ally and a Cabinet Minister between 2005-09. Their article urged the current Labour leadership to embrace the records of the Gov’ts of which they were a part. Hutton is a consultant to Lockhead Martin, an advisor to the Bechtel Corporation and a non-executive Director of Circle Holdings plc. Circle was the firm which failed to deliver and actually pulled out after receiving a contract to manage Hinchingbrooke Hospital in Cambridgeshire.

Milburn was a member of Ed Miliband’s ‘top team’, along with Mandy and Alistair Campbell.

Milburn became Chancellor of Lancaster University in 2014 and the University’s website states that Milburn is involved in charitable projects as diverse as working with Blair in Africa to acting as a Trustee for Yorkshire Sculpture Park.

In Nov 2017 the Telegraph reported that A.M. Strategy, a private company set up by Milburn after leaving Gov’t, had made more than £500k in the past year and had accumulated over £1 million in profits since its establishment. Milburn directs this company with his long-term girlfriend Ruth Briel, the person whom he resigned from Gov’t to spend more time with.

In much the same way that Milburn didn’t slow down at all after his resignation from Gov’t, I’m not sure that Ruth has much spare time herself to spend with Milburn. As well as being a Director of A.M. Strategy, Ruth is Dr Ruth Briel, a Top Doctor – an NHS consultant psychiatrist and clinical director at the Tees, Esk and Wear Valleys NHS Foundation Trust. She is a member of the Academic Health Sciences Network for the North East and North Cumbria as well as Chief Operating Officer for the NHS Leadership Academy.

Briel is involved with NHS Improvement who have been completely unable to improve the NHS at all. She sits on the Senior Advisory Group ‘to advise and enable the creation of an improvement movement across the NHS in England’. Many Board members of NHS Improvement are known to this blog and include: Chris Hopson of NHS Providers; Dr Matthew Patrick of the South London and Maudsley NHS Foundation Trust; Jim Mackey of NHS Improvement; Prof Chris Ham of the Kings Fund; Roy Lilley of the Academy of Fab NHS Stuff; Will Warburton of The Health Foundation; Prof Maxine Power of Salford Royal NHS Foundation Trust; Nigel Edwards of the Nuffield Trust; Lord Ara Darzi; Prof Sir John Burn of Newcastle University.

John Burn is Professor of Clinical Genetics as Newcastle University. At least some of his research is or has been funded by Cancer Research UK, the leading lights of which are those people whom I witnessed behaving so badly in 1987 (see post ‘A cause Close To Our Hearts’). Burn studied at Newcastle Medical School, 1976-80 and led the regional NHS Genetics Society for 20 years. He helped to create the Centre for Life in Newcastle which houses the regions Fertility and Genetics Services. Burn launched ID testing company Northgene Ltd in 1995; Chairs DNA device company QuantuMDx; is a non-executive Director of NHS England; Executive Chair of Global Varione Ltd. He was genetics lead for the UK NIHR (National Institute of Health Research); the previous lead clinician for UK NHS (North East); was Director of the Institute of Genetic Medicine at Newcastle University (2005-10); President of the European Society for Human Genetics (2007).

Presumably Professor Sir John Burn is well-acquainted with Milburn, Ruth and their mates.

Just a couple of days ago it was announced that Ian Dalton CBE is to be the new Chief Exec of NHS Improvement. Dalton is currently the CEO of Imperial College Healthcare NHS Trust, a collection of teaching hospitals, some of which have been involved in research fraud and very questionable practices for decades (see posts ‘A Cause Close To Our Hearts’ and ‘I Don’t Believe It!’). He was President, Global Gov’t and Health, BT Global Services, April 2014-Sept 2016; President, Global Heath, BT Global Services, May 2013-April 2014; Chief Operating Officer and Deputy Chief Executive, NHS England, 2012-13; Chief Executive, NHS North of England, 2011-12; MD, Provider Development, UK Dept of Health, 2010-12; Chief Executive, NHS North East, 2007-11; National Director, NHS Flu Resilience, UK Dept of Health, May 2009-10; Chief Exec, North Tees and Hartlepool NHS Trust, 2005-07; Chief Exec, North Cheshire Hospitals NHS Trust, 2003-05.

So there we are – Dalton has presided over a long and glorious history of NHS failure, catastrophe and cover-up in regions of the country where child abuse connected to organised crime has caused havoc but luckily Ian Dalton was at the heart of the network of Blair and his mates, so he just carried on climbing upwards.

 

Ruth Briel is also listed as a Director of North East Transformation System Ltd and her address was given as Gateshead Health Trust HQ.

Briel has had a very long association with the NHS in the north east, particularly the mental health services. She qualified from Newcastle University Medical School in 1988. In the aftermath of the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal, just as Butler-Sloss’s Inquiry into it all was underway. There is no way that Ruth and her peers will not have been discussing that and indeed hearing some of what really went on. It is highly likely that Briel personally knows some of those who were key players in that scandal – a scandal which resulted in hundreds of children being removed from the care of their parents, most of whom Butler-Sloss quietly later admitted had not been abused. More recently authorities in Cleveland admitted that ‘mistakes were made’. The biggest mistake was the complete concealment by all agencies of the en masse abuse of children in care by a series of paedophile gangs with links to each other across the UK which operated through the social services.

The information provided in this blog post does of course back up the information in my post ‘The Newcastle-Upon-Tyne Connection’.

 

So those are some of the people who led the NHS during those years following the Waterhouse Inquiry whilst the surviving witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were systematically exterminated. It’s a rather different story to the one that launched Milburn’s political career – the story of the son of a single mother who worked as an NHS secretary and who was brought up on a council estate and never recovered from the Council painting his front door the same colour as everyone else’s on the estate. I know that was a bit of a liberty Alan, but it couldn’t have been that traumatic – it’s not as if you were murdered when you were fire-bombed because you had information about politicians molesting children.

 

 

 

Wheels Within Wheels Or Flies Drawn To The Same Incestuously Corrupt Shithouse?

I have taken the title of today’s post from a comment left by Mike Claybrook in response to a previous post. Mike offered it as a reflection on the cronyism and corruption evident in north east Wales, but it’s a remarkably succinct summary of the prevailing situation in the many institutions, political parties and regions of the UK that have been discussed on this blog.

Readers will be aware that I spent my youth living under the long dark days of Thatcherism and I don’t think that I’ve yet recovered – when I was in north Wales it was a case of poverty and being the victim of the paedophiles’ friends and when I was in London it was a case of witnessing the extreme fuckwittery and greed of the highest echelons of the medical profession whilst they told me that I was a naïve sheepshagger because I wasn’t interested in joining in with their idiocy. I didn’t know at the time, but they too were the paedophiles’ friends, but just rather richer, grander and rather better connected friends than those in north Wales. The paedophiles’ friends in north Wales ended up with OBEs, the ones in London bagged knighthoods and peerages. Despite the joy that erupted throughout the UK at the news of Thatcher’s resignation however, the nightmare of course continued – because John Major took over with pretty much the same bunch of goons in senior positions.

One of the more unpleasant spectacles in the early days of Major’s Gov’t occurred at the Conservative Party Conference in Brighton in October 1992, when Peter Lilley decided that the way to endear himself to the Party was to launch into a vindictive poisonous attack on some of the most vulnerable in society. There had been much gnashing of teeth about the ballooning numbers of people claiming sickness benefits – which was of course happening because Tebbit et al had spent years making alterations to the way in which the unemployment figures were calculated in order to hide the ghastly truth and GPs had been quietly encouraged to shift claimants over onto sickness benefits where possible. Lilley achieved notoriety by singing a pastiche of the Lord High Executioner’s ‘little list’ song from The Mikado. He entertained the conference with a ditty about having a ‘little list’ of people who ‘won’t be missed’ – they included people claiming social security benefits, unmarried pregnant women and socialists no less. Liiley’s performance was truly unedifying.

Readers might have noted the date of the Party Conference concerned – October 1992. Six months after the arson attack on a building in Brighton which killed five people with connections to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. Two more deaths resulted from this event as well – the man who was alleged to have confessed to starting the fire was found dead himself days later and another young man who survived the arson attack alleged that the former residents of the children’s homes in north Wales were being murdered because they had knowledge of liaisons between child prostitutes and politicians but he was subsequently found dead himself after giving evidence. For full details of the fire and it’s aftermath, see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’. Presumably it was felt that after this fire, a few more people who wouldn’t be missed were out of the way.

Well Peter, I’ve got a list as well – a list of all those people whom I know colluded with the activities of a vicious paedophile ring in north Wales. Admittedly it’s not a little list – because of the degree of corruption that was involved it’s a very long list and many have already been named on this blog, but there are still a few obvious loose ends to tie up. So here is my own additional little list, to be read with reference to – and correlated with – previous posts.

My little list begins with three odious people who were friends and contemporaries at York University – Harvey Proctor, Michael Brown and Christine Holman, now Christine Hamilton. I don’t know what was going on at York at the time, but the York University Conservative Association spawned some deeply unpleasant people.

Harvey Proctor is legendary. He was Chair of the York University Conservative Association between 1967-69, then the Assistant Director (1969-71) and a member of the executive council (1983-87) of the hard right Monday Club. He was the Tory MP for Basildon (1979-83) and then for Billericay (1983-87). In the early 80s some mind-boggling rumours circulated about Harvey Proctor, rumours so florid that I didn’t believe them. He was alleged to be taking part in extreme S&M activities with under-aged boys. ‘Private Eye’ ran a few articles about him – he was featured in their ‘The New Boys’ column and I expected him to sue them. However he didn’t. Proctor became a source of fascination to the ‘Eye’ and sometime later they published allegations that a building that he owned was housing members of the League of St George (a far-right group) and then allegations that someone had been walking past his London flat, heard guttural noises coming from within and observed bloody handprints on the outside of the building. Interestingly, no-one from the Tories denied these stories, they just ignored them. The rumours continued to circulate and eventually some Tories started expressing the opinion that Proctor was a serious embarrassment and that they’d rather he stood down.

In 1986 ‘The People’ newspaper claimed that Proctor was in same sex relationships with males and then the shit really hit the fan – in 1987 Proctor was found guilty of gross indecency and fined after participating in spanking sessions in which young male prostitutes were tied up. The prostitutes involved were not ‘children’, but they were under the legal age of consent for gay sex between men, which at the time was 21. Proctor and others who were charged under similar circumstances now angrily point out that they were targeted for being gay and that the men that they were having sex with would these days be over the age of consent. I take their point about the relevant changes in the law – but whereas some of these men were charged for offences involving young men between the ages of 16 and 21, there were constant allegations that some of them had sometimes been sexually involved with boys under the age of 16. Furthermore these rent boys had frequently been trafficked into prostitution at the age of 16-17 after leaving children’s homes, where they had been ‘groomed’ by years of sexual abuse – often accompanied by violence if they resisted. This was certainly the pattern regarding the kids from north Wales children’s homes – and John Allen, the owner of the Bryn Alyn Community, was known to own brothels in London and Brighton where children formerly in his care were sent after they left the children’s homes. The boys pimped by Allen also alleged that he was involved with a major crime ring dealing in child porn and drugs. The defence used by Proctor et al never involves answering any difficult questions about where those rent boys had come from and why they were so willing to have sex with rather deranged sometimes elderly MPs whom they could not have found attractive in any way.

Proctor resigned his seat after his conviction and Theresa Gorman succeeded him. In 1988 Proctor established a shop in Richmond-Upon-Thames selling shirts, ties and waistcoats, after receiving a grant from the Gov’ts Enterprise Allowance Scheme. Proctor had considerable help establishing this business. The Tory Whip Tristan Garel-Jones organised the raising of the sum of £75,000 and over the following years, as Proctor’s shop repeatedly encountered financial difficulties, Tory MPs and former Tory MPs came to the rescue. Some of the people who were financially involved with Proctor’s business were Jeffrey Archer, Michael Heseltine, David Heathcote-Amory, Mark Lennox-Boyd, Sir Nicholas Bonsor, Richard Shephard, David Evans, Neil Hamilton, Christine Hamilton, Tim Yeo, Michael Brown, David Ashby, Sir Neil Thorne, William Benyon and Sir Charles Morrison. Charles Morrison was the older brother of Sir Peter Morrison whom it is now admitted was molesting boys in their mid-teens and younger, including boys resident in children’s homes in north Wales. Heseltine and Archer invested more than £100,000 in Proctor’s shop.

There was a punch-up in the shop in 1992. Two young men entered and asked Proctor ‘have you any ties for tying up rent boys before you spank them?’ Proctor tried to get them out of the shop and a fight broke out. Incredibly enough Neil and Christine Hamilton were in the shop at the time and Hamilton came to Proctor’s assistance when the young men assaulted Proctor. Proctor was punched in the face and had his little finger broken and Neil Hamilton ended up with a broken nose. The two men were charged and convicted.

In spite of the enormous helping hand that Proctor received from well-wishing Tories, his business eventually went bust. In 2003 Proctor was appointed the Private Secretary to the 11th Duke of Rutland at Belvoir Castle in Leicestershire. He entered obscurity but of course hit the media again in 2015 when he was named as a suspect in the Operation Midland investigation into child abuse. Proctor held a press conference at which he angrily denied all allegations made against him – which included allegations that he had sexually tortured boys, attempted to castrate one of them and that a boy was murdered. The allegations against Proctor were tied up with allegations that Ted Heath abused boys – Proctor maintained that he hated Ted Heath so much that he wouldn’t have shared a cup of tea with him, let alone have attended an orgy in his company.

The Operation Midland investigation was halted after the publication of Sir Richard Henriques’ highly critical report into the way that the police had conducted the investigation. In Nov 2016 the Commissioner of the Met, Sir Bernard Hogan-Howe, apologised to Proctor. Proctor began legal action against the Metropolitan Police in Feb 2017. Sir Richard Henriques was the judge who dismissed the appeal of Jeremy Bamber in 2002. Jeremy Bamber is serving a life sentence for the murder of three members of his family – there has been mounting concern for years that his case is a serious miscarriage of justice. Bamber was convicted substantially as a result of the evidence given by a Top Doctor from St Andrew’s Hospital Northampton, an institution with a history of patient neglect and abuse – the Top Doctor seems to have been untruthful when giving evidence (see post ‘Family Annihilation’).

Although I too found it difficult to believe that Proctor would have done anything at all with Ted Health including sexually abusing boys, I note that one of the investors in Proctor’s business, Sir Charles Morrison, had been a big fan of Heath’s. Charles Morrison was the MP for Devizes (1964-92) and died in 2005. His obituary in the ‘Daily Telegraph’ makes interesting reading. It contrasts the political differences between Charles and his brother Peter – Charles being a ‘die hard Heathite rebel’ and Peter being an aide to Thatcher. The Morrisons’ had a sister – Dame Mary Morrison, who was Woman of the Bed Chamber to the Queen for over 50 years. Charles Morrison’s wife was related by marriage to Ian Fleming, who wrote an article entitled ‘To Westminster With Love’, the opening words being ‘Charles Morrison – Licensed To Kill’. Well somebody certainly was, witnesses to the activities of Peter Morrison and his associates were constantly found dead.

Michael Brown, one of Proctor’s friends at York, was a part time research assistant to Michael Marshall between 1975-76 and between 1976-79 worked for Nicholas Winterton MP. In 1979 Brown was elected as a Tory MP himself and remained as one until May 1994. Brown was a member of the Monday Club and the Eldon League. He was a founder member of the No Turning Back group, which included Peter Lilley, Neil Hamilton and Michael Portillo. Brown and Portillo were extremely good friends in the early 80s, so much so that they went on holidays together, along with someone else close to them, Derek Laud, who was Brown’s research assistant for a considerable period of time.

Brown was a supporter of the apartheid regime in South Africa and in Feb 1988 visited South Africa with Neil Hamilton – their trip was funded by the South African Authorities.

Brown was PPS to Douglas Hogg, between 1989-90 when Hogg was at the DTI and then between 1990-92 when Hogg was at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. Between 1992-93 Brown was PPS to Patrick Mayhew, Secretary of State for N Ireland. Mayhew was a barrister, who when he was younger had acted as Counsel for the GMC – the GMC who famously allowed Dr Morris Fraser, a child psychiatrist who was a paedophile, to continue practising in the 70s. But then they allowed Dafydd to practice and he was facilitating a paedophile ring. In 1993 Brown became an assistant Gov’t Whip.

Brown was involved with the Cash for Questions scandal, along with Neil Hamilton, Sir Michael Grylls and Sir Peter Morrison. Brown accepted money to lobby on behalf of U.S. Tobacco without declaring it and also failed to declare an interest in the notoriously carcinogenic Skoal Bandits.

Michael Brown resigned as an MP in 1994 after the ‘News of the World’ published photos of him on holiday in Barbados with a gay man who was under the age of consent.

Brown was in the wilderness for a short while but bounced back in April 1998 after he submitted a piece for the ‘Independent’ which they accepted. The Indie then offered him a regular commission as a political sketch writer, starting in 1999. I mentioned in my post ‘Running The Country – And All That Jazz’ that after he left office, Ken Clarke joined the Board of the ‘Independent’. Helena Kennedy, another name which will be familiar to readers of this blog, was also on the Board at the time. Clarke left office in 1997 – he joined the ‘Independent’ at some point after that. Michael Brown then also picked up work for other papers. He is now a political journalist who makes regular appearances as a commentator and newspaper reviewer on British TV, especially BBC News 24 and Sky News.

I note that Brown’s troubles began at the time that Gordon Anglesea sued for libel after a number of media outlets named Anglesea as abusing boys in care in north Wales and just as the Jillings investigation into child abuse in north Wales was launched. His career recovered whilst the Waterhouse Inquiry was nearing it’s end, when Amanda Platell had her feet firmly under the table at Conservative Central Office as Press Officer (see post ‘Did Glenda Occupy A Key Role In Keeping It All Quiet?’) and after Sir Peter Morrison had been found safely dead at the bottom of the stairs at his home.

I have mentioned that Brown and Portillo were good friends with Derek Laud, Brown’s research assistant and they even all went on holidays together. Laud was also a member of the Monday Club in the early 1980s. By the mid 1980s he was working for Tory MPs and Gov’t advisors as a researcher and as a special advisor to Sir Gordon Downey, the Parliamentary Commissioner for Standards. During the second half of the 80s Laud was an aide and speechwriter for Thatcher. He also helped Alan Clark and Michael Heseltine with their speeches. During the 1992 general election Laud acted as a campaign aide and fundraiser for John Major.

In the mid 80s Laud established Strategic Network International, a company set up to campaign against anti-apartheid movements and in the late 80s he worked in private equity finance. In 1992 he co-founded the lobbying company Ludgate Laud. Laud is co-founder and executive director of New City Initiative, a think tank and financial lobbying company. He holds multiple positions at the ‘wealth management’ company Stanhope Capital LLP. In recent years Laud has became a TV celeb – including an appearance on Celebrity Big Brother and in 2005 he partnered Edwina Currie on a TV quiz.

In the 1990s Laud was active in support of the Democratic Turnhalle Alliance (DTA), a political party in Namibia backed by the South African Gov’t.

Laud has a rather different background to many of the people in the Conservative Party with whom he is mates. He came from a Jamaican family in south London but had a very big rift with his mother when he was fourteen, which he attributes to him being gay, but he never quite explained how exactly. He moved out of his mother’s house and had no contact with her for many years – he moved in with Anna Meeham the head of the school that he attended in Clapham. Anna lived with her sister Cecily who was a child psychologist – Cecily was friends with a Judge Ann Goddard. Laud has remained very close to these two sisters, particularly Cecily. In an interview with the ‘Daily Mail’ in 2007 he stresses their importance in his life and says that he consults them about everything.

I mentioned in my post ‘Are You Local?’ that teenaged boys from Ty’r Felin, the children’s home in Bangor run by the brutal Nefyn Dodd, were being trafficked into prostitution. They were hired out to men renting hotel rooms in the local area but they were also taken to London, where they were received by a Tory fundraiser and aide of Thatcher’s who had an apartment in Dolphin Square. I received an e mail from a journalist some weeks ago alleging that the man in question was Derek Laud.

Michael Portillo, a close friend of Laud and Brown’s, graduated from Cambridge in 1975 and in 1976 joined the Conservative Research Dept. He became a Gov’t advisor in 1979 and was elected to the Commons in 1984. He was given a seat in the Cabinet in 1992, as Chief Secretary to the Treasury. He was Secretary of State for Employment (1994-95) and Secretary of State for Defence (1995-97). Throughout this time he was known as the ‘darling of the right’ and in his early days as an MP many had seen him as the heir to Thatcher. He lost his seat unexpectedly in the 1997 general election. He returned to the Commons in 1999, after being elected for Kensington and Chelsea, Alan Clark’s seat, after Clark died. He became Shadow Chancellor. Portillo retired from the Commons in 2005 and is now largely known for his media work and is a regular on the BBC.

The right wing of the Tory Party eventually developed a problem with Portillo in the aftermath of him fessing up in 1998 that he had ‘had some homosexual experiences’ when he was a young man. As it became clear that Portillo’s homosexual experiences might have been rather more extensive than he’d let on, people like Norman Tebbit became very angry and accused him of deceiving them. Which I think he probably did – he married a woman in 1982, voted against gay equality legislation and denied the rumours circulating that he was gay. I knew someone in north Wales back in the 1990s who used to go to gay clubs in London and Manchester who told me that he’d seen Portillo in gay clubs. Many years ago Michael Gove alleged in one of his books that there was quite an interesting party scene in Portillo’s Cambridge College – Peterhouse – whilst Portillo was there, including cross-dressing parties at which men were given girls names which were attended by both undergrads and Fellows of the College. There were a number of allegations circulating about Portillo, including that he was one of the Tories who was having sex with under-aged boys. I have no idea whether he was or not – but I think that he certainly knew people who were. He has known one person since he was a teenager who definitely did keep quiet about paedophile activity in children’s homes – Diane Abbott, the former Press and PR Officer for Lambeth Borough Council, whose own children’s homes were rife with a paedophile activity and who also sent children in care to John Allen’s Bryn Alyn Community in north Wales.

Another Tory who was the subject of allegations that he was gay was the man with the little list, Peter Lilley. Lilley felt obliged to issue a denial in the end and he stated that he found the idea of homosexuality about as appetising as eating cardboard. Lilley had been at Cambridge with Ken Clarke, Michael Howard, John Selwyn Gummer and Norman Lamont. Lilley was a member of the No Turning Back group along with Portillo, Hamilton and Michael Brown. He was the Chair of the Bow Group, 1973-75. He was elected as a Tory MP in 1987 and retired in 2017. He was PPS to Nigel Lawson, Secretary of State for Trade and Industry (July 1990-April 1992) and Secretary of State for Social Security (April 1992-May 1997). Lilley was always right behind Margaret Thatcher, but when he realised that she was going to lose the leadership contest in 1990 he very quickly changed his allegiances and supported John Major.

The toxic Child Support Agency was one of Lilley’s initiatives, although whether he was responsible for appointing as head of the CSA the equally toxic Ros Hepplewhite – formerly Chief Exec of MIND whilst that organisation concealed horrors in north Wales perpetrated by the paedophiles’ friends – I do not know. In 1977 Lilley co-authored a book with Samuel Brittan, brother of the dreadful Leon, who has been named as a child abuser. Leon’s family and friends have robustly denied the allegations, but what is certain is that Leon lost a dossier given to him by Geoffrey Dickens MP whilst Leon was Home Secretary – the dossier contained names and details of Westminster figures whom were alleged to be abusing children. Many other files relating to child abuse also went walkabout from the Home Office whilst Leon was there. Please see post ‘A Few Of The Relevant Politicians In The Mary Wynch Case’ for an account of the hissy fit that Samuel Brittan threw in the mid 80s when the box office at the Edinburgh Fringe Festival failed to pull strings for him and how dear old Michael Grade promised to help him out.

Lilley’s father was personnel officer at the BBC. R.D. Laing once commented when observing his son growing up that he felt himself rocked by successive generations. I’ve experienced a similar sensation when researching for this blog.

Proctor and Michael Brown’s friend from York, Christine Holman, eventually married Neil Hamilton. Christine had worked as secretary for Tory MP Sir Michael Grylls (father of Bear). Years later, Grylls ended up in a lot of trouble in the Cash for Questions scandal, along with Hamilton, Brown and Peter Morrison. Grylls was a Tory MP for 27 years who stood down in 1997. In 1990 he took cash payments and misled the select committee on members interests.

The most notorious MP involved in the Cash for Questions saga was of course Christine Hamilton’s husband Neil. Neil Hamilton has been involved in such ext