I’ve been watching old news and campaigning footage recently and one of the clips that I watched was a party political broadcast on behalf the Labour Party for the May 1997 General Election. It is very clear who’s votes Blair was after. The broadcast features an ‘average family’ worrying about the state of the country. The children are at a birthday party wearing rather expensive party hats, not just cheap n cheerful ones from a bargain shop and one of the kids at the party is black, just to reassure us that New Labour is inclusive. The mum has been Folletised and is in full make-up with boring but moderately expensive ‘I work in management’ clothes and the dad is in a suit and tie getting ready to leave the house just after he’s said good-bye to the kids (‘new man’). Yet the conversation between the mum and the dad is loaded with hatred for what Blair called the ‘underclass’ – references to ‘yobs’ making a racket from the house next door, a comment that ‘this used to be a nice area’ and concern expressed about the falling property prices. The dad then says ‘yes and criminals are getting away with it’. A big slogan appears on screen reading ‘CRIMINALS ARE GETTING AWAY WITH IT’.
At the time of the 1997 General Election, the Waterhouse Inquiry was underway. Sir Ronnie Waterhouse himself took a little break during the Inquiry – it was when he popped over to visit his son Thomas in Hong Kong (see post ‘Pets Win Prizes’). At the end of March 1997, Ronnie decided that he needed a short rest from accusing those who had been beaten, starved and repeatedly buggered and/or raped whilst in care in north Wales of lying for financial gain, although I haven’t found out for how long exactly that Ronnie joined Thomas in his bunker in Hong Kong. John Major called a General Election on 17 March 1997.
Patricia Scotland QC was acting as Counsel for the Welsh Office at the Inquiry, aggressively cross-examining the former residents of the children’s homes in north Wales and was, like everyone else, accusing them of lying. After Blair was elected, Patricia Scotland was one of the first people whom Blair made a people’s peer. Witnesses who agreed to give evidence who managed and ran the children’s homes and the County Councils and Social Services Depts which ignored the abuse of the children in care were all granted immunity from prosecution (see post ‘Heart Of Darkness’). After Blair was elected in May, the mental health services made ever increasing attempts to construct an image of me as a dangerous nutter who could not be believed, which culminated at the end of 1997 in an attempt to frame me and have me transferred to a secure unit on the basis of the perjury of Bridget Lloyd, a CPN who was a colleague of those who had facilitated the abuse of kids in care and had been granted immunity from prosecution. I was subsequently acquitted, but there was no investigation into why so many lies had been told about me to the police.
So criminals were indeed getting away with it, but they’d been getting away with it for a very long time. Ironically, before I was arrested on the grounds of Bridget Lloyd’s perjury, Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) yelled at me ‘you’re not going to get away with this’. I wondered what he was talking about because I hadn’t actually committed a crime to get away with. Until I was arrested a few days later, I put Francis’s outburst down to his increasingly volatile behaviour, which was common knowledge among the patients, as was the fact that he had depression and a physical health problem as well.
It was in 1997/98 that the Independent Advocacy Association was established in north Wales, the ‘voice of the service users’. I explained in my post ‘What Time’s Chaos?’ how the IAA was managed and staffed by paedophiles’ friends who refused to support patients or relatives if they had serious complaints against the mental health services, including deaths. The IAA was financed by Gwynedd Health Authority and Gwynedd County Council.
When Blair was elected in May 1997 Ron Davies (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’) was appointed Secretary of State for Wales.
Blair et al had started campaigning some time before May 1997, because in Jan 1997 John Major’s administration became a minority Gov’t, increasingly dependent upon the support of the Ulster Unionists after the death of Iain Mills MP in Jan 1997. Blair et al really got their hopes up and started pushing for a General Election, although at the time the BBC pointed out that there were still 18 weeks to go before Major had to call an election. Nonetheless the Labour Party began posting up campaign material and the big guns were filmed shopping in supermarkets meeting the punters. Not the real plebs obviously, but the more affluent shoppers whom New Labour were targeting and telling that criminals were getting away with it. One such Labour big wig filmed pushing her trolley around was Margaret Beckett, Labour MP for Derby South since 1983. Margaret Beckett and the Labour Party went back a long way, along with the Windbag. Tony Francis knew the Windbag from their time at university in Cardiff.
There was a paedophile gang which operated in Derbyshire which had links to the one in north Wales. John Jillings, who Chaired the Jillings Investigation into the abuse of children in the care of Clwyd County Council, was the former Director of Social Services for Derbyshire. Jillings’s Report was published in 1996 and he made damning comments about the abuse of kids in care in Clwyd, but there was a widespread feeling that even so, Jillings had played down just how bad things were. Jillings refused to comment on whether there was a paedophile ring at work in north Wales.
The Jillings Report famously was never published in full. It was so heavily redacted that it was meaningless. Furthermore, no-one but the lawyers for Clwyd County Council’s insurers saw the Report until 2013, because Michael Beloff QC, the legal adviser for the Council’s insurers Municipal Mutual, advised Municipal Mutual to order the Council to withold the Report from everyone and if they didn’t follow this advice to withdraw the Council’s legal cover. Beloff also demanded that Cllr Malcolm King, who insisted on asking very difficult questions about the abuse allegations, should be sacked if he did obtain a copy of the Report and dared mention what was in it. Beloff was a colleague of Cherie Booth and is a good friend of Cherie and Tony. For further details of the Jillings Investigation and Report, see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’.
Days after the Jillings Report was submitted, Clwyd County Council was dissolved in a local authority reorganisation as a result of a decision taken by the Local Gov’t Boundary Commission. The Chair of the Local Gov’t Boundary Commission was Eric Sunderland, the Principal of UCNW (Bangor University), 1984-95. Eric knew that UCNW was full of staff facilitating the paedophile gang or concealing it and it was this that was used to blackmail Thatcher’s henchman Sir Peter Swinnerton-Dyer, the Chair of the UGC, when he tried to close UCNW shortly after Eric was appointed (see post ‘Feet In Chains’).
Iain Mills’s death did Blair a big favour, it forced Major to call an election two months later. Mills had been the Tory MP for Meriden, a constituency in the West Midlands since 1979. He had been a Lichfield District Councillor, 1974-76. Children from the West Midlands were sent to children’s homes in north Wales. Professor Robert Bluglass of Birmingham University concealed the crimes of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’). Tony Francis’s boss immediately before Francis worked in north Wales was Professor Ian Brockington, who was Bluglass’s colleague at Birmingham University (see post ‘Ian Brockington’s Mischief’). The West Midlands Serious Crime Squad was notoriously corrupt, had links to the North Wales Police and in the 1980s fitted up Ali Khan from Caernarfon. Two of Ronnie Waterhouse’s advisers at the Waterhouse Inquiry were Sir Ron Hadfield, the former Chief Constable of the West Midlands Police and Adrianne Jones, the former Director of Social Services for the City of Birmingham. When Adrianne retired, she moved to Abergavenny, where a number of people who had concealed the abuse of kids in care in north Wales lived.
Iain Mills was found dead at the age of 57 years from alcohol poisoning in his flat at Dolphin Square. Children in care from north Wales were trafficked to Dolphin Square for sex work (see post ‘Are You Local?’). By the time that Iain Mills was found dead, Eric Sunderland had retired – although he was fit and healthy, lived for another 30 years and continued his involvement with Bangor University affairs and public life – and had been replaced as Principal/VC by Roy Evans, a paedophiles’ friend who had been Deputy VC at Cardiff University. Cardiff University was also concealing the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles, as well as the child molesting activities of George Thomas.
Dolphin Square has been mentioned constantly in connection with the Westminster Paedophile Ring. It was allegedly built as an apartment block for people from ‘different socio-economic backgrounds’, but I don’t think that one finds benefit claimants renting the flats there. It is particularly attractive to folk who work in Westminster and Whitehall. John Vassall, the civil servant who was at the centre of the 1962 spy scandal and allegations that senior figures in the Admiralty were involved in gay sex and prostitution, lived at Dolphin Square. Vassall died on a bus ‘from a heart attack’ two months before Iain Mills died. When he died, Vassall was living in St John’s Wood, which was where Ronnie Waterhouse lived.
Other residents of Dolphin Square have included Princess Anne and William Hague, who organised the carefully rigged Waterhouse Inquiry when he was Secretary of State for Wales. Hague’s wife Ffion was a civil servant in the Welsh Office when the Welsh Office concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles. Sir John Stradling Thomas, the Tory MP for Monmouth, was found dead in his flat in Dolphin Square in March 1991, hours before he intended to speak about allegations that Westminster figures and others had been involved in the abuse of children.
Someone else who featured on news reports in the run up to the 1997 General Election was Alan Duncan, the Tory MP for Rutland and Melton who has been involved in gay Tory activist groups. At the time Duncan was PPS to Brian Mawhinney, the Tory Party Chairman, 1995-97. Mawhinney is the brother-in-law of Patricia Scotland QC. Alan Duncan was appointed as PPS to the Minister in 1993, under Secretary of State for Health Virginia Bottomley. However Duncan was forced to resign after one month after it was revealed that he had used the legislation re the right to buy council houses to personally benefit from property deals.
To return to the unfortunate Iain Mills who was found dead at the same time as mental health patients in north Wales were dropping like flies. Mr Mills may have met a sticky end after all those years as an MP for a region which had been sending children in care into the arms of the paedophile gang in north Wales since before he won the seat, but his predecessor fared very much better. John Tomlinson was the Labour MP for the constituency held by Mills between 1974-79. In 1998, after Ronnie Waterhouse had discredited the former kids in care who gave evidence at the Inquiry and a year after Iain Mills had been found dead, John Tomlinson was given a peerage by Blair.
Before he was MP for Meriden, Tomlinson was active in local politics in Yorkshire. Savile country. He sat on Sheffield City Council from 1964, was political secretary of Sheffield Co-Operative Party and was an executive member of the Yorkshire Labour Party. He was Head of Research for the Amalgamated Union of Engineering Workers, 1968-70. Whilst in the Commons, Tomlinson was PPS to PM Harold Wilson, 1975-76; Minister in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, 1976-79, under Foreign Secretary David Owen; Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Oversea Development, 1977-79. After Tomlinson lost his seat in 1979, he lectured at Solihull College of Technology. In 1984 he became MEP for Birmingham West, a seat he held until 1999.
Lord John Tomlinson is a man who knows where a lot of bodies are buried, including I suspect those buried in the grounds of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. He was and might still be Chair of the Association of Independent Higher Education Providers.
Kids from the West Midlands were sent to children’s homes in north Wales before even Tomlinson was the MP for Meriden. Sir Keith Speed was the Tory MP for Meriden, 1968-74. It was in 1968 that John Allen established the Bryn Alyn Community which opened its doors to kids in care from right across the UK. Like so many of the paedophiles’ friends, Keith Speed served in the Royal Navy, 1947-56 and then continued in the Navy Reserve as a Lt Commander. Speed began work in the Conservative Research Department in 1965 – which according to Matthew Parris was a hotbed of gay predatory behaviour with one unidentified senior member of staff travelling on London buses with the intention of picking up younger men and an annual summer outing to a place in Italy known as the Villa of Shame or Villa of Vice, where ‘willing boys’ were supplied.
After losing Meriden to Tomlinson in 1974, Speed was elected as Tory MP for Ashord, Kent, succeeding the Torygraph editor Bill Deedes. Between 1979-81, Speed was the Navy Minister. He stood down from the Commons in 1997…
Keith Speed became Deputy Lieutenant of Kent in 2005 and Vice-President of the Maritime Volunteer Service.
One other matter mentioned on the news broadcasts after Major’s Gov’t became a minority administration was the forthcoming by-election for Wirral South. That area was part of the Merseyside branch of Dafydd’s empire, which Dafydd had built up since his days at Liverpool University in the 1950s. Wirral South was won by the Labour candidate Ben Chapman, a former civil servant, in Feb 1997 who held the seat until 2010 when he stood down after being named in the Parliamentary expenses scandal.
Chapman was elected after the death in 1996 from cancer of the previous MP, the Tory Barry Porter. Porter was a solicitor who was educated at Birkenhead School and then Oxford. Porter was a partner and then consultant in a Birkenhead firm of solicitors. He was first elected in 1979. So Porter was yet another person who would have had a great deal of info about the wrongdoing of Dafydd and the paedophiles who pegged out as the Waterhouse Inquiry loomed and helped push Major’s Gov’t into crisis.
Tony Blair – the luckiest PM in history!
If I have noticed how many people pegged out at about the time of the Waterhouse Inquiry and how some of those deaths were beneficial to Tony Blair, I’m sure that the BBC’s Political Editor at that time who was filing so many of the reports must have as well – it was Robin Oakley.
Robin Oakley was the BBC’s Political Editor, 1992-2000. Oakley started his career on the ‘Liverpool Daily Post’, where he became Political Editor. The ‘Liverpool Daily Post’ produced the north Wales local paper, the ‘Daily Post’, which for decades was the mouthpiece of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends. Oakley was then a political columnist and assistant editor on ‘The Sunday Express’ and was assistant editor of ‘Daily Mail’ from 1981-86. Between 1986-92, he was a columnist and political editor for ‘The Times’, then moving to the BBC as Political Editor. His predecessor as BBC Political Editor was John Cole and he was succeeded in 2000 by Andrew Marr, whose father-in-law was Ronnie’s mate Jack Ashley, the MP for Stoke-on-Trent South, whilst kids in care in that area were abused.
‘We didn’t know.’
After leaving the BBC, Oakley was CNN’s European Political Editor, 2000-08. He is also an expert in horse racing, wrote the Turf column in ‘The Spectator’ since 1994, was the racing correspondent of the ‘Financial Times’ for several years and in 2000 published his book ‘Valley of The Racehorse’, a story of the racing community in the Lambourn valley. Ronnie Waterhouse’s father-in-law was a racehorse breeder and Ronnie took the trouble to get to know many folk in the world of horse racing.
‘I Know Nuzzing.’
Robin Oakley took early retirement from the BBC in 2000. In Feb 2000 the Waterhouse Report was published.
Robin Oakley went to Brasenose College, Oxford as did Jeffrey Archer. Oakley is just over one year older than Tuppence, so their paths almost certainly crossed at Oxford. Robin Oakley might have noticed that bit of bother that Tuppence got into in 1987 re paying a lot of money to a prostitute with whom he had not had sex to leave the UK. Then there was yet more bother for Tuppence in 1999 when it was revealed that Tuppence had lied in the 1987 trial. On 30 May 2001 Tuppence’s trial for perjury opened. Not that the prostitute, Monica Coghlan, was able to give evidence as planned – she died in April 2001 after a car crash just before Tuppence’s trial was due to open. Monica didn’t die at the scene, she died afterwards in hospital in Leeds. On the patch of the NHS that was run by Jimmy Savile and his mates.
Tuppence was found guilty and was sentenced to four years in prison. His fragrant wife had lied in the 1987 trial as well, but Mary was never charged with perjury. Probably because Justice Cocklecarrot had been so keen on her in the 1987 trial, commenting on the charms of Mary as compared to Monica in her ‘green leatherette suit’. A sort of judicial version of ‘cor I don’t fancy yours much mate’.
After Tuppence went to prison, a number of high profile political journalists admitted attending parties held by Tuppence.
Read all about Tuppence, the unfortunate Monica, the fragrant Mary and the great interest that the paedophiles’ friends of north Wales took with regard to my knowledge of the comments of one of the witnesses in the 1987 trial involving Tuppence in my post ‘Tuppence And His Fragrant Wife’.
Of course after Blair won his stonking victory on 1 May 1997, there was the most almighty punch up in the Conservative Party after Major announced his intention to resign as leader and a leadership battle commenced whilst Major stayed on for the next eight weeks as a caretaker leader.
The three main contenders for the Tory leadership were Ken Clarke, William Hague and John Redwood. The debates surrounding the leadership contest were dominated by a very limited number of topics: Europe and the single currency; what model of Conservatism the Party should follow, One Nation Conservatism or a hard right Thatcherite model; and of course the importance of ‘uniting’ a party in the throes of civil war.
All three of the leadership contenders had been involved in concealing the slaughter and criminality in north Wales over the preceding years. Ken Clarke had done many a dirty deal during his time as Health Minister and then as Health Secretary (see post ‘Running The Country – And All That Jazz’) and Redwood and Hague had both been Welsh Secretary and had concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). It was Hague who had played the blinder of organising the Waterhouse Report the year before the leadership contest, which was designed to silence the allegations of something terrible in north Wales involving the highest echelons of society once and for all.
Hague was subsequently elected as the Tory leader. It was not the grassroots of the Conservative Party who elected the leader, it was the Parliamentary Party. This really pissed the constituency parties off, but hardly any of them had an inkling of just what Hague had nailed the lid on so didn’t know why so many in Parliament thought that Hague was so great. It wasn’t because Hague was flying the Thatcherite flag, although of course Thatcher came out in support of Hague in the leadership contest. The Thatch whose close friend and Minister/aide Sir Peter Morrison had abused kids in care in north Wales and in other locations for so long. The Thatch who was also mates with Jimmy Savile who visited Bryn Estyn and it is alleged watched as a boy was gang banged by a group of men on the premises. Morrison was found dead in his house in July 1995, so was no longer a living breathing liability in the way that he once had been. All Hague had to do then was to shut everyone up.
I had not heard this before but some two weeks ago I was told that John Redwood was alleged to have been one of those involved with the abuse of kids in care in north Wales. I have seen no evidence of this, but the documents in my possession demonstrate that Redwood was definitely one of those who ignored what Dafydd and the paedophiles were doing and indeed ensured that none of their criminal activities were investigated.
I have described in previous posts how the NHS in north Wales – particularly the mental health services – went completely mad as the Waterhouse Inquiry loomed and then got underway. Tony Francis had a breakdown and took early retirement, the other consultants and senior managers all started knifing each other like there was no tomorrow. It was during this time that Barry Shingles, a senior manager in Gwynedd Health Authority, killed himself. Shingles had been around for years and had led the way in Gwynedd re silencing complaints about Dafydd et al since the 1980s. Shingles expected to become the Chief Exec of the NW Wales NHS Trust but Keith Thomson shafted him and bagged the job for himself. It was during this time that the Caligula of the north Wales NHS, Martin Jones, returned from exile in England and rejoined his old buddies in time to welcome in the fledgling NW Wales NHS Trust.
Think that is bad? The wife of Jeff Crowther – a psychiatric nursing manager who had been employed by the mental health services in Gwynedd for many years and who had a mountain of shit on all of them – ‘failed to recover’ in Ysbyty Gwynedd hours after being taken seriously ill. Lilimore Crowther was a former psych nurse herself who had subsequently trained as a psychologist at UCNW and then bagged herself a job in what soon became Prof Fergus Lowe’s empire at the School of Psychology. Lil had worked in the School when Dafydd still called the shots there. Jeff and Lil knew exactly what Dafydd and the paedophiles had been up to and they knew how Fungus used his knowledge of Dafydd’s crimes to overthrow Dafydd and then establish his own empire. After Lil died, Jeff had to go into hiding when his life was considered to be at risk from a drug addict who had threatened to do Jeff serious damage. By that time, Dafydd and his charity CAIS had been given the contract to provide ‘substance abuse services’ for the whole of north Wales (see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’). Shortly after this Jeff left north Wales. A few of his friends knew where he went but it was noted that Jeff ‘wasn’t very good at keeping in touch’.
One man who knew about all this whom I have not yet mentioned on this blog was Jeff’s colleague, psychiatric nurse Dave Reader. Dave Reader was/is a good mate of clinical psychologist Dr Mike Jackson, who arrived in north Wales in the late 1980s and was also party to the serious crimes and cover-ups.
Dave Reader was introduced to me by Jeff in 1997 after my key worker was removed by Tony Francis against my wishes and without warning after I was arrested on the basis of Bridget Lloyd’s perjury (see post ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’). My key worker was the Hergest Whistleblower who had repeatedly raised concerns about the conduct of Lloyd’s colleagues in the Arfon Community Mental Health Team towards me, concerns which were ignored. The Hergest Whistleblower was ordered not to communicate with me and I was told that I was being referred to the forensic team because of my ‘potential dangerousness’ and that Jeff and Dave Reader would be my community workers.
Dave Reader was introduced to me as a mental health nurse who had ‘just started work in north Wales’ and who was doing a PhD on delivering mental health services to deaf patients. I had a chat with him and he seemed very pleasant but I did notice that he was older than would be expected for an early career nurse – I presumed that he must have begun nursing as a mature student. I only saw Dave Reader a few times before he just sort of drifted away without any explanation. Then Jeff disappeared because of the threats from the addict and his subsequent move from the area. The Hergest Whistleblower was not reinstated as my key worker – even after I was acquitted of all charges – for more than two years.
I saw Dave Reader around occasionally and would say hello – he talked only of his work with deaf patients. After many years he finally finished his PhD.
Last night I found Dave Reader’s Linked In profile. It would seem that yet again, an enormous amount of deception has taken place. Dave Reader’s Linked In tells us that Dave began working in north Wales as a mental health nurse lecturer/practitioner in 1992. In 2000 he was appointed as a clinical nurse specialist in psychosocial interventions for psychosis, CBT and family work. So not only was Dave employed in the mental health services in Gwynedd throughout the Dafydd and the paedophiles years, but he was also part of the psychosocial interventions in psychosis scam. Dr Mike Jackson, Dave’s mate, admitted to me that the psychosocial interventions didn’t work in psychosis, which ‘was a bummer’. It wasn’t until 2014 that Dave was appointed as a clinical nurse specialist in mental health and deafness. Dave remained in that post until 2018, whereupon he retired. Not that Dave is pottering about in his shed. No, like all Angels who have retired after the years of stress and burn-out having dealt with so many Dangerous Nutters, Dave has picked up a bit of part-time work. Dave is now a Registered Nurse Peer Reviewer with HIW (Health Inspectorate Wales). He is part of the HIW team reviewing mental health services and suicides in Welsh prisons.
When Dave first joined the abusive mental health services in Gwynedd in 1992, Dr Peter Higson, a former clinical psychologist at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, was the manager of the North Wales Hospital. Higson then became the regional manager for mental health services right across north Wales. Peter Higson was subsequently appointed as the first Chief Exec of the then newly established HIW. In 2011 HIW was branded as ‘not fit for purpose’ after it was clear that Higson had failed to investigate complaints and that people had died in dangerous services. Higson stepped down from HIW. A few months later Higson was appointed Chair of the Betsi Board, where he remains.
Peter Higson was a mate of Prof Fergus Lowe’s.
The icing on the cake re Dave Reader? He had already achieved a senior role in mental health nursing before he ever went to Gwynedd. His job prior to arriving in north Wales was as a ward manager for Wandsworth NHS. Wandsworth NHS ran St George’s Hospital Medical School.
So one year after I was bullied out of my job at St George’s, after the psychiatrists there had colluded with the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles, had admitted in writing that Dafydd was sexually exploiting patients and that they believed that Tony Francis might be as well and had refused to treat me and told me to go back to north Wales (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London…’), one of their ward managers rocked up in Gwynedd. In the middle of the police investigation into the paedophile ring with which St George’s and Wandsworth Social Services had colluded. Five years later he was appointed as my community worker at a time when there was an attempt to frame me and have me sent to a secure hospital, but was introduced to me as a PhD student new to Gwynedd. After three visits or so he never returned, leaving me with no community worker.
Dave! Do you have an explanation?
Dave Reader’s Linked In profile also mentions that he has a BSc from the University of Manchester (1994-97) and a Diploma from the University of Manchester in Psychosocial Interventions in Psychosis, CBT and Family Therapy. The Psychosocial Interventions which Dave’s mate Dr Mike Jackson admits don’t work. So that’ll be why Mike has been publishing about their success and training other people in their use.
Linked In states that Dave is an RMN who trained at the Nightingale School of Nursing, 1984-87.
A few weeks ago Jeff Crowther was listed as a member of the team at the Bosence and Boswyns Drug and Alcohol Team in Cornwall, but now he’s disappeared!
Two others who lived through the insanity that was the Gwynedd mental health services in the 1990s whose names I have not flagged up yet are a couple called Jed and Vonnie or it might be Ronnie. Jed and Vonnie/Ronnie were two mental health workers who were very well thought of – they were kicked around and abused by the Arfon Community Mental Health Team and given the jobs that the Arfon Team refused to do themselves, like looking after the most seriously ill patients. Jed probably kept some of them alive in the face of the appalling abuse and neglect of the Arfon team, as they were left to fend for themselves whilst living in derelict buildings, caves etc. Jed and Vonnie/Ronnie witnessed Mike Jackson yell at me one day that he knew that I’d suffered but he hoped that I’d never win a negligence case against the NW Wales NHS Trust because it would cost them nearly a million.
Considering that they sent violent sex offenders after me and tried to kill me Mike, it could well have cost them a lot more.
Dim problem Mike, you’ve got this blog to deal with instead. If any of you had been fair and decent people you would have admitted aggravated clinical negligence, perjury, etc, settled, the culprits would have stood trial and a clean up of the NHS could have begun. But that is not the NHS way of conducting business.
The dynamics of the Tory leadership race are worth commenting on. ‘Newsnight’ on 19 June 1997 reported that Ann Widdecombe was backing Clarke for the leadership and reminded everyone of ‘the imagination that he showed when he reformed the NHS’. I will return to Ken’s imagination later in this post. Widdecombe also banged on about ‘collective responsibility’. Indeed Honest Ann, you would know all about that as someone who knew what was going on in north Wales and had strong links with the constituency party on Anglesey – including during the years when the bent barrister Keith Best was MP for Anglesey and also covered up the crimes (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). Crimes which strangely enough escalated with regard to me and my friends being targeted once I’d been to see Mr Best about my problems with the mental health services. Within months my house mate Anne, who knew what had happened to me, had been killed in a car crash and her former boyfriend Geoff – who also knew what had happened – was left severely brain damaged and paralysed with speech difficulties.
Anne and Geoff were keen birders. As was Ken Clarke.
Not long after being elected for Anglesey in 1979, Keith Best was involved in a serious car crash in which his personal assistant was killed. Best was driving. He was cleared of responsibility.
Redwood was knocked out at an early stage of the contest, but before he was, he received voluble support from Theresa Gorman. Theresa Gorman was named in Edwina Currie’s ‘Diaries’ as being one of those Tories who definitely knew by the early 1990s that Sir Peter Morrison was sexually abusing children and like Edwina was terrified that the info was going to become public (see post ‘Wheels Within Wheels Or Flies Drawn To The Same Incestuously Corrupt Shithouse?’). John Bercow also supported Redwood.
Redwood and Ken Clarke made what was described as a ‘Faustian pact’, although they had rather different political orientations. They were rejected by the Party and Hague won. When Hague won, Clarke refused to serve in a Shadow Cabinet led by Hague, as did Heseltine. Heseltine was from Swansea.
It was reported by the BBC that after Hague won, Redwood was ‘shut out’.
Some of the leading figures who supported Hague’s candidacy for the leadership were Gillian Shepherd, Nigel Evans and dear old Tuppence. Gillian Shepherd was a teacher and schools inspector for Norfolk County Council, 1963-75. After being elected to the Commons, she became PPS to Peter Lilley in 1988 – I’ll return to Peter Lilley later in this post. Shepherd was a junior Minister in Social Security in 1989, which was when her Dept were concealing the abuse of children in care in north Wales.In 1990 Shepherd became Deputy Chairman of the Party, when Sir Peter Morrison was PPS to Thatcher and organising Thatcher’s leadership campaign when she was challenged. Shepherd was Secretary of State for Education, 1994-97. At that time abuse in special schools and schools for ‘difficult’ children – particularly in north Wales – was rife. Shepherd must have noticed because staff of those schools had started to go to prison.
Nigel Evans grew up in Swansea and famously self-identified as the Only Conservative In The Village. Nigel couldn’t do The Only Gay In The Village bit as well because he pretended that he wasn’t gay until many years later when he Bravely Came Out to much applause. The applause was even louder in 2014 when Nigel reappeared in the Commons after an absence because of him standing trial on multiple charges of sexually assaulting other men, all charges of which he was acquitted. During Nigel’s trial, details of the Everyday Story Of Westminster Folk gripped the nation. Nigel admitted to regularly being completely blind drunk in the Commons, usually to such an extent that he could not remember what the hell he had done the night before. However, Nigel did know that he had not sexually assaulted young men beginning their careers in politics, even though some of them maintained that he had. One young man explained that although he had found Nigel’s hand down the front of his trousers when getting completely bladdered with Nigel in a Commons bar, this was just – to use his the young man’s own expression – ‘crazy, crazy Westminster’. It’s one big Benny Hill show down there, but it involves gay sex as well, whereas Cheeky Benny’s repertoire was strictly limited to chasing women around in circles to the sound of speeded up music, a la Dafydd.
Remember this Martin?
|A private joke between Martin Jones, the former CEO of the NW Wales NHS Trust and me:|
And here is a photo of Stephen Gallagher, an abusive incompetent senior Angel at Ysbyty Gwynedd who is an enthusiastic member of the TA, who put patients’ lives at risk but received full support from Martin, to the extent that Martin destroyed CCTV footage which recorded Major Stephen abusing patients:
Martin’s secretary Linda Hughes assisted Martin in concealing Gallagher’s abuse of patients.
As for Nigel Evans, he went to Dynevor School and University College, Swansea, which was largely run by Rhodri Morgan’s friends and relatives (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). The Labour-dominated Swansea Mafia is well-known – it contains folk such as Edwina Hart, who would have liked to have put Martin Jones out of action when she was Health Minister but couldn’t because of her and her husband’s previous in the Labour Party and TUC which had involved concealing the crimes of the paedophiles’ friends. Edwina also made a rod for everybody’s back for decades to come when in 2010 she appointed one of the paedophiles’ bestest friends Rhian Huws Williams to the ‘Independent’ Commission On Social Services (see post ‘Sleeping With The Fishes’).
When Edwina was Minister for Business, Enterprise, Technology and Science she also did ‘business deals’ on the back of those who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles, deals which were described as ‘bringing business to Wales’, but which in reality involved giving much money to certain businesses who wanted to open an office in Cardiff anyway and couldn’t believe their luck when Edwina paid them to do it (see post ‘The Battle Of The Cowshed’). One such company was Deloitte, who opened their Business and Operations Centre in Cardiff. The scheme that proved so attractive to Deloitte was the Central Cardiff Enterprise Zone, the Chairman of which was John Antoniazzi. For 25 years John was a partner in Deloitte – he headed Audit for Wales. John is married to Manon – who is the sister of William Hague’s wife Ffion. Then Manon was appointed as Chief Exec to the Welsh Assembly. John Antoniazzi has been involved with the NSPCC, the cancer charity Maggie’s and is a member of Cardiff and Vale University Health Board. See post ‘The Battle Of The Cowshed’ for the details of the many other pies in which John has his fingers.
Edwina hired McKinsey and Co to advise her on reforming the NHS in Wales when she was Health Minister. You wasted the Welsh Gov’ts money there Edwina, you didn’t need McKinsey to tell you that Martin, Elfed and the rest of them needed to be escorted out of their offices in handcuffs and put on trial and furthermore I gave you the evidence that would have enabled you to do that.
I don’t know if Edwina is an underachiever and proud of it, but the most sordid anecdote that I heard regarding Edwina and the distribution of grant funding for businesses was the allegation that someone on Anglesey received grant support which was approved by Edwina after they had sex with her. I was given sufficient details to suggest that my informant was a reliable source.
I wonder whether Edwina had sex with John Antoniazzi as well.
I know that Martin and Elfed were a bloody nightmare Edwina, but you should have dealt with them. People died because of them and Martin and Elfed are still in the system because you decided to play political games. You shouldn’t have – I don’t like being threatened, harassed and then pursued by rogue policemen at gunpoint. You knew that I and others were in danger and you backed off and risked our lives. Take a hint and don’t ever fucking well do that again, particularly if you are then going to give out business support grants in return for sexual favours, because word got around.
Isn’t there a famous fictional character who’s world-view was very negative but who did find himself surrounded by ‘phonies’?
Edwina knew about Ron Davies and his foibles which will have compromised her further…
Edwina and Nigel Evans will have had dirt on each other, both coming from the Swansea area. Swansea University was also within the influence of Professor Brian Flowers, a local boy made good from Swansea who ended up as VC of the University of London (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). On Flowers’s watch at London University, research fraud and misconduct thrived and staff at St George’s Hospital Medical School concealed a paedophile ring in south London – one member of which was their Prof of Paediatrics, Oliver Brooke – as well as the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles of north Wales. After Professor Geoffrey Chamberlain of St George’s was disgraced as a result of his part in a major fraud which was exposed in the mid-1990s (see post ‘I Don’t Believe It!’) and he was put out to grass, in 2000 Chamberlain took up a post at Swansea University as a lecturer in the history of medicine. Chamberlain came from south Wales and had gone to school in Llandaff Cathedral School. His father had been Secretary to the Lord Mayor of Cardiff.
Chamberlain was a friend of Oliver Brooke. And Cilla Black no less. The Cilla who used to go on holiday with Lily Savage aka Paul O’Grady, who worked as a social worker in Lambeth at the time of the paedophile gang and neglect of clients in that Borough. Diane Abbott was Lambeth Borough Council’s press officer/PR person.
I will be blogging more about recent events at Swansea University, in particular the medical school, soon.
Nigel Evans began his political career as a Councillor on West Glamorgan Council, 1985-91. He’ll have known about the abuse of kids in that area, as well as the activities of George Thomas and Ron Davies. Evans was elected as the MP for Ribble Valley in 1992. He was appointed as the PPS to the Secretary of State for Employment David Hunt in 1993 and remained Hunt’s PPS when he was appointed Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster in 1994. Prior to that, Hunt had spent many enjoyable years in as a Minister in the Welsh Office and then as Secretary of State for Wales concealing the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). David Hunt’s talents were called on again in 1995 when he was installed as Secretary of State for Wales for just a few days, when a particularly fancy bit of footwork was needed to oversee the ‘retirement’ of Dafydd and the ‘closure’ of the North Wales Hospital.
Dafydd’s retirement deal involved the Gov’t giving him responsibility for all substance abuse services across north Wales and of course allowing him to vastly expand his private practice whilst the Gov’t diverted various sources of public funding to support it. The North Wales Hospital wasn’t closed although everybody was told that it was. No-one has ever come clean about which patients remained there and for how long, but it is known that Gwynfryn Unit, the mother and baby unit, remained open.
In 1996 Evans became the PPS to the new Secretary of State William Hague. Evans was in post when Hague organised the Waterhouse Inquiry…
Evans became a member of the Shadow Cabinet under IDS – the Shadow Secretary of State for Wales, 2001-03.
Hague’s campaign manager for the leadership content was none other than Alan Duncan. By all accounts Duncan was a most effective right hand man to Hague. Not only was Alun Duncan the PPS to Patricia Scotland’s brother-in-law, but he was a member of the Social Security Select Committee, 1993-95. The Secretary of State responsible for the Social Security portfolio when Duncan sat on the Select Committee was none other than Peter Lilley, the man who had his notorious ‘little list’ and who was one of many who knew precisely what was happening in north Wales, as he sung songs about scroungers at the Tory Party conference (see post ‘Wheels Within Wheels Or Flies Attracted To The Same Incestuously Corrupt Shithouse?’).
Immediately after Hague was declared the new Tory leader, he stated in his victory speech that ‘we all start from a clean slate’. No Lord Hague, you were all dripping in the blood of the dispossessed of north Wales, but you’d tasked Ronnie Waterhouse to silence the few survivors for ever. When talking about his brand of conservatism and how all right thinking people were now embracing capitalism, even members of the Labour Party, Hague returned to familiar Tory territory and reminded everyone that the state had ‘spent too much’.
The Waterhouse Inquiry cost £13 million. William Hague organised the Waterhouse Inquiry under John Major’s Conservative Gov’t.
After Hague’s election, James Cran MP stated that a ‘boil had been lanced’. It hadn’t, but James Cran must have been delighted that the architect of the Waterhouse cover-up had become Tory leader. Cran was elected as the MP for Beverley in Yorkshire in 1987. Savile country.
Cran studied at the Aberdeen University and worked in the Conservative Research Department, 1970–71. He was a member of the Leader of the Opposition’s (Ted Heath) Briefing Team during the 1970 General Election. He was a London Borough of Sutton Councillor, 1984-87 and served as the Chairman of the Health and Housing Committee. Warlingham Park Hospital was near Sutton – the abuse of patients was so bad there that after an investigation some staff were imprisoned. Cran was PPS to the Secretary of State for N Ireland, 1995-96, that very good friend of Top Doctors who ran paedophile rings and indeed of at least one Top Doctor, Morris Fraser, who was a paedophile himself, Sir Patrick Mayhew. Mayhew was not only involved in attempts to imprison me on the basis of the statements of people whom he knew had perjured themselves, but Mayhew was involved in the cover-up regarding the abuse of kids at the Kincora Boys’ Home by army officers, Whitehall mandarins, Westminster figures and, it is alleged, Louis Mountbatten (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’). Cran was present with Mayhew in Washington DC at the first meeting with Gerry Adams, then President of Sinn Fein.
From 1971–79, Cran was the Secretary and Chief Executive of the National Association of Pension Funds. He was the CBI’s Northern Director, 1979–84 and the CBI’s West Midlands Director from 1984–87. So Cran will know Birmingham’s Mr Big, Digby Jones, who will have known about the corruption which pervaded civic life in the West Midlands.
Cran stood down from the Commons in 2005. Whilst he was in the Commons, he had interests in European affairs, particularly Malta. Cran was the co-founder and a member of the All Party Anglo-Malta Group, 1992–94.
I don’t know what it is about Malta, but it is a running theme with some of the paedophiles’ friends. Admiral Sir Alec Bingley, Mountbatten’s colleague, was based in Malta for a time and his wife Lady Juliet was a personal friend of the Maltese PM, Dom Mintoff and was involved in the establishment of medical and welfare facilities in Malta. Lady Juliet and the Bingleys’ son, William, spent years concealing the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles of north Wales when Juliet and William were leading figures in MIND and when William was Chief Exec of the Mental Health Act Commission (see post ‘MIND Are Out For Mental Health – Never For Themselves Of Course’). Peter Righton, the social work academic and adviser who was a paedophile and used his work to gain access to underaged boys and published material justifying sexual relationships between adults and children, worked in Malta. More recently some of those arrested as a result of Operation Pallial were found to be living in Malta.
One of Cran’s current residential addresses is in Malta.
Cran was preceded as MP for Beverley by Sir Patrick Wall. Wall was commissioned into the Royal Marines in 1935 and qualified as a naval gunnery instructor. During WWII he served in the Iron Duke, Valiant, and Malaya, followed by a spell at HMS Turtle, the landing craft base. In 1945, he was patrol officer and second-in-command 48 Commando RM in the British Army on the Rhine, where he was wounded. Wall was said to draw inspiration from his Roman Catholicism. He taught at the Royal Naval College, Greenwich in 1946 and the Joint Services Staff College, 1947-48. He spent a further two years on the staff of the Commandant-General, RM. He was promoted to the rank of major in 1949 and decided to leave the Royal Marines the following year in order to enter politics.
Patrick Wall will have known many of those featured in my post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’, including Sir Alec Bingley.
Wall continued his naval connection as Commander of 47 Commando Royal Marines Voluntary Reserve from 1951-57 and from 1950-66, was Commissioner of the Sea Scouts for London.
Patrick Wall was a City of Westminster Councillor, 1953-63. He was later elected Tory MP for Haltemprice, 1954–83 and for Beverley, 1983–87. He was PPS to the Derick Heathcote-Amory, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, 1958-59, under Macmillan. Wall probably knew about the shenanigans before and after Profumo (see post ‘In Memoriam – Bronwen, Lady Astor’) as well as the John Vassall Spy Scandal.
Wall was UK delegate to the UN General Assembly in 1962, Vice-Chairman of the Parliamentary Select Committee on Defence 1965–77, Chairman of the British-South Africa Parliamentary Group 1970–1987, on the British-Portuguese Parliamentary Group 1979–87, and leader of the British delegation to the North Atlantic Assembly 1979–87, of which he was President, 1983–85.
During the Thatcher years, Wall reflected that Britain had ‘moved rapidly to the Left under Labour governments and more slowly to the Left under successive Conservative governments’.
I knew people like Patrick Wall when I was a teenager in Somerset and I and my friends derived much entertainment from them.
Patrick Wall was a leading light in the Monday Club, so it was only sensible for him to Chair several party committees concerned with Africa. He defended the British colonial record and was convinced of the benefits of white rule in Rhodesia and South Africa. In 1960, Wall claimed that the colonial problem arose not from differences in colour, but from differences in standards: ‘What we have to do is to work as hard as we can by raising the standards of the black Africans to ensure that we level up and do not take the easy way out by levelling down. Progress in Central Africa depends on the maintenance of standards and I believe we owe it, not only to our kith and kin, but to the vast mass of as yet uneducated black Africans for whom we are trustees, to see that the existing standards in Central Africa are not debased.’
Wall was a friend of the Rhodesian Prime Minister, Ian Smith and fully supported him. After Rhodesia’s UDI in 1965, he joined forces with Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 5th Marquess of Salisbury to lead the Tory revolt against their party’s support for the Labour administration’s sanctions policy. Wall believed that white rule in Southern Africa was the last bulwark against the spread of communism in the region, which he described as ‘this evil virus’. He argued that this, in turn, would mean that the West would lose vital mineral supplies and that the oil route round the Cape would come under threat.
In 1974, Patrick Wall attacked the Labour Gov’ts withdrawal from the Simonstown naval base in South Africa and stated in the Commons that the Gov’t ‘must be insane. This is the only link NATO has with the Cape. British interests in Africa as a strategic part of the world should be maintained.’
A committed supporter of NATO, Wall was leader of the British delegation to the North Atlantic Assembly from 1979 –87. Wall was especially suspicious of the Foreign Office, which he believed had contributed to Britain’s decline. Along with Thatcher’s left-wing tendencies of course.
Sir Patrick Wall served on its Executive Council of the Monday Club and was Chairman 1978–80. He collaborated on many papers and publications for the Club and spoke for Club policies and concerns in the Commons.
On May Day 1970, the Monday Club held a ‘Law and Liberty’ rally in Trafalgar Square where Wall and several other of the Club’s MPs were principal speakers. In November 1971, he and John Biggs-Davison ‘joined, as observers, British troops in action in N Ireland against the IRA’. I’m not sure what this entailed, perhaps Wall and Biggs-Davison watched the British Army open fire, anything would have been possible with Sir Patrick.
As University Groups Parliamentary Liaison Officer, Wall was active in supporting the 55 Monday Club groups formed in universities and colleges. He became a target for the Left and was denounced by the NUS. In 1968, he was attacked at Leeds University and Mrs Wall was knocked to the ground and kicked. Speaking at Portsmouth Poly in Dec 1972, his meeting was broken up by a shouting group of students who pelted Patrick Wall with missiles.
I never noticed anything quite that exciting in the Students’ Union at UCNW. I have mentioned previously that there was Irish Republican activity in Bangor’s SU and much Welsh language activism, but my key observations were of course related to the people whom I now know were facilitating a sex trafficking gang in the Student Health Centre and the collusion with this by the SU officers such as Duncan Orme (see post ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’). UCNW had one of the strongest Gay Socs of any university in the UK, which is quite worrying for an institution governed and staffed by so many people who were involved in some way with a sex trafficking ring supplying boys to older predators, including VIPs.
Whilst I was at UCNW (1981-84) the most vigorous party political activity among the English students was on the part of the SDP. I have no idea why because I wasn’t involved, but a mature student called Simon Batty was active in the SDP at Bangor and achieved fame for getting beaten up at an NUS conference because he was a supporter of Dr Death et al. Batty was duffed up when David Aaronovitch was President of the NUS.
Well David, as a pompous old fart who now pontificates in the Indie on a regular basis, do you have any explanation for the targeting of a man who I think was essentially harmless, even if he was gullible enough to believe that Dr Death and Shirl were the way forward? Or indeed why the excesses of the Gay Soc at UCNW were ignored by the wider NUS – and there were some very worrying things happening in Gay Soc at UCNW.
I presume that Simon Batty had no idea that Dr Death was a personal friend of some of the Top Docs who were facilitating the sex trafficking ring in north Wales. Shirl knew that all was not well at UCNW, because Dafydd Wigley asked Shirl to hold an inquiry into Sir Charles Evans’s management of UCNW when Shirl was Secretary of State for Education under Jim Callaghan – Callaghan’s Gov’t concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles. There was never any such investigation.
Charles Evans’s mates were running a sex trafficking ring O Shirl of ‘my mother was the famous feminist Vera Brittain and I’ve spent my whole life dining out on it’ fame.
Shirl, Dr Death et al were not going to listen to the Testament of the Youth of north Wales what with all that support of the Top Docs to cultivate.
This is a photo of Professor Robert Bluglass – who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles – quaffing champagne at an Old Warwickians dinner:
This is a photo of Compton Verney, the art gallery owned by Bluglass – it is one of the finest galleries in Europe!
This is a photo of the Pyrenees, where Bluglass has a second home:
This is Risley Remand Centre, where victims of Dafydd and the paedophiles were unlawfully imprisoned and were frequently found dead:
Sir Patrick Wall was presented with a Fellowship Certificate of the Chartered Institute of Journalists at a formal Reception for the occasion, held at the National Liberal Club, London, on Wednesday 12 July 1989.
Patrick Wall was one of a number of Tory MPs associated with Radio 270, an offshore radio station broadcasting off the Yorkshire coast in the 1960s. On 11 May 1967 the station gave Conservative candidates in local elections at Scarborough airtime which the candidates had paid for themselves, and on 14 May it broadcast a programme made by the York University branch of the Monday Club, in which Patrick Wall spoke on Rhodesia.
Shortly before the Marine Broadcasting Offences Act became law later that year, Radio 270 carried a broadcast, also sponsored by the University of York Monday Club, attacking the Gov’t for closing down the pirate stations. Patrick Wall, Ronald Bell and John Biggs-Davison, all prominent members of the Monday Club, took part.
The journalist Joan Smith has argued that the crimes of Jimmy Savile were rooted in the culture that thrived on the pirate radio ships. Savile did not work on a pirate ship, but numerous other BBC tossers did. Their attitude to teenaged girls was very predatory and Smith has uncovered some horrifying examples of John Peel’s activities. Smith rightly states that the BBC made stars and national treasures of some very predatory people, which then gave them access to vulnerable people under the umbrella of things such as charidee work. I note that the class dimension regarding this is usually ignored even by people like Joan Smith. The Radio 1 predators targeted predominantly working class teenagers. Middle class girls often had the same interest in ‘stars’ and DJs, but most of the girls being sexually exploited by Savile and co were working class girls or of course troubled teenagers in care or custody. Savile won’t have sexually molested many girls from Cheltenham Ladies College. He had fun with Broadmoor patients.
From 1976 until its success in 1981, Patrick Wall was also a strong supporter of the campaign for the legalisation of CB Radio in the UK and was one of the most influential members of the Commons ad hoc Committee on CB.
A familiar face popped up on the news clips following Hague’s election as Tory leader – Charles Moore. Moore has been a Thatcherite since his days as a young fogey and has had a long career as a journo and editor of right-wing publications and recently wrote the authorised biography of Thatcher. Charles Moore will have known about Sir Peter Morrison and the export of kids in care from north Wales to London and Brighton to supply sexual services to ‘VIPs’. I haven’t read Moore’s biography of Thatcher, but I doubt that Dafydd’s business gets a mention.
Michael Ancram was also interviewed on the 1997 news clips, stressing that the Tories now had a ‘young’ leadership which could only be a good thing. Ancram aka the Marquess of Lothian has been around for a long time and he must be really worth toadying to if you want to get on in the Tories because Ann Widdecombe could not bow low enough to Ancram and his extended family when she was scurrying around looking for a seat (see post ‘Doris Karloff – Honest About Her Expenses But Not Much Else’). Ancram was MP for two Scottish constituencies from 1974-92, after which he was MP for Devizes until 2010. Ancram succeeded Sir Charles Morrison in Devizes – Sir Peter Morrison’s brother. Charles stood down at the 1992 General Election, just like his brother did – days before five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed by a firebomb (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’). Ancram was a junior Minister for N Ireland, May 1993-97 – under Secretary of State Patrick Mayhew.
Ancram was Chairman of the Tory Party, Oct 1998-Sept 2001, which covered the period of time when Ronnie Waterhouse was writing his cover-up and then it’s publication. Cecil Parkinson was Chair for much of the time that Ronnie took evidence from witnesses – Parkinson succeeded Mawhinney as Chair in June 1997.
Ancram and his wife Jane are prominent Roman Catholics and Jane is a Patron of the Right to Life Trust. Ancram’s daughter Clare Therese is married to Douglas Hurd’s son Nick.
Douglas Hurd was Home Secretary, Sept 1985-Oct 89, whilst Dafydd and the paedophiles broke the law with impunity, framed people, unlawfully imprisoned them and ran Risley Remand Centre entirely for their own benefit (see post ‘Additional Security Measures’). Hurd was Home Secretary whilst Risley finally exploded in a riot in May 1989. Prior to condoning serious organised crime as Home Secretary, Hurd had been Secretary of State for N Ireland, Sept 1984-Sept 85.
Another gem that I found when I was rooting around in archives from 1997 was a party political broadcast by John Cleese for Shirl and her mates in the Lib Dems -Shirl and the gang had parted company with Dr Death by then. Cleese not only knew about Graham Chapman’s child molesting ways but he was also friendly with a number of analysts who concealed child abuse and the related abuse of mental health patients (see post ‘Ian Brockington’s Mischief’). Paddy Ashdown was leader of the Lib Dems at the time of Cleese’s broadcast.
After Blair was elected leader of the Labour Party in 1994, Paddy had sought co-operation between the Lib Dems and Labour because he wanted to form a coalition Gov’t if no party had a clear majority at the next election. In the event, because Blair had such a big majority after May 1997, he had no need of Paddy. Paddy was certainly an accommodating man – he had previously entered into discussion with Ken Clarke regarding ‘co-operation’…
The news clips from the 1997 Tory leadership election did of course feature scenes from the candidates’ earlier careers – including that of Ken Clarke. My post ‘Feet In Chains’ details extracts from a memorandum submitted to a Parliamentary committee by Dafydd, dated 2008, in which he explains how he built up his ‘expertise’ and his enormous practice for people allegedly suffering from PTSD. Dafydd mentions that he ‘initiated’ his ‘in-patient facility’, Ty Gwyn after ‘the NHS Act 1990’. This is an interesting slip of Dafydd’s – which he would have noticed himself if he was half the analyst which he claims to be – because he is of course referring to the NHS and Community Care Act 1990. It is hardly surprising that Dafydd forgot the ‘community care’ bit. Anyone who remembers what happened in north Wales in the 1990s will never forget what passed for ‘community care’. Very little except for constant threats to arrest – or indeed the arresting of – people who could not cope or who complained about the ‘services’.
It is clear from Dafydd’s memorandum that the NHS and Community Care Act 1990 provided Dafydd with an enormous business opportunity. He raked in the dosh from his many ‘clinics’ – as described in the memorandum – but Dafydd wasn’t actually holding many of those clinics and he certainly wasn’t caring for all the patients on his various lists. Any sensible person could have seen from the figures and geographical locations of the clinics that Dafydd presented in the memorandum that Dafydd could simply not be physically doing what he claimed to be doing. Furthermore in north Wales there was evidence of Dafydd’s enterprises all over the region – destitute patients, serious complaints, chaos in clinics when Dafydd didn’t turn up or massively overcrowded clinics with patients coming from across the UK to see Dafydd, only to spend no more than three minutes with him.
As well as PTSD clinics, Dafydd was holding drug clinics in which addicts told me and others that he was prescribing ‘whatever you want, anything at all’. Dafydd must have held a Home Office licence which will have been issued by the same Home Office who knew what was happening at Risley Remand Centre and in the criminal justice system in north Wales. Dafydd had enjoyed a long and happy relationship with Bing Spear, the corrupt mandarin who for years until 1986 was the Home Office Drugs Branch’s Chief Inspector (see post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’). Dafydd’s memorandum mentions that his contract was ‘reviewed’ in the 1980s – it was in the 1980s that Dafydd picked up the remit as NHS consultant for drugs and alcohol. I wonder if Bing sorted that out for Dafydd as a final farewell before Bing retired?
The nature of Bing’s health problems and his friendships with street addicts and their dealers suggest that he was an addict himself. Well-educated addicts who can access uncontaminated heroin, clean needles and health care can live to a ripe old age. Bing Spear was a senior civil servant who had access to all those things. He died at the age of 67 yrs – which is not suspiciously young but not as long as many people of his class live.
What I am interested in is the date of Bing’s death – 9 July 1995. I can’t find any references to the cause of his death, but even if Bing had been suffering from something serious, the attentions or otherwise of the Top Docs could exert a considerable influence on when he died. Bing died whilst the Jillings Investigation was underway, one a week or so after Dafydd ‘retired’ from the NHS, at the very time that the public were told that the North Wales Hospital was in the process of closing but actually wasn’t and whilst Nicola Davies QC was reviewing the paperwork of the North Wales Police re the abuse of children in care to see if a public inquiry should be held. Nicola’s task was made easy by the fact that all the paperwork from 1989 onward was missing. By the time that Bing died, Ronnie Waterhouse had altered his retirement plans for unexplained reasons and was conducting his Grand Tour of the paedophiles’ friends in Wales before he presiding over the Inquiry which he did not know was going to be held (see post ‘Heart Of Darkness’).
Up in Bangor, the well-camouflaged paedophiles’ friend Eric Sunderland had stood down as Principal of the University of Wales Bangor, to make way for paedophiles’ friends’ poodle Roy Evans (see post ‘Feet In Chains’). Eric had by then assumed the role of Chairman of the Local Gov’t Boundary Commission and will have decided that Clwyd County Council was to be dissolved in the autumn of 1996. Which it was – days after the Jillings Report was given to the Council’s insurers and their legal advisers…
Malcolm Pearce, my former boss at St George’s Hospital Medical School, was struck off for research fraud in July 1995. His colleague Professor Geoffrey Chamberlain had also been involved in the fraud but did not face disciplinary action. Chamberlain had been friends with the Prof Oliver Brooke. Chamberlain was one of the staff at St George’s who was concealing the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales, as well as the ring of which Brooke was a member in south London (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’).
Sir Peter Morrison was found dead at his home four days after Bing Spear died. So there were two major liabilities both out of the way.
The more that I uncover, the more that I wonder why someone just didn’t murder Dafydd. It really would have been much easier than doing all this.
Towards the end of 1994 and throughout 1995, there was a continuous co-ordinated campaign on the part of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends to have me prosecuted for something, anything would suffice, or declared dangerous and banged up in a secure hospital (see post ‘The Banality Of Evil’).
Brown was forced out of his job at Aston University in July 1995. Brown commented to me the other day that if he used the services of the Top Doctors he would somehow be dead by now.
Michael Howard was Home Secretary, May 1993-May 1997. Howard was a barrister – from Swansea (see post ‘An Appalling Vista’). In 1993, Michael Howard ruined Mary Wynch for good, but that wasn’t made public knowledge until 1994, in a Parliamentary reply to Alex Carlile (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). Neither Alex Carlile nor anyone else ever referred to Mary’s case in Parliament again.
People in Gov’t – such as former psychiatric social worker Virginia Bottomley who was Secretary of State for Health, 9 April 1992-5 July 1995 – will not have been unaware of Dafydd’s activities. Stephen Dorrell succeeded Virginia as Health Secretary and four days later Bing died. Four days after that Morrison died. David Hunt was appointed acting Welsh Secretary 13 days before Bing died, 17 days before Morrison died. Hunt was up and off again four days before Bing died to twiddle his thumbs for a few days until he took up the position of Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster on 20 July 1995, exactly one week after Morrison was found dead. William Hague became Secretary of State for Wales on the day that Hunt scarpered.
What the bloody hell was going on? Can any of these people explain?
The NHS and Community Care Act 1990 wasn’t implemented until 1993 – so Dafydd had a while to prepare the ground before he reached for the skies and opened the offshore bank accounts and established the shell companies – but was the result of years of previous Tory thinking on the NHS.
In 1987 Thatch commissioned a review of the NHS, amid concerns over growing financial pressures. The result was the creation of the ‘internal market’ in 1991 under the then Health Secretary Ken Clarke. The market split health authorities (which commissioned care for their local population) from hospital trusts (which competed to provide care). GP fundholding, which gives some family doctors budgets to buy care on their patients’ behalf, was introduced.
I have previously remarked on what a nonsense this was in north Wales. Exactly the same old crooks and paedophiles’ friends occupied their former levels of seniority in the newly created organisations. Gwynedd Health Authority placed huge adverts in the local papers explaining that they would now be commissioning services from the North Wales Hospital, which would be run by the Clwydian Community Trust. In Gwynedd, the Gwynedd Community Health Trust was formed, the services of which were provided by the thugs and perjurers of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team et al. So before the internal market we had Dafydd and the paedophiles and then after the internal market we had Dafydd and the paedophiles.
An account of the beginning of the internal market in the NHS can be found on Dr Death’s website:
‘The concept of an internal market in the NHS started in the early 1980s with the writings of Professor Alain Enthoven of the Stanford School of Business in California, which I described in “Our NHS” . His ideas were adopted by the Social Democratic Party, (SDP), and were then criticised from within the government during 1986 by the Health Service Management Board. An exchange in December 1987 of minutes between officials had one writing: “I am still doubtful whether an Enthoven-style model would give sufficient voice to the consumer – the patient”.
The SDP saw the Enthoven model as a means to improve quality in the NHS, and ensure that the whole population benefitted from more efficient and cost-effective NHS care. Under later SDP proposals District Health Authorities (DHAs) were to be “free to contract with other DHAs and with the private and voluntary sectors” in order to meet their obligations, but it was implicit in this that the NHS would be the main provider of care, with contestability where NHS provision was failing patients.
On 28 January 1988 after winning a third General Election, during which the NHS had largely escaped from the Conservatives’ radical reform programme elsewhere, the Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher set up a small ministerial group under her chairmanship to review the NHS. The members were the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Nigel Lawson, and his number two, John Major, and the Secretary of State for Health and Social Security, John Moore, and his number two Tony Newton. Moore and Newton were both later replaced by Ken Clarke and David Mellor when Health was split off from Social Security. The five met every week and more frequently just before the publication of the January 1989 White Paper “Working for Patients”. This paper marked the official start of the internal market within the NHS.’
Dr Death knows as well as I do that before the internal market the NHS was run for the benefit of those who managed and staffed the NHS and it was after the internal market as well. Dafydd survived and indeed thrived as a result of the internal market.
Every member of Thatcher’s ‘Ministerial group’ mentioned by Dr Death knew about the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales. As did Dr Death. Thatcher and Tony Newton had both been personally told by Alison Taylor of the serious abuse of children in care in north Wales. John Major had been Minister of State for Social Security, Sept 1986-June 1987. Which was when I – and others – were illegally imprisoned in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and when all my complaints were ignored. Everyone in the Ministerial group had been involved in Health at Gov’t level whilst Dafydd et al caused havoc and complaint was suppressed or ignored. They were also involved in Health whilst other gruesome things happened, such as the appointment of Jimmy Savile to the management Board of Broadmoor, the employment of highly inappropriate mandarins with responsibilities for mental health eg. Brian McGinnis (see post ‘Socio-Political Context Of The North Wales Mental Health Services In The 1980s’) and Cliff Graham (see post ‘The Old Devils’) and the horrors that were happening at institutions like St George’s.
From April 1988, when Thatcher’s Ministerial group was busy, I began working at the University of Surrey for the Cancer Research Campaign funded team led by Professor Vincent Marks – Dr D.G.E. Wood, who was facilitating the sex trafficking ring in north Wales, knew this. My post ‘Reports Of Death Were Greatly Exaggerated’ details how after one year, I was told that there was no more funding for my post, but by that time my data had been given without my knowledge to Professor Nicola Curtin of Newcastle-Upon-Tyne University who published it under her name. Curtin’s funding continued. I had never heard of Nicola Curtin until a few weeks ago when I discovered a paper with her name on it as well as mine – furthermore, the team at Newcastle were not collaborators on our project at Surrey.
In Sept 1990, Clair Chilvers and her team published a paper regarding the outcomes of patients at the Bristol Cancer Help Centre which was so deeply flawed that it resulted in a major scandal and the suicide of Prof Tim McElwain, one of the researchers. The work was funded by the CRC and Imperial Cancer Research Fund. The work had started after I began working at Surrey and one of Tony Francis’s colleagues Dr Peter Macguire was involved. Peter Macguire was a psychiatrist who somehow accessed a rich seam of funding from the Cancer Research Campaign just after I joined the CRC team at Surrey (see post ‘Apocalypse Now’).
Vincent Marks was the brother of Dr John Marks, the BMA President who did battle with Ken Clarke at the time and whom Clarke loathed. Documents in my possession show that whilst I was working in Surrey, Tony Francis was CC’ing copies of letters to BMA Wales detailing his plans to pursue legal action against me although there was no evidence that I had committed the serious crimes that were being attributed to me. The recipient of Francis’s letters was an A.H. Chadwick (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’) . Chadwick came up from Cardiff to meet Francis and the other paedophiles’ friends. Francis also CC’d similar letters to Dr Ian Sanderson of the MDU. Francis even demanded his expenses be paid by Gwynedd Health Authority when he went down to Cardiff for meetings with some of these people – and Gwynedd agreed to his demands.
In 1988, Fergus Lowe, who built a whole empire by blackmailing people who had colluded with Dafydd and the paedophiles was given a Chair at Bangor and appointed Head of the Psychology Dept (see posts ‘Pets Win Prizes’ and ‘Feet In Chains’). One of Fergus’s achievements at Bangor was the establishment in 1990 of the Tir Na’Og Day Care and Research Centre, the site of his research for the Food Dudes work. I previously described the huge row that blew up when the parents of the children in Tir Na’Og discovered that Fungus had been conducting experiments on their children without the parents’ knowledge or consent.
Tir Na Og grew out of/replaced the previous nursery for staff and students’ children at UCNW, which I remember because in 1982 as a student I volunteered there. It was another Weird Experience linked to the paedophiles’ friends. The nursery had given leaflets out across the university telling students how welcome their help would be if they wanted to volunteer. So I went over to see them and spoke to the lady who managed the nursery – I can’t remember her name. She was very pleasant and told me that she loved having students to help but the trouble was that they would only turn up a few times and then they’d lose interest and not be seen again. So we arranged that I’d begin volunteering.
The staff of the nursery were the manager and two teenaged girls from Bangor who had been employed on one of Thatcher’s job creation schemes. I didn’t see the girls receive any sort of training or supervision at all. The manager spent all her time in the room which housed the very young children – babies in cots – whilst the teenagers looked after the pre-school children. The girls did chat and play with the children but what they really enjoyed doing was watching TV with them. For quite long periods of time, quite frequently. The TV was in a separate room and for reasons unexplained this room also hosted local teenaged boys who would turn up to watch the TV. At first I thought that they must be the girls’ boyfriends or brothers but they weren’t. They were just teenagers from Bangor who would roll up to the nursery, make themselves comfy and watch the TV.
It was the presence of the boys that made it obvious how little support was offered to and out of their depth the girls who were supposed to be training as nursery assistants were. I didn’t ever see the boys hit the children, but there was a great deal of swearing in front of the children and then one day the girls were completely floored when the boys started singing ‘There Ain’t No Black On The Bangor Union Jack’ in front of the children of overseas students/staff. The girls were telling them to stop it, the boys just ignored them and said ‘look they don’t mind, they’re laughing’. To which the girls replied ‘they’re three, of course they are laughing’. The girls did not manage to reign the boys in.
Why didn’t I stop the boys? Because although I had been volunteering for several days, no-one had even spoken to me. No-one had asked my name, they hadn’t given me any duties, they hadn’t invited me to join in with any activities, they just completely ignored me. I didn’t know any of the routines or where anything was kept. The manager never left the room with the babies in and it rest of the nursery was a free for all for the local teenagers. Which I suspect is why the other student volunteers didn’t return after a few days. Neither did I.
If that is what I saw after three days I suspect that things were very seriously amiss in that nursery. And Fungus will have found out about it, held everyone over a barrel and taken over the nursery himself as his ‘day care and research centre’. No-one in authority stepped in to deal with Fungus in the 1990s when he began the uncontrolled and unethical experiments without informed consent. Because they all knew what had gone on in the nursery before that Fungus had found out about.
Whilst St George’s concealed paedophile rings in north Wales and London, drug dealing and research fraud, Professor Sir William Asscher was Dean. I have mentioned before that Asscher previously worked at Cardiff University and knew Gwynedd Health Authority well because Asscher had been responsible for setting up the kidney dialysis service in Ysbyty Gwynedd. I have discovered that Asscher was appointed Dean of St George’s in 1988. The year after Oliver Brooke was released on appeal. Asscher might have left his job at Cardiff to work in London, but Asscher kept a home in Glamorgan and returned there after he retired.
The VC of London University, 1985-90, was Lord Brian Flowers. Who came from Swansea and retained links there (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). Flowers was then VC of Manchester University, 1994-01.
The Chancellor of London University whilst staff were members of and concealed paedophile gangs and then recruited senior managers who had concealed paedophile gangs and serious organised crime in their previous roles was Princess Anne.
Professor Frank Hay was Vice-Principal of St George’s whilst William Asscher was Dean/Principal. Frank Hay was an immunologist and there are not many references to him online. However, he was listed as a Director of St George’s Enterprises in 1994 and in 2015 Hay was listed as a Director of Church Stretton Library Support Group. The north Wales paedophile ring had links to Shropshire.
Frank Hay’s proteges are to be found on the internet however. Dr Meinir Jones – a name which suggests that she is Welsh – is Senior Research Fellow at the National Heart and Lung Institute at Imperial. Meinir Jones completed her PhD with Frank Hay in 1982 at the Middlesex Hospital. Geoffrey Chamberlain’s wife Jocelyn was a cancer researcher at the Middlesex and the Middlesex was Gwynne the lobotomist’s alma mater. That was a long while before Meinir, but the Middlesex has a thriving alumni network which protected Gwynne. Meinir worked with Hay at St George’s and then moved to SmithKline Beecham and then in 1995 moved to the National Heart and Lung Institute.
Another Top Doctor from Frank’s stable is Dr Halina FitzClarence, consultant rheumatologist at UCH. Halina was a British Council Scholar who was supervised by Frank. Halina is a specialist in osteoporosis and in 1997 established an osteoporosis clinic at UCH which was funded by charitable donations of the Hedley Trust, the Sackler Foundation and ‘unrestricted educational grants of pharmaceutical companies’. Well those unrestricted educational grants certainly bore fruit. As well as developing a ‘comprehensive service for the diagnosis and long term management of osteoporosis’, Halina was involved with a 2007 patent regarding an assay for the analysis of blood samples of patients on intravenous biphosphates. This was financed by UCL Biomedica. The assay will predict which patients will respond to treatment…of worldwide importance…part of personalised medicine programme…in the near future all patients will have genetic sequencing…you get the picture. The patent was bought by Cambridge Biotech Company in 2011 and awaits validation.
In the late 1990s, Prestwood Homes was established in north Wales, a chain of ‘nursing homes’ for people with mental health problems and learning difficulties. There was serious abuse of residents and it became clear that Prestwood was actually a trafficking organisation, grooming vulnerable people for sex work. No matter how many complaints there was about Prestwood, there were no investigations and no action. Injured residents ran away and as with the kids who ran away from the children’s homes, the police took them back without asking how they had sustained their injuries or why they had run away. See my post ‘A Convenient Arrangement With The Private Sector’ for details. One of the women running Prestwood, Suzanne Hamlet – who later changed her name to Suzanne Hall – told residents that she was a psychiatric nurse. She wasn’t. Hamlet had spent years as a chronic alcoholic patient in the North Wales Hospital, in Dafydd’s ‘detox unit’. She had begun her career in people trafficking after she did a degree in psychology at Bangor University in Fungus’s Dept. How did someone like Hamlet gain a place? On a scheme which offered university places to ‘vulnerable wimmin’.
No-one in north Wales could find out who owned Prestwood. The only Directors listed anywhere were Hamlet and her partner in crime Lynda Holland and later on Holland’s daughter. No-one could find out what Hamlet and Holland’s job roles were – they appeared on documents described as ‘person in charge’. Holland claimed to have a counselling qualification but I never saw evidence of it. She did begin a counselling course at Coleg Llandrillo. Her tutor was Hamlet, they began a relationship and Hamlet was sacked for sexually exploiting a student. Holland and Hamlet left the Coleg and set up home together, whilst turning the top floor into the first ‘home’ for residents. How did Holland have a house for everyone to live in? She inherited when her husband was found dead. Suicide of course. Like all those kids in care and witnesses to the child abuse ring in north Wales.
So how did a long-term alkie who’d been sacked for sexually exploiting her students and a former receptionist who’s husband was found dead manage to find themselves in receipt of a constant stream of patients sectioned under the Mental Health Act transferred from Ashworth and Broadmoor to houses across north Wales where not one qualified nurse was employed and where patients were abused, incurring serious injuries, which in one case left a young woman in a wheelchair? With local authorities paying over £3000 per week for this ‘care’? I have no idea. Everyone knew that there was someone behind Prestwood who’s name wasn’t on the paperwork. One of the Prestwood homes was next to Dafydd’s office in Llandudno. One day I asked Hamlet if Dafydd was anything to do with Prestwood. Hamlet replied ‘he’s there if we want him’ and marched off.
So Ken Clarke opened the healthcare market up and Blair introduced ‘widening participation’ in HE for elderly alcoholic wimmin. Fungus was brighter than both of them and just look what happened…