A Message Of Peace At Christmas

Previous posts eg. ‘The Vermin Club’ and ‘Captain Swing And His Crew’ discussed the enormous circle of radicals, political activists, high profile literary figures, psychoanalysts etc who spent much time in south Gwynedd –  or who were friends with those who did – during the middle decades of the 20th century, as a result of the presence of Sir Clough Williams-Ellis who married into the Bloomsbury Group and Bertrand Russell taking up residence in nearby Penthyndeudraeth. The Welsh Bloomsbury Group knew about the presence of Dafydd’s gang in the area – and pre-Dafydd, Gwynne the lobotomist’s gang – but Dafydd and Gwynne provided a service for them, not the local people, so they weren’t in the least bit worried.

One strong link between with current politicians wielding power and Croesor is via the Hobsbawm family. Eric Hobsbawm kept a second home at Croesor for many years. He left the area in the late 1970s, but connections remained. Eric’s daughter Julia spent much of her young life at Croesor, although the family’s main home was in Hampstead. Julia’s best mate from Camden High School for Girls was Sarah, with whom Hobsbawm established a PR company that worked for the Labour Party and trade unions. While working for Hobsbawm Macaulay Communications, Sarah met Gordon, just when Gordon was in need of a wife, him wanting to be PM one day and they married. For a long time the Hobsbawms had a family friend who was the wife of the Chancellor of the Exchequer but they hit the jackpot in 2007 when they found that they were mates with the PM and his wife! It was good news for the Hobsbawms but disastrous for the public services in north Wales because the Hobsbawms were right behind a group of people who had caused very great suffering in north Wales…

 

Croesor was a place of many tales of derring-do because of the numerous very well-known radicals and bohemians who lived there at some point throughout the middle decades of the 20th century. The Croesor-related story that impresses some people the most is of course The Croesor-George Blake Link, which I briefly mentioned in my post ‘O Jones, O Jones’. It was Michael Randle and Pat Pottle, who lived in Croesor for many years, who helped the spy George Blake escape from prison in 1966. In 1991 Randle and Pottle finally stood trial at the Old Bailey for their role in springing Blake from Wormwood Scrubs and smuggling him out of the UK and into the Soviet Union.

George Blake (born George Behar on 11 November 1922) worked as a double agent for the KGB. Blake became a Communist and decided to work for the KGB while a prisoner during the Korean War. Blake’s espionage was discovered in 1961 and after a great deal of ‘How Very Dare You’ from the British establishment, he was sentenced to 42 years in prison after it was alleged that his activities had led to the deaths of many, many agents. George Blake escaped from Wormwood Scrubs in 1966 and fled to the Soviet Union. Blake was not one of the Cambridge Five – or at least the received wisdom states that he wasn’t – although he associated with Donald Maclean and Kim Philby after he  arrived in the Soviet Union.

Blake was born in the Netherlands in 1922, the son of a Protestant Dutch mother and an Egyptian Jewish father who was a naturalised British subject. The family lived a comfortable existence in the Netherlands until Blake’s father’s death in 1936. The 13 year old Blake was sent to live with relatives in Egypt, where he continued his education at the English School in Cairo. When WW II broke out, Blake was back in the Netherlands. In 1940, Germany invaded and quickly defeated the Dutch military. Blake was interned but released because he was only 17. He joined the Dutch resistance as a courier. In 1942, Blake escaped from the Netherlands and he reached London in January 1943. There, he was reunited with his mother and his sisters, who had fled at the start of the war. It was in 1943 that his mother decided to change the family name from Behar to Blake.

Blake joined the Royal Navy as a sub-lieutenant before being recruited by the Secret Intelligence Service, MI6, in 1944. For the rest of the war, Blake was employed in the Dutch Section. In 1946 Blake was posted to Hamburg and put in charge of the interrogation of German U-boat captains. In 1947 the Navy sent Blake to study at Downing College, Cambridge, where his fellow students included Michael MccGwire.

With a biography like this, George Blake would have been party to huge quantities of sensitive information that the British state are still desperately refusing to come clean about, such as whatever it was that Lord Louis Mountbatten did for so long that sent everyone into a blind funk and caused state agents to do anything at all to ensure that it was never openly admitted, even years after his death. See post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’.

MccGwire was a Royal Navy commander who in 1952 joined GCHQ to develop naval intelligence on the Soviet Navy. In 1956-58 MccGwire became a British assistant naval attache in Moscow where he provided military intelligence. As a ‘war planner’, MccGwire worked in the Supreme Allied Commander Atlantic (SACLANT) in the US. MccGwire retired from the Navy in 1967 aged 42 and became a student in International Politics and Economics at Aberystwyth University. While at Aber, MccGwire started and ran the Interstate Journal of International Affairs and published on the Soviet Navy for the UK’s Institute of Strategic Studies. MccGwire spent a year at Aber teaching postgrads.

For much of the 20th century, Abersytwyth churned out law graduates who spent the rest of their professional lives colluding with the organised abuse and criminality in Wales and elsewhere. The institution was also managed by deeply corrupt people who perpetuated this situation. Goronwy Rees, Principal of Aber, 1953-56, was a friend of Guy Burgess and was named as a double agent himself, although Goronwy’s fan club hotly denied that. Goronwy’s brother Geraint was a High Court judge in Wales who knew Ronnie Waterhouse and the gang. MccGwire was at Aberystwyth when Carlo was a student there for a brief time learning Welsh. For further details of corrupt people in high places as Aberystwyth University, see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’.

 

In 1970 MccGowrie became Professor of Maritime and Strategic Studies at Dalhousie University, Canada, staying there until 1979. He then became a Senior Fellow of the think tank in Washington DC, the Brookings Institute. MccGwire semi-retired in 1990, joining Cambridge University as a visiting Professor for three years on their Global Security Programme. At Cambridge, he continued to argue for an end to nuclear deterrents. In 2006 MccGwire participated in the national debate re the replacement of Trident and after that continued publishing and commenting on world affairs. He died in 2016.

Michael MccGwire was married to Helen, formerly an occupational therapist and author of a children’s storybook. They lived in Dorset and had five children: the writer and adviser to Labour Party figures, Scarlett MccGwire; author/communication consultant Lucinda Neall; CAB adviser Katrina Higham; business publisher Rory MccGwire; and corporate financier Paddy MccGwire. Scarlett has featured in a previous post on this blog and Lucille Hughes has been involved in the senior management of the CAB for a long while.

 

After Cambridge University, George Blake was posted to Seoul, South Korea, arriving in November 1948. Under cover as a Vice-Consul, Blake’s mission was to gather intelligence on Communist North Korea, Communist China and the Soviet Far East. Blake and the other British diplomats were taken prisoner after the Korean War broke out in 1950. While in Korea, Blake became a Communist and volunteered to work for the KGB.

When Blake was asked, “Is there one incident that triggered your decision to effectively change sides?”, he responded, “It was the relentless bombing of small Korean villages by enormous American Flying Fortresses. Women and children and old people, because the young men were in the army. We might have been victims ourselves. It made me feel ashamed of belonging to these overpowering, technically superior countries fighting against what seemed to me defenceless people. I felt I was on the wrong side … that it would be better for humanity if the Communist system prevailed, that it would put an end to war”.

Following his release in 1953, Blake returned to Britain as a hero, landing at RAF Abingdon.

Blake returning from Korea in 1953

In October 1954, Blake married MI6 secretary Gillian Allan in London. In 1955, he was sent by MI6 to work as a case officer in Berlin, where his task was to recruit Soviet officers as double agents. He informed his KGB contacts of the details of British and American operations, including Operation Gold, in which a tunnel into East Berlin was used to tap telephone lines used by the Soviet military. Until Blake’s treachery was discovered, this operation had been hailed as a resounding success. It is claimed that in the course of nine years Blake betrayed details of some forty MI6 agents to the KGB, destroying most of MI6’s operations in Eastern Europe, although this remains unsubstantiated. Blake later said of this, “I don’t know what I handed over because it was so much”. In 1959 Blake became aware of a CIA mole inside GRU, the foreign military intelligence agency of the Soviet Army and was thus instrumental in exposing P.S. Popov, who was executed in 1960.

In 1961, Blake fell under suspicion after revelations by Polish defector Michael Goleniewski and others. Blake was summoned back to London from Lebanon where he was enrolled at the Middle East Centre for Aranic Studies (MECAS) and arrested on arrival in London. Blake denied that he was ever tortured or blackmailed by the North Koreans and gave his MI6 interrogators a full confession.

The maximum sentence for any one offence under section 1 of the Official Secrets Act 1911 is 14 years, but Blake’s activities were divided into five time periods charged as five offences and, in May 1961 after an in camera trial at the Old Bailey, he was sentenced to a total of 42 years imprisonment by the Lord Chief Justice, Lord Parker. It was the longest sentence (excluding life terms) ever handed down by a British court until in 1986 Nezar Hindawi was sentenced to 45 years for the attempted bombing of an El Al jet.

Hubert Lister Parker, Baron Parker of Waddington (28 May 1900 – 15 September 1972) served as Lord Chief Justice, 1958-71. He went to Rugby (in later years he was Chairman of the Governors) and Trinity College, Cambridge. Following that, Parker was called to the Bar at Lincoln’s Inn in 1924. He became a High Court judge in 1950 and by 1954 was promoted to the Court of Appeal, in which Parker served until 1958. Harold Macmillan appointed Parker as Lord Chief Justice in 1958 and Parker remained in the post until 1971. 

Parker was criticised when he imprisoned the journalists who refused to reveal their sources during the Vassall Tribunal of 1963, the Public Inquiry undertaken by the British Gov’t in the wake of the John Vassall Scandal. Vassall, a civil servant working in the Admiralty, had been revealed in 1962 to be a Soviet spy and considerable criticism had been levelled at the security arrangements that were in place. The Tribunal was established to investigate these claims and determine whether any blame could be laid on officials or ministers. At first, the Inquiry was to be conducted by three senior civil servants. However, before it could begin, letters were discovered in Vassall’s possession from Tam Galbraith, who had been Civil Lord of the Admiralty. See previous posts. Vassall had been Galbraith’s junior Private Secretary; nevertheless some people suggested that it was odd that a minister would communicate by post with an official of his own department and there was considerable speculation of impropriety in the press. Given Vassall’s homosexuality, which had now become known, there were rumours that he and Galbraith were involved with each other and that Galbraith might have shielded him from discovery. The committee of civil servants investigated the correspondence and declared it innocent, but this verdict was not universally accepted. Eventually, the PM, Harold Macmillan, was compelled to open a wider Inquiry, conducted by three jurists. The Inquiry determined that Vassall had not been helped or favoured by any of his seniors.

Like so many other people, John Vassall will have known whatever it was going on in the Royal Navy and the Admiralty at the time that Gov’t was so desperate to keep quiet. Vassall was arrested in 1962 and was subsequently sentenced to 18 years’ imprisonment; he was released in 1972 after 10 years. Vassall was befriended in prison by the social reformer, Lord Longford, who during all that prison visiting and reforming gathered a great deal of information regarding who was witness to Naughtiness In High Places (see post ‘Comedies Of Menace’). Vassall subsequently changed his surname to Phillips, settled in St John’s Wood, London and worked as an administrator at the British Records Association and for a firm of solicitors in Gray’s Inn. He died after suffering a heart attack on a London bus in November 1996, two months before the Waterhouse Inquiry opened: it was not until nearly three weeks later that the press became aware of Vassall’s death. Ronnie Waterhouse lived in St John’s Wood, as did a great many lawyers, judges and politicians who were keeping the lid on the Westminster Paedophile Ring.

Lord Parker’s judgement with regard to the Vassall Tribunal stated in part that “the citizen’s highest duty is to the State”. Unfortunately for people like John Vassall who began dropping like flies as the Waterhouse Inquiry loomed and then got underway, the State was complicit with a bunch of vicious gangsters who were forcing kids and vulnerable people into sex work and bumping them off if they told people what was happening to them. Parker was quoted as saying that the Courts “have a positive responsibility to be the handmaiden of administration rather than its governor”. So who WAS/IS the Guvnor?

However, Lord Parker was popular among the legal profession as he secured improvements in judicial salaries and pensions. Which was an effective way of ensuring a tame judiciary that is the handmaiden of administration rather than its governor.

 

    • Lord Parker was a ‘mild reformer’ who supported legal aid, tried to modernise some judicial procedures and took an active part in Lords debates. He supported moves to abolish the death penalty.

 

On 22 October 1966, George Blake escaped from Wormwood Scrubs with the assistance of three men whom he had met in jail: Sean Bourke, Pat Pottle and Michael Randle, the escape being masterminded by Bourke. Sean Bourke was a petty Irish criminal, Pat and Michael were two anti-nuclear activists who had spent years living in Croesor.

In 1989, Michael Randle and Pat Pottle published their book giving an account of Blake’s escape, along with their rationale for helping him, ‘The Blake Escape: How We Freed George Blake And Why’. When in June 1991 Randle and Pottle stood trial at the Old Bailey for their part in the escape they were no longer living at Croesor. They defended themselves in court, arguing that while they in no way condoned Blake’s espionage activities for either side, they were right to help him because the 42 year sentence that he received was inhuman and hypocritical. Despite a virtual direction from the judge to convict, the jury found them not guilty on all counts.

Their trial attracted a great deal of publicity partly because there was such a high degree of farce involved. The crime had taken place many years before and it was unclear why it was suddenly deemed so important for Randle and Pottle to stand trial. What really attracted attention though were the allegations that the security services themselves had helped Bourke, Randle and Pottle spring Blake. It was also claimed by some that CND had been behind the escape. Randle and Pottle were CND activists but always denied that the escape was a CND act and they also denied that they had been assisted by the security services.

 

Randle and Pottle both served as Secretaries of the Committee of 100,  an anti-war group that was set up in 1960 by Bertrand Russell, Ralph Schoenman and the Rev Michael Scott. Pat Pottle was always referred to by people in north Wales as ‘Bertrand Russell’s Secretary’ rather than the ‘Secretary of the Committee of 100’. Randle was appointed as Secretary when the Committee of 100 was created, but Pottle took over the following year after Randle was jailed for his involvement in an anti-nuclear demonstration; Pottle himself had recently been released from prison after being jailed for his part in organising the demonstration at Wethersfield, of which more details will be provided later in this post. In 1955, Russell leased Plas Penrhyn in Penrhyndeudraeth, some four or five miles from Croesor and in the following year it became his principal residence.

People around Croesor talked to me about Russell, Pottle, Randle and Schoenman, but no-one ever mentioned Michael Scott. A lot of people involved with the activism took a rather dim view of Schoenman, but never explained why.

 

The Rev Guthrie Michael Scott, (30 July 1907 – 14 September 1983), was an Anglican priest and an anti-apartheid activist, who became active in anti-apartheid in South Africa in the 1940s. Scott was born in Sussex on 30 July 1907 and educated at King’s College, Taunton, Chichester Theological College and St Paul’s College, Grahamstown. Scott was ordained by George Bell in 1932, the George Bell who in recent years has been at the centre of a huge row in the Anglican Church regarding allegations that he was a child molester. Scott’s career began with curacies in Slaugham and Kensington. He was Domestic Chaplain to the Bishop of Bombay, 1935-37 and then served at St Paul’s Cathedral, Calcutta. In 1943 Scott moved to Johannesburg where he was Chaplain to the St Alban’s Mission. In 1952, Scott co-founded the Africa Bureau, “an organisation to advise and support Africans who wished to oppose by constitutional means political decisions affecting their lives and futures imposed by alien governments.” He was a leading international promoter of Namibian independence along with Chief Hosea Kutako and Captain Hendrik Samuel Witbooi. For his efforts in the Namibian War of Independence, Scott has a street named after him in Windhoek. He met with Martin Luther King Jr. during Ghana’s celebration of independence.

 

The Committee of 100 was committed to a campaign against nuclear weapons based on non-violent mass civil disobedience. The idea emerged early in 1960 in discussions between Ralph Schoenman, Hugh Brock, April Carter, Uncle Harry’s brother-in-law Ralph Miliband and Stuart Hall, some 23 years before Uncle Harry’s brother-in-law and Stuart Hall began a campaign of mass civil disobedience with the aim of hampering Brown’s career (see previous posts ‘eg. Life In Cold Blood’).

When Bertrand Russell established the Committee of 100, Dafydd and John Allen hadn’t yet gone into business big-style, but there had been organised abuse in north Wales for years; Gwynne the lobotomist ruled supreme and locals who crossed the path of powerful people were destroyed. Bertrand Russell and his mates had nothing to fear, Gwynne and subsequently Dafydd were there to serve the needs of posh powerful people.

 

Schoenman approached Bertrand Russell, the President of CND, with the idea which led to the Committee of 100. Russell resigned from the Presidency of CND in order to form the Committee of 100, which was launched at a meeting in London on 22 October 1960 with a hundred signatures. Russell was elected as President and Michael Randle was appointed Secretary. Russell explained his reasons for setting up the Committee of 100 in an article in the ‘New Statesman’ in February 1961.

Many in CND, including some of its founders, supported the Committee of 100’s campaign of civil disobedience. In 1958 CND had cautiously accepted direct action as a possible method of campaigning; but, largely under the influence of Canon John Collins, CND Chairman, CND’s leadership opposed any sort of unlawful protest. The Committee of 100 was created as a separate organisation partly for that reason and partly because of personal animosity between Collins and Russell. It has been suggested that this separation weakened the campaign against nuclear weapons and research also suggested that during the activities of the Committee of 100, public support for unilateral disarmament decreased, so Bertrand Russell’s campaign seemed to be counter-productive. About as effective as Uncle Harry’s brother-in-law’s and Stuart Hall’s efforts to stop Brown getting a PhD and publishing…

DUH!!! Rethink needed!

Ralph Miliband in 1958.jpg

 

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The Crisis being that from the mid- 1980s onwards, Brown and his friends refused to shut up about the vile old lobotomist and his gang who had for years been supplying kids and young people to provide sexual services for Bertrand’s circle…

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

Bertrand was long dead but there was his legacy and his many friends and family to think about and of course CND and the other Radical Causes with which so many of those who had been and still were involved were also linked to the sexual exploitation of kids and young people, as well as the associated serious organised crime.

Many of the ageing and recently retired social workers of Gwynedd turned out for the Feb 2003 anti-Iraq War march. Never mind the gangsters and the murders of witnesses, there’s the world to save, an organic wholefood diet to follow and an angry letter to ‘The Guardian’ to be written.

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Lessons Have Been Learned!

Which is why this happened a few weeks later:

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Prof Stuart Hall and his mates found themselves with an even greater Crisis to police in 2003 when Merfyn Jones, the then acting VC of Bangor University, gave me a place to do a PhD. The Crisis worsened when Merfyn’s appointment as VC was confirmed in 2004 and then race riots broke out in 2005 when I acquired my PhD. The solution to the serious civil disorder was to Get Merfyn (see post ‘Lest We Forget’). As well as Brown and me of course. I mean Merfyn was from Llanfrothen but his dad wasn’t Bertrand Russell!!!

 

‘The Brondanw Arms’, the pub that Merfyn’s parents ran in Llanfrothen as tenants of Eric Hobsbawm’s friend Sir Clough Williams-Ellis:
17 of the best dog-friendly pubs in North Wales - Daily Post

Plas Penrhyn, the humble cott in which Bertrand Russell dwelt:ラッセル紀行写真(ラッセルが晩年を過ごした Plas Penrhyn の自宅) - Bertrand Russell ...

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Information about Plas Penrhyn can be found on the website of ‘Humanist Heritage’. Among other things we are told:

Plas Penrhyn was Bertrand Russell’s home in Penrhyndeudraeth, Wales. Russell had a fondness for Wales and would live there for most of his later years.  The original idea to move to Wales was to provide a suitable place for his grandson’s family to live comfortably.  John, Russell’s grandson, wanted to be a writer and there was little way to support his wife and three children in this manner. Plas Penrhyn was near Duedraeth castle where Russell had stayed before and was near the sea (Penrhyndeudraeth means peninsula with two beaches in Welsh).  Percy Bysshe Shelley also had maintained a cottage in the local area.

It was from this regency manor that Russell would telegram both Khrushchev and Kennedy during the Cuban Missile Crisis, write his biography and live out his later years. In one passage of his biography he describes his first impressions of the house:

We stopped in North Wales where our friends Rupert and Elizabeth Crawshay-Williams had found a house, Plas Penrhyn, that they thought would make a pleasant holiday house for us and the children. It was small and unpretentious, but had a delightful garden and little orchard and a number of fine beech trees. Above all, it had a most lovely view, south to the sea, west to Portmadoc and the Caernarvon hills, and north up the valley of the Glasslyn to Snowdon. I was captivated by it, and particularly pleased that across the valley could be seen the house where Shelley lived. The owner of Plas Penrhyn agreed to let it to us largely, I think, because he, too, is a lover of Shelley and was much taken by my desire to write an essay on ‘Shelley the Tough’ (as opposed to the ‘ineffectual angel’). Later, I met a man at Tan-y-Ralt, Shelley’s house, who said he had been a cannibal…

 

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

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Nye’s humble cott in Belgravia, the Nye who’s World Envying Achievement provided 100% protection to ineffectual Angels as well as to downright abusive Angels who were running the trafficking gang in north Wales:

‘The greatest ever lion and lioness of Labour’: the Windbag on Nye Bevan and Jennie Lee. The Windbag who was a personal friend of some of those in the trafficking gang as were both of his parents-in-law in the previous generation.

Brown and Baker are Damaging The NHS With Their Publications!

Merfyn Jones is destroying my university, my language and my culture‘: the phrase spat at me by two other associates of the trafficking gang. Er, was this little slogan possibly doing the rounds amidst the Get Merfyn campaign? Since when did Miranda, Gordon and David Cameron give a damn about Bangor University, the Welsh language or indeed any putative Welsh culture, suckers???

Yma O Hyd!

Nye and Jennie on their way back to their humble cott in Belgravia from Harrods:

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The parents of Brown and Baker weren’t Bertrand Russell either, indeed our parents weren’t even members of the New Left, which must have been why Col Brown was found suddenly and unexpectedly dead during the Waterhouse Inquiry and Mrs Brown was found suddenly and unexpectedly dead just after I finished my PhD, when the SPG were brought in to police the Crisis.

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The SPG came into their own after Merfyn was appointed the Chairman of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board and the combined forces of the gwerin, the Top Docs et al and the descendants and friends of the New Left organised to allow numerous NHS patients to die in order to cause a scandal and thus force Merfyn to resign and leave public life (see post ‘The Point Is To Change It’). Added extras were guns being waved at me as well as someone who provided a witness statement, attempts to run Brown and I off the road at high speed and me being wrongfully arrested repeatedly and unlawfully refused all medical care. Let’s hear it for Radical Action!

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The Committee of 100’s campaign tactic was to organise sit-down demonstrations, which were not to be undertaken without at least 2,000 volunteers pledging to take part. Many eminent people participated in the sit-downs but few of the 100 signatories took part in the Committee’s activities. Demonstrators were required to adopt a discipline of non-violence and were recommended to remain limp if arrested and to refuse to co-operate in any way until inside the police station.

While I lived in north Wales I met a few people who had been part of the Committee of 100’s demonstrations, some of whom had joined the Committee of 100 at a young age. Merfyn joined while he was still at school and I knew another person who had joined as a school girl who had been arrested and imprisoned as a result of one demo, although she was only 15 yrs old. There was quite a fuss when Holloway discovered that one of their prisoners was a school girl.

I got to know this person better as a result of Brown and me publishing about the problems in the NHS in north Wales. She knew people who were going to England for mental health care because they just could not get any in north Wales and her own father was treated appallingly as a patient in Ysbyty Glan Clwyd. She raised her concerns and was subjected to insults and ridicule from the Angels. This was not a family who could be pathologised as plebs Ignoring Public Health Messages, the elderly man who had the Ysbyty Glan Clwyd Experience was a retired senior Army officer and his daughter was an academic who also worked as a journalist. The family did not publicise what had happened because it was all just so distressing that they wanted to retain their privacy and dignity, which was often why so much gross abuse of patients does not become public. Mark Drakeford knows that most of the families involved in the Tawel Fan scandal at Ysbyty Glan Clwyd never went public on just how bad it all was for the same reason.

The care of the elderly in Ysbyty Glan Clwyd was known to be atrocious and had been for years. It was ignored, even when Prof Clare Wenger, a retired academic from Bangor University and a specialist in the well-being of older people, wrote a report about her own experiences as a patient there and went to the media in 2007. Clare Wenger was denounced by Ysbyty Glan Clwyd as a stuck up old cow and not one person came to her defence in public, although every health and social care specialist at Bangor University, every politician in north Wales and every Top Doctor knew that Clare Wenger was not exaggerating with regard to just how bad the ‘care’ of elderly patients in that hospital was. See previous posts. Sadly, even Clare herself did not flag it up until she got in the neck…

First they came for the socialists, and I did not speak out –
     Because I was not a socialist.

Then they came for the trade unionists, and I did not speak out –
     Because I was not a trade unionist.

Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out –
     Because I was not a Jew.

Then they came for me – and there was no one left to speak for me.

 

Look around. There is no-one left to speak out. No-one.

Sound of Silence - Law Officer

The NHS is the envy of the world and the Top Doctors need more funding. Universal Credit will be Rolled Out to all Empowered Service Users because It Makes Work Pay and makes them Take Responsibility.

 

Meanwhile in Hampstead:

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Roll your sleeves up and get to work or it’s Pol Pot for the lot of you…
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At first, the Committee of 100 differed from CND only in its methods. Within the Committee, however, there were different ideas about civil disobedience, direct action and non-violence. Bertrand Russell saw mass civil disobedience merely as a way of getting publicity for the unilateralist cause. Some members followed Gandhi and they regarded direct action as a way of creating a non-violent society. Ralph Schoenman and others, including the anarchists who later led the organisation, saw direct action as a sort of insurrection that could force the state to give up nuclear weapons. Once that had been achieved, perhaps they could have done the world an even bigger favour and dealt with Gwynne the lobotomist and Dafydd. Nicolas Walter, a prominent member of the Committee, said later that it had been an anarchist organisation from its inception and that the hundred signatories were, in effect, a front.

The Committee’s first act of civil disobedience on 18 February 1961 was a sit-down demonstration at the MoD in Whitehall, London, to coincide with the expected arrival of USS Proteus on the River Clyde. Between 1,000 and 6,000 people took part; there were no arrests. At the next sit-down demonstration, on 29 April 1961 in Parliament Square, the police arrested 826 people. There were also marches and sit-downs against nuclear testing and demonstrations at the US and Soviet embassies in London and at the Polaris submarine base. 

On 17 September 1961, Battle of Britain Day, supporters blocked the pierheads at Holy Loch and the approaches to Trafalgar Square. The September demonstration is regarded as the high-water mark of the Committee of 100. A week before the demonstration, the hundred committee members were summoned to court without charge under the Justices of the Peace Act of 1361, because they “incited members of the public to commit breaches of the peace” and were likely to continue to do so. The court bound them to a promise of good behaviour for 12 months; 32, including Bertrand Russell, then aged 89, refused to be bound over and chose to go to prison instead. It is estimated that 12,000 to 15,000 people attended the demonstration despite the invocation of the Public Order Act, which effectively made it illegal to be in the vicinity of central London that day. Several thousand sat down and there were 1,314 arrests, but no violence from demonstrators despite allegations of police brutality.

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Can’t See Any Protesters Here:

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The success of the September demonstration encouraged the Committee to move from symbolic sit-down demonstrations in London to mass direct action at the places where nuclear weapons would be deployed and they planned simultaneous demonstrations on 9 December 1961 to walk on to RAF bases at Wethersfield, Ruislip, Brize Norton and Cardiff to sit on the runways and to prevent planes from taking off and street sit-downs in Bristol, Manchester and York.

The official response to the Committee of 100 had escalated from prosecution for incitement to breach of the peace to prosecution for the much more serious offences of conspiracy and incitement to breach the Official Secrets Act. Six organisers, the “Wethersfield Six”, were charged with these offences and five later imprisoned for eighteen months: Ian Dixon, Terry Chandler, Trevor Hatton, Michael Randle, Pat Pottle; and the sixth, Helen Allegranza, to twelve months. Bertrand Russell said that he was equally responsible, but the authorities ignored him and concentrated on the six young, unknown Committee of 100 officers. 3,000 military and civilian police were mobilised at Wethersfield. 5,000 demonstrated there and 850 were arrested. The Wethersfield demonstration was the Committee’s last act of large-scale civil disobedience. There were recriminations within the Committee, one internal memorandum saying that its policies had turned it into “a public spectacle, a group isolated from the general body of public opinion and feeling.” Herbert Read resigned from the Committee, saying that the action was “strategically foolish”. The Committee was weakened by the imprisonment of its officers.

The force used by the police at sit-down demonstrations surprised many of the demonstrators, which, with the Committee’s insistence on nonviolence and the use of pre-emptive arrests for conspiracy, discouraged many and support dwindled. The Committee’s plan to “fill the jails” by means of mass civil disobedience and thus compel the Gov’t to respond to their demands, was frustrated by the authorities imprisoning a few important members and ignoring the rest. Ralph’s brother-in-law Uncle Harry and his colleagues subsequently did ensure that the jails were indeed filled, but with Empowered Service Users rather than anti-nuclear activists. The harsh sentences on the Wethersfield Six “brought home to the Committee its inadequacy when faced with the might of the State,” and some of the Committee’s leaders were not willing to “fill the jails”, mounting strenuous appeals against conviction or, in the case of Pat Pottle, going on the run. Pottle went into hiding in December 1961, when he was wanted by the police after the occupation at Wethersfield. It was only in February 1962, when he appeared at a press conference at Kingsway Hall in London, that Pottle was arrested by Special Branch. He defended himself at his trial and attempted to use the trial as a platform for his political beliefs. Pottle, Randle and  the four other Wethersfield Six defendants were jailed for 18 months.

These days jails are not for peace activists or even serious criminals, they are for Empowered Service Users, who, should they say one word in protest, even when having been obviously framed, will be told by Caring Angels and Top Doctors that they Should Have Thought Of That Before. Fortunately, when Professor Oliver Brooke of St George’s Hospital Medical School Didn’t Think before he assisted in the organisation of a pan-European paedophile ring, his Eminent Colleagues realised that a prison sentence caused Great Suffering for a man like Ollie and at Ollie’s appeal in May 1987, five months after he was imprisoned, Lord Chief Justice Geoffrey Lane received many testimonials and letters of support for Ollie, declared Ollie’s enthusiasm for child porn to be the equivalent of a collection of ‘cigarette cards’ – did packets of fags still come with cigarette cards in 1987??? – and ordered Ollie’s release, although Ollie’s conviction was not overturned. See post ‘Oliver!’.

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  • By 1962, half of the original 100 signatories to the Committee of 100 had resigned. The Committee was in debt, faced the failure of its mass civil-disobedience campaign and was dissolved. The campaign was decentralised and thirteen regional committees, each with a hundred members, became responsible for organising demonstrations, with a co-ordinating National Committee. Of the regional committees, the London Committee of 100 was the most active and influential. A national magazine was launched by the London Committee in April 1963. Like CND, the Committee of 100 had begun with a self-appointed and unelected leadership and like CND, it faced pressure for greater participation by supporters. This re-organisation was intended to involve more people in decision making and to spread demonstrations throughout the country; Bertrand Russell opposed this. Well of course he did, because they weren’t Earl Russell, the Nobel Laureate and Very Clever Philosopher.

    Bertrand Russell

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In March 1962, Russell addressed a sit-down demonstration in Parliament Square against the sentences on the Wethersfield Six. All the 1,172 protesters were arrested, but there was a growing feeling that such demonstrations were becoming an end in themselves and would not now create a mass movement against nuclear weapons. A sit-down of 7,000 outside the Air Ministry planned for the following September had to be called off because of lack of support.

To underline its opposition to Russian nuclear weapons as well as those of the West, the Committee held a demonstration in Red Square, Moscow, at an international congress of the World Peace Council in the summer of 1962, calling for the abolition of all nuclear weapons and attacking the Soviet system.

From 1962 onwards, the Committee became increasingly radical and extended its campaigns to issues other than nuclear weapons. Peter Cardogan, an officer of the Committee, said that it was “trying to go in 12 directions at once”, including campaigning for civil liberties in Greece, against Harold Wilson’s failure to produce a promised Vietnam peace initiative and against siting London’s third airport at Stansted. In 1963 Russell resigned, although he was careful not to denigrate it publicly. Following Russell’s departure, the public image of the Committee deteriorated, many signatories also resigned and “the Committee of 100 ventured even further into the wilderness of libertarian politics”.

Members of the Committee of 100 doubled up as the Spies for Peace and were responsible for the revelations in 1963 regarding the Regional Seats of Gov’t, a network of secret Gov’t bunkers.

The Committee’s interest in Greek politics was sparked by the banning of a march by the Greek “Bertrand Russell Committee of 100” in Easter 1963, by the expulsion of some of the British Committee of 100’s members when they attempted to join the march and by the murder of Grigoris Lambrakis, a Greek MP and peace activist. Plans to protest against the London visit by King Paul and Queen Frederika in July 1963 were met by official attempts to prevent the demonstrations and draconian prison sentences on demonstrators. Macmillan’s Gov’t was criticised in the press for the severity of its treatment of the demonstrators and eventually there were embarrassing climb-downs. Some of the sentences were overturned on appeal and the Home Secretary, Henry Brooke, had to offer financial compensation.

Henry Brooke, as well as members of his family were directly responsible for concealing successive generations of the Westminster Paedophile Ring and of course the crimes of Dafydd’s gang. Brooke was married to Barbara Brooke, the daughter of a Welsh Nonconformist Minister, who became Baroness Barbara Brooke and ruled over swathes of the NHS in London; their son was Peter Brooke, the Cabinet Minister in Thatch’s and then John Major’s Gov’ts. Another son was Sir Henry Brooke, a Lord Justice of Appeal and there were also two daughters who married Top Doctors. See previous posts for details of this unpleasant dynasty.

 

One of the demonstrators criminalised by Henry Brooke et al proved that an offensive weapon had been planted on him and forced a public inquiry that criticised the police and led to the eventual imprisonment of three officers. However, a nine month sentence on Terry Chandler, Secretary of the London Committee, was upheld on appeal. Diana Shelley said that the imprisonment of Chandler, “the force which had driven” the Committee throughout the summer, had a profoundly damaging effect. Four years after these events, following the 1967 military coup in Greece, a “non-violent invasion” of the Greek embassy resulted in prison sentences of up to fifteen months for Committee of 100 demonstrators.

Previous posts have discussed Patient F who was targeted by Dafydd and the gang repeatedly. Their biggest immediate problem with F was that he found out about the abuse of kids in one of the children’s homes in Bangor and challenged the gang about it; he also knew plenty about police corruption and the abuse of psych patients. When younger, F had been a fixture of the art and rock scene in the south east of England and Dafydd was fully aware that F seemed to have info about the deaths of Jimi Hendrix and Brian Jones. F also had a great deal of information on David Hockney, Francis Bacon and Mick Jagger. Dafydd and the gang probably won’t have known this, but MI5 would: when F was young, he and his mates travelled extensively, through Afghanistan, Turkey, Morocco etc and they also went to Greece, where they were held at gun point by soldiers. F and his friends had found an empty building to kip in and there were flags rolled up in there, so they unrolled them and hung them up outside. They were the flags of the previous regime in Greece and the Colonels nearly shot F et al for flying the wrong flag…

The Committee of 100 was wound up in October 1968.

 

Ralph Schoenman (born 1935) is an American left-wing activist who was Personal Secretary to Bertrand Russell and became General Secretary of the Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation. He was involved in a number of projects supported by Russell, but shortly before Russell’s death in 1970, Russell publicly broke with Schoenman.

Born in New York, Schoenman was educated at Princeton University, but left the U.S. for Britain in 1958. He became active in the CND after arriving in Britain, which brought him into contact with Russell, for whom Schoenman began working in 1960. Bernard Levin wrote critically of Schoenman’s influence on the aged Russell, painting Schoenman as partly responsible for Russell’s virulent anti-Americanism, in contrast to his earlier pronouncements against communism. Russell said of Schoenman, “You know he is a rather rash young man, and I have to restrain him.”

In 1963, Schoenman participated as Russell’s Secretary in attempts to mediate a solution for the Sino-Indian border conflict, after China declared a ceasefire the previous year. Schoenman was an organiser and member of the Russell Tribunal, an International War Crimes Tribunal which visited North Vietnam and Cambodia, 1966-67. After making these visits, Schoenman argued in a hearing of the tribunal that the U.S. had committed genocide in Vietnam. During the course of the tribunal, the U.S. Govt revoked Schoenman’s passport because of unauthorised visits to North Vietnam. In November 1967, Schoenman was deported back to the U.S. by Bolivian authorities when he travelled there to attend the trial of Regis Debray. As a result, he was prevented from attending the tribunal’s proceedings in Copenhagen later that month because Danish authorities refused to allow him to enter without a passport. This led to a sequence in which Schoenman shuttled between several European countries, none of which would admit him, before illegally entering Britain, where he remained for 10 days until being deported in June 1968.

Russell publicly repudiated his relationship with Schoenman in December 1969 and had him removed from the Board of the Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation. Schoenman then renamed the American branch of the foundation the American Foundation for Social Justice and continued to promote hearings into alleged US atrocities in Vietnam. Later, Schoenman settled in Princeton, but was again able to travel, visiting Iran during the waning days of the Shah’s Gov’t to raise awareness of the human rights violations of the U.S. backed Gov’t. The new Provisional Revolutionary Gov’t expelled him in March 1979.

Meanwhile, back at the ranch in Wales:

Jim Callaghan was PM

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Sir Peter Morrison was the Tory MP for Chester
Peter Morrison

George Thomas was Speaker of the House
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Ron Davies was leader of Rhymney Valley District Council
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Since 2002 Ralph Schoenman has worked with documentary filmmaker, Mya Shone, providing commentary for radio stations in many parts of the United States and Canada and produces the “Taking Aim” radio show, billed as “Uncompromising, fact intensive exposés of the hidden workings of a capitalist system addicted to permanent war”.

Ralph, once you have brought down global capitalism and put an end to permanent war, how about a documentary exposing Dafydd et al, whom you knew all about when you were knocking around north Wales for all that time? My friend wanted to do it in the late 1980s, which is why she was driven out of her job at the Royal Television Society and her husband was forced out of the BBC. Part of your expose could include the activities of Dafydd’s pals at the Walton Centre, in who’s care Merfyn’s wife Nerys died in 2008. After Nerys had divorced Orlando Patterson, the US answer to Stuart Hall she returned from the US and married Merfyn.

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Ralph Schoenman got busy with those documentaries in the wake of the Waterhouse Report when people just wouldn’t stop alleging that there had been a huge cover up, the year before Merfyn Jones was appointed acting VC of Bangor University; Merfyn had been effectively performing that role for a while before it was confirmed.

In 2002 I wasn’t an acting VC or anything else, I had been unlawfully forced out of my teaching job by the gwerin and the gang and had been charged with ‘threatening to kill Alun Davies’ on the basis of the perjury of at least eight people, most of them NHS employees. The charges were withdrawn on the first day of the trial, which was repeatedly adjourned so I was on bail until 2004. I then received a letter from the DES telling me that I was under investigation with a view to striking me off the teaching register as a ‘dangerous teacher’. My name was cleared by a junior Minister who was a friend of Merfyn’s; he was then named in the media as a Minister who had let a paedophile remain on the teaching register. See previous posts.

Ralph knows the identities of some real paedophiles don’t you Ralph?

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Julia gave an interview to ‘The Guardian’ in 2014 and afterwards it was reported that she ‘believes in’ social mobility. As well as no doubt Father Christmas, or in Wales, Sion Corn.

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Julia: Your dad was of course working for MI5, so I have no way of knowing if he wasn’t quietly working hard to undermine the gang of child abusers with whom he associated for so many years, but if he was, he wasn’t very effective. It doesn’t take a great deal of Editorial Intelligence to work that out.

 

 

Michael Randle and Pat Pottle met George Blake in Wormwood Scrubs after they had been sentenced to 18 months imprisonment in 1962 for their part in organising the Committee of 100 demo at the USAF base in Wethersfield. Michael Randle also got to chat with John Vassall while he was in the Scrubs.

Michael Randle (second from left) with Bertrand Russell (centre) leading an anti-nuclear march in London, Feb 1961

Born in England in 1933, Michael Randle spent WW II with relatives in Ireland. Active in the peace movement since registering as a conscientious objector to military service in 1951, Randle was a member of the Aldermaston March Committee which organised the first Aldermaston March against British nuclear weapons at Easter 1958. He was Chairman of the Direct Action Committee Against Nuclear War, 1958–61; Secretary of the Committee of 100, 1960–61; and a Council and Executive member of War Resisters’ International, 1960–88, including the Chairman, 1966–73.

In 1959–60, Randle spent a year in Ghana, participating in the Sahara Protest Team against French atomic bomb tests in the Algerian Sahara and helping to organise a pan-African conference in Accra which took place in April 1960. In 1962, he was sentenced for his part in the Wethersfield demo; while Randle was serving that sentence his first son, Sean, was born. In October 1967, Randle was sentenced to 12 months’ imprisonment for participating in an occupation of the Greek Embassy in London following the Colonels’ coup in April of that year.

During his time in the Scrubs, 1962–3, Randle became friends with George Blake. After he escaped from prison, Blake then stayed at ‘safe’ houses around London which were mostly friends of Randle’s and Pottle’s, before he was hidden in a secret compartment in a camper van and Michael Randle drove him to Eastern Europe, with Randle’s children sitting on top of the seat that Blake was hidden underneath to put off any customs officers who might look into the van.

Michael Randle took a keen interest in developments in Eastern Europe. In 1956, he undertook a march from Vienna to Budapest with leaflets expressing support for Hungarian passive resistance to the Soviet occupation, though he was prevented from entering Hungary by Austrian border guards. In 1968, Randle jointly co-ordinated for War Resisters’ International protests in Moscow, Budapest, Sofia and Warsaw against the Soviet-led invasion of Czechoslovakia. In the 1970s and 1980s, he collaborated with the Czech dissident, Jan Kavan, then living in London, smuggling literature and equipment to the democratic opposition in Czechoslovakia.

In 1966, Randle graduated from London University and in 1981 completed an M.Phil in Peace Studies at Bradford University and then a PhD in Peace Studies at Bradford in 1994. There was a trafficking gang operating in the Bradford region with links to Dafydd’s gang, the guest star of which was of course Jimmy Savile, who by 1994 was the manager of Broadmoor Hospital and sexually assaulting patients there. Previous posts eg. ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’, ‘The Banality of Evil’ and ‘Now Then…’ have detailed how from the early summer of 1994, Dafydd and the gang were working very hard to have me constructed as ‘dangerous’ and transferred to an institution like Broadmoor. Their efforts began in earnest immediately after I and Patient F met with two members of the Mental Health Act Commission and raised our concerns about Dafydd sexually exploiting patients and serious complaints about Dafydd and his colleagues not being investigated.

The shenanigans in north Wales were accompanied by a major research fraud committed by two Top Docs at St George’s Hospital Medical School in London, Professor Geoffrey Chamberlain and Malcolm Pearce, for whom I had previously worked as a research assistant, which, had they not been caught, would have seen them established as making medical history and any attempt on my part to publish anything about their wrongdoing or their collusion with Dafydd and the gang in north Wales would have resulted in me being cast as a nutter telling porkies about World Famous Top Docs. There was further wriggling after Chamberlain and Pearce were exposed. Chamberlain, the more senior of the two and a man who was friends with Sir George Pinker, the Royal Gynaecologist who delivered William and Harry, as well as celebs such as Cilla Black, blamed everything on Malcolm and later gave evidence against Malcolm at the GMC hearing in 1995. Malcolm was struck off but what wasn’t made public was that Malcolm was then given a job as a medical negligence expert no less. When I worked at St George’s, 1989-91, I was officially Malcolm’s research assistant, although Chamberlain was Head of Dept. So even after it all blew up in their faces, had I gone public, I would have been known as the research assistant of that terrible man who faked his own research and no doubt Chamberlain would have been happy to confirm that I was a wrong ‘un, not having been publicly disgraced himself. Malcolm wouldn’t have come forward because he had that nice little number as a negligence expert and there’d have been one hell of a row if it had been known.

I don’t know who cooked all this up, but it was well beyond the ken of the St George’s crowd or indeed the Health Secretaries at the time, Virginia Bottomley, a former psychiatric social worker and then Stephen Dorrell, both of whom concealed the criminality at St George’s and in north Wales. See previous posts. The arrangements with regard to Chamberlain and Malcolm involved people at the highest levels of Gov’t as well as the security services. However it did all save the face of the man who since 1976 had been Chancellor of Bangor University and who also had a few other links to this heap of crap.

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On 9 June 1994, Matt Arnold, the Head of Bryn Estyn, died of an ‘unspecified blood disease’. On 13 June, the trial of Peter Howarth, Arnold’s long time friend and colleague, for the sexual abuse of boys in his care, opened at Chester Crown Court. Howarth went on trial with Paul Wilson. On 8 July, Howarth was found guilty and sentenced to 10 years in prison; Wilson was acquitted on all charges. Howarth maintained that he’d taken the rap for other abusers who were protected by their Friends in High Places. In April 1997, just after Waterhouse Inquiry had opened, it was briefly suspended because Sir Ronnie suddenly felt like a holiday in Hong Kong, during which time he met up with Derry Irvine, who was either the man who within days would be Lord Chancellor or he was the Lord Chancellor, depending upon the day that Ronnie and Derry bumped into each other. While Ronnie was in Hong Kong, Peter Howarth died in HMP Wakefield from a heart attack. Ronnie had previously worked with Derry and Derry’s two junior barristers, Tony and Cherie!

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The Courts, lawyers and judges of the Chester and Wales Circuit were and still are endemically corrupt and have colluded with organised abuse on Wales for decades. In 1990 three Gwynedd County Council social workers and their colleague, an Angel, perjured themselves in Chester Court in an attempt to have me imprisoned for breaching a High Court injunction. It became obvious that they had lied on oath and the case fell apart. There was no investigation. I now have copies of documentation relating to that case and the granting of the injunction just weeks previously. Perjury had been involved in obtaining the injunction. The injunction had been applied for and granted by the High Court in Leeds, although I lived in Bethesda in Gwynedd. Sir John Kay granted the injunction. Leeds falls within the Northern Circuit; barristers and judges on the Northern Circuit were colluding with Jimmy Savile and the Yorkshire gang. Until he made his name by acting for Jeremy Thorpe when Thorpe was tried for conspiracy and threats to kill at the Old Bailey in 1979, George Carman QC worked on the Northern Circuit. Carman was a grade A crook who spent years concealing the Westminster Paedophile Ring and the constituent gangs. Cherie Booth worked in Carman’s Chambers until 1988 and Miranda had been his pupil. Jimmy Savile was said to have ‘held’ Carman in reserve lest any media outlet ever named him as an abuser. Greville Janner retained George Carman when he was interviewed by the police re the abuse of children in care in the early 1990s. In his later years, Carman lived in Wimbledon, as did Geoffrey Chamberlain and many other Top Doctors and staff of St George’s. John Moore, Thatch’s Secretary of State for Social Services, 1987-88 and Secretary of State for Social Security, 1988-89, also lived at Wimbledon and interestingly enough refused to risk his own neck at St George’s in Nov 1987 when he became ill himself. Moore was a instead a patient at the private Parkside Hospital in Wimbledon. This was not surprising; Moore was at the top of the DHSS and knew that the Dept itself and the NHS was in chaos; he also knew that serious organised crime had permeated St George’s Hospital and that a huge trafficking ring was being facilitated by the staff. Ollie Brooke had been released from prison early in the summer of 1987…

When I first arrived to work at St George’s myself in 1989, Parkside Hospital were advertising for part-time lab staff and I showed interest in doing a few hours for them at weekends. When I mentioned this to my new colleagues at St George’s, they became incredibly nasty. The senior technician David Hole started shouting at me and stated that he wouldn’t give me a reference if I applied for a job at Parkside and I gained the impression that Hole was going to ensure that no-one else did either. I was baffled by the complete hostility but I now know that by that time Hole was fully aware that I was refusing to drop my complaints about Dafydd et al who were linked to the ring that Hole’s own colleagues were involved with. Hole was the MSF rep, he was corrupt and he was using his knowledge of the criminal Top Docs to personally benefit. Hole couched his aggression in ‘I hate private medicine’ – well he was an SDP Councillor – but he was working with NHS consultants who were also running Harley Street practices and raking in the dosh. When I found out about John Moore recently I wondered whether Hole and co had been desperate to keep my away from Parkside lest I bumped into a few of the Rich N Famous in Gov’t who were providing the umbrellas for Ollie Brooke et al.

 

Documents in my possession show that the perjury and even much of the rigging of the court cases involving me, including the perjury at Leeds High Court and subsequently in Chester, was organised by Ron Evans, a lawyer employed by Gwynedd County Council, who was communicating directly with Lucille Hughes and NHS managers and staff in north Wales. Ron forged and altered documents in the process. See previous posts eg. ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’. Ron’s wife taught history at Bangor University and also serves as a magistrate in north Wales and their daughter is a lawyer who entered the civil service and by 2011 was employed as Peter Mandelson’s aide.

Gwynedd Social Services came after me – and F – again in 1993. Jackie Brandt, one of the Gwynedd social workers who had perjured herself in 1990, made a statement to the North Wales Police maintaining that I had screamed and yelled at her in Safeways in Bangor, such that she feared imminent attack. I was prosecuted and subsequently tried at Bangor Magistrates Court in the summer of 1993. Brandt got her own name wrong in the witness box, admitted that she had lied to the police and that I hadn’t even spoken to her in Safeways and then started crying, after she had explained to the magistrates that she had Plenty Of Experience In Dealing With Dangerous Clients but I was even worse than all the others. I had to cough up £60 for causing Brandt ‘alarm and distress’. I subsequently wrote to Michael Mansfield QC about this and the abuse of the law by Gwynedd Social Services to harass and silence complainants; I had previously complained about Brandt when she broke the law and unlawfully detained me in Ysbyty Gwynedd. Michael Mansfield wrote a one line reply in response, although he had just published his book ‘Presumed Guilty’ about corruption and abuse within the criminal justice system. Mansfield’s former Chambers colleague is St Helena Kennedy, who was a guest at a do held by Julia Hobsbawm at the Portmeirion Hotel in Gwynedd some years ago; St Helena is a Wimmin’s Champ, but not of those Wimmin who have challenged Dafydd and the gang, probably because she spent years working with Professor Nigel Eastman of St George’s Hospital Medical School, who when he ‘assessed’ me in 1991, just told me to go back to north Wales ‘because they know you there’. Eastman’s colleague Dr Robin Jacobson had told Eastman in writing that Dafydd was sexually abusing patients and that he suspected Dr Tony Francis was as well. Tony’s wife Sadie was a Top Doctor who was also part of the gang in north Wales. Sadie grew up in Yorkshire, where her mum was a Top Doctor – although she preferred to work as an artist – and herself was the daughter of one of the first Wimmin Doctors in Britain.

Here’s another daughter of another Early Feminist Hero:

Regius Professorship Lecture (15648721150).jpg

 

Shirl and the rest of the Gang Of Four colluded with Dafydd and the Westminster Paedophile Ring for their whole careers and used their knowledge of who was doing what in that ring of traffickers to develop their electoral strategy after the SDP was formed and I suspect may even have established the SDP with a view to doing that. See post ‘We’ve Been Expecting You…’

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I’ll probably find out soon that Dafydd is the secret love child of Mrs Pankhurst. Or Jenni Murray.

While Gwynedd Social Services were in hot pursuit of me throughout much of 1993 – Brandt made her complaint to the North Wales Police in early spring and the trial wasn’t held until late summer – two other people deeply involved with the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal died, which will have been a relief to many, what with that police investigation into a possible paedophile ring drawing to an end and the hundreds of complaints that had been made about the abuse of kids but were never acted on by the DPP. The deceased were Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon and his dad Lord Lloyd Kenyon. Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon was known to be sexually abusing at least one boy in the care of the Social Services in north Wales and used the boy for indecent photos. It was recorded upon the boy’s social work file that he was in a ‘homosexual relationship’ with Thomas. In 1978 the two of them spent the night together and Thomas subsequently made a complaint of theft against the boy, stating quite clearly why they had been together all night. The ‘theft’ was of a number of items including Polaroid porn pics of them both. The boy was sent to a detention centre. Thomas was not charged with any offence.

Lord Kenyon was President of UCNW for nearly 30 years but was deposed in 1982 when the gwerin began fighting in the wake of Jeremy Thorpe and Mary Wynch. See post ‘Meet The Gwerin!’ Lord Kenyon was a Tory who held numerous public positions, including that of Chair of Clwyd Health Authority; he was a member of the North Wales Health Authority, the most senior Freemason in north Wales, a magistrate, a Flintshire County Councillor, a Director of Lloyd’s Bank… See previous posts for full details of the Kenyons.

Lord Kenyon died on 16 May 1993, ‘after a long illness’. Jackie Brandt made her statement of lies to the police about me several weeks before the North Wales Police arrived at my house and told me that she had complained. I didn’t find out about Brandt’s allegations until well into April. I was charged a few days later. Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon died from HIV/AIDS in 1993. Lord Kenyon was a Tory. Those we know and love will have been fully aware that Thomas and his father were on the way out when Brandt’s idiocy took place.

 

On 21 July 1994 after Matt Arnold was safely dead and Peter Howarth had been sent to prison for 10 years, Miranda became Leader of the Labour Party. His predecessor John Smith had died on 12 May 1994 after the Top Docs at Bart’s were unable to revive him following a heart attack; Bart’s was choc full of Top Docs who had links with Dafydd and the gang and had been protecting them for many years. See previous posts…

After John Smith died, an acting Leader of the Labour Party was appointed, a lady who famously enjoys caravanning – just like Jimmy Savile – who served as the Deputy Leader under John Smith, 1992-94:

Dame Margaret Beckett
Official portrait of Margaret Beckett crop 2.jpg

Margaret has been the Labour MP for Derby South since 1983 and before that she was the Labour MP for Lincoln, 1974-79. So Margaret reaches back to Harold Wilson’s era. There was a paedophile ring in Derbyshire who were on excellent terms with Dafydd’s gang; care staff from Derbyshire arrived to work in children’s homes in north Wales and north Wales’s child abusers popped over to Derbyshire. John Jillings, who Chaired the Jillings Investigation, admitted that very serious abuse of kids in care in north Wales had gone on for many years but refused to give his opinion as to whether a paedophile ring was in operation. Despite his harsh words, it was widely believed that Jillings was playing down the severity of the problem in north Wales. John Jillings was the former Director of Derbyshire Social Services.

The Jillings Report was completely suppressed and made available to no-one except Clwyd County Council’s insurers lawyers on the advice of Michael Beloff QC, the legal adviser for the  insurers of the Council, Municipal Mutual. Michael Beloff QC is, like St Helena,  a member of the Mansfield community and was a colleague of Cherie’s. After Miranda got through the door of No 10, Michael Beloff was a visitor to Chequers. Michael Beloff is the son of Lord Max Beloff, who was a pal of Ioan Bowen Rees, the Chief Executive of Gwynedd County Council when kids and psych patients were being abused and his staff were busy perjuring themselves and forging documents in their efforts to have me imprisoned.

 

Among her other positions, Margaret Beckett was a junior Minister in the Dept of Education and Science, 1976-79, in Callaghan’s Gov’t under Secretaries of State Fred Mullay and then Shirl. So she knew about the abuse in schools, especially of SEN children and in the schools attached to children’s homes, in north Wales and elsewhere. Beckett also knew about the chaos presiding at UCNW and Shirl refusing Dafydd Wigley’s 1979 demand for a Public Inquiry into Sir Charles Evans’s management of UCNW. Beckett had a go at being Shadow Heath Secretary, serving as yet another safe pair of lame ineffective hands in that role.

Beckett topped off her collusion with serious organised crime when she served as Lord President of the Council and therefore was the visitor for Bangor University, 27 July 1998 – 8 June 2001. Which was during the years of the Waterhouse Inquiry and the publication of the subsequent Report. While Beckett was serving as the University visitor, the Windbags’ friend of many decades, Lord Cledwyn, who had been concealing Dafydd’s et al crimes since the early 1950s when Cledwyn was elected the Labour MP for Anglesey, was President of UCNW. See previous posts.

 

Malcolm Pearce was struck off by the GMC in June 1995. On 9 July 1995 Bing Spear, the corrupt Home Office Drugs Branch mandarin who did Dafydd so many favours, died. On 13 July 1995 Sir Peter Morrison was found dead. Brown was forced out of his job at Aston University in July 1995. See previous posts.

 

Michael Randle was coordinator of the Alternative Defence Committee, 1980-87, contributing to its publications, Defence Without the Bomb (Taylor and Francis, 1983) and The Politics of Alternative Defence (Paladin 1987). He has contributed articles and reviews to ‘Peace News’, ‘New Society’ and ‘The Guardian’, as well as to other newspapers and journals.

‘New Society’ steadfastly ignored the widespread abuse of children and vulnerable people in the care system throughout its many years of existence. This was hardly surprising as it was a magazine aimed at social workers and its classified’s pages carried job adverts for social work managers for local authorities which had been infiltrated by paedophile gangs. John Allen advertised for staff in ‘New Society’.

 

Randle was also the author of several books, including Alternatives in European Security. Randle was coordinator of the Bradford-based Social Defence Project, 1988-90 and later coordinated the Nonviolent Action Research Project, also based in Bradford, the proceedings of which were edited into a book Challenge to NonviolenceHe remains an honorary visiting research fellow at the Department of Peace Studies, Bradford University. In 2005, he co-edited with April Carter and Howard Clark People Power and Protest since 1945: a bibliography on nonviolent action.

For most of the life of the Committee for Conflict Transformation Support (1992–2009, previously Coordinating Committee for Conflict Resolution Training in Europe), Michael Randle was minutes Secretary and also Editor of its bulletin, ultimately titled CCTS ReviewHe is a long-serving Trustee of the Commonwealth Collection at the J.B. Priestley Library at Bradford University. In March 2003, Randle made an extended appearance on the TV discussion programme ‘After Dark’. 

Randle married his wife, Anne, in 1962; they have two sons, Sean and Gavin and are grandparents.

 

Patrick Pottle (8 August 1938 – 1 October 2000) was a founding member of the Committe of 100. He was born in Maida Vale, north London. His mother was from an Irish Catholic family: his father was a Protestant trades union official and a socialist. Pat went to the London College of Printing and during national service, he worked in the hospital at RAF Uxbridge.

Pottle organised his first anti-war demonstration in 1959 and participated in a number of demonstrations, including a sit-in at the Soviet embassy in London. In 1964 Pottle was put on trial in China and deported for “inciting the Chinese people to overthrow the state”. Later the same year he was deported from Greece after joining anti-nuclear demonstrations. Months later he was deported from Malta for organising an anti-nuclear demonstration there.

A few months after Blake had escaped in Oct 1966, Pottle met and married Susan Abrahams, the daughter of the Olympic champion Harold Abrahams and his wife, the opera singer Sybil Evers. See post ‘O Jones, O Jones’. In 1967, Pottle co-founded the Vietnam Information Group to help US deserters and draft dodgers reach Sweden. A year later, he was arrested in London while demonstrating against the Greek colonels’ coup, but escaped from a police van after noticing that the back doors were unlocked. Pottle also organised demonstrations against the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia. The Pottles moved to Croesor in 1969, moving back to London in 1979. They were living in London when Pottle and Randle stood trial for springing George Blake. The Pottles then moved back to Gwynedd to retire in 2000.

For most of his working life Pottle was a printer, running his own Stanhope Press in the 1960s, working as printer for the Peace Pledge Union in the early 1990s and running his own Pottle Press in the late 1990s. Most of the printing that Pat did was for anti-nuclear or peace groups.

My previous post ‘Captain Swing And His Crew’ discussed how I got to know some of those involved in the anti-nuclear and peace groups in Gwynedd during the 1980s – although I didn’t meet Pat Pottle – who knew about Dafydd and the gang but would not touch them. Furthermore some of those activists later trained as social workers; their campaigning groups received huge support from people employed in the health and welfare services across north Wales. It was why I became so disillusioned with leftist politics and ‘radical’ activism, the whole lot of them were complicit. It wasn’t just north Wales; it was the same story in Leicester and London. I now know why: the Westminster Paedophile Ring. Their links were everywhere and the Labour-run Councils during the 1970s and 80s were sending hundreds of kids to children’s homes in north Wales. Virtually all the Councils, whoever was running the local authority, had a major problem with the abuse of children in care and the gangs were linked up across the UK and into Europe…

If the Brave Campaigners for Peace had said one word, the funding for their campaigns would have been terminated, there’d be no more support from the liberal media or indeed any political party or politician and furthermore the individuals who did speak up would have found that they were hounded out of every job that they ever obtained. As I was and the friends who supported me. One of my mates was murdered and attempts were made to murder Brown and his brother.

Greenham doesn’t look quite so heroic now does it Strong Wimmin?

greenham-common | Çatlak Zemin

Lying in the road? Er, you’d have brought Thatch down if you’d have piped up about the Westminster Paedophile Ring because she was a personal friend of Sir Peter Morrison and Jimmy Savile, who was procuring the kids… Ooh, I forgot. You needed the Pot of Money and the Funding For The Co-ordinator Of This Project and We Really Can’t Criticise A Doctor. I remember it well Strong Wimmin!

Official portrait of Ann Clwyd crop 2.jpg
Jane Hutt AM (28136581466).jpg
Julie Morgan AM (28066509352).jpg

The Waverers:

Neil Kinnock Stock Photos & Neil Kinnock Stock Images - Alamy

 

 

 

It was Sean Bourke who originated the idea of springing George Blake from the Scrubs. George Blake’s escape took place in 1966, three years after Randle and Pottle had been released from Wormwood Scrubs. Sean Bourke originally approached Michael Randle only for financial help with the escape, but Randle became more involved and suggested that they bring Pottle in on the plan as well, as he had suggested springing Blake to Randle in 1962 when they were both still in prison. It was in May 1966 when Bourke approached Randle and Pottle about springing Blake and it was in October 1966 that Blake was helped over the wall using a ladder made of rope and knitting needles. Blake was then hidden in various London flats by Pottle and Randle. In December Blake was smuggled to Berlin in a compartment hidden under the bunk of a camper van driven by Randle; Blake later surfaced in Moscow.

Randle and Pottle’s motives for helping Blake to escape were their belief that the 42-year sentence was “inhuman” and their personal liking of Blake.

The outline of the escape which appeared in media reports:

Bourke had smuggled a walkie-talkie into Blake to communicate with him whilst in jail. It was decided that Blake would break a window at the end of the corridor where his cell was located. Then between 6 and 7 pm, whilst most of the other inmates and guards were at the weekly film showing, Blake could climb through the window, slide down a porch and get to the perimeter wall, where Bourke would throw a rope ladder made of knitting needles over the wall so that Blake could climb over and they would then drive off to the safe house. During the escape, Blake fractured his wrist jumping from the perimeter wall, but apart from that it all went according to plan.

After the escape, it became apparent that the safe house Bourke had organised was not suitable, as it was a bedsit that was cleaned by the landlady once a week. Blake then spent several days moving between Randle and Pottle’s friends’ houses in north London; after this, Blake and Bourke moved in with Pottle, staying with him while preparing to get through customs and escape to East Germany.

Pottle and Randle’s book provided further details of the plans made before the escape, the escape itself and events after the escape. For years it was assumed that Blake’s escape had been masterminded by the KGB, but in the run-up to their trial Pottle and Randle secured the disclosure of MI5 papers which showed they had been suspected from the beginning. While it was fiercely denied by Pottle and Randle that MI5 themselves had assisted the escape, from the information provided in Pottle and Randle’s book, I would suggest that they must have done. Even in 1966, security in the prison system could not have been so lax that no-one would have noticed what went on; it was almost a Laurel and Hardy prison break-out. Or something worthy of Big Vern.

 

As for events after George Blake had actually got out of the prison via the ladder made of stringy bits and knitting needles which was thrown over the wall, new heights of slapstick were reached, some of which were provided by Top Doctors. Randle and Pottle noticeably didn’t name the Top Docs in their book or anywhere else or even provide the slightest clue as to the Top Docs’ identity or place of employment. A Top Doctor treated George Blake’s fractured wrist. Blake didn’t go to A&E, he received home visits and there was a bit of inconvenience and discomfort but it was rather less than the kidney stones and cluster headaches experienced by people who dared complain about the Top Docs and been unlawfully refused all medical care. Or indeed experienced by Labour politicians who keeled over with heart-attacks whom the Top Docs just couldn’t revive or the wives of Vice Chancellors who developed brain tumours that proved beyond the powers of the Excellence of the Walton Centre.

Randle and Pottle decided that George Blake needed to be Disguised for the period of time that he was knocking around in safe houses and on his way to East Germany and furthermore they decided that the best disguise would be that of a Foreigner. A real Foreigner, George was already a Foreigner in that he wasn’t British, but after getting over the wall, George had to be disguised as a Darkie. So the skills of a Top Doctor were once more enlisted and according to the book, treatment was supplied which affected George’s pigmentation and turned him into a Darkie. I imagine that Blake must have resembled Al Jolson, he cannot have really constituted a passable Darkie of the sort that Enoch Powell would demand be refused entry to Britain. Vote Bertrand Russell if you want a Highly Implausible Nigger For A Neighbour. Turning George Blake into a Darkie probably simply have made him even more noticeable, in the way that I reminded F would only highlight the presence of Dafydd when F one day suggested that Dafydd could disguise himself to gain entry to women-only spaces by wearing a burqa.

Not only did Top Doctors treat Blake for a fractured wrist and then turn him into a Darkie, but because the crowd who were concealing Blake were networked into the Radicals of North London, one of the women who lived in one of the safe houses in which Blake stayed was Sharing with her psychiatrist (or analyst) and shared the fact that they were harbouring George Blake. This appeared in media reports years later as well as in Randle and Pottle’s book and it was presented as one of those ‘The Things Nutters Say’ anecdotes but ooh they were telling the truth there and the Doc didn’t believe them. Readers I will enlighten you; Nutters usually tell the truth, Nutters are the best people watchers that you will ever encounter, Nutters notice everything and everyone and Nutters have excellent memories. Nutters don’t always realise the significance of what they have witnessed, they need to refer to Brown for that, but Nutters have the lowdown. Furthermore, Top Docs know this, or at least Top Docs like Dafydd who need to cover their arses do.

The psychiatrist and analyst circles of north London were, even back in 1966 when George Blake escaped, concealing organised abuse and many of them had links with Dafydd and the gang in north Wales. Dafydd had ‘trained’ at the Maudsley before taking up a senior role at the North Wales Hospital in 1964 and he worked with Dr Bob Hobson at the Maudsley, who was running an abuse ring in London; the whole of the London medical establishment as well as psychoanalysts were protecting Hobson and they protected Dafydd for the rest of his career as well. See post ‘The Mentor’.

Sir Clough Williams-Ellis and Bertrand Russell were friends with many psychoanalysts and Clough’s wife Amabel was a member of Strachey family at the centre of the Bloomsbury Group. James Strachey was a huge figure in analysis, as was his wife Alix; they were friends with Freud and translated his works, providing the definitive translation which is still used today (see post ‘The Vermin Club’). There were close links between Welsh psychiatrists and analysts such as Wilfred Abse who were directly involved in facilitating organised abuse and the London Big Names (see post ‘O Jones, O Jones’) and Welsh psychiatrist Ernest Jones was one of Freud’s disciples who introduced analysis to the UK (see eg. posts ‘The Wind Of No Change’ and ‘The Vermin Club’). In turn this lot were friends with and often related to Gov’t Ministers, politicians, civil servants, diplomats, people close to the Royal Family and writers, journalists, people in theatre and the arts and of course lawyers. See post ‘The Vermin Club’. Ernest Jones alone had a son Mervyn who was a good friend of Michael Foot and who wrote Foot’s biography. The Croesor crowd contained numerous lefties and radicals with friends in north London and people like Eric Hobsbawm even had their main homes in north London. See post ‘Captain Swing And His Crew’.

By 1966 Dafydd was a leading light in MIND. MIND was facilitating organised abuse, including Dafydd’s gang. At one point, the Church of Scientology infiltrated MIND – then known as the National Association for Mental Health – maintaining that psychiatrists were committing crimes against children and experimenting on patients. This was completely true, but sadly because the Church of Scientology were a bit bonkers themselves, no-one at all would give them the time of day. The Scientologists and MIND were involved with a libel case which followed from the Church’s claims re Dafydd et al; the case was rigged at Gov’t level and the Scientologists lost. One of the lawyers who represented those who made the allegations against psychiatry later disappeared off the face of the earth. Ronnie Waterhouse was one of the lawyers who worked to uphold psychiatry’s good name.

The National Association for Mental Health and dear old Dafydd and his colleagues were considerably assisted by Sir Kenneth Robinson, Harold Wilson’s Minister of Health, 1964-68. The Top Docs loved Robinson, they absolutely loved him. He was the Mark Drakeford of Wilson’s Gov’t, Robinson gave the Top Docs lots of money, allowed them to do whatever they wanted, he failed to challenge the ‘pay beds’ scam in the NHS and he sat in a corner and wet himself in the face of the activities of Dafydd and Gwynne. Kenneth was President of the National Association of Mental Health in the 1960s when Dafydd was a high profile figure in the organisation as well. Even today, literature published by To Doc regarding the history of the NHS remembers Robinson’s time as Minister of Health fondly and the medical establishment is agreed that Sir Kenneth was the Best Minister Of Health that there has ever been. After pandering to the paedophiles in medicine, Sir Kenneth became the Chair of the Arts Council, distributing Gov’t cash to some of those who were using the services of the young sex workers procured by Dafydd et al. See previous posts for details re Sir Kenneth and the dust-up between the Church of Scientology and MIND.

 

That analyst who’s analysand was living in the same house as George Blake knew that George Blake was kipping at his analysand’s house and he/she will have known that the trail led to Bertrand Russell and his friends on Dafydd’s doorstep. He/she wasn’t going to blow the gaffe. There were so many others to think about…

James Strachey in 1952

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Now shut up and get in that dungeon at Denbigh. Rich horrible people want to have sex with you and no-one else will ever agree to shag them. Someone wants to be PM!

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As for putative help from the security services with regard to George Blake’s escape, some of those involved were the security services. I don’t know for certain about Randle and Pottle, but some of their closest friends were definitely working for the security services.

Pottle and his co-conspirator Michael Randle were suspected of helping Blake escape just weeks after it had happened in Oct 1966, but it was alleged that at the time Special Branch advised MI5 not to prosecute on the grounds that it might be seen as “persecution – that the big fish had got away so they were taking it out on the little fish”. The failure to prosecute was also attributed to the escape being highly embarrassing for the authorities.
Throughout the early accounts of Randle’s and Pottle’s lives of being prosecuted – or indeed not prosecuted – for political activism, I noted some very familiar names, names of people who concealed the criminal activities of Dafydd and the gang and the wider Westminster Paedophile Ring. The presiding judge over the 1962 trial of the six members of the Committee of 100 who organised the Wethersfield protest was Mr Justice Havers, ie. Sir Cecil Havers.

Sir Cecil Robert Havers (12 November 1889 – 5 May 1977) was born in Norwich, where his father was a solicitor. He was educated at Norwich Grammar School and then at Corpus Christie College, Cambridge, graduating with an LLB in 1913. Havers fought in WW I and continued to serve in the British Army well beyond that time as well.

Cecil Havers was called to the Bar at Inner Temple in 1920 and took silk to become a KC in 1939. Havers served as recorder of Chichester, 1939-51, as a judge in the Gold Coast, 1944-45 and as a Commissioner of Assize in the midlands in 1949. He became a bencher at Inner Temple in 1946 and served as Treasurer in 1971. Havers was elected as an honorary fellow of Corpus Christi in 1975. Havers was appointed as a High Court judge in 1951, being assigned to the Probate, Divorce and Admiralty Division. He was transferred to the King’s Bench Division in 1952.

Havers presided over the conviction of Ruth Ellis for murder in 1955, the last woman to be sentenced to death and executed in the UK. In a 2010 television interview his grandson, the actor Nigel Havers, revealed that his grandfather had written to the Home Secretary recommending a reprieve as he regarded it as a crime passionnel, but received a curt refusal. Havers subsequently sent money annually for the upkeep of Ellis’s son. I don’t know whether it was representations such as this from Cecil Havers which caused Lord Chief Justice Parker to give judges lots of money and stress that their duty was to be handmaidens of the state. Whether Havers was the precipitating factor for Lord Parker’s new Terms & Conditions for judges I don’t know, but the plan worked a treat. Just in my own case, judge after judge after judge, all the way up to the High Court over many years, doing favours for Dafydd.

Havers retired as a full-time judge in 1967 and became Deputy Dean of the Arches in 1970. He will not have been under those Arches, that is a delight experienced by the Empowered Service Users who have been Helped By Dafydd et al. In fact both Justice Roch and Huw Daniel made a point of telling the Court that Gwynedd Social Services ‘were helping people’ while I was leading the crime wave up in north Wales.

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  • Cecil Havers married Enid Snelling in 1916. They had one daughter, Elizabeth Butler-Sloss and three sons, Tony, David, and Michael Havers. Butler-Sloss and Michael Havers have been regulars on this blog. Michael Havers was Solicitor General, 1972-74; Attorney General, 1979-87 and then briefly Lord Chancellor. Michael Havers was the Tory MP for Wimbledon, 1970-87.

In the 1980s, it was revealed that Michael Havers, in his capacity as Attorney General, had blocked the prosecution of the diplomat and former DG of MI6 Sir Peter Hayman for child porn offences. Sir Peter was a member of PIE. See previous posts. This was one of the first storms regarding the failure to prosecute high profile Gov’t figures for child sex offences. Havers was AG throughout the years of serious criminality in north Wales, when complaints of the abuse of children or vulnerable people by Dafydd’s gang were ignored yet victims and witnesses were framed or prosecuted for trivial or ludicrous reasons. Havers was AG when Dafydd had me unlawfully arrested and imprisoned in the North Wales Hospital in Dec 1986 after Dafydd did a ‘deal’ with the corrupt Superintendent Roberts at Bangor Police Station which involved having me arrested for ‘attempting to strangle’ a junior doctor. After I had been incarcerated in Denbigh the junior doctor withdrew his complaint and the charge was dropped. I was however not released from Denbigh.

Havers was AG throughout the months of 1987 when Dafydd and the gang, in cahoots with the Home Office, Risley Remand Centre and the Mental Health Act Commission, planned to frame me for a serious offence in order to have me imprisoned. Havers stepped down as AG on 13 June 1987 to take up the post of Lord Chancellor. Some three weeks later Dafydd, Tony Francis and the gang tried to fit me up for ‘attempting to stab a junior doctor’. The plan fell apart when Sergeant Morgan at Bangor Police Station and Jeff Crowther, a nursing officer at Ysbyty Gwynedd, did not tell as many lies as required. See previous posts eg. ‘Workers’ Play Time’. Havers was succeeded as AG by Patrick Mayhew, who, while in that role, in 1990 and 1991 authorised three prosecutions against me for contempt of court, my imprisonment being requested on each occasion, on the basis of members of the gang committing perjury. Documentation in my possession demonstrates that the MDU, Hempsons and the barristers acting in the cases knew that perjury was being committed, as did the presiding judges. See eg. posts ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’, ‘The Sordid Role Of Sir Robert Francis QC’. So did Mayhew and Havers.

Michael Havers served in the Royal Navy, 1943-47 and then in the RNVR. As did Geoffrey Chamberlain. Gwynne the lobotomist was in the Royal Navy at that time as well. That generation of Naval officers knew about the shenanigans of Lord Louis Mountbatten, John Vassall, the gay spies in the Admiralty and the other events described in my post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’. It was the basis of Jim Callaghan’s rise to the top as well.

‘We’re the paedophiles’ friends and you can’t get us. Lobotomised because you complained about a groper? Illegally imprisoned in a dungeon for refusing to shag Dafydd?? Call Lord Havers for the definitive and final judgement on the matter.’

The Judge’s summing up: Ah the doctors they were wonderful!

 

Cecil Havers’ daughter Elizabeth also made a valuable contribution to the protection of Dafydd et al. Butler-Sloss became the first female Lord Justice of Appeal in 1988 and in that year she Chaired the Public Inquiry into the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal, which had resulted from Dafydd’s colleagues in the north east of England, who were linked to the gang in north Wales, taking hundreds of children into care after carrying out the notorious Bottom Inspections and accusing many innocent people -usually family members – of having buggered them. Two of the accused men committed suicide and after their deaths it was admitted by everyone that one of them at least had definitely been wrongly accused. No staff were dismissed or prosecuted as a result of the scandal and the Director of the Area Health Authority, Liam Donaldson was subsequently appointed Chief Medical Officer for England by Miranda in 1998, where he remained until 2010. See previous posts, including ‘Twas The Night Before Christmas And the Culprits Were Named’. Butler-Sloss never clarified in her Report how many children she believed really had been abused.

At the time of Cleveland, ‘The Guardian’ in particular waxed lyrical about the feminine charms of Butler-Sloss, who simply by possessing ovaries was kind, compassionate yet firm, good with children and sympathetic to distressed and even wrongly accused people. A rather different sort of publicity came Butler-Sloss’s way years later in July 2014 when she was forced to step down six days after being appointed as Chair of IICSA, after it was revealed that her brother Michael had been AG when many of the offences that would be the subject of IICSA had been committed. It was then revealed that Butler-Sloss, a big wig in the Anglican Church, had tried to ensure that the Anglican Church was excluded from IICSA. Which would have been a major omission in the light of what has now become public.

What has received less publicity is that Butler-Sloss was a bit dim when she was at school and although she came from a family where nearly everyone went to Oxbridge, even those without testicles, poor old Butler-Sloss was never going to be accepted for such institutions. So she became a secretary. I have absolutely no problem with people working as secretaries, I have been friends with secretaries, but I have yet to meet, in the flesh, a secretary who then became a High Court judge, let alone a Lord Justice of Appeal, because while working as a secretary she was spotted as High Court judge material and doors were magically opened. Without having to even do a law degree at university like virtually every other High Court judge. Not that this points to a Fiddle and Nepotism Of The Highest Order of course; it is yet another example of the Marvellousness of Lord Butler-Sloss and living proof that Women Are Amazing. In fact Butler-Sloss is so Amazing that her womanly hormones even projected her into Inner Temple, the same Inn of which her father was a member.

Butler-Sloss was rewarded for allowing the Westminster Paedophile Ring to continue business by being appointed the first female President of the Family Division of the High Court in 1999. But then Lizzie B-S had already bagged the job of Lord Justice of Appeal by keeping her mouth shut about Dafydd and the gang and I understand, about me.

 

Spot The Difference; Clue: One has had a shampoo and set (and one is really a secretary):

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Lord Michael Havers’ sons are Philip Havers QC – I wonder if he got into the family business via working in a wet fish shop after leaving school at 16 with no GCSEs? – and Nigel Havers, the posh actor who appears on TV talking in cut glass tones about how he isn’t at all posh, he just always plays roles in which he is cast as a Posh Man, while the women on TV with him swoon and bang on about him having gone to Eton and his dad being a Lord.

Nigel Havers:

  • Lady Butler-Sloss to lead child abuse inquiry | Society ...

 

Lord Justice Butler-Sloss:

 

This lot presided over terrorist trials and legislation which results in some people being locked up for years in solitary confinement. Doesn’t it warm the cockles of one’s heart?

The big guns were certainly brought out to blast away at Pottle, Randle and the other four members of the Committee of 100 who stood trial in 1962. The AG himself, Sir Reginald Manningham-Buller aka Lord Dilhorne, led for the prosecution. Reginald Edward Manningham-Buller, 1st Viscount Dilhorne (1 August 1905 – 7 September 1980), known as Sir Reginald Manningham-Buller, 1954-62 and as The Lord Dilhorne, served as Solicitor-General, 1951-54, AG, 1954-62, then as Lord Chancellor, 1962-64, so someone was obviously pleased with him jailing the Wethersfield Six.

In 1957 Manningham-Buller prosecuted suspected serial killer Dr John Bodkin Adams for the murder of two elderly widows. The case was highly controversial with allegations of inappropriate contact between Manningham-Buller and the BMA and GMC, political interference from the Gov’t of which Manningham-Buller was a member and evidence disappearing from the DPP’s files and then reappearing in the hands of the defence after the trial had begun. Mr Justice Patrick Devlin, the Presiding judge, in his post-trial book accused Manningham-Buller of “an abuse of process”. Detective Superintendent Herbert Hannam of Scotland Yard, the chief investigator, suspected political interference from a Gov’t which didn’t want to see a Top Doctor hang. It was widely believed that Manningham-Buller had deliberately presented a weak case against Bodkin Adams, who was suspected by Home Office pathologist Francis Camps of having killed 163 patients. Harriet Harman’s dad Dr John Harman gave expert evidence for the defence, on a matter of which Harman had no first hand clinical experience. But not knowing one’s arse from one’s elbow has never been a barrier for expert medical witnesses and just look at what Dafydd and Gwynne were doing at the time…See previous posts for more info on the John Bodkin Adams case.

Manningham-Buller as AG also made the decision to mount the prosecution against Penguin Books under the new Obscene Publications Act after the company republished Lady Chatterley’s Lover in 1960. Bernard Levin criticised the decision in ‘The Spectator’ which caused Manningham-Buller to suggested prosecuting “the proprietors of The Spectator, the editor and Mr Bernard Levin” once the Chatterley trial itself was over. The Solicitor General Sir Jocelyn Simon convinced him to reconsider.

Manningham-Buller’s mother was the granddaughter of Hugh Grosvenor, 1st Duke of Westminster. The Duke of Westminster has an historical link with St George’s Hospital Medical School. When the St George’s Hyde Park Corner site was vacated after the institution relocated to the new development in Tooting in 1980, the 6th Duke of Westminster, Gerald Cavendish Grosvenor, a close friend of Carlo’s, demanded that the Gov’t give him the Hyde Park Corner site as a freebie – it was worth millions, being a Posh Expansive Bit of Knightsbridge – because his ancestors had donated the site and founded St George’s in the 18th century. Ken Clarke pretended that he and Thatch told Gerald to take a running jump. They didn’t, they let him buy the Hyde Park Corner site for £6,000 and it is now the Lanesborough Hotel, about as posh as you can get.

The gift to Gerald was in no way linked to the pan-European trafficking ring which involved Prof Ollie Brooke of St George’s, Sir Peter Morrison, Dafydd et al and huge swathes of UCNW, of which Carlo was Chancellor and St George’s. Or Gerald being President of the City of Chester Conservative Association when Peter Morrison was the Tory MP for Chester. Or Peter Morrison’s sister Dame Mary being Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Carlo’s mum.

 

Manningham-Buller’s daughter, Eliza Manningham-Buller, was Director General of MI5, 2002-07. She was in post when all those NHS staff lied to the police in a desperate attempt to have me convicted of ‘threats to kill’… Eliza was awarded a peerage in 2008. Eliza Manningham-Buller was appointed to the Court and Council of Imperial College, London in 2009, becoming Deputy Chairman later that year and named Chairman in July 2011. She became a Governor of the Wellcome Trust in 2008 and the first female Chair of the Trust on 1 October 2015.

Eliza: Next time that you are on duty when Ysbyty Gwynedd’s solicitor sends a memo around to the staff requesting ‘more nurses down the police station to complain about Sally Baker please’ and eight of the Angels then lie to the police about having heard me threaten to kill Alun Davies when at the time I was sitting in a locked ward sporting injuries after having been assaulted by four members of staff, could you please put a stop to it immediately, rather than hanging around for two years while I remain on bail, losing my job and my home in the process, only to find that the charges are withdrawn on the first day of the trial? Then when you hear that the DES have then placed me under investigation anyway for being a ‘danger to pupils’, perhaps you could investigate immediately and ensure that absolutely everybody involved is dismissed from their jobs, rather than leaving it to Merfyn’s friend to clear my name, which causes a backlash from the Top Doctors and the death of Merfyn’s wife while she’s in their care? Furthermore Eliza, when you are held over a barrel because of the St George’s Link, at least avoid being held over a barrel by a bunch of corrupt MSF reps and an insane vindictive lab technician called Deb Everard who doubles up as a Tory Councillor for Edmonton. Thanks Eliza! 

PS. There is large scale research fraud taking place at Imperial and by researchers funded by the Wellcome Trust and it has been going on for a good 30 years. Don’t move too quickly on this one will you Eliza, it is after all only the reason why the Treatments and Interventions don’t work and why the clinical outcomes for patients in the UK are now some of the worst in Europe. Oh and next time that two postgrads use all possible official channels to raise their concerns that a group of Top Docs are running some sort of sex abuse ring, targeting patients and are fitting up and imprisoning those who complain, perhaps you could investigate instead of allowing your workforce to send a thug after Brown and smash his head on a pavement repeatedly. Don’t worry about an apology, it will make no difference. You knew that this was happening and you chose to let it continue. You aren’t sorry and you never will be.

The Baroness ‘Fuck You’ Manningham-Buller
Eliza Manningham-Buller at Chatham House 2016.jpg

 

Reginald Manningham-Buller died in September 1980, aged 75, and was in turd in the village of Deene, East Northamptonshire. Northamptonshire contains St Andrew’s Hospital which was an asylum specialising in the abuse of patients and the accusation of innocent people, but in recent years it has become a Private Unit which houses hundreds of learning disabled people who’s placements there are funded by the NHS and social services. There have been numerous allegations of ill-treatment and some patients have died. Complainants have been subjected to Court Orders to prevent them speaking to the media.

 

At the trial of the Committee of 100, the second prosecutor to Reggie was Mervyn Griffith-Jones, who famously led the prosecution at the Lady Chatterley’s Lover trial. His much quoted remark in his opening statement as to whether the novel was something “you would even wish your wife or servants to read” is often cited as representing the extent to which the British ‘Establishment’ had fallen out of touch with popular opinion at the time. It hadn’t, it was just a heap of horse manure for the Court and the press, Mervyn Griffith-Jones knew what Dafydd et al were doing at the time and it was a lot worse than publishing Lady Chatterley’s Lover.

Griffith-Jones failed to convince the jury at the Chatterley trial and the publishers were acquitted. Griffith-Jones lived until July 1979, which gave him plenty of time to blow the whistle on Dafydd who was undoubtedly doing things that you wouldn’t wish your wife or servants to read about, but he never did.

I note that Bertrand Russell wasn’t prosecuted along with the Wethersfield Six; Bertrand the ringleader was ignored. I wonder why?

Griffith-Jones was a member of Middle Temple, as was Ronnie Waterhouse. Their time there overlapped, with Griffith-Jones being an old lag when Ronnie was a whipper snapper. After WW II, Griffith-Jones was one of the British prosecuting Counsel at the Nuremberg Trials, as was Lord of the Rings, Lord Elwyn-Jones, who served as the conduit between Dafydd et al, the East End part of the business and the Gov’t, Lord Elwyn-Jones being Attorney General.

In 1955, Griffith-Jones was junior Counsel for the prosecution of Ruth Ellis and in 1963 he was the prosecuting Counsel in the trial of Stephen Ward, the fall guy for the Profumo Affair. Ward killed himself with an overdose on the last day of the trial and died after being convicted in his absence. What received less publicity was the big helping hand that Ward received from the Top Doctors with regard to his suicide. See previous posts. No wonder no-one was going to see John Bodkin Adams convicted and executed, wherever would fiends in high places be without the Top Doctors?

Previous posts eg. ‘Those Who Are Ready To Serve’ have described how Dafydd found out about Naughtiness in High Places before he went to Liverpool Medical School, how he knew that a trade in young people from Wales as sex workers to those in High Society was in existence and he therefore made plans to vastly expand the business and has spent his entire existence since then blackmailing the idiots who did such dreadful things to conceal wrongdoing as long ago as the years of Harold Macmillan’s Gov’t.

Mervyn Griffith-Jones was a Councillor in Westminster City Council, 1948-54, when the Council was complicit with organised abuse. His son, Robin Griffith-Jones, is the current Reverend and Valiant Master of the Temple.

 

Pat Pottle defended himself at the 1962 trial of the Wethersfield Six, but his five co-defendants were defended by Jeremy Hutchinson, the famously high camp celebrity barrister who was a member of the Bloomsbury Group. Hutchinson had been the defence barrister for George Blake in 1961. Jeremy Hutchinson was entertaining in Court and had everyone rolling in the aisles, but it came at a price. He robustly defended people whom he knew to be guilty including child sex offenders and used anything, anything at all, to win a case; he took the piss, made obscene gestures, anything went if it could put a witness off their stride, particularly an honest one. Hutchison had a rather complicated life outside of the law, indeed literally outside of the law and a network of friends and associates who were involved with sexual exploitation and crime, including people linked to Dafydd and north Wales (see previous posts).

Hutchinson was called to the Bar in the Middle Temple in 1939 – Ronnie Waterhouse arrived in the Middle Temple some years later – and served in the RNVR during WW II. Well, what else would he have done but spent a few years among Royal sailors and gay spies with a taste for boys? Jeremy was a member of the defence team in the Lady Chatterley trial and the year after became a QC. He was a Recorder of Bath and the Crown Court, 1963-88.

There was an elite paedophile ring in the Bath area which involved celebs and Arty people. The Brotherhood of Ruralists were busy in the west country while Jeremy Hutchison was on the turf down there and one of them, Graham Ovenden, was eventually convicted of child sex offences. Ovenden had been controversial for years with concerns expressed regarding the nature of some of his art, which, had it been photography, would definitely have been deemed to be child porn. Ovenden fiercely defended his art in a way that sounded rather like an artist or reviewer dreamt up by a satirist and when his work was seized, former child models of Ovenden spoke in defence of him. I accept their point that they had never felt, or been, abused by Ovenden and neither should we see a sex offender in every artist who draws nudes. However, Ovenden was abusing some children, he did so for a long while and although he was convicted alone, someone knew about it and was helping him. Jeremy Hutchison was one of those who robustly defended Graham Ovenden.

Hutchinson was a member of the Committee on Immigration Appeals and of the Committee on Identification Procedures. Hutchinson was Vice-Chairman of the Arts Council of Great Britain and a Professor of Law at the Royal Academy of Arts. He was a Trustee and then Chairman of the Tate Gallery. On 16 May 1978, Hutchinson was created a life peer. Just as Jeremy Thorpe was charged…

Hutchinson was married to the actress Peggy Ashcroft, 1940-1965, with whom he had two children. He had many friends in the world of luvvies as well as law, true Garrick Club stuff. Hutchison later married June Osborn, who died on 26 September 2006. June Osborn and her friend when younger had entertained themselves by each trying to persuade the other one that marrying Ted Heath would be an excellent idea. Why Ted Heath was ever seen as remotely desirable by either of them I cannot fathom.

 

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See previous posts for the escapades of Jeremy and his posh wives, posh friends and the criminals by whom Jeremy was so charmed.

Jeremy Hutchison only died in Nov of last year, so Dafydd had a good friend in the latter day Oscar Wilde until very recently.

 

Another link between the Croesor crowd and gay swinging spies in higher echelons was Rab Butler serving as the Home Secretary when George Blake was jailed; Butler was followed as Home Secretary by Henry Brooke, who continued concealing the wrongdoing of the same people with whom Rab so ably colluded. Rab Butler was Mr Tory Party for decades and then spent a long incumbency as Master of Trinity College, Cambridge. In Gov’t, Rab concealed mountains of doings on which Dafydd and Gwynne capitalised and he was out to grass at Trinity College in time for Carlo’s arrival. Rab was appointed Carlo’s personal mentor and counsellor for Carlo’s time at Cambridge. Trumpers was running Cambridge at the time and was a friend of Rab. There was an elite abuse ring based at Cambridge and in particular Trinity, decades after the flurry of gay Cambridge double agents in the 1930s.

Rab established and then held influence over the Home Office Research Unit which remained in existence long after Rab had left Gov’t, that funded research carried out by academics who were working with young people who had been abused while in various care contexts or in approved schools. Rab’s loyal servants did everything they could not to mention what they knew had happened to and in some cases was still happening to the witnesses and victims. Many of those who in their early careers received commissions and funding from Rab’s Research Unit later became some of the biggest names in criminology and social work, particularly those who had concealed the crap when Woy’s star was in the ascendant. See post ‘Rab, High Table and the Founding Fathers’.

When Mr Justice Havers sentenced the Wethersfield Six – I can recommend that everyone quickly reads some of the transcript of the trial, Havers sounds remarkably like Justice Cocklecarrot of ‘Private Eye’ fame – Harold Macmillan was PM, people known to Captain Swing and his mates were swinging at Cliveden and Henry Brooke was Home Secretary.
At the time of George Blake’s escape, Harold Wilson was PM and Woy Jenkins was Home Secretary. Both of them would have been completely compromised when dealing with any case involving people who were at the heart of the Welsh Bloomsbury Group, because Wilson was the first PM who, like Miranda years later, rearranged the entire furniture of Gov’t to conceal the Westminster Paedophile Ring and the associated serious crime.
Wilson’s proud creation, the Open University, was the plaything of Lord Goodman – Wilson’s crooked lawyer friend who got Wilson out of many a hole and was brought back into service when Jeremy Thorpe was arrested and charged – as well as Jennie Lee, Nye Bevan’s widow. The advisory committee re the establishment of the OU was jammed with people colluding with organised abuse, including Lord Asa Briggs, the VC of Sussex University, 1967-76, the man who used his links with MI5 to wreak revenge on Merfyn after Merfyn was involved in an anti-Vietnam protest as an undergrad which involved throwing red paint on a visiting US official. See post ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’.
Wilson knew that St George’s Hospital, when it was located at Hyde Park Corner in Knightsbridge, was doing favours for very serious criminals who were rich and powerful; they even provided a helping hand to Lord Lucan (see previous posts). Wilson also knew that St George’s had established a Dept of Psychiatry which was facilitating organised abuse; that Springfield Hospital in Tooting was also facilitating organised abuse and that a paedophile/trafficking ring was operating from Wandsworth Borough Council. So Wilson decided that London’s big flagship teaching hospital and medical school to ‘bring healthcare to the people’ would be sited at Tooting and that it would involve the relocation of St George’s from Hyde Park Corner, with Springfield as the associated psychiatric hospital, the  new development being within the Borough of Wandsworth. The result was the most dishonest elitist Top Docs in London who had spent their lives serving titled criminals, dripping with contempt for their patients in downtown Tooting while the existing paedophile ring expanded rapidly and linked up with gangs right across the UK and Europe. Neither was there any shortage of funding, the investment was enormous. See post ‘Meet The Gwerin!’.

Woy was himself a bisexual swinger, which as far as consenting adults are concerned is a matter for him and them, but Woy’s tentacles spread rather further than consenting adults, which might be why he did nothing to stop the appalling abuse of young people in approved schools and other institutions run by the Home Office or the rampant corruption in the criminal justice system, the police, the prison service etc. He was a member of the Gang Of Four who so clearly based their entire electoral strategy on colluding with the gangs supplying the Westminster Paedophile Ring. See post ‘We’ve Been Expecting You’.

Wilson’s Minister of Health, 1964-68, was the superstar Sir Kenneth Robinson.

The degree of fuckwittery on the part of those making decision at the time was clearly illustrated by Home Secretary Woy, in Oct 1966, appointing Lord Louis Mountbatten to lead an Inquiry into prison security in the wake of George Blake’s escape. Mountbatten had no pretences at all to knowing anything about prisons or security, he had vast experience as a senior officer in the Royal Navy, but I’m not sure that the notion of ‘transferable skills’ would apply in that case. What was salient was that Mountbatten was the person who was involved in something that enabled so many people to get away with so much and Woy was one of those who knew the full story.

Brown has reassured me that Dafydd will, like his crooked mate Robert Bluglass, have been appointed to sit on bodies concerned with advising and regulating and of course Dafydd has given Expert Evidence to Parliament. It is only by such strategies that wrongdoing of such proportions can be kept from the general public. The spies who know about Mountbatten are breaking out of prison with the help of MI5! Who will lead the Inquiry? Er, how about Mountbatten, because Dafydd’s tied up. So to speak, along with a few friends from the Chester and Wales Circuit.

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When Mountbatten’s Report was completed, it was ‘welcomed’ as ‘humane’ by Tony Smythe, the then General Secretary of the NCCL. Tony Smythe was an anarchist who was described to me as being ‘very paedophile friendly’. Smythe had a lot of doings with arty and radical things that liked to believe they were Edgy but were in some cases just worrying. Smythe had links with groups campaigning for paedophiles’ rights – the NCCL being one such group – and was CEO of MIND, 1974-82, when Dafydd was rapidly expanding his empire of crime with MIND fully on board. See previous posts for further information on Smythe. Mountbatten’s activities were known about by senior figures in MIND, because Lady Juliet Bingley who Chaired MIND for years, was married to Admiral Sir Alec Bingley who served with Mountbatten. The Bingley’s son William was Legal Director of MIND, then became CEO of the Mental Health Act Commission, Chaired lethal and scandal ridden NHS Trusts in the North West of England and was given the Chair in Mental Health Law and Ethics at the University of Central Lancashire. See previous posts. William was with Dafydd all the way…

 

Ted Heath was the Leader of the Opposition at the time of Blake’s escape. I stress that I do not have documentary evidence of Ted Heath’s involvement with Dafydd et al, but Heath’s time as Leader of the Opposition and as PM saw him surrounded by people who by the time that I was doing battle with Dafydd’s gang were undoubtedly colluding with Dafydd. Mary Wynch’s problems began when Heath was PM, his Gov’t was completely flouting the law in every regard in relation to Mary. Keith Joseph, as Heath’s Secretary of State for Social Services, appointed Barbara Kahan as his adviser on children’s social work; Kahan had been colluding with the abuse of children in her care for years (see post ‘Always On The Side Of The Children’). People like Lord Hailsham, Willie Whitelaw, Norman St John Stevas and others were all around Heath and had degrees of involvement in the Westminster Paedophile Ring as well as with Dafydd et al. Charles Morrison, Peter Morrison’s brother, was as close to Heath as Peter Morrison was to Thatch. So all shades of the Tory spectrum were covered. One Nation!

In 1970, the year in which Heath became PM, Sean Bourke wrote a book about the George Blake escape in which he thinly disguised the names of Pat and Michael as “Pat Porter” and “Michael Reynolds”. There was still no action taken against them. Of course there wasn’t, the Captain’s Crew and Dafydd were swinging like never before, Bertrand Russell was going and then gone, but there was his Towering Reputation and Legacy to protect.

The event which sparked off further events which eventually led to Randle and Pottle’s June 1991 trial occurred in Nov 1986. ‘The Observer’ published an extract from a book by Philip Knightley’s about the George Blake escape. The article prompted letters which appeared in ‘The Observer’ the following week, including one from Montgomery Hyde, stating that he was working on a biography of George Blake. In spring 1987, Michael Randle, then living in Bradford, received a phone call from someone who had seen the publishers blurb about Hyde’s book  and told Randle that the book would reveal that the Committee of 100 had been involved in Blake’s escape. Randle began worrying about a piece that he wrote in 1967 about the escape, which constituted concrete evidence of his and Pat’s role, so he burnt it.

In Aug 1987 Randle received a call from journo friend and Randle said he’d consider reviewing Hyde’s book for ‘The Guardian’ and phoned Pat Pottle in London. Randle reviewed the book but instead the’The Guardian’ published a piece by Richard Norton-Taylor which said that the Committee of 100 sprang Blake. An article had also appeared in the ‘Irish Independent’ in Sept 1987.

In the autumn of 1987, I was living in Leicester with Brown and friends, having narrowly escaped the attempt by Dafydd et al to fit me up for trying to stab a junior doctor. We were under surveillance at the time from MI5 but had no idea. We were on Greville Janner’s turf and Uncle Harry’s brother-in-law, Stuart Hall and others from the New Left were trying to shaft Brown. The gang in north Wales were in pursuit of me… Being Brown and me, in Leicester we just uncovered more examples of vulnerable people being shafted by professionals paid to help them. I had also been to see William Bingley at MIND, not having any idea that he was mates with Dafydd. Tony Francis acquired a High Court injunction against me on the basis of his perjury. The MDU and their solicitors, Hempsons, knew that Francis had lied in his statement.

 

The story about George Blake, Randle and Pottle appeared as the lead article in ‘The Sunday Times’ in Oct 1987. Just before that article appeared, Brown had appeared on Channel 4 criticising the decision of the BBC to screen an offensive contribution to the world by Bernard Manning. I have recently been told that those we know and love saw Brown on TV and panicked.

It was just before all this that that Dafydd told me that if I dropped my complaint about him he’d get me a place at Liverpool Medical School. Brown was listening to the call and subsequently wrote to Gwynedd Health Authority. He did not receive a reply. MI5 had tapped our phone and heard everything.

Substantial media coverage re the George Blake escape followed…

In Sept and Oct 1988, Randle and Pottle were interviewed by officers from Scotland Yard,  Randle in the presence of his solicitor Ben Birnberg.

On Nov 8 1988, ‘The Sunday Times’ alleged that Vanessa Redgrave had put up the money for Blake’s escape; Redgrave had been a member of the Committee of 100. Redgrave, Randle and Pottle all denied Redgrave’s involvement. Randle and Pottle began writing their book about Blake’s escape. In Nov 1988, Michael Randle resigned from his research fellowship in Bradford University’s Dept of Peace Studies.

I spent April 1988-April 1989 working in the Cancer Research Campaign team at Surrey University. The team was led by Prof Vincent Marks, the brother of the then President of the BMA, Dr John Marks. I have now been given evidence that John and Vincent were working really hard to screw me over; my work was, without my knowledge, given to another cancer researcher in Newcastle Medical School, Nicola Curtin, of whom I had never heard and Curtin published it with her name on it as well and used it to gain funding; I was told that funding for my post had expired and was made redundant. One of Tony Francis’s psychiatrist friends from Manchester, Dr Peter Mcguire, had suddenly decided that he was going to work for the Cancer Research Campaign as well and hey presto he received funding. Sadly for Mcguire, he and his colleagues used the funding to commit a massive research fraud which was exposed in 1990 and resulted in the suicide of their colleague Prof Tim McElwain. Not that it stopped them, they went on to be leaders in cancer research and one took up mental health research. See previous posts…

In Dec 1988, the Tory MP Graham Riddick demanded the prosecution of Randle and Pottle and within days the campaign for their prosecution had escalated. Norris McWhirter, of the far right Freedom Association, threatened to bring a private prosecution against Randle and Pottle. Graham Riddick’s Early Day Motion was signed by more than 110 Tory MPs.

On 3 Jan 1989, Randle heard that Sir Allan Green, the DPP, had ordered Scotland Yard to reopen the investigation into George Blake’s escape.

 

In May 1989, after being made redundant by Surrey University, I began a new job at St George’s. I have been told that it was a trap, planned well in advance, to wreck my career in medical research and ensure that I would not work in a professional job again…

By this time, a major police investigation was underway in Leicestershire into a child abuse ring which was thought to involve Greville Janner and there were allegations that a VIP paedophile ring was operating in north Wales/Cheshire and demands were being made for a police investigation into that as well.

In July-Aug 1988, Lord Butler-Sloss had concealed the crimes of Dafydd’s mates in Cleveland and in July-Aug 1989 Dafydd’s mate Bluglass would cover-up Dafydd and the gang’s criminality in my own case. Dr James Earp in Leicester had already performed a minor effort in the autumn of 1987 and early spring of 1988, but what with me not going away, Bluglass was called upon… See previous posts.

 

Throughout their trial, Pottle and Randle insisted that their action was morally justified, and, ignoring a clear direction from the judge to convict, the jury unanimously acquitted them. Pottle and Randle stated that they published their book about the George Blake escape following ‘a whispering campaign against them’ prompted by Montgomery Hyde’s book. “We didn’t want needlessly to invite prosecution, but there were stories naming others who weren’t involved, accusing us of being communist agents, trying to discredit the anti-nuclear campaign,” Pottle said at the time.

The following are extracts from Pat Pottle’s address to the jury before his acquittal on June 26 1991:

This prosecution has come about because 110 MPs signed a motion calling for our prosecution, and because of a threat of a private prosecution from the inaptly named Freedom Association . . .

Your task would be a lot easier if this were a simple case of guilt or innocence, but it is not. It is a case of right and wrong. It is a case of politics, a case of how governments lie, cheat and manipulate, and then cover their tracks in a smokescreen of official secrecy…

This is a political trial. A political decision was taken in 1970 not to prosecute. When we were publicly named in 1987, it came as no surprise to the police: they had known since 1970…

The accepted theory about George’s escape was that it was organised and carried out by agents at the KGB. That was embarrassing to British intelligence, but at least they could argue that the KGB was a worldwide organisation with limitless resources. What would the revelation that a petty criminal and two peace activists had carried out the escape do to our relations with our allies? It was better that the world continued to believe that the whole thing was organised by the KGB rather than the Lavender Hill Mob.

It was indeed a political trial, but it wasn’t nearly so political as the trials that I repeatedly found myself in. Pat and Randle knew people involved with a huge international paedophile/trafficking ring which ran profitable side-lines in class A drugs and porn. Senior politicians and members of the Royal Family were linked with it, as was Bertrand Russell. It was why there was such a reluctance to prosecute anyone for helping Blake escape. They all Knew About Dafydd and the security services were helping Dafydd run his gang.
I didn’t help a KGB spy escape from prison, I complained about a fucking lobotomist who was running a paedophile gang. So my friends were targeted for assassination. I REALLY don’t get this!! And neither do I understand why anyone ever thought that Brown and me were going to be intimidated into keeping quiet. We had absolutely no respect for a bunch of sex offenders driving Volvos, reading the ‘Daily Mail’ and propositioning students, when they were in their 70s and wearing trousers with the crotch down by their knees. I took the piss out of them when I was 21 and I’m still doing it. Because they are idiots.
I have been told that Randle and Pottle’s prosecution was definitely something to do with me, but I haven’t worked out what the rationale might have been yet, there are a few more people involved whom I need to investigate…

I briefly discussed in a previous post ‘O Jones, O Jones’ how Randle and Pottle stood trial at the Old Bailey for springing George Blake in June 1991, just after the episode in the spring of 1991 when Dafydd’s gang made yet another attempt to have me imprisoned for contempt of court, as usual on the basis of perjury that was known to everyone involved in the case. Not only that, but the case was heard at the Royal Courts of Justice in The Strand. I was down from Bethesda for the hearing. It was so ludicrous, especially as once more the case against me fell apart, that it must have been noticed by numerous people. No-one said anything or asked any questions, although the North Wales Police had just begun an investigation into a possible paedophile ring operating in north Wales/Chester. Then just weeks after the saga involving me at the Royal Courts of Justice, another bizarre and ridiculous case with strong links to Gwynedd took place at the Old Bailey, but gaining very much more publicity than my case did…

The hierarchy of people involved in the case against Pottle and Randle and in  my case were the same: the Attorney General was the corrupt Sir Patrick Mayhew and the Solicitor-General was Sir Nicholas Lyell. Lyell subsequently became AG and in that capacity drew up the ground rules for the Waterhouse inquiry. It was Lyell who granted immunity from prosecution for people who gave evidence at the Waterhouse Inquiry. It is why people like Glanville Owen, Rob Evans and Lucille Hughes who were responsible for managing the children’s homes in Gwynedd while the kids inside them were being abused and trafficked, turned up at the Inquiry, gave evidence that clearly demonstrated that they knew what was happening to the kids and just left the kids at the mercy of the gang and can now never be prosecuted for child abuse. Waterhouse even managed to say in his Report that Lucille knew that a paedophile gang was active within the children’s homes but she ‘failed to respond’. Lucille can never be prosecuted thanks to Sir Nicholas Lyell. See previous posts.

The DPP who at the end of 1988/the beginning of 1989 ordered the prosecution of Randle and Pat Pottle was Sir Allan Green QC. Green, like everybody else, ignored complaints of very serious offences against children and vulnerable adults in north Wales. It didn’t matter what evidence people had or how they tried to raise concerns, the police would not even record complaints. The nicer police officers just made excuse after excuse as to why they couldn’t do anything, but the notorious ones swore and shouted at the complainants and if they still didn’t go away they would arrest them for ridiculous things like breach of the peace or harassment. The Sergeant at Menai Bridge Police Station watched Tony Francis pursue me down a main road yelling insults at me and commenting on my bum. I walked into the Station and said ‘have you seen what is going on here?’ only to be told to get out or I would be arrested for breach of the peace. Dafydd hit me in front of witnesses. No action. I witnessed the Doberman that Dafydd kept which he used to set on people trap two police officers in their car; the Doberman was going apeshit, the officers locked themselves in and didn’t dare come out. This was after all the fuss about Dangerous Dogs. When Dafydd’s minions finally hauled the dog off of the police car, I started taking the piss and saying to the police ‘there’s a dangerous dog here, aren’t you going to seize it’, one of the officers replied ‘we know the law on dangerous dogs thank you very much’ and Dafydd told the police officers that this snarling bastard was ‘my puppy’. Anyone else would have found themselves in Court.

As for the kids in care, there were hundreds of episodes of them running away, there were serious injuries, there were complaints to the North Wales Police and to the Councils which had placed the kids in the homes and there was still no action. One boy from Southwark was forced to have sex with men at gunpoint in the Bryn Alyn Community yet Southwark Borough Council continued to send kids to Bryn Alyn. See eg. post ‘The Battle For the Labour Party’s Soul’. Kids in care were sometimes found dead in north Wales, as were psych patients constantly.

The police were deflecting so many complaints that Sir Allan Green will not have known about them, but it was Green who was authorising ludicrous prosecutions against people like me; he knew that something untoward was happening in north Wales.

Allan Green QC was forced to resign as DPP after he was ‘caught kerb crawling’ but by his own account he ‘was talking to some prostitutes’ after he’d been to a meeting. No-one reported what the prostitutes said that Sir Allan had been saying to them. Green’s wife was then found dead after ‘committing suicide’, but the circumstances of that suicide were so worrying that it was worthy of one of the suicides that the witnesses to Dafydd’s crimes committed. See post ‘A Future Leader Of The Labour Party?’

 

The solicitor who acted for Michael Randle was Ben Birnberg. Birnberg had acted for Mary Wynch when she sued Dafydd and the gang after she was unlawfully arrested and detained for a year. Mary won the case, but the gang simply refused to pay her the agreed compensation unless she enforced payment. Mary won other parts of her case as well, against the Public Trustee. Again, the Home Office just refused to settle. Michael Howard finally completely shafted Mary when he was Home Secretary; she had proven her case, it had taken her years and cost her everything. Howard handed over a bit of loose change as ‘full and final settlement’ without admitting anything and told her to fuck off. Ben Birnberg knew that this was happening to people in north Wales.

I didn’t get as far down the road as Mary, but if I had, the same thing would have happened to me I’m sure. Again and again a tosspot when cornered would admit to me that yes, the ‘services’ had broken the law; yes, I’d been wrongfully arrested and imprisoned; yes there had been a complete failure to provide care; yes confidence had been breached. On the occasions when such admissions were made to my lawyers, they be followed by a mad letter screaming at us that if we wanted to take this further the NHS would ask for a judicial review or something ridiculous. It was very clear what the thinking was: ‘We’re the NHS, we have a bottomless pit, we are so fucking bad that people are dying and there’ll be no end to this if someone wins a case against us. So fuck off, because we’re going to do this until the day that you expire at our hands’.

 

At their trial at the Old Bailey, Pottle and Randle argued that their motives had been humanitarian and that since the security services had known of their involvement but had done nothing until MPs demanded their prosecution, the trial was political. They were unanimously acquitted by the jury.

Pat and Sue Pottle moved back to Gwynedd from London in 2000 to retire. Pat died very soon after they returned to Wales; he was only 62. No-one expected Pat to die, he was diagnosed with pancreatic cancer and died in Oct 2001 very soon after the diagnosis. Pancreatic cancer is not a nice cancer to have, it can kill very quickly after diagnosis. Particularly if Top Doctors somehow don’t notice if someone has pancreatic cancer. Someone who worked as Bertrand Russell’s Secretary and who knew many of those people involved in the gang in north Wales as well as big wigs in the UK and elsewhere who were never ever named in connection with the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal.

The Waterhouse Report was published in Feb 2001. By Oct 2001, Dafydd’s gang were once more embarking on yet another massive conspiracy to lead me into yet another trap and wreck the career in teaching on which I had just embarked, having finished teacher training at Bangor University in May 2001. The crap didn’t begin to fly in my direction for another few months, but I have received information that the gwerin were busy from the minute that I began teacher training…

 

When he was on trial at the Old Bailey in 1991 for helping George Blake escape, Pat Pottle addressed the jury directly and he summed up by saying:

Yes, I helped George Blake escape. I did it for purely humanitarian reasons. I think we were right to do so. I would do it again. I have no apologies to make and no regrets. I will finish by quoting Bertrand Russell: ‘Remember your humanity; forget the rest.’

That will have been all the humanity shown by Russell and so many others as they ignored everything that was happening to less privileged people at the hands of Dafydd and the gang.

First they came for the socialists, and I did not speak out –
     Because I was not a socialist.

Then they came for the trade unionists, and I did not speak out –
     Because I was not a trade unionist.

Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out –
     Because I was not a Jew.

Then they came for me – and there was no one left to speak for me.

 

There’s no-one left to speak for any of you suckers…

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The Cradle of Filth

One of the first people whom I approached over the wrongdoing of the north Wales mental health services was Lord Wyn Roberts. He wasn’t Lord back then, he was just Wyn Roberts. When I approached Wyn, the mental health services had behaved pretty dreadfully, but I didn’t realise that the wrongdoing would simply escalate after I made representation about it. Of course I didn’t get anywhere at all with dear old Wyn and comments subsequently made to me by various mental health professionals in north Wales made it clear that they were very certain of his support and that I’d acquired quite a reputation for myself because I had dared approach him. I was soon wondering whether he was a personal friend of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and whether Wyn Roberts was one of Dafydd’s ‘powerful friends’ to whom I was constantly hearing references.

Wyn Roberts was Conservative MP for Conwy, 1970-97. He was the Tories ‘man in Wales’ for decades and the one of the Great Mysteries of North Wales was the failure of Thatcher to ever appoint him Secretary of State for Wales. Despite his shameless toadying and successful concealing of the shit-pit that was Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends, she never did. Roberts was appointed Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State at the Welsh Office in 1979 and Minister of State at the Welsh Office in 1987, where he remained until 1994. He picked up a knighthood in 1990 and a peerage in 1997. Roberts was at the Welsh Office throughout the paedophile years and throughout the investigations into the abuse of children in north Wales and the subsequent cover-ups. He was there when Mary Wynch was unlawfully arrested, incarcerated and fleeced of her property by Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends, he was there throughout the years that Alison Taylor desperately blew the whistle repeatedly, he was there when I was repeatedly arrested, illegally incarcerated, harassed, threated, assaulted etc. Roberts was in office when witnesses were found dead and he was there in 1992 when five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed in an arson attack (see post ‘The Silence of the Welsh Lambs’). Wyn Roberts was there throughout the whole fucking lot.

Why Roberts knew that there was very serious misconduct in Gwynedd Health Authority. My post ‘A Visit To Gwynedd Archives’ mentions how Roberts’s contributions to questions in the House regarding Gwynedd Health Authority are recorded in Hansard in 1989. There was chaos in Gwynedd Health Authority – the Health Authority was bankrupt, the level of ‘service’ was completely unacceptable, the Welsh Office had sent in a hit squad to try to rescue the Authority and David Hunt, then a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, had personally written to Noreen Edwards, the Chairman of Gwynedd Health Authority. What no-one did at any time was investigate patients’ complaints let alone dismiss or prosecute any of the people who had abused patients and broken the law, although there was documentary evidence of criminal activities.

Wyn Roberts was born in 1930 and was from Llansadwrn on Anglesey. His mother was a teacher and his father was a Methodist Minister. The family were described as being ‘vaguely Liberal’. Wyn Roberts stated that his earliest memory was of being breast fed by his mother. Which for a man of his generation and background was a rather odd thing to say in public. Roberts went to school in Beaumaris and won a scholarship to Harrow in 1944. The official biography of Wyn maintains that although he could write English ‘excellently’, his spoken English until he went to Harrow was not good. I don’t believe this – because Wyn Roberts later constructed himself as a defender of the Welsh language in the face of hostile colleagues in the Anglocentric Tory Party, such a claim would have served him very well in north Wales. Welsh was the language of most people in north west Wales at the time, but Wyn Roberts’s family were members of the educated middle-classes. They may well have spoken Welsh at home, but Roberts will have been able to speak English and speak it well – Roberts’s parents would not have expected him to work in a quarry or on a farm, they would have wanted a professional career for him and they would have known that he would have needed his English. Indeed when Roberts was at school, teaching in schools in north Wales was still through the medium of English – it was this which caused so much resentment and led to the Welsh language campaigns of the 1960s, 70s and 80s.

Whilst carrying out his national service, Roberts served in the Intelligence Corps and was involved in the Cold War tapping of the Russian HQ in Vienna, ‘Operation Silver’. He later claimed that the operation involved counter-espionage and he was approached possibly by Kim Philby to switch sides. Researchers into organised sexual abuse in the UK have constantly pointed to links with the security services which were used to protect abusers. The security services also seemed to have recruited huge numbers of clever gay men from Oxbridge, at a time when being gay was very difficult, made one vulnerable to blackmail and was also conflated with paedophilia – which enabled paedophiles to then shelter under the umbrella of the gay rights movement in the 1960s. It wasn’t going to end happily was it.

Roberts was a graduate of University College Oxford himself. His early career was in the media. He worked as a sub-editor on the Liverpool Daily Post 1952-54 and then as a TV news assistant with the BBC. In 1957 Roberts joined TWW (Television Wales and West) as a producer of news, special events and Welsh language programmes. In 1968 the regional franchise was transferred to Harlech TV (which later became HTV), founded by Lord David Harlech (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’ for details of Lord Harlech and the many unfortunate things that happened to him and his family). Roberts attributed the switch in franchise simply to successful political lobbying, although he retained his job and worked for Harlech TV. Wyn’s claim to fame as a young man was that his work brought him into contact with the likes of Shirley Bassey and Richard Burton.

I can find no explanation of why Roberts, from a ‘vaguely Liberal’ family (as Welsh speaking middle-class nonconformists in north Wales at that time, it would have been highly likely that the family would be Liberal), who had only shown ‘mild political interests’ as a student stood as a Tory Parliamentary candidate, but in 1970 he did. The Tories were delighted to have a well-known Welsh speaker to stand as a candidate in Wales. The ‘Welsh issue’ was a problem – the natives over there were rebelling, there were language protests and there had even been bombs planted by ‘Welsh extremists’ – and support for Plaid was gathering momentum after the election of Gwynfor Evans the first Plaid MP in Carmarthen in 1966. Conwy was a marginal seat – Roberts won it for the Tories and helped Heath into Gov’t.

Between 1970-74, Roberts was PPS to Peter Thomas, Secretary of State for Wales. The paedophile gang was in full swing at this time, John Allen’s empire of children’s homes – the Bryn Alyn Community – in which children were being horrifically abused and trafficked into prostitution was growing and Gwynne and Dafydd out at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh were abusing patients like there was no tomorrow. Bryn Estyn was still categorised as an approved school and was run directly by the Home Office – it functioned as a brothel.

 

Peter Thomas became Lord Gwydir in 1987. He was from Llanwrst and his father was a solicitor who was a Liberal. Like Wyn Roberts, Thomas was that rare thing, a Tory who spoke Welsh. Thomas went to Jesus College, Oxford – a college known for it’s Welsh links – and joined the Conservative Association at Oxford. After WWII Thomas became a barrister, working on the corrupt Chester and Wales Circuit. Thomas was along there with the best of those who have featured on this blog. He was Deputy Chair of the Cheshire Quarter Sessions from 1966, the Deputy Chair of the Denbighshire Quarter Sessions from 1968 and served in both of these offices until 1970. Thomas was a Crown Court Recorder between 1974-88. He also became an arbitrator of the Court of Arbitration of the International Chamber of Commerce, Paris. (Thomas was a keen European.) Thomas continued his career in law whilst he was active in politics.

Thomas was elected as MP for Conwy in 1951. He was PPS to Sir Harry Hylton-Foster, the Solicitor General 1954-59. Thomas was a member of the Council of Europe 1957-59 and Parliamentary Secretary in the Minister of Labour, 1959-61. It was Thomas who sponsored the private members bill which became the Eisteddfod Act in 1959, allowing the National Eisteddfod to receive funding from public monies. This will have been perceived as an obscure minority interest by Thomas’s colleagues in England, but it will have earned him a great many Brownie points among many influential Welsh speakers in Wales. Wyn himself was made a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards in 1966 – a number of paedophiles’ friends are also members.

Thomas was appointed Under-Secretary of State at the Foreign Office in 1961 – he went to Moscow with Lord Home in 1963 to sign the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty. (Thomas was appointed Minister of State for Foreign Affairs in 1963.) Whilst he was at the Foreign Office Thomas lied to MPs concerning a spy who was arrested in Hungary, denying any connection with the British Intelligence Services. The Tories lost the General Election in 1964 and in 1966 Thomas lost Conwy to the Labour candidate, namely Ednyfed Hudson Davies. Thomas returned to Parliament at the General Election in 1970 as the MP for Hendon South, a seat that he held until he retired from the Commons in 1987.

Like Wyn Roberts, Peter Thomas flagged up his Welshness when Wales was seething with fury towards England after the drowning of the village of Capel Celyn in 1965 to provide a reservoir to supply Liverpool with water and the Aberfan disaster. Thomas was the first Welshman to become Chair of the Tory Party (1970-72). It was Thomas who established the Welsh Water Authority – which was later privatised. He was Secretary of State for Wales throughout the whole of Heath’s premiership during which there was violent activism in Wales and the campaign by Cymdeithas involving the removal of English language road signs. Interestingly enough, in his capacity as a QC, Peter Thomas had defended John Jenkins, a ‘Welsh extremist’, who was charged with causing 18 explosions.

Thomas was President of the Conservative Friends of Israel.

As well as failing to deal with and remaining silent about the abuse of children and mental health patients in north Wales, Thomas was obviously involved in other skulduggery. He was ‘helpful’ in the 1972 and 74 miners’ strikes and served on the Select Committee which investigated John Poulson, later admitting that he should have cross-examined Reginald Maudling regarding his disclaimer of remuneration from Poulson. (Maudling was Home Secretary who became embroiled in scandal as a result of his business links with Poulson and subsequently resigned.) Once in the Lords, Thomas backed Nicholas Edwardes’s Bill which gave the green light to the development of Cardiff Bay, a development which cost the taxpayer many millions of pounds and made Nicholas Edwardes aka Lord Crickhowell and some of his friends and business associates very rich (see post ‘Corruption Bay Special’).

In 1947 Thomas married Tessa Dean, the daughter of Lady Mercy Greville. Mercy’s mother, the Countess of Warwick, had been a campaigning socialist as well as the long-term mistress of Edward, Prince of Wales, who later became King Edward VII.

Thomas was the first Conservative politician to occupy the position of Secretary of State for Wales. His predecessor had been the notorious George Thomas aka Lord Tonypandy who later became Speaker. Thomas was someone else who ignored the abuse of vulnerable people, even in the wake of the Ely Hospital Scandal. Wales is currently trying to forget that George Thomas ever existed what with that police investigation  into allegations that he abused young boys himself. The Secretary of State for Wales who succeeded Peter Thomas was John Morris aka Lord Aberavon, another Welsh lawyer who continued the fine old tradition of leading the Welsh Office whilst it concealed the north Wales paedophile ring and the criminal misconduct of Dafydd and Gwynne.

Regular readers will know that when it has been necessary to conceal the wrongdoing of the paedophiles and their friends, alliances and friendships across political divides were made. Bear this in mind as you read the details that follow regarding one of Peter Thomas’s good friends, Cledwyn Hughes, later Lord Cledwyn.

Cledwyn Hughes’s father David left school at twelve to work in the Dinorwic slate quarry, as his forebears did. However in his early 20s, David Hughes – known as Harri – became a Calvinist Methodist preacher in Holyhead. (Cledwyn Hughes later preached in the chapels on Anglesey, even when he was a Cabinet Minister.) Harri was a Liberal, a fervent supporter of Lloyd George and his daughter Lady Megan Lloyd George, who in 1929 became the MP for Anglesey. Cledwyn went to Holyhead Grammar School and then read law at University College Aberystwyth, where he was Chair of the Liberal Society. In 1937 Cledwyn graduated and began work as an articled clerk to a solicitor in Holyhead. He had a change of heart politically as a result of him gaining knowledge about the social conditions of many and in 1938 he joined the Labour Party. In 1940 he qualified as a solicitor. In 1945 whilst he was still in the Air Force Cledwyn stood as the Labour candidate for Anglesey against Lady Megan, although this caused his father much unhappiness. He was demobbed in 1946 and became acting clerk to Holyhead District Council. Between 1946-53, Cledwyn was a member of Anglesey County Council. This is ancient history now, but Cledwyn remained on very good terms with Anglesey County Council throughout his years in Parliament. He remained in the Commons until 1979 and then joined the Lords where he remained until his death in 2001.

So Cledwyn was mates with Anglesey County Council until 2001. Anglesey was the site of some of the most serious abuse of children in care, both in children’s homes and in foster care. One of the children’s homes involved was in Holyhead. Anglesey County Council has been riddled with serious corruption for years, it is a standing joke in north Wales. There have been police investigations into Councillors and at least one Councillor went to prison. One Councillor who faced criminal charges violently attacked a journalist and cameraman when they tried to interview him, smashing the camera. I’m not aware that he was prosecuted. Other Councillors on Anglesey became millionaires after giving each other planning permission for developments. It is so bad on Anglesey that people would comment that the Councillors go to prison and sit on the Council again when they were released. It was alleged that the Director of Social Services on Anglesey some years ago had been caught by the police having sex in his car in a public place, but yet again there was never any talk of charges. Anglesey County Council is truly famous and has of course featured in Private Eye’s Rotten Boroughs column a number of times. Some years ago I enquired of a local man with an excellent knowledge of the shenanigans on Anglesey ‘which ones are the corrupt Councillors?’ and I was told ‘they all are, there aren’t any honest ones’. And to add to the fun they all absolutely hated each other.

In 1950 Cledwyn challenged Megan at the polls again but lost – then in 1951 he stood against her again and won, becoming MP for Anglesey.

During his years in the Commons, Cledwyn worked to bring employment to Anglesey – he played a key role in securing the development of the nuclear power station at Wylfa and also in attracting Rio Tinto to establish the Anglesey Aluminium plant. Cledwyn supported the Parliament for Wales Campaign and was involved in a petition to support this, but the campaign failed – Cledwyn was strongly opposed by some of his own Labour colleagues, especially those from constituencies in south Wales. Cledwyn was successful in his efforts to secure the establishment of a post of Secretary of State for Wales.

In 1964, Cledwyn was appointed Minister of State for Commonwealth Relations in Wilson’s Labour Gov’t and between 1966-68 he was appointed Secretary of State for Wales himself. Under him – as Minister of State  – until 1967 was the dreadful George Thomas.

Cledwyn was Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the disaster at Aberfan in 1966. He always maintained that Aberfan was the worst event of his life. Wilson gave Cledwyn military-style powers regarding Aberfan and it was Cledwyn who set up the public inquiry into the disaster. It was revealed that Lord Robens, Chairman of the National Coal Board, misled Cledwyn regarding the frequency of the tip inspections. Later on George Thomas in his capacity as Secretary of State for Wales was responsible for the dirty deed which resulted in a sizeable proportion of the money raised by the Aberfan Disaster Memorial Fund being forcibly used to fund the clearing of the remaining tips.

Cledwyn is described as having been responsible for the development of the Welsh Office and the creation of its civil service structure. The structure containing all those corrupt civil servants who concealed criminal activities in the social services and the health service. Cledwyn is also credited with securing the arrival of the Royal Mint at Llantrisant in 1967, which was perceived to have enhanced the status of the Welsh Office.

In 1968 Harold Wilson moved Cledwyn from the Welsh Office to MAFF – Cledwyn was known to be disappointed to have to leave the paedophiles’ friends at the Welsh Office behind. Cledwyn had been involved with the preparations for the 1969 Investiture of Prince Charles which had resulted in him writing a monthly letter to Charles (who was then at Cambridge) regarding matters in Wales. George Thomas, a man who was investigated for child abuse himself – as was his good friend Leo Abse – was appointed Secretary of State in Cledwyn’s place.

Cledwyn was a supporter and admirer of the way in which powers over agriculture in Wales were transferred to the paedophiles’ friends at the Welsh Office. Cledwyn favoured extending the Welsh Office’s powers over health as well. Clearly Dafydd et al were not receiving enough support from the Welsh Office’s corrupt lawyer Andrew Park and the corrupt Medical Ombudsman Professor Robert Owen, both of whom concealed their criminal misconduct in 1988.

In 1969 Cledwyn established the Waterhouse Committee on rabies – led by dear old Sir Ronnie Waterhouse, who talents were utilised again in 1996 when William Hague appointed him to lead the cover-up into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal.

It is documented that at the 1970 General Election there were ‘scenes’ as Cledwyn was heavily criticised by Plaid, but I don’t know what the scenes and criticism were all about. It certainly won’t have been a demo about institutionalised corruption in the Welsh Office.

In 1974 Cledwyn became Chair of the Parliamentary Labour Party and in 1976 Harold Wilson’s sudden resignation left Cledwyn needing to organise the election of Wilson’s successor.

Cledwyn was close to both Roy Jenkins and James Callaghan. Cledwyn had known Callaghan since 1949 when they had met at the home of Glenys Kinnock’s parents in Holyhead no less. After Callaghan was elected as PM he recommended Cledwyn for the award of Companion of Honour! Pity about all those kids who were abused and then banged up in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh wasn’t it Glenys…

In March 1977 Cledwyn was involved in the negotiations which led to the formation of the Lib Lab pact. The following year Cledwyn supported three Plaid MPs to support Callaghan’s Gov’t when it needed propping up, in return for a commitment to legislate for compensation to be awarded for former quarry workers with silicosis.

The compensation for silicosis business dragged on for a very long time – most of the quarrymen were dead or nearly dead by the time that the Gov’t stumped up. When I was living in a quarrying village near Bethesda in the 1990s, Dafydd Wigley was regularly appearing in the media as a result of his campaign to get the Gov’t to cough up for the quarrymen as promised. So why didn’t Dafydd Wigley have a quiet word in a few Westminster ears and tell them to pay the dying quarrymen or he’d go public on the paedophile gang? Because most of Wigley’s colleagues in Plaid had ignored or concealed the paedophile gang as well. Dafydd Wigley’s own powerbase and constituency office was in Caernarfon, cheek by jowl with the HQ of the Plaid-dominated Gwynedd County Council and the offices of the Social Services. Wigley could have gone next door and performed a citizen’s arrest on Lucille Hughes (the Director of Social Services and Dafydd Alun Jones’s mistress) and her partners in crime if he’d really wanted…

In 1977 Cledwyn led a Parliamentary delegation to the Soviet Union and in 1978 he was despatched to Rhodesia as a special envoy for talks with Ian Smith concerning the handing over of power to the black majority. Cledwyn didn’t get very far. Neither did he manage to persuade Joshua Nkomo to give up the armed struggle.

Cledwyn was enormously disappointed in 1979 after Wales voted against devolution. One person who campaigned against devolution was a Neil Kinnock, son-in-law of the folk in whose house Cledwyn met his mate Jim Callaghan. Cledwyn stood down as MP for Anglesey a few weeks later. Keith Best, the Tory who subsequently concealed the wrongdoing in north Wales along with his boss Wyn Roberts, succeeded Cledwyn.

Not to worry, in 1979 Cledwyn was given a peerage.

In 1981 Cledwyn became Deputy Labour leader in the Lords and then in 1982, Leader. He remained Labour leader in the Lords until 1992. Neil Kinnock was leader of the Labour Party between 1983-92 and for most of that time Cledwyn retained ‘a strong working relationship’ with Kinnock. As everybody kept quiet about Dafydd and the paedophiles.

Cledwyn obtained funding from the Tory Gov’t to merge University College Cardiff with UWIST to form Cardiff University and in 1981 he played a leading part in persuading Willie Whitelaw to change policy concerning the establishment of S4C, the Welsh language TV channel, thus influencing Gwynfor Evans to abandon his hunger strike.

Now however did Cledwyn persuade a Tory Gov’t led by Thatcher who’s aide Sir Peter Morrison was abusing boys in care in north Wales to do all that???

Cledwyn was President of University College Aberystwyth (which later became Aberystwyth University) between 1976-85 – the building that houses their School of Business is named after him. In 1985 he became Pro-Chancellor of the University of Wales and then President of the UCNW (which later became Bangor University) in 1995.

Cledwyn died in 2001 in Ysbyty Glan Clwyd, a hospital which had been ruined as a result of mismanagement and corruption by the paedophiles’ friends. One of his obituaries stated that he was ‘an efficient administrator…with a considerable talent for story telling’.

 

To return to Wyn Roberts now. In 1974 the Tories lost the General Election, Peter Thomas lost his position as Secretary of State for Wales and Roberts became an opposition spokesperson for Wales, along with Nicholas Edwardes, until 1979 when the Thatcher was elected as PM. Wyn Roberts was then appointed Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State at the Welsh Office and Nicholas Edwardes, later Lord Crickhowell, was appointed Secretary of State for Wales. In 1987 Roberts was appointed Minister of State at the Welsh Office under the new Secretary of State for Wales, Peter Walker. Walker remained in that post until 1990 when he stepped down of his own accord – the year that Wyn Roberts picked up his knighthood.

 

Peter Walker was the Tory MP for Worcester, 1961-92. He retired from the Commons and picked up his peerage in 1992 ie. the year after I was bullied out of my job at St George’s Hospital Medical School after an attempt to frame me for serious offences by the mental health services in north Wales; the year after my close friend who knew what had happened to me in north Wales and who wanted to make a film about it was unfairly dismissed from the Royal Television Society and had her career in the media ruined; the year that her partner was being hounded out of his job at the BBC. It was in April 1992 that five witnesses to the North Wales Paedophile Ring were killed in an arson attack.

Walker had shown an interest in a political career at a very young age. In 1946 when he was 14 he spoke at a Conservative Conference and was invited to meet Leo Amery, who had plotted the overthrow of Lloyd George’s Coalition in 1922. Amery told Walker to become financially independent before entering the Commons, because it would stop him having to be compromised ‘if resignation were necessary’. Obviously an occupational hazard that one must plan for.

Walker followed Amery’s advice and went into the insurance business, soon forming a partnership with the future MP for Taunton Edward Du Cann, who when I was a kid in Somerset was widely alleged to have been a crook. When Du Cann was older he resigned from a company just before it collapsed owing millions and was later investigated for matters relating to his taxes. Walker also invested in property companies and formed a City partnership with Jim Slater, Slater Walker Securities.

Walker worked on JFK’s Primary election campaign team and was PPS to Selwyn Lloyd when Lloyd was Lord Privy Seal. Walker and Lloyd remained close friends – Lloyd was godfather to one of Walker’s sons.

In 1965 Walker organised Heath’s leadership campaign and under Heath was appointed Minister for Housing and Local Gov’t. In 1970 Walker was proud to be the world’s first Environment Minister. He was Secretary of State for Energy, 1983-87, playing an ‘important role’ in opposing the miners’ strike. During the miners’ strike, Walker maintained private links with Norman Willis, the General Secretary of the TUC, which sounds like the basis for something underhand.

As Secretary of State for Wales, Walker ‘easily won’ crucial financial battles with John Major, the then Chief Secretary to the Treasury. Walker also ‘pioneered a Valley’s initiative, attracted major investment from Bosch and Toyota and gave the go-ahead for the second Severn Bridge’. The building of Corruption Bay went ahead on Walker’s watch.

Walker was Chair of the Carlton Club and a founder of the Tory Reform Group. He has held Directorships with: Rothschilds; Tate and Lyle; Dalgety and British Gas. Walker was the Chairman of Thornton and Co.

Walker’s son Robin followed in his footsteps as MP for Worcester.

Walker was a great champion of the hospice movement and was the Patron of St Richards Hospice in Worcester which was founded in 1984. I have always been a little mystified as to why, in north Wales, the hospices are log jammed with the paedophiles’ friends – I have previously blogged about those associated with St David’s Hospice in Llandudno and St Kentigerns at St Asaph. I presumed that it was a function of so many of the paedophiles’ friends being involved with health and social care, but I’m wondering if there was a bigger problem after reading an extract from Hansard, March 2000. The extract is the transcript of a speech that Walker made to the Lords in which he pleads for NHS funding for hospices and includes the responses of other members of the Lords.

In the Lords debate, a number of Top Doctors are warmly mentioned, including Professor David Clark and Professor Karol Sikora. David Clark was mentioned in a comment by a correspondent to this blog some weeks ago. Karol Sikora is a cancer specialist who for some years now has robustly promoted the privatisation of the NHS and is a leading light in a pressure group with other Top Doctors lobbying for this. Yet in 2000 the Lords involved in a debate about hospice funding were using figures supplied by Sikora as a basis for arguing for NHS funding for hospices. Sikora worked at Hammersmith Hospital in the late 1980s when I was a postgraduate there, although he seemed to have a big bust up with his former colleagues from Hammersmith a few years ago. For details of the research fraud and misconduct that was happening at Hammersmith, see post ‘A Cause Close To Our Hearts’. The impression that I have always gained of Sikora is that he is primarily concerned with becoming very rich. He is a wealthy man already but I think that he wants more – his rationale for privatising the NHS is frequently wrapped up in arguments that Top Doctors can then be paid what they are truly worth. In one article in a broadsheet he argued that people should be paid on the basis of how essential their contribution is to society and therefore doctors should be paid more than anyone else. NHS consultants earn approx. £100k basic – people like Sikora who undertake private work earn much, much more. Food is even more essential for life than hi-tech oncology – so I await Sikora to begin lobbying for dinner ladies who feed the nations’ children and subsistence farmers in developing countries to be paid more than he is.

Another Top Doctor who gets a mention in Hansard during Walker’s debate is Vicky Clement-Jones. Vicky Clement-Jones was a Top Doctor from Barts who in the mid-80s developed ovarian cancer herself and died, whilst still only in her 30s. Before she died, Vicky and some others whom she knew founded a charity called Cancer BACUP. It gained an enormous amount of publicity and also undertook a massive amount of fundraising. BACUP made a lot of noise about being the vehicle to beat cancer, particularly ovarian cancer, which had a frighteningly high mortality rate. Vicky Clement-Jones donated her own tissue to cancer research and I remember attending a lecture which featured her cell lines. The death of Vicky Clement-Jones was undoubtedly very sad but I am intrigued by the way in which Cancer BACUP received such a high profile and the discourse that accompanied it. Vicky Clement-Jones herself was an outstanding researcher as well as a Top Doctor – she had done very very well whilst she was at Cambridge and by the time that she set that charity up she was at Barts with years of research and clinical work under her belt. She will have known as well as I do that what holds cancer research – or indeed any branch of health and social care research – back is not the lack of donations to charity or people like Vicky donating cell lines, it is research fraud, bad science and the vested interest of pharmaceutical companies, the medical establishment and the blinkered views of policy makers. The literature produced by BACUP is very similar to the literature produced by present day cancer charities – it is all about ‘fighting cancer’, ‘inspirational people’, ‘fund raising so scientists can find out more’ etc etc. Vicky would have been too intelligent to believe that this was going to lead anywhere. Yet it was full speed ahead for BACUP.

Vicky died and health outcomes for many cancers in the UK today are not that much better than they were when Vicky established BACUP. Ovarian cancer still has a very high mortality rate and is usually not diagnosed until the prognosis is poor. In spite of all the fighting, the surviving, the screening etc etc. I would dearly love to know the full story behind BACUP and why Vicky allowed herself to be used in a way that she must have known would not lead to improvements in outcomes for cancer patients. I note from past BACUP documents that BACUP was given a lot of free PR when Professor Anthony Clare interviewed Vicky Clement-Jones on ‘In The Psychiatrist’s Chair’ and through their links with Rob Buckman. Rob Buckman was a high profile media Top Doctor who was a cousin of Barbara Amiel, wife of Conrad Black who owned the Telegraph. Amiel and Black both ended up going to prison for white-collar crime involving large sums of money. Rob Buckman left the UK for America and died a few years ago ‘in his sleep for an unknown reason’. Which sounds rather unlikely, particularly as he wasn’t even that old.

However I learnt something from Hansard, namely that a leading light in BACUP was one Lord Tim Clement-Jones, Vicky’s widower. It was Tim who was repeating Karol Sikora’s demands for money from the NHS for hospices. Tim also mentioned Professor Mike Richards, the then National Cancer Care Director and refers to a joint statement from the BMA and the RCN.

Tim Clement-Jones is a solicitor and was the head of legal services at LWT, 1980-93. He became a Trustee and Director of Cancer BACUP in 1986; was Co-Secretary of Woolworths Ltd which later became Kingfisher plc between 1986-95; was Chair of the Liberal Party 1986-88; was Chair of Crime Concern, 1991-95; was Treasurer of the Lib Dems, 2005-10; is the honorary President of Ambitious About Autism – and was Chair of the Trustees for 7 years; the London Managing Partner of DLA Piper UK LLP and Chair of their China and Middle East desks; a member of UCL’s Council; a Trustee of the Barbican Centre; an Ambassador of the Law Society; an Ambassador of Barts Charity.

In 1998 Tim was made a life peer.

LWT, the Liberal Party and the Law Society are well aware of the wrongdoing of the Top Doctors and the problem of organised child sexual abuse, including the paedophile ring that operated in north Wales when Peter Walker and his colleagues at the Welsh Office concealed such matters. As for Kingfisher plc – in the early 1990s, Kingfisher plc held the contract for cleaning a number of shops in Bangor and some of the depts in Bangor University. The cleaners were grossly exploited and were supervised by regional supervisors who were also grossly exploited and were pressurised from above to exploit the cleaners. No-one worked for Kingfisher plc for more than two months, not even the supervisors. The pay was as low as Kingfisher could possibly get away with – which in Gwynedd in the early 1990s was very low indeed – and the supervisors were required to travel across Gwynedd to various locations to carry out spot checks and generally harass the cleaners. The supervisors didn’t get a fuel allowance so they could have well been taking home even less than the cleaners. I bet Tim wasn’t getting up at 4am to polish supermarket floors were you Tim – you were too busy caring about cancer survivors and providing a bit of PR for the Top Doctors…

Someone who contributed to the debate in the Lords led by Peter Walker was another person who was an enthusiastic supporter of the hospice movement, Baroness Jean McFarlane. Jean McFarlane was a crossbencher who would have known all about the practices of the Top Doctors and the paedophiles’ friends – she was a nurse from Cardiff. Jean did her initial training at Barts and then returned to Cardiff and worked as a health visitor. She was Vice-President of the League of Nurses at Barts – so what with her and Tim it looks rather as though this debate in the Lords was a bit of lobbying from Barts in particular, as well as the wider medical establishment. In the 1960s Jean had been part of the RCN research programme ‘Study of Nursing Care’. In 1974 she was appointed to the first Chair of Nursing in an English university, namely at Manchester – she remained in this position until 1989. McFarlane served on the Royal Commission on the NHS 1976-79, under Sir Alec Merrison, a nuclear physicist. She wrote ‘A Guide to the Practice of Nursing Using the Nursing Process’. I suspect that Jean McFarlane was at the forefront of those Angels who left the ward as soon as they could to wield power in higher places and spout rubbish about things like the ‘nursing process’ (the succeeding generation replaced that concept with ‘nursing science’ because that sounds even better if you’re trying to pass yourself off as a professor), rather than admit that things were going terribly, terribly wrong at the coalface, thus beginning the process of deep denial in the NHS which led us to Mid-Staffs or indeed to north Wales.

Jean was a committed Christian and was a member of the general synod of the Church of England, 1990-94. She had a particular interest in the hospice movement and until 2008 was Vice-President of St Anne’s Hospice, Heald Green, Cheshire.

Another supporter of the hospice movement who contributed to Walker’s debate was Lord Billy Blease. Billy Blease was a trade unionist from N Ireland who was given a peerage in 1978. He was a member of the IBA (Independent Broadcasting Authority) 1974-79 and the Labour spokesperson on N Ireland in the Lords 1979-82. In 1997 Tony Blair appointed him to the British-Irish Parliamentary Body.

Another contributer was Lord Eric Varley, who was the NUM sponsored Labour MP for Chesterfield, 1964-84. Varley was PPS to PM Harold Wilson 1968-69 and was appointed Secretary of State for Energy in 1974.  In 1976 in his capacity as Secretary of State for Industry, Varley wanted to shut the car company Chrysler down, but the Cabinet forced an increase in the subsidy to keep it open. Varley appointed Michael Edwardes as Chairman of British Leyland. There followed an entrenched battle between Michael Edwardes and the trade union leader Red Robbo aka Derek Robinson, who died very recently. The Mail online helpfully reminded it’s readers just how terrible Red Robbo was, how he was a communist and even stood as such as a Parliamentary candidate on a number of occasions, but they forgot to mention that there was a great deal of dissatisfaction with Michael Edwardes at the time. Edwardes was being paid an absolute fortune, made thousands and thousands of workers redundant, yet allegations of mismanagement and incompetence swirled around him and not just from Red Robbo and the people who were made redundant.

Varley led Denis Healey’s campaign for the Labour Party leadership in 1980. In 1983 he was appointed Chair of Coalite plc. He resigned his seat at Chesterfield – he was succeeded by Tony Benn – and was made a life peer in 1990.

Eric Varley’s name was in the media again very recently. He was known to have been very friendly with the Labour MP Gerald Kaufman and it was revealed that Kaufman left absolutely everything in his will to Eric Varley – an expensive property in St John’s Wood, all his dosh, absolutely everything. Varley though died seven years ago – Kaufman had made the will when Varley was still alive and hadn’t updated it. As with a lot of politicians who remain in the Commons into old age, the media have for the last few years been rather kinder to Kaufman than they used to be. We have been reminded that it was Kaufman who called the Labour manifesto of 1983 ‘the longest suicide note in history’ and Kaufman has been portrayed as a voice of reason during the years of the loony left and Michael Foot. Which is interesting because I remember Kaufman insulting people, upsetting them, really pissing everyone off and being considered an oily git who couldn’t be trusted. Harriet Harman likes to believe that she was attacked in her capacity as a feminist by wags who referred to her as Harriet Harperson, but Private Eye took the piss out of one Gerald Kaufperson long before anyone bothered to have a go at Harriet. So Kaufperson himself was at the heart of the 1970s and 80s Labour Party when the London boroughs were rife with paedophiles abusing the kids in their care.

 

Another Lord contributing was Lord Barney Heyhoe. Barney Heyhoe was where the action was whilst Dafydd and the paedophiles were breaking the law and abusing patients and children in care in north Wales – he was a Minister in the DHSS 1985-86, acting as Secretary of State Norman Fowler’s deputy and was responsible for the public education programme about AIDS. Barney Heyhoe praised the Sue Ryder Foundation during the Lords debate – that Foundation stands accused of mistreating people who have been in its care.

Heyhoe began working for the Conservative Research Department as Heath became leader of the Tory Party in the mid-60s – the Conservative Research Department where Matthew Parris once worked and in which Parris alleged was a senior male member of staff who would go out and about in London on buses looking for much younger men to pick up. Parris also alleged that the department was organising staff holidays to a location in Europe called the ‘Villa of Shame’, at which ‘boys’ were supplied. Heyhoe was a Tory MP between 1970-92. He was Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State responsible for the Army 1979-81 and Minister of State for the civil service 1981-85.

He was a friend of Nicholas Scott whom Ann Widdecombe alleged had one hell of an alcohol problem, the consequences of which were concealed by his friends and colleagues.

Heyhoe was made a life peer in 1992 – like a few others who were involved in concealing the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. Between 1993-95 Heyhoe Chaired the Guys and St Thomas’s NHS Trust. It was at that time that Guys and St Thomas’s accepted as a medical student a young man from Gwynedd who had experienced severe mental health problems – but more worryingly had carried out seriously violent attacks on his dog, a neighbour’s cat and his own girlfriend, who later left him and refused him access to their baby on the grounds of the baby’s safety. After being accepted as a student at Guys and Tommys but before taking up his place this man worked as a porter in Ysbyty Gwynedd. He was caught on a number of occasions having sex with ancillary staff on the premises during work hours. Not only was there no action taken against him, but after he qualified – although he had a serious breakdown whilst he was at Guys and Tommys – the North West Wales NHS Trust employed him as a psychiatrist. A number of people complained about him, including me. I raised my concerns with the GMC. Keith Thomson, the Chief Exec of the NW Wales NHS Trust wrote to the GMC telling them that I had made ‘outrageous allegations’ about Trust staff. The GMC took no action. Some two years later I told that the psychiatrist in question had finally been stopped practicing after assaulting his wife so seriously that she was sectioned as a result of her own distress. His two children had been taken into care by Gwynedd Social Services on the grounds of severe neglect. When I made representations about this man to the GMC I made representations about his clinical director as well. The GMC took no action. Earlier this year my lawyers forwarded me a copy of a document that had been found in the possession of the GMC purporting to be a letter from me in relation to this complaint – the letter was a forgery (see post ‘The General Medical Council And Yet Another Forged Document’).

If Barney is still alive would he like to tell us what was going on at Guys and Tommys when he Chaired that Trust?

Hansard records that Earl Howe mentioned that the NHS is based on ‘human dignity’. I was so gobsmacked when I read that, that I thought I’d better find out who Earl Howe is.

Earl Howe also goes under the name of Frederick Curzon. He is a Conservative peer – one of the hereditary ones who clung on after Blair’s rather half-hearted attempt at Lords reform in 1999 – and is at present Minister of State for Defence as well as Deputy Leader in the Lords. After Earl Howe graduated in 1973 he joined Barclays Bank and worked in senior positions both in London and overseas. He then ran the family farm – Seagraves Farm Co – and estate in Buckinghamshire. In 1991 Earl Howe was appointed as a Whip. In 1992 he was appointed Parliamentary Secretary at MAFF and between 1995-97 he was Parliamentary Under-Secretary at the MoD.

Earl Howe was opposition spokesman in the Lords for health and social services, 1997-2010. His special interests include penal affairs and he is a member of All Party Groups on penal affairs, abuse investigations, adoption and mental health. So perhaps Earl Howe can explain why he was debating with Peter Walker in 2000 who had run the Welsh Office whilst it concealed the abuse of children in care and of mental health patients from which a number of miscarriages of justice resulted – yet never asked Walker why he concealed organised crime and whether his receipt of a peerage was related to that. I note that Earl Howe was opposition spokesman on health and social services 1997-2010. That spans the period of the cover-up that was the Waterhouse Inquiry which was orchestrated by Earl Howe’s colleague in the Lords William Hague as well as the following years in which witnesses to the wrongdoing such as me who had managed to survive were ruthlessly harassed, threatened and repeatedly arrested by the people whom Hague had ensured were never held to account let alone brought to justice. Could you have a word with William about it all please Earl Howe? Because by the time that you had finished being opposition spokesman having not spoken very much at all about some very serious matters, William was swanning off around the world as Foreign Secretary, meeting the likes of Hilary Clinton. As one of your interests is ‘abuse investigations’ and Lord Hague is now spearheading the clean up of Westminster perhaps you’d like to launch an investigation into Lord Hague. As well as his wife – who worked as a civil servant in the Welsh Office whilst it concealed organised crime, including the sexual abuse of minors and mental health patients.

Another contributor to Walker’s debate was the then Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Lord Hunt of King’s Heath. That is Philip Hunt, a Labour Co-Operative peer. Hunt probably knows more about the wrongdoing in the NHS than anyone else in the Lords – he has spent his whole career at the heart of the wrongdoing, for the last few decades at the most senior level.

Philip Hunt graduated from Leeds University in 1970 and began working for the NHS in 1972 when he landed a job as a works study officer for the Oxford Region Hospital Board. In 1974 he began working as a hospital administrator for the Nuffield Orthopaedic Centre. Hunt was the first Secretary of the Edgware and Hendon Community Health Council in 1975 – the CHCs were an early incarnation of ‘service user involvement’, bodies that were dominated by NHS professionals and managers who ensured that the lid was kept on failure, scandal and neglect whilst claiming to be the ‘voice of the patients’. Hunt remained at the CHC until 1978 – it must have done him a great deal of good because it was immediately after this that Hunt hit the big time. In 1978 he was appointed the Assistant Director of the National Association of Health Authorities (NAHA), the body that represented those running the dysfunctional corrupt organisations that were leading the NHS into such trouble – including Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities. Between 1984-90 Philip Hunt was Director of the NAHA. So he was representing the idiots running Gwynedd Health Authority whilst they were involved in criminal activities relating to their part in facilitating a paedophile gang, were bankrupting the organisation, were receiving letters from David Hunt the Secretary of State for Wales, whilst a hit squad had been sent in from the Welsh Office in a vain attempt to deal with the fuckwittery , whilst the fuckwittery was being discussed in the House. Clwyd Health Authority were conducting themselves in exactly the same way as was whichever Health Authority was responsible for running St George’s Hospital Medical School. Philip Hunt then became Director of the National Association of Health Authorities and Trusts (NAHAT), the succeeding body to the NAHA, in 1990. In 1993 Hunt received an OBE for ‘services to the NHS’.

A new vehicle to represent the crooks and conmen running the NHS was conjured up in 1996 – the NHS Confederation. Philip Hunt was its first Chief Executive. He’ll have known the MP Jess Phillips’s mum then (see post ‘Everywoman?’). In 1997 Hunt received a peerage and was appointed Parliamentary Under-Secretary at the Department of Health. Being a man of principle he resigned in March 2003 over the invasion of Iraq. He didn’t resign from the House of course, although he was one of Tony’s cronies, a New Labour peer, so he was able to return to Gov’t in May 2005 when he was appointed Parliamentary Under-Secretary at the DWP. In Jan 2007 he became Minister of State at the Department of Health with responsibility for NHS reform. In July of the same year he became Parliamentary Under-Secretary at the Ministry of Justice and in 2008 Hunt was appointed Minister of State at DEFRA AND at DECC (Dept for Energy and Climate Change). Oh, he was Deputy Leader of the Lords as well.

Following Ed Miliband’s appointment as leader of the Labour Party, Hunt became Labour’s spokesperson on Home Affairs. In Sept 2011 Hunt contributed to the publication ‘What Next For Labour? Ideas For A New Generation’.

Hunt has occupied many other positions as well. He was: a member of Oxford City Council 1973-79; a member of Oxfordshire Health Authority 1975-77; a member of Birmingham City Council 1980-82; Co-Chair of the Association for Public Health 1994-98; President of the Family Planning Association 1997-98; Joint Chair of the All Party Primary Care and Public Health Group 1997-98; Vice-Chair of the All Party Group on AIDS; Chair of the National Patient Safety Agency 2004-05; President of the Health Care Supplies Association 2010-present; President of the Royal Society of Public Health 2010-present.

In July 1999 Tony Blair made Hunt Health Minister in the Lords.

Between April 2011-2014 Hunt was Chair of the Heart of England NHS Foundation Trust. That was the Trust which employed the breast surgeon Ian Paterson who was recently imprisoned for performing unnecessary operations on dozens of people for financial gain.

Philip Hunt will know the details behind scores of NHS scandals and tragedies, he will know that organised child sexual abuse was endemic in the children’s services, he will know that the psychiatric system was being used to conceal this and he will have been at the very centre of this in Birmingham. The reason that Hunt ended up in Gov’t was that he kept quiet about it all.

I mentioned that Blair made Hunt Lords’ Health Minister in July 1999. Before Blair carried out his reshuffle, Baroness Hayman was Lords’ Health Minister.

Helene Valerie Hayman has a CV nearly as shameful as Philip Hunt. Hayman studied law at Newnham College, Cambridge. After graduating in 1969 she worked for Shelter. Between 1971-74 Hayman was involved with the Social Services in the Borough of Camden. So she’ll have been screwing up there alongside Tessa Jowell (see post ‘Tower Hamlets, Paul Boateng and Tessa Jowell’). In 1974 Hayman was appointed the Deputy Director of the National Council for One Parent Families. The NCCL – which was at the time associated with PIE and ‘paedophiles’ rights’ – was associated with that organisation. Sue Slipman was involved with both the NCCL and the National Council for One Parent Families – Slipman later also occupied senior positions in the NHS, including the Chair of one Trust, although I note that information about that has disappeared from the internet, presumably because someone is feeling unusually embarrassed about the appointment.

Between 1974-79 Hayman was elected as the MP for Welwyn and Hatfield. Hayman was a member of Bloomsbury Health Authority (later Bloomsbury and Islington Health Authority) 1985-92 and was Vice-Chair from 1988 onwards. She was a member of the ethics committee of the Royal College of Gynaecologists 1982-97; of the ethics committee of UCL and UCH 1987-97; a member of the Council of UCL 1992-97 and the Chair of Whittington Hospital NHS Trust.

After such sterling service to bodies and institutions which had variously colluded with organised child sexual abuse and the abuse and neglect of mental health patients, ignored the horrors of the St David’s laundry in Gwynedd (see post ‘Every Sperm Is Sacred, Especially In Scotland’) and colluded with some highly questionable research and very poor practice, Hayman picked up her reward in 1996 – a peerage.

Hayman’s party continued. She became a junior Minister in the Dept of the Environment, Transport and Regions and in the Department of Health. In 1999 she was appointed Minister of State at the MAFF. She was Chair of Cancer Research UK 2001-05. For details of misconduct and research fraud among people involved with that charity (which was previously known as the Cancer Research Campaign) see post ‘A Cause Close To Our Hearts’. Hayman was a Trustee of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew 2002-06; a Trustee of the Tropical Health and Education Trust 2005-06. She was a member of the Lords Select Committee on Assisted Dying for the Terminally Ill Bill, 2004-05. In 2005 Hayman became Chair of the Human Tissue Authority and she was a member of the HFEA 2005-06.

Hayman ended up as Lord Speaker, something which she had probably been aspiring to for years.

 

The Secretary of State for Wales who followed Peter Walker was David Hunt, now Lord Hunt. It was on David Hunt’s watch that the attempts to silence people who had crossed paths with Dafydd and the paedophiles escalated – Hunt was in post between 1990-93 and it was then that I and my friends who knew what had happened to me in north Wales found ourselves hounded out of jobs, our careers ruined, threatened, repeatedly arrested, violently attacked in the street by assailants etc as detailed in previous posts. Hunt was Secretary of State when allegations that children in care in north Wales had been abused by a paedophile ring connected to Westminster and that a cover-up involving people at the highest echelons of society was underway began appearing in the UK media. Hunt was Secretary of State when the five witnesses to the abuse in north Wales were killed in an arson attack (see post ‘The Silence of the Welsh Lambs’).

Interestingly enough, Wyn Roberts’s obituaries make no reference to Hunt or to Wyn’s relationship with him. It is as if Hunt had never been his boss. What all Wyn’s obituaries did bang on about though was Wyn’s huge triumph in persuading Thatcher’s Gov’t to establish a Welsh language TV channel and – the real biggie – to draw up a Welsh Language Act. The Welsh Language Act 1993 resulted. Thatcher and her Gov’t were utterly unsympathetic to the idea of Welsh language rights and certainly did not want this Act. But Wyn with his magik persuaded old Thatch that it was a good idea and lo and behold a Welsh Language Act emerged. Now how do readers think that Wyn persuaded a woman who employed as one of her closet aides a man who was molesting children in care in north Wales to pass a Welsh Language Act???

Thus Wyn Roberts has been written into Welsh history as a ‘friend of Wales’, ‘the greatest living Welshman’, ‘a rare and valuable asset for the Conservative Party’ and ‘the protector of the language’, on the back of a truly shameful trade off between him and his masters in a Gov’t who were orchestrating a massive cover-up of the serious abuse of children in care and mental health patients. A cover-up which resulted in the framing and wrongful imprisonment of innocent people – and the deaths of many more.

All for the sake of a fucking Welsh Language Act – which wasn’t even very good, didn’t actually protect the rights of Welsh speakers as it should and was simply followed by calls for a better Act. This was sold to Wales as a triumph. The Welsh language continued to die – as did the people who knew about the scandal that enabled Roberts to get that Act through. This wasn’t the end of the problems – because there were so many people who knew what had been concealed. They all had to be bought off – or if they couldn’t be bought off with a peerage or a job that they didn’t deserve and couldn’t do – they had to be silenced by threats, intimidation or even death. As for the worm Wyn – he was rewarded with a peerage in 1997 and hung around like a particularly dreadful stench literally until the day that the old bastard died in 2013. Wyn’s obituaries proudly remembered that such was Wyn’s ‘influence’ that David Cameron was still consulting Wyn on devolution when Cameron became leader of the Tory Party.

In the immediate aftermath of his death, the tributes to Wyn Roberts on the BBC News were led by Cameron, who remembered Roberts as ‘a devoted public servant and a tireless ambassador for Wales’, ‘one of the kindest and most compassionate colleagues I had the pleasure to work with’ and made reference to his ‘gentle nature’. Cameron – people were raped, beaten, buggered, stitched up in Court, sent to Risley Remand Centre where they were then found dead, killed in car accidents, killed in arson attacks and your devoted public servant with a gentle nature knew all about it.

David Jones, a creep of a solicitor from Llandudno who was Cameron’s Secretary of State for Wales at the time of Roberts’s death, joined in the tributes. Roberts was ‘an extraordinary man’ who did ‘more for Welsh cultural life than any man of his generation’, was ‘very kind, extremely wise with a tremendous sense of humour’, ‘a kind friend and a wise counsellor’. David Jones knew all about the abuses and the miscarriages of justice, he worked in the Courts in north Wales where it was all going on (see post ‘The Rt Hon David Jones MP’). Perhaps he just had a good laugh at it all, along with Wyn who had such a tremendous sense of humour.

Andrew R.T. Davies, the leader of the Tories in Wales talked of this ‘very sad day’ and Roberts’s ‘impact’ upon Wales – yes, the legacy of the paedophile ring which he protected has virtually destroyed the nation.

Lord Crickhowell, Wyn’s boss who made millions out of Corruption Bay, chipped in calling Roberts ‘my advisor and my guru’ who made a ‘great contribution to the health service in Wales’ and was ‘an indispensable number two to me’. Crickhowell is a millionaire – the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board in north Wales is Chaired by Dr Peter Higson, one of the paedophiles’ friends and is currently in special measures after undercover filming on Tawel Fan ward revealed abuse of mental health patients, who had untreated fractures and were crawling around on the floor – which was covered with faeces and urine – whilst they were naked.

Lord Barry Jones, former Labour MP for Alyn and Deeside, (see comments following my post ‘Wheels Within Wheels Or Flies Drawn To The Same Incestuously Corrupt Shithouse?’ for the lowdown on Lord Baz and his wife) commented that Wyn Roberts ‘built more roads than the Romans’. Yes Wyn was always happy to get involved with the roads. In the early 1990s I was loosely involved with a campaign to stop a huge road being built through the oak woodland behind Bethesda – Wyn spent many happy hours corresponding with the campaign group, met with them all, they thought that he was great ‘especially for a Tory’. The group contained a high proportion of hippyish environmentalists who couldn’t believe that they were being so well-received by an agent of Thatch. Well they weren’t complaining about organised crime within the social services and NHS. The Bethesda by-pass was shelved and an alternative strategy was pursued and then Wyn became a Green Hero as well. I never met Roberts although the other campaigners did – but if I had he’d never have known who I was. Because he had barely condescended to reply to me let alone meet me a few years earlier when I raised the matter of the wrongdoing of the paedophiles’ friends with him…

Elfyn Llwyd, a barrister who was for many years the Plaid MP for Meirionydd – a good friend of the paedophiles’ friends himself and oh so passionate about the Welsh language – remarked that Roberts’s death had resulted in a ‘big loss to us as a nation’.

Huw Jones, the then Chair of the S4C authority described Wyn as ‘a guardian angel’ with ‘mischief in his eye’. Was it Wyn who threw the petrol bomb into the party which resulted in the deaths of the five witnesses Huw??? What a scamp!

Huw might know quite a bit about people who have mischief in their eyes. In 2012 Huw was appointed Chair of the rather troubled S4C by Jeremy Hunt, who was then Culture Secretary under the Con Dem Coalition. Prior to that Huw was Chief Exec of S4C 1995-05, so he will have had a lot to do with the chaos and troubles at S4C. The UK.Gov website told us that Huw’s appointment as Chair of S4C was ‘made on merit, following a fair, open, transparent process’. Huw is described as a ‘prominent figure in Welsh language music and media since the late 60s’ and in the early 80s was ‘instrumental as an entrepreneur and TV producer in the establishment of a vibrant media industry in north west Wales’. Huw was MD of the record company Sain until 1981 and in 1981 co-founded Teledu-r and Tir Glas in Caernarfon.

I’ll translate Huw’s achievements for readers in England who won’t be aware of the context. This all means that Huw is a former colleague of Dafydd Iwan, a folk-singer and language activist who was a leading light in Sain. Folk-singing and language activism are not at all problematic but Dafydd Iwan for many years was a Councillor and then the leader of Gwynedd County Council – the Gwynedd County Council who’s Social Services Dept allowed a paedophile gang to operate in it’s children’s homes. Gwynedd County Council also employed a corrupt lawyer, Ron Evans, who along with his boss the County Secretary and Solicitor H. Ellis Hughes, actively colluded with the paedophiles’ colleagues in Gwynedd Social Services to frame people who had dared complain (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’). Dafydd Iwan is a big admirer of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and wrote a song ‘in tribute’ to him.

Dafydd Iwan’s brother Alun Ffred is the former Plaid AM for Arfon.

Huw Jones might also know another musician who’s career began in the music scene in north west Wales and who became a very big name – Gruff Rhys of the Super Furry Animals. Gruff Rhys’s dad was Ioan Bowen Rees, another self-appointed guardian of the Welsh language and culture. Bowen Rees was for years the Chief Executive of Gwynedd County Council – whilst the paedophile ring raged within and the Social Services, Ron Evans and H. Ellis Hughes stitched up complainants (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’).

As Huw was involved with S4C at the dawn of time, perhaps he can explain why in 1984-85 I was being told by teenagers who lived in the Menai Bridge area who aspired to a career in the media that if your mum or dad worked for S4C you’d get a job, but it was a lot more difficult if you ‘didn’t know anyone at S4C’.

For a number of years now S4C has been on its arse, with plummeting viewing figures and at least one very senior executive disappeared from the company overnight with no explanation.

Huw is or was: Chair of Portmeirion Ltd; Deputy Chair of the Wales Employment and Skills Board; a member of the Welsh Language Board; a member of the RSPB Council; Vice-Chair of Nant Gwrtheyrn Language Learning Centre; a fellow of the Royal Television Society.

Huw lives near Caernarfon. Along with a great many other well-paid people who identify as protecting the language and culture and who knew all about that paedophile ring.

After Wyn died, Meri Huws the Welsh Language Commissioner said that she’d ‘always remember the significant contribution’ that Roberts made to the Welsh language. Meri Huws worked as a social worker in Caernarfon. For more details of Meri’s rise to the top – including an account of how she was alleged to have acquired the moniker of ‘the crack of doom’ in the National Assembly of Wales – see post ‘Let Me Enlighten Lord Gnome…’.

Derek Bellis, a ‘veteran journalist and friend’ of Wyn’s told BBC Wales that Roberts was ‘very kind gentle and humourous with ‘no ego at all’ (Wyn was some sort of Zen master then). Best of all: ‘no toff was Wyn – he was a man of the people’. So that’s what he was doing sitting in the Lords after a lifetime concealing a vicious paedophile ring who’s prime targets were the children of the dispossessed.

Lest anyone on the planet believe that the Welsh Language Act was actually worth the destruction of the lives of numerous people, I’ll just let you know where I learnt my first few words of Welsh and a bit of history about the quarrymen of north Wales. It was from another patient, when I had been illegally incarcerated in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh by Dafydd, along with a few other folk who had been targeted by the paedophiles friends. Most of the victims of the paedophiles’ friends spoke WELSH! But they didn’t have parents who were Councillors or Top Doctors or managers of Social Services or Chief Executives of S4C or senior figures in Plaid.

I have never encountered such a heap of hypocritical horse-shit as that which has emanated from these utter fools who ignored something terrible, who kept a monstrous Tory Gov’t in power – a Gov’t which inflicted massive damage upon Wales, some of whose members used the children’s homes in north Wales as brothels. YOU FUCKING IDIOTS – JUST LOOK WHAT YOU DID.

Dylan Jones-Evans, a Tory and an ‘entrepreneur’ who has been serially dismissed from a number of universities, told the Daily Post that Wyn was ‘a wonderful man and politician whose legacy will continue for years to come’. You’re dead right there Dylan, thanks to Wyn, Wales’s Councils are rotten boroughs, the Assembly is full of politicians who ignored what Wyn was ignoring as well and the NHS and social services are log jammed with corrupt fuckwits who have no idea how to do their jobs properly even if they wanted to. The nation is virtually bankrupt but Lord Crickhowell and other chums of Wyn’s made a fortune out of Corruption Bay. And Thatcher went on and on and on – which was after all, why those witnesses just had to be silenced.

After Roberts had pegged out, Carwyn announced that he was ‘saddened’.

What was I doing when I heard that the viper with mischief in his eye had snuffed it? I was sitting in the Heddfan Unit in Wrexham Maelor Hospital having been sectioned because a neurological problem had been ignored/misdiagnosed and I was also maintaining that the mental health services were corrupt and had concealed a paedophile ring. Documents that are now in my possession compiled by the appalling Dr Raj Sambhi show that Raj Sambhi stated in the wake of my allegations that I was ‘psychotic’ and ‘very seriously ill’. Whilst I was in that Unit the Tawel Fan scandal exploded and the Betsi Board was placed in special measures – because of the institutional abuse of mental health patients. And Operation Pallial – the police investigation into the abuse of children in north Wales – was re-opened and John Allen, the former owner of the Bryn Alyn Community, was arrested, charged and convicted of the sexual abuse of children in care in north Wales. I sat in that Unit for many more months being told by Sambhi that I was mad.

Well Carwyn I did eventually get out after my life had been destroyed all over again by the paedophiles’ friends – I am not in the least bit ‘saddened’ that Wyn Roberts is dead, I’m up for a belated celebration. If you care to join me, we’ll open a bottle of champagne, pop over to his grave and dance on it. S4C can film us and Dafydd Iwan can give us a rendering of ‘Yma O Hyd’ while we dance. We’ll leave it to the Defenders Of The Language and Nation to explain to the world why we are doing it.

 

The wrongdoing of Dafydd and the paedophiles didn’t stop after the Welsh Language Act. Of course it didn’t, they were connected to organised crime.

John Redwood was appointed Secretary of State for Wales in 1993. He was a disaster on many levels. By the time that Redwood was in post, the police investigations into the abuse of children in north Wales had begun – investigations led by the North Wales Police, who had colluded with the abuse and who employed a senior police officer, Gordon Anglesea, who was one of the abusers himself. Then came the Jillings investigation and subsequent Report – the Report that was so damning that it was heavily redacted and pulped anyway, on the grounds that what had happened was so bad that the Council’s insurers would withdraw cover if anyone got to read the report. To date, no-one – except for the Council’s insurers and lawyers, including Michael Beloff QC, the lawyer who advised the insurance company – has ever read an unredacted copy of the Jillings Report. The day in 1996 after the Jillings Report was handed over to the Council, Clwyd County Council who had run the children’s homes that were the subject of the Jillings Report no longer existed anyway, so the organisation per se couldn’t be sued – it disappeared in a local Gov’t reorganisation. For the full story of Jillings and the aftermath, see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’

Something odd went on at a Gov’t level  during the Jillings investigation, but before the damning Report was completed. Redwood was removed as Secretary of State in June 1995 and was replaced by David Hunt – who stayed in the post for a matter of days, between 26 June and 5 July. What was happening at this time? The North Wales Hospital Denbigh was closing – after huge resistance from Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends. After all what was going to happen to the people out there who’d been hidden away for donkeys years, illegally imprisoned? No-one ever knew. Would you like to tell us what you found when you finally went into that place Lord Hunt? Did you find the underground chamber where it was alleged that the staff kept patients who were a bit of a nuisance – the cellar where they threatened to put me?

As Denbigh closed, Dafydd was given the contract to provide ‘substance abuse services’ for north Wales (see post ‘The Evolution of a Drugs Baron?’).

On 13 July 1995 Sir Peter Morrison, the former Tory MP for Chester and aide of Thatcher’s who was abusing children from children’s homes in north Wales, was found dead at his home in London. He was a good deal too young to have died of old age – it was concluded that he had ‘fallen’. Yes, I think he had, but not quite in the way that those who claimed that was the cause of his death had meant.

After David Hunt made his brief reappearance as Secretary of State, a new Secretary of State was appointed – a William Hague! Hague took up his post eight days before Morrison was found dead and remained until 1997 when Blair was elected PM.

It was of course Hague who orchestrated the huge cover-up of the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, the Waterhouse Inquiry. New readers can read the full details in the posts that I have written about that Inquiry. Lord Hague appeared on the BBC a couple of days ago stating that Westminster now had to become accountable. So perhaps he can now tell us why he appointed Sir Ronald Waterhouse to lead that Inquiry – a man who came from and grew up in the region where the paedophile ring operated for decades, a man who was a colleague and personal friend of so many of the people who occupied senior positions in the organisations which colluded with and concealed the abuse. Hague’s wife Ffion worked as a civil servant in the Welsh Office when it was concealing the abuse. Ffion has since worked for S4C! The Hagues now live in a mansion on the outskirts of Welshpool – if they lived in north Wales Ffion would probably be sitting on the Betsi Board and Gwynedd County Council just to keep everyone quiet.

North Wales has never recovered from the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. It has never gone away, although nearly everyone who was a kid in care or a patient in the North Wales Hospital has by now been found dead. Numerous people knew the extent of the wrongdoing and a lot of them know who did what and where the bodies are buried. A lot of those people are sitting in the Senedd, in the Commons or like Hague, are in the Lords. The scandal has plagued every Secretary of State for Wales ever since.

I suspect that one of those Secretaries didn’t have much first hand knowledge –  Cheryl Gillan was an MP for Buckinghamshire. The others all know something, probably a great deal.

Ron Davies, who ended up in hot water himself after he was caught cruising on Clapham Common in Oct 1998 – an incident which was repackaged for the media with the help of Alastair Campbell – and then caught again ‘looking for badgers’ in 2003 at another well-known cruising spot, will know a great deal, enough to make a police statement.

Ron Davies was elected as a Councillor in Caerphilly in 1969. In 1974 he was elected to Rhymney Valley District Council. Ron was educated at Cardiff University, worked as a teacher for two years and then took over Neil Kinnock’s post as a WEA tutor-organiser in 1970 when Kinnock became an MP. Between 1974-83 Ron worked as an FE advisor for Mid-Glamorgan Education Authority. In 1983 he was elected the Labour MP for Caerphilly.

Ron was the Labour Party’s spokesman for Wales, 1992-97 – as the investigations and inquiries into the paedophile ring were launched. In 1997 Blair appointed him Secretary of State for Wales.

Ron became a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards in 1998.

Ron Davies was considered to be the ‘architect of devolution’ in Wales and he led the negotiations in preparation for the National Assembly. The negotiations which involved those corrupt civil servants from the Welsh Office who had concealed the paedophile ring, as well as the many ‘advisors’, including Ioan Bowen Rees, the former Chief Executive of Gwynedd County Council. Ron absolutely assumed that he would become First Minister of Wales, but it all fell apart for him just before he was about to become First Minister when he was caught on Clapham Common.

Although nobody ever got to the bottom of what went on at Clapham Common, Ron made a number of statements in the aftermath, variously claiming to have been abused as a child, to be bisexual and then to be receiving psychiatric help as a result of his compulsion to seek out risky situations. There wasn’t much rallying around Ron – a lot of people quietly crawled out of the woodwork and commented that he was a very unpleasant man, had done terrible things to a lot of people for many years and had a very big problem with women.

Hey Ron, have you ever wondered why your cruising on Clapham Common ended in a disaster after old Blair confirmed that you’d be made First Minister, but just before it actually happened?? I bet you’d gone out cruising with no problems hundreds of times – but then you got mugged just before the big day.

Ron has taken a rather erratic politic journey since then. He stood down from Parliament in 2001, left the Labour Party in 2004 and joined Forward Wales. He stood as an Independent between 2009-10 and then joined Plaid. His attempts at getting re-elected have not been successful. Since 2008 Ron has been a Councillor on Caerphilly County Borough Council. Which is currently embroiled in an enormous scandal, which dates back some years.

Ron’s ex-wife Christina was elected as the MP for Neath in 2015. Christina was one of those who was part of the mass resignation in an attempt to bring Jeremy Corbyn down, but when it didn’t work she had a change of heart and she’s now part of Jezza’s front bench team again. Christina  has previously been a member of the Welsh Executive Committee of the Labour Party. Christina’s wiki entry is gobsmackingly brief for a barrister who was married to someone so notorious for so many years and who will know a great deal about the shenanigans. Christina’s wiki tells us a lot about her time as head girl at school and her sporting interests. I am sure there are many more interesting things that Christina has been involved with.

Alun Michael who succeeded Ron Davies as Secretary of State for Wales and who was then imposed on Wales as First Minister by Blair -after Blair failed in his attempt to impose Ron on everyone – came from Anglesey and went to school in Colwyn Bay. After graduating from Keele University in 1966, Alun Michael worked as a reporter on the South Wales Echo until 1971, then was employed as a youth and community worker until 1987. In 1972 he was appointed as a Magistrate, Chairing the Juvenile Bench in Cardiff. Michael was a City of Cardiff Councillor between 1973-89 – so he’ll have been down there with a few others who kept schtum about the organised abuse of children and those who carefully cultivated the ground in readiness for the bonanza for the few that was the development of Corruption Bay. In 1987 Michael was elected for the seat that Jim Callaghan had just vacated, Cardiff South and Penarth. Alun Michael is now South Wales Police and Crime Commissioner. Of course he knows nuzzing.

I received an e mail some time ago alleging that Paul Murphy – who was Secretary of State for Wales 1999-02 when the Waterhouse Report was submitted to his office, but who had very little to say about it other than how glad to was to have been reassured that no public figures had been involved in the abuse of children – had been involved in some dreadful things.

 

After Wyn Roberts stood down as MP for Conwy, Betty Williams succeeded him. The Betty Williams who had me thrown out of Tesco whilst she was campaigning in there because I tried to speak to her about the abuse of mental health patients at the Hergest Unit. Williams also ignored a letter from at least one other patient complaining of abuse at the hands of the staff of the Hergest Unit. The Hergest Unit had one of the highest suicide rates in England and Wales. Betty Williams was previously the Mayor of Arfon and a Gwynedd County Councillor. She grew up and lives near Caernarfon. Of course she knew what went on.

There is another person who will have known what went on – the Labour MP for Conwy 1966-70, who held the seat before Wyn Roberts, Ednyfed Hudson Davies. Hudson Davies was educated at University College Swansea and  Balliol College, Oxford. After losing Conwy in 1970, he re-surfaced in 1979 when he was elected for Caerphilly. In 1981 Hudson Davies defected to the SDP – to join Dr Death and the gang, many of whom knew about the abuse of children by Westminster figures. He lost his seat in 1983 – to one Ron Davies…

Ednyfed is now Chair of a museum trust in the New Forest.

 

I don’t know why Thatcher never made Wyn Roberts Secretary of State for Wales, he played a key role in keeping her in her job and probably helped keep a few people dear to her out of prison as well. I suspect that neither Thatcher nor those around her actually had a shred of respect for the worm who did their bidding. After all Wales and the people within didn’t matter – they were there to make the likes of Nicholas Edwardes very rich and supply children for the paedophiles of Westminster…