It Wasn’t On Our Radar

I finished reading Martin Shipton’s book about George Thomas, ‘Political Chameleon’, a few weeks ago. Shipton was given a hard time in an interview on a Welsh radio programme for being so rude about Thomas in his book, although Shipton could actually have been a great deal ruder and really rather restrained himself.

George Thomas was the Labour MP for Cardiff West, 1945-83, Secretary of State for Wales, 1968-70 and Speaker of the Commons, 1976-83. In 1983 Thatcher gave him an hereditary peerage and he became the 1st Viscount Tonypandy. Because George Thomas never married or had children, there wasn’t much point to that particular honour and the title died with him in 1997. Thomas was well known for his Methodism. The Methodist Church was a very powerful institution in Wales during George Thomas’s younger years and his position as a lay preacher and a big name in the Methodist Church  – he became Vice-President of the Methodist Conference in 1959 – gave him great kudos and influence. During the 1950s/60s, Thomas preached in nearly every city in Britain. In 1959 he went on a preaching tour of the US and took a stand against separate churches in Georgia. A black Church Minister stated that Thomas’s ‘face is white, but his heart is as black as ours’ – it is said that Thomas ‘never forgot’ this tribute.

Whilst George Thomas was Speaker, commentators outside of Wales often framed him as a national treasure. There were plenty of references to his Welshness – his accent was very obvious when he was calling for order in the Commons – and people waxed lyrical about this enthusiastic Methodist lay preacher who loved his mam and the Royal Family. As indeed did Jimmy Savile. Friendships across the political divide are common in Parliament, but George Thomas certainly pushed the boat out with regard to this – he was a big mate of Thatcher, who was perceived by many to have wrecked Wales to such an extent that it still hasn’t recovered. Thatcher discusses George Thomas in her book ‘The Downing Street Years’ – she heaps praise on him and explains that the basis of their friendship was their Methodism. (Thatcher occupied a curious position in the Tory Party in that she had been brought up as a Methodist and frequently made reference to this, yet the Tory Party was firmly situated within the Church of England and Thatcher seems to have felt obliged to move towards the Church of England. Not that she liked them very much – there was that comment that she made about the Bishops being ‘cuckoos in the nest’ because some of them showed a dangerous degree of tolerance and concern, she virtually denounced the World Council of Churches as a bunch of Communists in the pay of the Kremlin and then there was that dust-up with the Archbishop of Canterbury because he preferred to deliver a service emphasising peace and reconciliation after the Falklands conflict rather than go goosestepping through London as part of a ‘victory parade’.)

In the Labour Party in Wales however George Thomas was a very divisive figure and was actively hated in many quarters. He had always really riled Plaid and many Welsh speakers because he was extremely hostile to the Welsh language and had a problem with people who dared to speak it and ensure that their children could as well, but Thomas also became a substantial embarrassment and a difficulty for the Labour Party. He was completely opposed to devolution and although many other people in the Welsh Labour Party for many years were as well, Thomas remained rabidly anti-devolution after it had become Labour Party policy. His toadying to the British establishment and the Royal Family was so great that it became a national joke, even at a time when most of the population didn’t advocate dropping a bomb on the House of Lords and were very supportive of the Royal Family, consuming acres of vacuous newsprint about them.

Until quite recently, George Thomas was just another dead man who had once been an important figure in the Labour Party, but over the past few years he has become so notorious that a group of people in south Wales are campaigning to rename the Lord Tonypandy pub on the grounds that Wales would rather forget that this man ever existed. The source of the distress is that it has become clear that George Thomas was a paedophile. Not someone who had sex with his girlfriend when she was a few days short of her sixteenth birthday and he was just about 18, but an all out no holds barred child molester. The most serious complaint involved the rape of a nine year old boy, but there were numerous complaints over many years. In the way in which was obviously routine until very recently in cases of politicians sexually assaulting children, the complainants were ignored or silenced.

Towards the end of his life people felt able to make noises indicating that George Thomas was gay, that nobody had a problem with this but that his position in the Methodist Church and the era in which he grew up dictated that it really did have to be kept quiet. However since George Thomas’s fall from grace numerous people have admitted that he was a vile, intimidating git who shamelessly used his position and friendships with powerful people – including members of the Royal Family – to achieve his own ends. Furthermore, just about everyone in south Wales politics – and further afield as well – knew about this. Something similar happened after Ron Davies was caught with his trousers down – or indeed off – on Clapham Common with Boogie. People came crawling out of the woodwork from every direction maintaining that Ron Davies was a complete bastard who treated people appallingly and that they’d always hated him. It was stressed that people had kept quiet because they were ‘loyal’. Loyalty is a quality that I very much admire and I don’t think that there is nearly enough of it about. However, if someone is serially sexually assaulting other people – yet alone children or teenagers – and then committing even more serious crimes in order to silence their victims, loyalty is sorely misplaced.

Note to the Mafia of Drips: when a sex offender tells you to keep quiet about their offences, you DO NOT do it. OK Lesley/Rhodri/Jane/Drakeford/Julie? You absolutely stand up to them no matter what they do and you continue to stand up to them in every way possible YOU FUCKING IDIOTS. You do not ‘shut your mouth about DA’, you do not ‘go away from here and forget about everything that you have seen’. If Brown and me could withstand the pressure, what exactly was wrong with you? Ooh, I forgot – Brown and me were 21 and didn’t have our noses deep into the Trough of Plenty or entertain delusions that we were suitable people to run a country.

The methods used by George Thomas to silence victims and witnesses were certainly very similar to the methods that I knew to have been employed by Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends in north Wales. George Thomas’s friend Leo Abse, an aggressively unpleasant lawyer who was Labour MP for Pontypool and then Torfaen, 1958-87, proved most useful. Abse himself talked about ‘homosexual partners’ of Thomas blackmailing him – it seems to have been the case that these were people who had been abused by Thomas who had complained and had either been bribed or threatened into going away by Abse. Abse was known to have been involved in paying one person to begin a new life in Australia and he also boasted that he told a ‘criminal’ who was making allegations against Thomas to leave Cardiff or he’d have him imprisoned for 10 years. The criminal left town and didn’t reappear. Such stories have a familiar ring to them – I knew young people in north Wales who were packed off abroad after discovering rather more than some wanted them to (see post ‘ Just A Language Divide?’). As for the criminal who left town – whenever I made a complaint about the paedophiles’ friends it was stressed that I was a criminal. I did have a conviction – for staring at one of the paedophiles’ friends in Safeways – and had any of their many attempts to frame me for serious offences actually worked, I too would have been in prison for 10 years….

Then of course there was the South Wales Police to whom complaints were being made about George Thomas – but who did not act on the complaints, no matter how serious they were. There were also the railway companies who knew that George Thomas was indecently assaulting boys on his regular journeys between Wales and London – but no action.

As well as the many people in political life who knew that George Thomas was sexually assaulting minors, another group of people knew as well – the Top Doctors. Leo Abse, who protected Thomas for years, came from a legal family with members who were also psychoanalysts and his brother Danny was a Top Doctor – as well as a well known poet – who had trained at the Welsh National School of Medicine, Westminster Hospital Medical School and King’s College, London.

In his book Martin Shipton explains how Leo Abse correlated Thomas’s periods of illness with the times that Thomas feared being exposed. At 6 am one morning in 1984, Leo Abse received a phone call from George Thomas who was in hospital. Thomas was in a dreadful state – it seems that Thomas was actually hospitalised as a result of contracting an STD and really thought that the game was up. It was Abse who negotiated the issuing of a public statement that Thomas had ‘waterworks trouble’ – very common in men of his age – and the ruse worked. Of course the Top Doctors will have known the reason why Thomas was in hospital and many other people in the hospital will have known as well. The Top Doctors have no trouble at all telling bare faced lies when high profile people are receiving treatment for conditions which would be career-death or cause massive embarrassment/scandal if the truth wee to be revealed. I do not think for one minute that the Top Doctors should disclose confidential details regarding their patients, but assistance from the Top Doctors comes at a high price – they’ll happily grovel to those patients and reassure them that they’ll handle everything, but those patients know damn well that they really mustn’t piss the Top Doctors off at any price.

Whilst I worked at St George’s one of the biggest names in light entertainment was a private patient of Professor Geoffrey Chamberlain in the Obs and Gynae Dept where I was working. I don’t think that she had a clue as to the wrongdoing and chaos that prevailed in that dept, but she was definitely useful for providing a bit of PR which went a long way to ensuring that most scandals occurring in that hospital did not hit the media. Even when Chamberlain put his name to a paper based upon a huge research fraud and his colleague and co-author Malcolm Pearce was sacked and struck off, Chamberlain wasn’t (see post ‘I Don’t Believe It!’). Chamberlain had a more powerful network than Pearce, but I suspect that his friendship with the celeb also helped deflect the crap from the media hitting him personally. Whilst I worked in London medical schools I was also provided with details concerning a gynaecological condition affecting a member of the Royal Family at which the Top Doctors were having a good laugh. I mentioned this to Brown as an example of how no-one at all was safe from a knife in the back from the Top Doctors and Brown commented that this Royal personage had probably dared to change doctors, so that was the end of any confidentiality and respect afforded to her.

The celebs whom depend upon the Top Doctors’ silence usually trip over themselves to support Top Doctors’ balls, charity functions etc.

So I was interested to discover that George Thomas went in for supporting medical charities in a big way. The City Hospice in South Wales was originally known as the George Thomas Trust – it found that a change of name was necessary after people finally began admitting publicly what George Thomas actually did in his spare time. Dr Elinor Kapp, a retired child psychiatrist who worked for many years in Gwent and Powys, has been a member of the Board of the Hospice and a volunteer there since it’s foundation. Elinor’s husband was Prof Kenneth Rawnsley, Professor of Psychological Medicine at Cardiff, 1964-85 and President of the Royal College of Psychiatrists, 1981-84. Rawnsley personally knew Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends in north Wales and spent decades concealing their wrongdoing (see post ‘The Discovery Of A Whole New Galaxy…). Rawnsley will have known that Thomas was molesting children.

I note that George Thomas’s STD crisis and the associated fear that the gaffe would be blown occurred in 1984 – which was the year when threats from Dr DGE Wood and demands that I withdraw my complaint and keep quiet about Gwynne the lobotomist began raining down on my head like there was no tomorrow. Dafydd, Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) and the paedophiles’ friends in north Wales undoubtedly knew about George Thomas’s sex offending – they will have known via their mate and colleague Kenneth Rawnsley as well as through the many other connections detailed on this blog. Dafydd and many of his associates were involved with the Methodist Church (see posts ‘A Serious Moral Collapse’ and ‘Ain’t Nothing Clean – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists’) and when the former North Wales Police Superintendent Gordon Anglesea died in prison after being convicted of historical sex offences against children in care in north Wales, the Methodist Church as well as the Police Federation turned out in force at his funeral to give him a good send off.

George Thomas was a member of another powerful group of people who played a major role in concealing the wrongdoing of the paedophiles and their friends in north Wales – the Freemasons. Thomas was initiated into Sapphire Lodge at Penarth in 1944, whilst he was a school teacher living in Tonypandy. He was also a member of Cambrensis Lodge at Cardiff between 1950-53. Although Thomas resigned from Sapphire Lodge in 1965, Thomas continued to have a very close relationship with the Masons.

One of Thomas’s close friends was  Lt Col Arthur Lennox of Cardiff, who was the Grand Treasurer of the Freemasons and who organised a big festival in south Wales in 1968. A letter from Lennox enclosing confidential Masonic information was sent to Thomas three years after George Thomas had left the Masons – Lennox requested that Thomas destroy the minutes of a meeting.

In 1984, when Thomas was in the Lords, Thomas received a reference request from Roger Clarke, Secretary of the Clive Freemasons Lodge in Cardiff, in respect of an application to join the Masons from Raj Aggarwal, who later became Consul for India in Wales. Raj had met Thomas through the Asian Society of Wales.

Raj is a man with so many talents and connections that there is not the scope to detail them all here, so I’ll just mention the highlights. Raj is a pharmacist who studied at the Welsh School of Pharmacy at Cardiff University, 1969-72. He worked for Boots plc in south Wales and then in London.  Raj is a member of the Council for Cardiff University, a member of the Board of the Wales Millennium Centre, the Board of the National Pharmacy Association, the Board of Cardiff Business School and the Board of the Welsh International Business Council. Raj is Chair of Community Pharmacy Wales, a member of the Cardiff and County Club, Radyr Golf Club and the Vale of Glamorgan Golf Club. Raj has worked as the health correspondent for the Western Mail and as a Welsh Gov’t advisor, serving on Health and Pharmacy Committees.

Raj has been – and might still be – the Deputy Lieutenant of South Glamorgan. He boasts of a friendship with Prince Charles.

Most interestingly from my perspective, Raj is a Trustee and was/is Chair of the Kidney Wales Foundation and Donate Wales – George Thomas was also involved with Kidney Foundation Wales. The Kidney Wales Foundation evolved from the organisation established by Top Doctor William Asscher when he was Professor of Medicine at Cardiff. Asscher moved to London and became the Dean and then Principal of St George’s Hospital Medical School. He presided over that institution when there was major research fraud occurring (see post ‘I Don’t Believe It!’) and whilst the institution concealed organised child abuse and serious crime in north Wales as well as in London (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London’) and serious drugs offences (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’). The wrongdoing at St George’s was obvious to anyone working within the institution, Asscher undoubtedly knew what was going on. Although Asscher spent the last part of his career in London, he continued to keep a home in south Wales and returned there after he retired. The crooks who ran Gwynedd Health Authority had a particularly high opinion of William Asscher and remained forever grateful to him because he secured the kidney unit at Ysbyty Gwynedd.

Asscher spent many years as a Top Doctor in Cardiff – he will have known about George Thomas and all the senior figures in politics who would do anything to keep Thomas’s activities quiet. Including giving the NHS lots and lots of money and never taking any action against Top Doctors, no matter how dreadfully they are conducting themselves – particularly if one of the Top Doctors who is the subject of much complaint is running the paedophile ring which is supplying the fresh meat to the politicians…

What a convenient arrangement all around!

William Asscher took up his appointment at St George’s in 1988 – the year after Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends put me on a train to London and ordered me never to set foot in north Wales again. When I applied for a job as a research assistant at St George’s in the spring of 1989, I was told that I had not got the job. I then received a telephone call from St George’s telling me that so many good candidates had applied that a special post had been created for me should I wish to take it up. Obviously I thought that this offer was too good to be missed – but I was unaware that one of Dafydd’s mates was running the place and that the purpose of that job offer was to wreck my career and health.

William Asscher retired in 1996 – the year that the Waterhouse Inquiry opened.

In 1983 Ron Davies had been elected as the Labour MP for Caerphilly. The Ron whom everybody loathed and whom it was later admitted had interesting sexual tastes. In 1993 – after my career had been destroyed, after my friends who knew what had happened to me in north Wales had been found dead or had been hounded out of their jobs – Ron was appointed Shadow Secretary State of Wales by Labour leader John Smith. When Blair became PM in 1997, he appointed Ron as Secretary of State for Wales and was just gearing up to install Ron as Wales’s First Minister when Ron was caught with Boogie on Clapham Common…

I’m thinking of opening a book on who will be going to prison, for how long and in which prison they’ll serve their sentences. No doubt they will of course all retain the same Counsel – Cherie Booth QC! Who else would ever represent this lot now??? They won’t be able to rely on installing Huw Daniel as the presiding judge either, he’ll be in the dock along with the rest of them at this rate.

Do you perhaps wish that you hadn’t started all of this Wood?

 

In June 1985, Commander Michael Higham, the Grand Secretary of the United Grand Lodge of England – the most senior Mason in England and Wales – wrote to Thomas addressing him as ‘Brother Lord Tonypandy’. Which suggests that George Thomas was still considered a Mason in every way.

By June 1985, my problems with the paedophiles’ friends were escalating and I had begun to wonder what it was exactly that Wood and Tony Francis were hiding and were so frightened of me discovering.

Commander Michael Higham was Grand Secretary between 1980-89. In March 1998 BBC News reported that Higham was refusing to name Masons who had been involved with serious scandals in the British criminal justice system when he appeared before the Commons Home Affairs Select Committee, although the Lodge’s librarian and Communications Officer John Hamill had said that it was ‘probable’ that they would comply with the demands to name the people concerned because the Masons were a law abiding organisation who would not wish to be in contempt of Parliament. It was reported that Chris Mullin, the Chair of the Committee, was asking if there were any Masons who were part of the West Midlands Serious Crimes Squad, the unit which investigated the bombings for which the Birmingham Six were imprisoned or who were involved in the disciplinary hearing concerning the Deputy Chief Constable of Greater Manchester John Stalker, who was removed from the shoot to kill investigation in N Ireland.

Regular readers of this blog will have spotted a few familiar names in the preceding paragraph. Chris Mullin, the Labour MP for Sunderland at the time, fought a very brave battle on behalf of the Birmingham Six and played a key role in securing their release from prison. However Chris Mullin was not as helpful to the victims of the organised paedophile gangs which were operating in children’s homes in Sunderland as well as in other areas of the UK. In his capacity as a member and/or Chair of the Home Affairs Select Committee, Mullin recommended that police inquiries into child abuse should stop and that compensation to children who had been abused should only be paid if a criminal conviction had been secured (see post ‘Another Episode Of Friends’).

Once more we see that whereas various bodies and some individual MPs were prepared to fight for people being abused by the state, the two group of people who were not defended by any fighters for justice were kids in care who were being abused and mental health patients, many of whom were former kids in care who had been abused or had witnessed others being abused. The more that I think about this, the more that I am convinced that it is due to the involvement of the Top Doctors in organised child abuse. The nation is not so in awe of and frightened of paedophiliac gangs of social workers that no-one at all dares touch them. But people in Parliament are very well aware that if you piss the Top Doctors off and imprison a few of them you might not leave a hospital alive – should anyone doubt this, they need only to remember Michael Carr (see post ‘News From Sicily’). This is at the forefront of the mind of every middle-aged, boozing, not very fit politician with type 2 diabetes.

John Stalker gained evidence of a shoot to kill policy in N Ireland as well as evidence of associated serious corruption and was removed from the N Ireland inquiry by James Anderton, the Chief Constable of Greater Manchester Police. However Greater Manchester Police was riddled with corruption and John Stalker had some very questionable associates himself. Stalker used to drop in to see folk in the North Wales Police whilst that force was colluding with Dafydd and the paedophile gang and also had links with numerous people in north west England, some of whom were known to be corrupt, some of whom were suspected to be corrupt and some who were just very good friends with people who were corrupt (see posts ‘Top Of The Cops’ and ‘A Stalker’s Network’). Elfed Roberts, the former corrupt Chair of the NW Wales NHS Trust and former senior police officer in north Wales (see post ‘Former NHS Managers Of Notoriety Now Keeping A Low(er) Profile’), was Facebook friends with a number of former officers in the Greater Manchester Police.

I have previously discussed how when Dr Dafydd Alun Jones used to make police statements or swear not very truthful affidavits about me, I and my friends used to howl with laughter at Dafydd’s overblown claims and curious turns of phrase and how when I read Stalker’s memoir (entitled most appropriately ‘Stalker’), I noticed an uncanny similarity between those crazed documents dictated by Dafydd and some of the expressions and style of writing used by Stalker. Dafydd and Stalker received very different types of education in different countries and even spoke different first languages – it is a little odd that they both used words and expressions that most of the rest of the English speaking world doesn’t. Stalker wrote that book at the time that Dafydd was busy compiling florid documents about me. Dafydd might be interested to know that a group of Hergest patients rolled around laughing on a bus in Gwynedd one day when someone spotted a notice that said ‘please mind your head when alighting’ –  after observing that no-one actually would ever use such a word except for Dafydd, they speculated that perhaps he had found a new source of income, creating signs for the buses. Dafydd may have been a dangerous serious criminal, but he certainly provided entertainment over the course of many years. He has no idea how many catchphrases he inspired. I really would like to be a fly on the wall if he is ever arrested and questioned – he will be coming out with old favourites such as ‘don’t be so ridiculous’, ‘you don’t expect me to discuss this with a layperson like yourself do you?’, ‘come come, you can’t argue with a psychiatrist’ – the police will be pissing themselves laughing. ‘We’ve got a right one ‘ere Sarge, a sex offender posing as a Top Doctor’. Perhaps the police would like to send the recordings into ‘You’ve Been Framed’.

One thing that I am fairly certain that Stalker did discover whilst he was in N Ireland was what was going on in the Kincora Boy’s Home in Belfast and I strongly suspect that this was why he removed from the shoot to kill inquiry. Nobody in the British Gov’t was going to make much of a fuss if a policy of shoot to kill had been confirmed – it was hardly a secret – but there would have been a great deal of trouble indeed if the happenings at Kincora had been exposed, particularly as the members of Gov’t and High Society who were molesting those boys had links with the members of Gov’t and High Society who were busy molesting kids in other parts of the UK, including in north Wales.

It was confirmed that seven Masons were among the 97 strong West Midlands Serious Crime Squad. A Squad which undoubtedly had links to the British security services as well and probably contained people working for MI5 – one only has to look at who the Squad was fitting up, how much they were getting away with and the co-operation from other corrupt professional people which was forthcoming.

Higham was quoted by the BBC as saying of the Masons that ‘we have a few bad apples and we take charge of them but the rest are jolly decent chaps’. I am sure that not all Masons are child molesters or serious criminals, but the problem was that some of the bad apples were and the Masons didn’t put them out of action or indeed expose them.

Michael Higham received media coverage on other occasions as well. In May 1995, an article appeared in the Indie regarding a huge civil war within the Masons.  The rank and file Masons had got together to try to stop the sale of the Royal Masonic Hospital in west London, which was planned by Higham and the Masons’ charity, the Grand Charity. Alan Lomas, the Governor of the Royal Masonic Hospital and a Freemason since 1951, had issued a High Court writ against Higham and the Grand Charity, alleging that the Grand Lodge had been attempting to subvert running of the hospital since 1981 which had now culminated in Higham and the Grand Lodge’s plans to sell the hospital – Lomas alleged that some of the hospital governors were also in on the subversion and wanted to sell.

The Duke of Kent – who was the President of the hospital as well as England’s most senior Freemason – had commissioned a report from Touche Ross which had been published in 1990 and concluded that to remain viable the hospital would have to abandon its Masonic connections and become a private hospital. The Grand Lodge had responded by saying that in return for the substantial sums that the hospital was receiving from the Grand Charity, it would be required to adopt a new constitution which allowed the Duke to appoint a Chairman and four members of the Board. The proposal was rejected, the Duke resigned as President of the hospital and Prince Michael of Kent – the Provincial Grand Master for Middlesex – resigned as Vice-President. It was revealed that the Financial Director of the hospital was an undischarged bankrupt, that members of the senior management had been dismissed among allegations of misdemeanours and that the staff pension fund was millions of pounds ‘adrift’.

The hospital Governors were led by Vice-Patron Douglas Brooks, who fought to keep the hospital open. The Charity Commission had called in Coopers and Lybrand to act as the receiver and sort out the cash problems.

In Dec 1994, after a mass vote, the Masons voted to close the Royal Masonic Hospital and to wind up the charity running it. Brooks abandoned his efforts to stop the sale which was when Lomas took up cudgels on behalf of the hospital charity and fellow Governors.

In July 1995 the Indie reported that the Commons Home Affairs Select Committee was to investigate the influence of Freemasonry in the police and judiciary and that Higham had offered his co-operation. The Chairman of the Committee at that time was Sir Ivan Lawrence QC, a Tory who in his day job as a barrister had defended some gangland criminals accused – and found guilty – of some particularly vicious murders. It was alleged that the Local Government Ombudsman had investigated Masonic corruption in previous years in the Borough Councils of Hackney and Lambeth. Frank Dobson – former Secretary of State for Health under Blair – managed to ignore a great deal of corruption relating to the abuse of children and mental health patients for many years, in his capacity as a Councillor in Camden, the MP for Holborn and St Pancras and as Health Secretary. Dobbo spent a number of years working as the Assistant Secretary to the Office of the Local Gov’t Ombudsman (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part IV’).

Hackney and Lambeth were both Councils presiding over the serious abuse of children in their care – they also were both Councils which sent children in care on placement to children’s homes in north Wales.

The Local Government Ombudsman obviously didn’t make much headway. In 1999 my friend’s baby died in the care of Musgrove Park Hospital when she should not have – my friend who knew what had happened to me at the hands of the north Wales mental health services and who had already been hounded out of her job at the Royal Television Society when she wanted to make a documentary about north Wales – and her partner was forced out of his job at the BBC in 1994. At the same time, the mental health services in north Wales were making strenuous efforts to imprison me once more on the basis of the perjury of their staff (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’). I had been told that I was such a danger to the staff at the Hergest Unit that if I entered Ysbyty Gwynedd I would be arrested – presumably on the basis of yet more perjury – and I had been referred to the forensic psychiatry team. When I finally obtained the documentation relating to all this recently, I discovered that the forensic Angel Jackie Ehlen had taken the trouble to record that my friend’s baby had died. Jackie had been one of the Angels involved in the cover-up into the death of a psych patient in Ysbyty Gwynedd a few years previously which involved a number of people lying at the inquest (see post ‘Inside Information About A Hergest Unit Death’).

Diane Abbott used to work as the Press Officer and PR person for Lambeth Borough Council. She now represents the People of Hackney, as the Radio 4 satire ‘Dead Ringers’ enjoys reminding everyone.

The Indie report mentioned the Manor of St James, a Lodge famous for containing as members only former and serving officers in the ‘C’ division of the Met. Commander Higham explained that there was nothing sinister about Freemasonry, that it was all about benign socialising and that he was a member of the Naval Lodge, for retired and current Naval Officers. (A number of people who worked very hard to conceal the wrongdoing of Dafydd and the paedophiles had served in the Navy – including Jim Callaghan, Sir Alec Bingley and Professor Geoffrey Chamberlain, as of course had Gwynne the lobotomist himself.) It was emphasised that far from being an organisation full of police officers, many police officers joined the Masons in order to meet people who weren’t police officers. Perhaps people who were judges, Top Doctors, lawyers, senior figures in local gov’t etc who might find a friendship with a few police officers who were members of the same secret society dedicated to assisting each other, particularly in times of trouble, useful – such as at times when they had found themselves the subject of complaint after they had sexually assaulted children. The Indie mentioned a Chris Mullin MP who was on the Home Affairs Select Committee and who had campaigned for greater disclosure regarding Masonic membership after it was discovered that a number of the police and lawyers involved in the Birmingham Six case were Freemasons.

Chris – it’s more than twenty years later and Dafydd is still Chairing CAIS,  the Top Doctors are writing lies on the medical notes which was the subject of my initial complaint about Gwynne the lobotomist in 1984 and kids in care are still being trafficked by organised gangs.

My how things haven’t changed.

 

In Oct 1987 George Thomas accepted an invitation to a reception in London for the Cardiff Masonic Hall Company Ltd – the invitation mentioned ‘colleague Wyn Calvin’.

Wyn Calvin is a veteran Welsh entertainer and comedian who in 1991 became the first Welshman to be elected to the Grand Order of the Water Rats as King Rat. Calvin has also been the Welsh Chairman of the Variety Club of Great Britain and was a founding member of the Noah’s Ark appeal which was launched in 2000 to lobby and raise money for the development of the Children’s Hospital for Wales aka the Children’s Hospital, Cardiff. The Children’s Hospital was opened in 2005 and is located on the site of the University Hospital at the Heath in Cardiff – the Children’s Hospital is managed by the Cardiff and Vale University Health Board.

There have been a series of scandals at the University Hospital at the Heath – one of the most high profile incidents of serious patient neglect was brought to public attention by Ann Clwyd, the Labour MP for Cynon Valley, who was horrified at the manner of her husband’s death in that hospital. The hospital robustly defended itself and Ann was denounced by the usual vested interests who were livid that she’d dared to level criticism at the national treasure which is the NHS. There has been much wrong at that hospital for many years but the NHS jackboot had ensured that everyone was firmly stamped upon and many matters which should have been made public remained concealed. The Cardiff and Vale University Health Board are the proud employers of the former sexual harasser of St George’s Hospital Medical School, Dr Richard Penketh (see post ‘The Battle Of The Cowshed’).

The second phase of the Children’s Hospital is actually being funded by the Welsh Gov’t and is costing many millions – the Noah’s Ark appeal is just funding a few extras, including of course a machine that goes ping.  Nonetheless, even as Carwyn dispenses the dosh, he is still being drowned out by the sound of angry Top Doctors insisting that the citizens of Wales are dying because of Carwyn’s Cuts – the cuts that currently ensure that almost half of the Welsh Gov’ts budget is being spent on the NHS. If Carwyn doesn’t keep dishing out the dosh, there’ll be the folk involved with the Noah’s Ark appeal – who include Shirley Bassey and Charlotte Church as well as King Rat – to remind everyone that Carwyn is slaying the nation’s children.

 

It was in about 1987 that Fergus Lowe overthrew Dafydd’s influence in the School of Psychology at Bangor University. Under Fergus the School of Psychology rapidly expanded from – as one of the postgrads from that time observed – a derelict building on its last legs ear-marked for closure to virtually a university in its own right. My post ‘He’s Not The Messiah, He’s A Very Naughty Boy’ detailed some of the very unscrupulous methods which Fergus employed to build his empire, but if someone like Fergus found out that member of the Lords and Thatcher’s friend George Thomas was sexually abusing children – as well as Thatcher’s other friend and PPS/the Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party Sir Peter Morrison – the potential for business to boom would be enormous. It also explains why although he was once to described to me as ‘the most hated man in Bangor’, no-one actually confronted Fergus about his enormous wrongdoing – of which there was plenty of evidence – and put him out of action.

In 1990 Michael Higham invited Thomas to attend a touring exhibition in Cardiff Masonic Hall, put on by the Association of Methodist Freemasons.

Between 1990-2004, Ian Lawrie Mackeson-Sandbach was Provincial Grand Master of North Wales. Another member of the Freemasons in north Wales is Hefin Davies, the former Chairman of the NW Wales NHS Trust. Whilst Hefin was Chairman, Hergest patients were abused and some of them died, yet even the most serious of complaints were not investigated. The Tory MP for Clwyd West, David Jones, is also a Freemason – David Jones is a solicitor who spent many years sitting in courts in north Wales watching the paedophiles’ friends fit people up but David said not a word (see post ‘The Right Honourable David Jones MP’). Ian’s daughter Antoinette Sandbach worked as a criminal barrister in London until she heard the call of the land a few years ago and returned to north Wales and took a ‘low paid job’ on a ‘farm’. Antoinette didn’t stay living on the ‘farm’ that is the family’s estate that they inherited from their slave trader ancestors for very long – after a few weeks, she’d landed a job working for David Jones in his constituency office in Colwyn Bay! And before you could say ‘another paedophiles’ friend arrived to provide reinforcements now that there are demands for another inquiry’, Antoinette was on the candidates list for the Assembly and then was elected as an AM. Antoinette legged it for a safe Westminster seat at the first opportunity and now she’s backing old Theresa up in the Commons (see post ‘News Round Up, 19 January 2018’). Another Freemason in Colwyn Bay is former Denbigh nurse Nigel Mannering Berry, who managed the Gwynfa Unit, the adolescent mental health unit in Colwyn Bay where children were raped and violently assaulted (see post ‘Don’t Be Silly, He’s Nice’).

 

George Thomas opposed the creation of the Welsh Office – it was set up after the 1964 General Election – because he feared that it would open the ‘floodgates of nationalism’. Ironically George Thomas soon became Minister of State and then Secretary of State in the Welsh Office. The first Secretary of State for Wales was Jim Griffiths and he was succeeded by Cledwyn Hughes. Cledwyn Hughes inherited the Welsh Language Bill from Griffiths – it was enacted in 1967 and allowed Welsh language evidence to be heard in courts and also allowed official documentation to be written in Welsh. It was actually Mandelson’s grandfather Herbert Morrison who in his capacity as Home Secretary introduced the Welsh Courts Act in 1942 – the 1967 Act extended the rights in the 1942 Act. Cledwyn Hughes was most enthusiastic in promoting the Welsh language but George Thomas had a very big problem with it and was contemptuous of the 1967 Act. One wonders how George Thomas felt when Lord Wyn Roberts twisted the arms of Thatcher and Willie Whitelaw into allowing the Welsh Language Act 1993 after Roberts was reminded by a few people that Thatcher et al were colluding with politicians who were sexually abusing children in care in Wales (see posts ‘The Cradle Of Filth’ and ‘A Bit More Paleontology’).

Whilst George Thomas was Minister of State at the Welsh Office, 1966-68 and then Secretary of State for Wales, 1968-70, the Welsh Office concealed the abuses at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and in the children’s homes in north Wales. Thomas also behaved in an utterly shabby way towards the mining communities of south Wales. When it was proposed to shut the mine at Glyncorrwg – the valley leading to Port Talbot – decisions over pit closures were being handled by the Dept of Fuel and Power, for which John Morris was Parliamentary Secretary. Under Parliamentary protocol Morris wasn’t allowed to decide the fate of a mine in his own constituency, so George Thomas, in his capacity as a Welsh Office Minister, made representation to Lord Robens the Chair of the NCB. Robens refused to give the pit a reprieve. Thomas described Robens as a ‘compassionate and kindly man’. Thomas showed the depths of his own kindness and compassion when, following the Aberfan tragedy, he ordered a huge proportion of the money that had been donated to the Aberfan Disaster Fund to be used to clean up the coal tips lest another few tons of waste fell on a few more buildings wiping everyone out, the NCB not being willing to stump up for this themselves.

 

Thomas made numerous influential friendships from his earliest years as an adult and used his connections for maximum effect. He was excused service in WWII and instead joined the special police in Tonypandy, serving as a sergeant. Thomas trained as a teacher at University College, Southampton and taught in London and south Wales.

Thomas was the Press and Parliamentary Secretary for the Cardiff Association of Teachers and was an activist in the NUT. In 1942 Thomas joined the NUT executive. He was a friend of Annie Thomas – later Annie Powell – a fellow teacher and NUT activist, who later became well known as a Communist Councillor and the Mayor of Rhondda, 1979-80.

It was Elizabeth Andrews, the women’s organiser for the Labour Party in Wales, who asked Thomas if she could put his name on the candidates list for the Labour Party.

Thomas was originally elected for Cardiff Central in 1945, but boundary changes resulted in the seat becoming Cardiff West in 1950. Thomas was in the House with Herbert Morrison, Mandelson’s grandfather, who was Leader of the Commons and Deputy PM 1945-51. Thomas fell out with Morrison in 1951 when Morrison was Deputy PM and overseeing the Festival of Britain, because Morrison planned to open Battersea Fun Fair on Sundays. After Thomas called Morrison a ‘little Londoner’ in a Commons speech, Morrison wrote to Thomas telling him that he’d never go to Cardiff to speak again.

Thomas was elected in the 1945 General Election in which Labour won a landslide victory which resulted in Clement Attlee becoming PM. However Labour’s election defeat in 1951 resulted in Labour – and George Thomas – being in opposition for 13 years. Throughout that time Thomas continued to build allies and friendships – even with people whose causes he chose not to actually support. In 1954 after the US detonated the H bomb at the Bikini Atoll, a ‘deeply shocked’ Thomas attended the meeting organised by the Labour MP Fenner Brockway, which was effectively the launch of CND. Thomas then attended the formal launch of CND at a rally  in the Royal Albert Hall which was attended by the likes of Tony Benn and Tony Greenwood. Yet George Thomas decided not to actually join CND.

When Hugh Gaitskill died in 1963, Thomas backed Harold Wilson as leader of the Labour Party over his fellow Cardiff MP Jim Callaghan – who knew that Thomas was assaulting minors and who for years, including the years when he was PM, concealed the organised abuse of children in north Wales and elsewhere. Callaghan and Thomas hated each other. Wilson subsequently chose to launch the Labour Party’s 1964 election campaign in Cardiff.

After the 1964 General Election, Thomas was appointed as a junior Minister at the Home Office, responsible for immigration under Home Secretary Frank Soskice, a lawyer and the Labour MP for Newport. In his capacity as a Home Office Minister, in 1964 Thomas facilitated a meeting between Soskice and Peter Bessell – the man who always maintained that Thorpe was having gay relationships with minors including Norman Scott and who gave evidence at Thorpe’s 1979 trial that Thorpe had planned to have Norman killed – concerning Jeremy Thorpe. There are allegations that in 1960, under the Conservative Gov’t, political intervention stopped Thorpe being prosecuted for offences against a minor and that in 1964 in the wake of further allegations, Thorpe was worried that the 1960 case would become public. In 1976 journalists wanted to interview George Thomas about this and Leo Abse stated that Thomas was in a state of terror lest the journalist asked about his own sexuality.

 

There is evidence that with regard to corrupt business practices, George Thomas was compromised as long ago as April 1963. A letter was sent to Thomas at his home address from W.D. Blakeman and Co, detailing proposals for a big housing development that were to be put to Cardiff City Council and asking to meet a Labour MP to discuss the development and requesting members of the company to join the Labour Party. The development was in the hands of the City Housing Manager. Three months later, another Blakeman scheme concerning the building of homes in the Pentrebane and Trowbridge areas of Cardiff was approved.

George Thomas was a longstanding friend of Julian Hodge, whose business dealings were very questionable indeed. Hodge was basically a money lender – ‘Private Eye’ referred to him as ‘the usurer of the valleys’ – but he is quaintly described in his wiki entry as an ‘entrepreneur and philanthropist’. Hodge acquired a personal fortune of over £60 million and was domiciled in Jersey. In 1970 he instituted the annual Jane Hodge lecture – in memory of his mother – and brought high profile speakers to Cardiff, including the Governor of the Bank of England, Prince Philip and Sheikh Yamani of Opec.

Hodge found himself at the centre of a particularly big row when it was revealed that his business the Hodge Group had lent money to immigrants in Birmingham and Lancashire at interest rates of up to 45%. In 1972 Julian Hodge established the Commercial Bank of Wales, later known as the Julian Hodge Bank. Hodge’s intention was for the Bank to deploy local depositors’ funds to finance industrial regeneration and turn Cardiff into a regional finance centre., although it didn’t quite work out that way. In 1981 the Bank of England refused to grant the Commercial Bank of Wales full banking status, although after Hodge had a hissy fit in 1982 Geoffrey Howe, then Chancellor, ensured that full banking status was conferred. George Thomas, Jim Callaghan and David Ormsby-Gore aka Lord Harlech – who died an untimely death, as have many members of his immediate family since he was killed (see post ’95 Glorious Years ‘) – were founding Directors of the Commercial Bank of Wales.

Julian Hodge really liked bankrolling things and in 1969 he endowed a Chair of Business and Finance at UWIST, the institution which evolved into Cardiff University. Cardiff University’s website currently features the Julian Hodge Institute of Macroeconomics.

George Thomas spent years batting for a knighthood for Julian Hodge and persuaded Callaghan to assist with this. Callaghan wrote to Harold Wilson regarding the Investiture Honours, saying that he wanted to ‘reinforce the pleas George Thomas has made’ for Hodge to be given a knighthood, although Hodge had to wait another year for his K – it was confirmed in June 1970.

Hodge was a Labour Party supporter and financially supported seven Labour MPs. However he really was not fussy with regard to whom he hung out with. He went drinking with Jeffrey Archer in the Carlton Club just before Archer was elected as a Tory MP and let Archer know that he’d given three million to charity.

Sir Archie Lush, the former political agent and friend of Nye Bevan, received a letter from Hodge concerning his support for charity – a copy of the letter was sent to George Thomas. Archie Lush was appointed Chair of the Welsh Hospital Board in 1964 and was responsible for allowing the horrors at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh to continue. Kenneth Rawnsley was Lush’s advisor. In 1969 as the victims of sex offenders were shocked, lobotomised, drugged and held in Dafydd’s dungeon, Archie was awarded a knighthood in the Investiture honours – for services to the social services in Wales.

How on earth has Dafydd managed to avoid ermine and membership of the Privy Council?

George Thomas was obviously thought to have a hotline to Julian Hodge with regard to tapping him for money for charity -the Rev Bob Mogan, the Baroness of Ely’s dad, wrote to Thomas asking for sponsorship for a concert in St David’s Hall in Cardiff connected with the Urdd. For the low down on the Rev Bob and the Baroness, see post ‘More Than Politics And Local Government’.

Hodge and George Thomas even managed to recommend an account at the Commercial Bank of Wales to Sheikh Ahmed Zaki Yamani, the Saudi oil Minister, on an occasion when the Sheikh had sent his private jet over to Cardiff to pick up Thomas and Hodge and it needed refuelling. Hodge, his wife Moira and Thomas had made friends with the Sheikh during the summer of 1977 whilst on a ‘religious experience’ together.

Julian Hodge was instrumental in the foundation of the George Thomas Memorial Trust and after Thomas died Hodge wanted to turn his bungalow into a museum or shrine no less. Ted Heath of course left nearly all of his money to himself in his will with instructions that it should be used to turn his house into a museum which was laughable enough, but at least Arundells is big enough for tourists to wander around and look at. George Thomas lived in a bungalow in Cardiff – for many years he famously shared this bungalow with his mother – which I would have thought would have been a major constraint in transforming his home into a museum. However Thomas’s bungalow was at the Heath, very close to the University Hospital, so perhaps the entrance fee could have included a tour of the hospital to marvel at the Top Doctors who had concealed the fact that Thomas was a child molester, who had also managed to kill Lena Zavaroni after performing a lobotomy on her – there wasn’t an admission that they had given her a lobotomy, but look up the details, it was pretty much a lobotomy – and then provided the distressing conditions in which Ann Clwyd’s husband died.

I was recently told by a stranger that a great many people and grandiose institutions in Cardiff were so reluctant to fall out with George Thomas’s mate Mr Moneybags that anyone crossing the path of Dafydd the Facilitator in north Wales would find themselves under attack. Such as a Bangor graduate who took the piss out of Dafydd and the paedophiles.  Ah well the whole lot of them are covered in crap now aren’t they.

 

For decades George Thomas was close to Gwynoro Jones, the Labour MP for Carmarthen, 1970-74. Thomas and Jones made the warm up speeches for Harold Wilson at Labour rallies in Wales. In 1969 at the best of Callaghan, Jones became the Research and PR Officer for the Labour Party in Wales which involved regular meetings with Thomas at Thomas’s house in Cardiff.

Gwynoro was Parliamentary Secretary to Roy Jenkins in 1974, when Roy Jenkins was Home Secretary and had busied himself concealing the paedophile gang at work in north Wales, as well as much other wrongdoing (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part I’). In 1981 Gwynoro joined Roy in founding the SDP and along with Tom Ellis, then the MP for Wrexham – who worked very hard at not noticing the paedophile gang operating on his doorstep (see post ‘The Celtic Iron Lady And Yet More History’) – formed ‘a strong Welsh voice’ in the UK SDP. Gwynoro was Chair of the SDP in Wales and Chaired the National Committee in Wales of the SDP-Liberal Alliance, 1983-89.

Gwynoro is still very active, he has a You Tube and a blog. The section on his blog detailing his political biography has a lovely collection of photos of Gwynoro with – variously – Stephen Kinnock, Vince Cable, Paddy Ashdown, Dafydd Wigley, Lord Elystan-Morgan and my old favourites Dr Death and Shirl.

Gwynoro Jones was an important ally of Thomas when Thomas was Secretary of State for Wales – whilst Thomas was Secretary of State, Elystan Morgan was a junior Minister in the Home Office, when the Home Office were directly responsible for the management of Bryn Estyn whilst the boys there were abused. Elystan Morgan was a friend of Gwynoro Jones and was a solicitor, barrister and circuit judge on the corrupt Chester and Wales Circuit. Lord Elystan-Morgan was President of Aberystwyth University, 1997-07, the home of many of the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’) – he was appointed President just as the Waterhouse Inquiry got off the ground.

Lord Barry Jones was described as being ‘very close indeed’ to George Thomas and Thomas’s ‘Parliamentary son’. Barry Jones was a teacher who trained at what later became Bangor University – he was President of Flint County NUT. Being President of the NUT in a county in which a paedophile gang was operating would have  resulted in Lord Baz being party to much incriminating information. Lord Baz was MP for East Flintshire, 1970-83 – he succeeded Baroness Eirene White who mixed with many paedophiles’ friends herself (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’) – and then for Alyn and Deeside, 1983-87. Baz was a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, 1974-79. So he was in post when the Welsh Office were failing to inspect children’s homes in north Wales whilst the paedophile gang were busy inside them and were ignoring the serious criminality prevailing at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. Lord Baz was appointed to the Intelligence and Security Committee by John Major in 1994, where he remained until 2001 – once the Waterhouse cover-up had been safely published. Whereupon Baz became a Lord. He had already been made a member of the Privy Council in 1999. In 2007 Lord Baz became President of NEWI (which became Glyndwr University) whilst the crazed Mike Scott was VC when it was a bizarre and troubled ship – in 2009 Lord Baz was appointed Chancellor. Glyndwr is a university with a very strong affinity indeed for paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘A Vampire At Glyndwr University!’). Baz is also President of the Deeside Business Forum – how is he so successful at persuading Gov’ts to invest there??

George Thomas’s other close friends included Greville Janner, Cyril Smith and Jeremy Thorpe. His pal Leo Abse has also been the subject of an investigation into historical child abuse. George Thomas was a friend of Enoch Powell as well – Powell too was the subject of a complaint of child abuse. When Enoch Powell was Health Minister in 1960 he visited the North Wales Hospital and was so shocked at what he saw that he told them that he would not allow them to do this to people and returned to London promising to shut the institution down. For some reason he dropped that plan very quickly and it was never mentioned again – neither are there any references to it in the archive of his papers. George Thomas was on good enough terms with Jonathan Aitken to dispense advice to him and act as a character witness when Aitken launched his libel action against the Guardian, which eventually led to Aitken’s imprisonment for perjury.

George Thomas became President of the NCH (National Children’s Home) in approx 1984 – he stood down at the end of 1994, by which time it was known as NCH/Action for Children. Many people associated with the NCH are now known to have concealed or colluded with child abuse (see post ‘Always On The Side Of The Children’). Glanville Owen, the senior manager in Gwynedd Social Services with responsibility for children’s homes whilst the paedophile gang operated within them, had previously worked for the NCH (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing’).

 

Shipton’s book about George Thomas tells us that some people, including former Tory MP Lord Patrick Cormack – a long time friend of Thomas and someone who has been in a position to know a great deal about the abuse of children and vulnerable people – simply do not believe the allegations that Thomas was a child abuser (see post ‘More Than Politics And Local Government’). I do not know what Lord Cormack’s position is now that South Wales Police have admitted that there were complaints about Thomas which were inexplicably not acted upon. Patrick Cormack was the person who facilitated George Thomas’s membership of the Athenaeum, a club popular with Top Doctors and lawyers, including many who have colluded with organised child abuse and criminal activity in psychiatry. Jimmy Savile was a member.

Shipton also quotes Dafydd Wigley, the MP for Caernarfon, 1974-01, and AM for the same constituency, 1999-03. Dafydd Wigley maintains that he really did not have any knowledge of Thomas’s offences. Indeed Wigley states that when he first went to Westminster he was ‘pretty naive’ and he thinks that many other MPs were as well. He told Shipton that not long after he became an MP, there were allegations that children were being abused in Ty’r Felin children’s home in Bangor, but because that home was actually in the constituency of Wyn Roberts ‘it was a matter for Wyn’. Dafydd remembers that ‘there were inquiries but I can’t remember the outcome of it…it was at that time that I first came across the word ‘paedophile’ and I didn’t know the meaning of the word…because it wasn’t on our radar then…’

There are a few points that need to be made in response to Dafydd Wigley’s claims of ‘I Know Nuzzing’. George Thomas’s activities were very widely known about in Westminster and in Wales, both north and south. People other than Dafydd Wigley have now admitted that it was common knowledge that Thomas was continually participating in casual sexual encounters and even as an old man had a taste for much younger men – including the younger men who were employed at Westminster who were sometimes bothered by him. Regarding Dafydd Wigley passing on the concerns to Wyn Roberts, the MP for Conwy – Ty’r Felin was in Roberts’s constituency, but Wyn Roberts and his boss Margaret Thatcher whom he who served slavishly did not have a very good track record when it came to defending the interests of children in care who were being abused and trafficked to London to be used for sex by members of the Tory Party, among others. Ty’r Felin was in Bangor which was in Roberts’s constituency – but the woman whom Waterhouse admitted ignored the paedophile ring who were abusing the children in care in north Wales and who was directly responsible for Ty’r Felin was not in Bangor. Lucille Hughes, the Director of Gwynedd Social Services, was sitting in an office in Caernarfon, just around the corner from Dafydd Wigley’s surgery and about three miles down the road from Dafydd Wigley’s house. As was Lucille’s boss, the Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council, Ioan Bowen Rees. Ioan Bowen Rees was considered an expert in local government and two Plaid politicians consulted him for advice – one being a man called Dafydd Wigley and the other being Gwynfor Evans, who preceded Dafydd Wigley as President of Plaid. Lucille’s Deputy Director of Social Services directly responsible for Ty’r Felin – Glanville Owen – was also sitting in an office in Caernarfon. As was Ron Evans, the crooked lawyer employed by Gwynedd County Council who, in collusion with Lucille – Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’s mistress – and the staff of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team, were trying to fit me up for serious offences. Until about 1987, the Arfon Community Mental Health Team also had their offices in Caernarfon. Furthermore, Dafydd Wigley knew what that lot were doing to me – because I had written to him about it.

Of course Dafydd Wigley had probably had decades of opportunities to ask Dafydd Alun Jones why victims of the paedophile gang were finding themselves in the dungeon at Denbigh – because Dafydd Wigley and Dafydd Alun Jones were both standing as Plaid candidates before Plaid really took off as an electoral force. Dafydd Alun Jones stood as the Plaid candidate for Denbigh in 1959 and 1964. By the time that Dafydd Wigley was passing on matters to Wyn Roberts, he’d had quite a few decades to have a chat with Ioan Bowen Rees as well – Bowen Rees stood as the Plaid candidate for Conwy in 1955 and 1959 and for Methyr Tydfil in 1964. I am fairly sure that Dafydd Wigley and his wife used to live in south Wales before they moved up to Caernarfon – in a place called Methyr Tydfil I seem to remember…

Dafydd Wigley could have loaded up a few rucksacks with explosives, nipped out of his surgery and around the corner and blown the whole bloody lot of them sky high and resolved the problems at Ty’r Felin and in a great many other places for good. He did not do this. He replied to my first letter about the mental health services – he wrote a very nice reply telling me that if he could help at a Parliamentary level he would. I was delighted and my friends were really impressed. The mental health services then came after me again repeatedly and I went through a period of being too ill and too busy trying to keep myself alive and out of prison to write to anyone. When I recovered sufficiently I wrote to Dafydd Wigley again. I did not receive a response.

Dafydd Wigley didn’t always pass matters on to Wyn if they concerned people in Wyn’s constituency. During one General Election campaign, someone canvassing for Wyn Roberts was rash enough to ring my house  -which was located in Roberts’s constituency – and ask if people in the house were going to vote Tory. I didn’t answer the phone, the person whom  I lived with did. He was so outraged at a supporter of the Conservative Party cold calling that he immediately rang the house of another local MP who was not a Tory – Dafydd Wigley. Dafydd Wigley’s wife answered, she was ever so nice and explained that Dafydd was on his way back from London and that she would let him know that there’d been a phone call for him as soon as he got in. I was well impressed when later on that evening Dafydd Wigley rang. I have no idea at all whether he knew whose house he had rung, but the person with whom I lived had a long chat with Dafydd Wigley, who agreed that the Tories ringing up unsuspecting non-Tory households was completely unacceptable.

Lord Wigley – the person to whom you spoke that night had, years before, been beaten up by the North Wales Police, fitted up for serious offences, imprisoned and then packed off to Denbigh, unlawfully. Where – after being left to rot for a very, very long time – Dr Dafydd Alun Jones tried to coerce him into going to live at Holyrood House in Llandudno, the ‘nursing home’ exposed by Esther on That’s Life in about 1987, in which Dafydd’s patients were being beaten up and abused by a bunch of hired thugs from Liverpool. Dafydd was so keen that this man should join those who were having the living daylights kicked out of them in Llandudno that he refused to let this man out of Denbigh – on the grounds that he had nowhere to live. So without telling the Angels, this interned prisoner rang up a mate in Bethesda and that mate wrote to Denbigh – I think that he might have signed himself ‘Dr’ what with him having a PhD just to shut Dafydd up – explaining to Dafydd that this man had accommodation arranged in Bethesda. That was the only reason why that man ever got out of Denbigh – although he was held there completely illegally. This man was one of many who had worked at the children’s homes in north Wales and had witnessed for himself the abuse of the kids – which might well have been why just months later, after having told people what was going on, he received a visit from the North Wales Police.

‘We didn’t know.’

Those kids were screaming for help before they were found dead. They could not have screamed louder if they had tried.

Regarding Dafydd Wigley not remembering the outcome of the inquiry into Ty’r Felin children’s home – Ty’r Felin was discussed in the Waterhouse Report in considerable detail. Even Sir Ronald Waterhouse admitted that children from Ty’r Felin were mercilessly abused, both physically and sexually by Nefyn and June Dodd who ran the place and were forced to work for no pay in local businesses. Ronald Waterhouse also noted that a letter had been sent from Risley Remand Centre to Lucille Hughes in support of Nefyn and June Dodd, purporting to be from a former resident of Ty’r Felin, who was giving evidence at the Inquiry. Waterhouse accepted that the letter was a forgery and declared that he would therefore ignore it and say no more about it. The only surprise is that he didn’t pass it onto Wyn Roberts to deal with.

How Dafydd Wigley forgot about the shitstorm that was the Waterhouse Report I do not know. Particularly as Lucille Hughes resigned hours after it was published and appeared on Welsh news snapping at the reporter ‘I am not resigning, I am retiring’.

As for not knowing the word ‘paedophile’ – there is an outside chance that Lord Wigley might not have. But he would have known what the phrases ‘interfering with children’ or ‘child molesting’ meant – which were the phrases usually used pre-1990 to describe what George Thomas was doing.

For the benefit of Lord Wigley, the Welsh word for paedophile is ‘paedoffilydd’ – the plural is ‘paedoffilyddion’. So now you never need to plead ignorance again Lord W!

Dafydd Wigley has had a long and close association with Bangor University and in 2003 was appointed Pro-Chancellor of the University of Wales, of which Bangor was a then a constituent college and had been for decades. Bangor University’s Depts of Social Work and Psychology employed people who were colleagues of the paedophile gang and some of the graduates of those depts worked with the paedophile gang. Dafydd Alun Jones wielded so much influence in the Psychology Dept that his daughter Dwynwen was given a place to do a PhD although her degree wasn’t good enough to have been awarded that place. Dafydd then tried to steal a load of money from the Psychology Dept, but Fergus Lowe put a stop to it, overthrew him and spent the rest of his days blackmailing drug companies with Top Doctors on their Boards, research funding bodies, other universities and hospitals as well as politicians who knew about Dafydd and co but had colluded with him or remained silent.

Dafydd Wigley grew up in north Wales and went to Caernarfon Grammar School – he probably knew the grandfathers of the current crop of paedophiles’ friends…

I still cannot understand how so many people could have been so stupid, so weak and so unscrupulous.

 

George Thomas died in September 1997. During his final illness he had been treated by Dr Adrian Timothy at Tommy’s. There was a memorial service held at Westminster Abbey for Thomas. Among those present were Jim Callaghan, Tony Blair, William Hague and Prince Charles.

The bodies in the grounds of the North Wales Hospital are unmarked.

 

Inside Information About A Hergest Unit Death

  • I have received an e mail from someone who was an inpatient on a ward at the Hergest Unit when the death of another patient occurred. I have promised my informant that I will provide no information that could lead to them being identified so I cannot publish all the information that they have given me concerning the death, but I will blog as much about the circumstances as is safe for my informant. I will call my informant Z.

The patient who died whilst he was an inpatient at the Hergest Unit was 28 year old Medwyn Jones from Anglesey who died in the Hergest Unit on Nov 9 2014. What I have been told by Z was that Medwyn ‘didn’t die a straightforward death’. Z tells me that the day before he died Medwyn was sitting in a communal TV lounge with other patients – Z noticed that Medwyn’s ‘movements were inconceivably slow’ and that Z had never seen anybody move so slowly. Medwyn then went out into the communal outdoor area with other patients for a smoke. Medwyn sat on a small wall and nearly fell off – another patient caught him as he overbalanced and steadied him. The patient who had caught Medwyn as he lost his balance told Medwyn to go back into the ward before he hurt himself.

The next morning at about the time that Z regularly got up to have a coffee and a smoke with other patients, the hospital alarm went off. The patients were told that Medwyn had been found dead in bed.

Z maintains that another patient in the hospital had been supplying Medwyn with temazapam – although Z doesn’t know the quantities that were being supplied – and that Medwyn was also in receipt of substantial quantities of subutex, a heroin substitute, from the drugs cabinet on the ward which was given to him by the Angels.  Medwyn told Z that he was being given subutex by the staff. On one occasion Z remembered a member of staff asking Medwyn if he felt better ‘after that’ – the staff member was described as ‘fairly bald with a few grey hairs’.

Before Medwyn’s death, Z had been told that fellow patients had been supplying Medwyn with diazepam.

Z is concerned that none of their concerns about Medwyn were mentioned in connection with his death – Z was not asked anything by the police and ‘as far as I know neither were my fellow patients’.

Z cannot remember the name of the ward involved – Z has given me a description of the ward and it definitely wasn’t Taliesin, the locked ward, but it could have been any of the others because they are all virtually identical.

Z’s main concern is the lack of police statements taken from the people who last saw Medwyn alive. Z states that although Medwyn had a drug problem it was not a heroin problem. Z reiterates that ‘his final evening he wasn’t right’, that ‘he should have had more regular observations’ and that ‘people don’t just vomit in their sleep and choke to death unless some kind of gag reflex suppressant is present in the body’.

Z has been a patient at the Hergest Unit and at the Heddfan Unit in Wrexham Maelor. The ‘contrasts are quite stark in terms of professionalism’ and at the Hergest ‘staff didn’t behave as staff’. As far as Medwyn’s death is concerned Z didn’t think that there was a ‘correct investigation’.

 

The official version of the cause of Medwyn’s death can be read on the website  www.thefreelibrary.com. It was reported that the coroner stated that the cause of Medwyn’s death ‘remains a mystery’. The coroner was this blog’s friend Dewi Pritchard-Jones, whose ability to ignore factors suggesting that a death was suspicious or even the result of foul play (see post ‘A Particularly Worrying Death’) is unrivalled. Dewi held the inquest in Caernarfon and maintained that ‘a cocktail of anti-depressant drugs’ which Medwyn had been prescribed ‘must have lowered his bodily function to the extent that it caused aspiration’. According to Dewi a ‘nurse had discovered Mr Jones – a voluntary patient – motionless at 9-45 am on Saturday Nov 9 last year and despite the efforts of a crash team he could not be revived’.

Dewi commented that ‘the previous day he had been in good spirit and had accompanied another patient to a local shop’ and that Medwyn had ‘been monitored by nurses throughout the night’. Dewi gave the cause of death as ‘aspiration of gastric juices’ and stated that ‘there were various theories but he had no real answers to what had happened’. The postmortem had ‘revealed no trace of injections, alcohol or illegal drugs’. Dewi was ‘facing a situation where I do not have a clear explanation of why the aspiration took place’. He returned a narrative verdict – that Mr Jones ‘died from a known but unforeseen side effect of therapeutic treatment’.

The glaring question here – assuming that Dewi didn’t know about the concerns of the other patients – is that how did this happen in a ward where the staff claim to be carrying out regular observations on patients, including throughout the night? But then Hergest is a place where a manic patient choked to death IN THE PRESENCE OF A SENIOR NURSE and at the inquest it was admitted that there was no doctor on call at Hergest and that doctors working in the A&E Dept in Ysbyty Gwynedd ‘were reluctant’ to attend the Hergest Unit if asked.

Medwyn’s death is just one of the many, many deaths of people in the ‘care’ of the Hergest Unit that should never have happened.

Z observed that ‘when somebody dies in hospital I guess the people who run the hospital get away with finding dead bodies without question?’ and that ‘I’m surprised really that they didn’t find chemicals in his body though someone was supplying him’. History does indeed repeat itself – Z’s comments reminded me of the first death that I had knowledge of in the mental health services in north Wales, the circumstances of which had definitely been lied about by at least two people and probably many more. Collusion was involved on the part of the path labs at Ysbyty Gwynedd and the coroner did not follow up many matters that he very obviously should have.

A young woman called Dorothy Griffiths from Holyhead died in one of the psychiatric wards in Ysbyty Gwynedd before the Hergest Unit was opened. I’m fairly sure that Dorothy died in either 1987 or 1988. She drowned in the bath. The official story was that Dorothy was a ‘very disturbed lady’ – like all of the rest of us who complained about the paedophiles’ friends. The Angels on the ward – who of course carry out regular observations of the disturbed ladies – eventually noticed that no -one had seen Dorothy for ages, so a search was begun. No-one could find her but someone noticed that a bathroom was locked. A male nurse broke the door down and found Dorothy inside, having drowned.

The shit absolutely hit the fan and an investigation was launched. The local newspaper subsequently reported that the disturbed lady had been recommended to go to the North Wales Hospital, Denbigh as a long term patient but her parents had fiercely objected – now why might that have been?? So Dorothy had been admitted to Ysbyty Gwynedd instead. A nurse called Jackie Ehlen gave evidence at Dorothy’s inquest and maintained that she had given Dorothy anti-psychotic medication. A junior doctor called Colin Flood also testified that Dorothy had been given anti-psychotic medication, but his evidence conflicted with Jackie Ehlen’s. One of them had said that Dorothy had been given oral medication, the other said that she had received an injection. Neither backed down from their story at the inquest and the conflicting evidence was never resolved. However, Dr Sadie Francis – the wife of Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) – gave evidence at the inquest that the toxicology tests had not shown any anti-psychotic medication in Dorothy’s body ‘which was inexplicable’ because of course Dorothy had received the medication, Jackie and Colin Flood had just testified to that. Faced with the fact that somebody – or everybody – was lying, including possibly the path lab, the coroner didn’t dig any further. Dorothy’s death was just that of another nutter. The coroner did say that he didn’t think that bathrooms in psychiatric units should be lockable though. So that was the solution to staff who had neglected their duties with lethal results and then lied on oath – leave the patients with even less dignity and protection from predatory staff or patients.

I spoke to one of Dorothy’s relatives and I heard a bit more. The news of Dorothy’s death had been broken to her parents by ‘two absolutely awful managers’ from Ysbyty Gwynedd. I’m not sure for certain, but I think that those two will probably have been Alun Davies and Barry Shingles. The managers seriously upset Dorothy’s family. Then a few hours later Dr Sadie Francis arrived at Dorothy’s parents’ home. Sadie spent a long time with them, apologised for Dorothy’s death and told them that if she had been there it would not have happened. Dorothy’s mum said that Sadie was ‘lovely, really good’. No-one was disciplined following Dorothy’s death – which greatly upset her parents. They tried to press for disciplinary action but that was never going to happen.

Before Dorothy’s death, there had been a very, very critical report produced about the psychiatric wards in Ysbyty Gwynedd – Seiriol and Dwynwyn wards. The report stated that the wards were unsafe. Gwynedd Health Authority was in meltdown, effectively bankrupt and a team of management consultants were sent in from the Welsh Office. David Hunt, a junior Minister in the Welsh Office – who later became Secretary of State for Wales –  had personally written to Noreen Edwards, a former Angel who was Chair of the Health Authority. The situation was so bad that there were questions in the House from Dafydd Wigley and Ieuan Wyn Jones that were parried by the paedophiles’ greatest friend Wyn Roberts (see post ‘A Visit To Gwynedd Archives’).

In response to the damning report about Seiriol and Dwynwyn wards, a Psychiatric Services Management Committee was created, consisting of Tony Francis, Barry Shingles and Alun Davies – who had been responsible for the shambles in the first place and who all hated each other, but who always worked together to conceal the abuse of patients and the associated criminality. Barry Shingles was a manager who later killed himself after being shafted by his colleagues who had prevented him from bagging the job of CEO of the North West Wales NHS Trust. The dreadful Keith Thomson (see post ‘Former NHS Managers Keeping A Low(er) Profile’) snaffled that instead. Barry Shingles had been severely clinically depressed for a long while before his suicide. So Barry Shingles was someone else who failed to access appropriate care and treatment in the face of a serious illness. Could Shingles have possibly been given the treatment that was meted out to so many witnesses to the wrongdoing of the paedophiles’ friends, that is no treatment at all or treatment which made his condition worse until the inevitable happened? There was no publicity about Shingles’s suicide so I do not know the circumstances under which he died or who found the body. Tony Francis killed himself more recently just after Operation Pallial re-opened the investigation into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal.

Although Dorothy’s mum felt very reassured by Sadie, I too was reassured by Sadie on many occasions. Documents released to me last year demonstrate that whilst she – and Tony – were presenting themselves as my protectors and even friends, they were working very hard behind the scenes to have me locked up and they perjured themselves repeatedly in attempts to achieve this. I do not know whether Sadie was coerced into being part of it all – she was in the end treated very badly by the very shitbags with whom she had colluded for so long and took early retirement after being frozen out by her colleagues – but I know of other patients who also felt that Sadie had let them down very badly.

As for the results from the path lab re Dorothy – they can’t necessarily be believed either. The pathologist for north west Wales at the time was Dr Donald Wayte, who was notorious. Wayte’s high points included letting a 15 year old schoolboy join him at work because Wayte was friends with the boy’s mum and the teenager wondered what a dead body etc looked like. Wayte also caused a furore in the London based press by stating on the basis of no evidence at all that most cot deaths were the result of the babies being murdered by their parents. Wayte’s wife Avril was another leading light in the pathology service in north Wales – she might even still work for the Betsi Board. If she doesn’t, then she did until quite recently. Avril is a Trustee of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’s charity CAIS, along with Lucille Hughes and other paedophiles’ friends.

Dr Colin Flood is now a GP in Llandudno, at the Mostyn House Medical Practice.

Perhaps the police would like to re-open the investigation into Dorothy Griffiths’ death and launch an investigation into the death of Barry Shingles as well.

I got to know Jackie Ehlen myself in 1994. When there was yet another attempt to frame me on the basis of the perjury of staff of the mental health service – in this case on the part of Bridget Lloyd, a CPN with the Arfon Community Mental Health Team, who had previously worked as the senior Angel on Seiriol and Dwynwyn wards. After Lloyd lied to the police about me allegedly ringing her office and threatening her (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’), Tony Francis declared me to be too dangerous to be in receipt of the mainstream mental health services and I was told that if I went to Ysbyty Gwynedd I’d be arrested. Two staff with whom I did get along very well and found helpful (a senior nurse and a senior occupational therapist) were ordered by the senior managers of the mental health services in north west Wales not to communicate with me in any way. I found out later that the nurse and occupational therapist were livid about this, made representation about it to the hospital authorities but were basically told to fuck off. Tony Francis ordered that I was to be transferred to the forensic psychiatry team – the senior nurse of which was Jackie Ehlen. I met Jackie Ehlen on many occasions and I found her to be very pleasant. I was found not guilty in Court a few months after I had been arrested and charged and I did not have any further contact with Jackie. I then found out that Tony Francis had written a report for the Court BEFORE the trial, stating that WHEN I was found guilty I should be sent to a secure unit.

When I received my full files from my lawyers last year, I found documents written by Jackie Ehlen in 1994, detailing telephone conversations that she had held with another patient about me of which I had no knowledge. Jackie had received a number of telephone calls from him and had documented some (inaccurate) information that he had given to her. Interestingly enough this patient had also made a number of complaints to Jackie about Tony Francis, telling her that he was ‘incompetent’ and ‘mad’. However compromised and threatened Jackie Ehlen felt by the criminals with whom she was working, she was obviously doing a number of things that she should not have been doing.

Jackie continued to work for the mental health services in north Wales, eventually at a senior level – Bridget Lloyd also bagged herself a senior role. I last saw Jackie about five years ago when I bumped into her in Tescos in Bangor. We had a chat and Jackie told me that she was working for the Betsi and doing a PhD at Bangor University.

A quick google search reveals that Jackie contributed to the Betsi’s Strategic Review of Older People’s Care at the end of 2014 which followed the Tawel Fan scandal. The Betsi commissioned Flynn and Eley Associates Ltd to compile the Report upon which they based their Review. Flynn and Eley Associates Ltd thanked a number of people for their advice when compiling the Report, including Jackie Ehlen. Other people who were thanked included Giles Harborne, Adrian Jones, Simon Pyke and Bob Woods. Giles Harborne is an odious psychiatrist who worked with Dafydd at Denbigh and has spent years treating patients like turds and refused to investigate serious complaints both from me and other people when he was appointed Chief of Staff at the Betsi (see post ‘After The Betsi Came Into Being’). Adrian Jones and Simon Pyke were two mental health services managers in north Wales who took early retirement – somebody quipped a few months ago that they’ll have set up their own consultancy and will now be selling their advice to the Betsi – who lied to patients, lied about patients and who were also in communication with officials in the Welsh Assembly who were smearing patients who had complained about the mental health services to Lesley Grifiths and Mark Drakeford when they were Health Ministers (see post ‘His History Repeats Itself, First As Tragedy, Second As Farce’). Bob Woods is Professor Bob Woods, a clinical psychologist at Bangor University who has led the clinical psychology programme in north Wales for decades and concealed all the crap along with the best of them (see post ‘The Newcastle-Upon-Tyne Connection’). Bob Woods’s area of expertise is dementia- so that is why Tawel Fan, the worst scandal involving the abuse of dementia patients that there has been in the UK,  happened on Bob’s patch.

Not only do the advisors to Flynn and Eley Associates have a long track record of deceit and concealing criminality and the abuse of patients, but Flynn, Eley and the Associates themselves are cut from the same cloth. Joanna Griffiths is listed as one of the Associates of Flynn and Eley.

Joanna Griffiths is a member of a family who retain such a stranglehold on the social services in north Wales that they are known as ‘the Mafia’. Joanna is the former Director of Conwy Social Services – she was in post when their children’s services were damned by an external investigation as being seriously crap. Joanna is married to Aled Griffiths aka the Buffet Slayer, a man who was a ‘senior lecturer in law and social sciences’ at Bangor University. The Buffet Slayer was the source of much discontent at Bangor University. He failed to turn up to give his lectures, broke into another lecturer’s office and ‘borrowed’ some books without permission, gatecrashed every free lunch/dinner that there was, bullied and pushed other people around, was utterly incompetent and tried to bribe one of the law students when the student began a case of disability discrimination against one of the Buffet Slayer’s friends. In return for all this, one year at the graduation ceremony Bangor University gave the Buffet Slayer an award for teaching excellence. At the graduation lunch after the ceremony, law students could be heard shrieking ‘I don’t believe it, Aled fucking Griffiths has been given a Teaching Fellowship’. Griffiths himself was at the lunch armed with champagne and his extended family who had come to celebrate his success.

The Buffet Slayer has a twin brother, Huw, who was one of the solicitors working in Gwynedd in the 1980s/90s and who sat in the local magistrates courts watching the paedophiles’ friends frame me and other people.

The Buffet Slayer’s sister is Gwenan Carrington, the equally incompetent former Director of Social Services for Gwynedd County Council. Whilst Gwenan Carrington was Director, Gwynedd Social Services were so spectacularly bad that an external inspection deemed them ‘incapable of improvement’. The inspection report made it quite clear that it was the dreadful management that was responsible, not the front line social workers. After the report was published, everybody took the view ‘at last Carrington will be forced to resign’. She wasn’t. The fuckwit Gwen hung on for a few more years until another bomb went off on her watch and then she announced that she was waving everybody a fond farewell. Just as everyone was about to crack open the champagne, Carrington announced that she had a new job – as Director of Community Services on Anglesey. The Slayer’s family come from Anglesey, his dad was a Methodist Minister there and the Slayer is mates with the infamous dysfunctional crooks that double up as the Councillors on Anglesey. Within two years of Gwenan being appointed as Director, there was a crisis in the old folks home – which were the only ‘community services’ that Anglesey had, things like centres for people with learning disabilities didn’t exist anyway. Anglesey County Council had one of their regular financial crises which meant that they had to ‘cut services’ – the only services left were the old folks homes, so Gwenan flogged them to the private sector. Meanwhile, at least one of the County Councillors had become a millionaire as a result of a development that had sprung up on his fields, after he had received planning permission from Anglesey County Council. Not only that, but he then went to prison for other matters.

One of the many things that had to hushed up at Bangor Law School was how two mature female law students who were prosecuted for a massive financial swindle actually found their way onto a law degree. I was told by the other students that the two women were friends of Gwenan Carrington who only had to have a word with her brother for two places to become available…

Whilst the kids in the care of Conwy Social Services were left neglected and whilst the students at Bangor University waited in vain for the Slayer to arrive to give his lectures, Joanna and Aled enjoyed themselves on regular trips abroad. After arranging one of their jaunts to Germany, Joanna became very distressed because she realised that they would be in Germany for her burfday – the Slayer had promised that they would go to the opera on her burfday. So Joanna and the Slayer flew to Germany, then flew back to Cardiff for a night with a thousand stars – the Slayer went backstage to meet them all – and then they buggered off back to Germany again the next day for the rest of their holiday.

On one occasion after the Slayer got rat arsed at an evening do with his buddies at Bangor Business School, he fell into a hole that some workmen had dug outside of the Management Centre building. Did the Slayer take this as an indication that he had drunk too much? No. He threatened to sue his own mates – whose free dinner he had attended – because the workmen hadn’t put enough cones around the hole. There were plenty of cones there and a barrier of warning ribbon, but the Slayer was so pissed that he just crashed through the lot.

I am confident that if I researched the other names listed as Associates of Flynn and Eley, their records of achievement will be as impressive as that of Joanna Griffiths, but I’m going to have to leave that for another occasion – however it is worth me devoting a bit of space here to Flynn.

Dr Margaret Flynn is the former Chair of Lancashire Safeguarding Adults Board. She carried out the serious case review of Winterbourne View, the hospital which was the centre of a Panorama expose some years ago. Undercover filming revealed young learning disabled adults being slapped, kicked and sworn at by their ‘carers’. It transpired that someone had blown the whistle previously but their concerns had been ignored. At the time of Winterbourne View, the Betsi still had Mary Burrows as the CEO, the Mary who tried to challenge the paedophiles’ friends but who was blamed for their wrongdoing and hounded out herself. I was at the Betsi Board meeting – as an observing member of the public – when Mary announced that after Winterbourne View, she had gone through the records to see if there were any patients of the Betsi who had been placed in establishments run by the company which ran Winterbourne View. There were – they had been placed there by the North West Wales NHS Trust. Presumably whilst Martin Jones was CEO – the Martin who co-ordinated the campaign against Mary and even wrote a blog, the purpose of which was to undermine her. Martin is currently Director of Workforce at the Betsi.

In 2013 Margaret Flynn was commissioned by Carwyn to lead the Review that accompanied Operation Jasmine, the police investigation into a chain of elderly people’s homes in Gwent in south Wales which were owned by a Top Doctor. Appalling neglect had taken place which had resulted in the deaths of some of the residents. The scandal was the worst scandal involving old people’s homes in the private sector that there had been in the UK. It was discussed in at least one academic conference in England to demonstrate how little effective regulation there is in privately owned residential homes. The Top Doctor had become a millionaire as a result of the profits from these homes. The police did bring eventually  charges against the Top Doctor, but some months later he was burgled and during the burglary he was coshed on the head. A medical report subsequently declared him unfit to stand trial. I do not remember the GMC ever placing him under investigation.

After the roaring success of Operation Jasmine, the Health Minister and paedophiles’ friend Mark Drakeford appointed Margaret Flynn as Chair of the newly created National Independent Safeguarding Board. Drakeford also appointed five Board members to help Flynn. One was Keith Towler, the former Children’s Commissioner for Wales. Towler’s glorious career began in South Glamorgan County Council’s social services dept. The South Glamorgan County Council which was packed with paedophiles’ friends including Jane Hutt, Julie Morgan and Drakeford himself. Rhodri Morgan was employed by South Glamorgan County Council and at one point the Rev Bob Morgan, dad of the Baroness of Ely – Eluned Morgan – was the leader of that Council (see post ‘More Than Politics And Local Government’). South Glamorgan County Council collaborated  with Nicholas Edwards aka Lord Crickhowell and his mates on the multi-million pound scam that was Corruption Bay (see post ‘Corruption Bay Special’).

Towler then worked in youth justice – in 1998 he was Head of NACRO (National Association for the Care and Resettlement of Offenders) Cymru. I remember NACRO well. It ran meaningless ‘projects’ for the dispossessed, many of whom were victims of the paedophiles and their friends. One of the ‘project supervisors’ employed by NACRO used to live in the same village as me. He was a petty crook who sexually exploited numerous local girls/young women and then spent a number of years cohabiting with Professor Louis Appleby’s former colleague, Denise Baker-McClearns, who joined him in conducting hate campaigns against anyone who challenged the paedophiles’ friends – whilst both of them were personal friends of a man who had served a prison sentence for child sex offences himself. After deciding that being a NACRO supervisor or any other type of employment was too much like hard work I was told that the former NACRO supervisor  took up cocaine dealing. In 2001 Keith Towler was appointed Director of Crime Reduction for NACRO.

Whilst Towler was Children’s Commissioner for Wales, one of his members of staff alleged that there was a big problem with workplace bullying in his office. She was sacked. She took her case to an employment tribunal during which her fitness as a social worker was questioned by Towler. The allegations were found to be unfounded but she was not reinstated. She had worked as a children’s social worker in north Wales for years. Both she and Towler will have known about the paedophile gang – as indeed will have everyone in the Commissioner’s Office.

Another member of Flynn’s Board appointed by Drakeford was Jan Pickles, a social worker who has worked in Gov’t, for the Third sector, in the probation service and for the NSPCC – everywhere that was dominated by the paedophiles’ friends then. After that, Pickles was involved with domestic abuse work. I seem to remember that Janet Pickles was the person named in Harriet Harman’s autobiography as the friend of Julie Morgan whom Harriet was introduced to…

Drakeford also appointed Rachel Shaw as a member of the Board. Rachel has had a long career working with children, as an Angel, a midwife and a health visitor and led the Safeguarding Children Service for Public Health Wales. Public Health Wales was well known as a repository for those who would have been dismissed from their jobs if they had worked in any organisation other than the NHS. I used to share an office with one such person who began life as an Angel in Liverpool, did a law degree but not very well and then reinvented herself as a ‘risk manager’ for the NHS. She was appointed to lead a risk management project based at Bangor University along with Patricia Gaskell, the manager of the Welsh Risk Pool. Gaskell was the former solicitor for the North West Wales NHS Trust who concealed the abuse of patients and criminal misconduct including assaults on patients by staff (see post ‘Who Is In Need Of Restraining?’). Another leading light in the project was John Bowles, the risk manager for Ysbyty Gwynedd whilst patients were slaughtered, a man who referred to his colleagues as ‘my subordinates’. Bowles and Gaskell used to drop in to our office to visit their colleague and Bowles took every opportunity that was available to him to read whatever documents were on my desk, have a look at my computer screen and ensure that he was within eavesdropping distance when I was making phone calls. This was almost certainly related to the war that the North West Wales NHS Trust were waging on me at the time after Gaskell had failed to investigate my complaints. I found out that Gaskell wasn’t investigating other people’s complaints either when she worked for the Trust. After three years the project imploded, everyone fell out with everyone else in true NHS style, the two PhD students who were part of the project left without Masters degrees let alone PhDs and so few project deliverables had been delivered that the project funders made noises about the return of their money. There was a huge row at a senior level in the University and the glorious leader of this appalling mess, the expert in risk management, became seriously depressed. Unlike your average service user, she didn’t find her life and career destroyed – no, she sued the University although how none of us ever discovered and was then given a job with Public Health Wales. Which she subsequently left under a huge cloud. It was not the end of the line. She set up an executive coaching business no less and over the last couple of years has been commissioned by the Betsi to train their senior doctors in the ways of ‘managing change’ and ‘transformational practice’. I cannot help wondering if the root of her success is related to the knowledge that she has about the wrongdoing of the paedophiles’ friends and her friendship with that very good friend of the paedophiles, the former CEO of the Conwy and Denbighshire NHS Trust, Gren Kershaw (see posts ‘How Much Do Staff Surveys Really Tell Us?’ and ‘The Reality Is, There Is No Problem’).

I can see great things ahead for the National Independent Safeguarding Board.

 

Now for a bit more background on a man whom I introduced in my post ‘A Galaxy of Talent’, Ed and David Miliband’s Uncle Harry.

Uncle Harry was Professor Harry Keen who died in April 2013. Uncle Harry was married to Aunt ‘Nan’, Anna, who was Ralph Miliband’s sister. Uncle Harry spent his career in the elite London medical schools, log jammed with Top Doctors who run Harley Street clinics and profitable side-lines in expert witness testimonies alongside their NHS work. Uncle Harry qualified at St Mary’s Paddington on 5 July 1948 – the same day that the NHS came into being! Uncle Harry made much of this for PR purposes. Whenever Uncle Harry and his mates went into battle with the Gov’t – which as I shall explain happened quite regularly – Uncle Harry would remind them that the day that he qualified ‘was the start of his lifelong love of the NHS’. Uncle Harry had a little anecdote that he related which served him well in multiple situations. It concerned him paying a home visit to a poor down-trodden mother of two boys, Billy and Johnny (very obviously rather contrived names), at the dawn of the NHS. Mrs Anonymous – Uncle Harry didn’t invent a name for her – had called him out without realising that we now had an NHS and she didn’t have to pay for the medicine. In her attempt to skimp on the cost, she tried to pull the wool over Uncle Harry’s eyes as a result of her intentions to share one pot of medicine between the two boys although they had different medical needs. Uncle Harry worked out what was going on and was delighted to tell Mrs Name Not Worth Remembering that he could now give her a free prescription for BOTH boys. So the waifs received the appropriate medicines and Uncle Harry left the slum dwelling with a warm glow, safe in the knowledge that he would trot this story out in the event of every BMA pay claim.

Uncle Harry did not explain to the slum dwellers that the BMA had fought tooth and nail against the creation of the NHS and that the only way that Nye Bevan got them to agree to accept it was to ‘stuff their mouths with gold’ and give the Top Doctors enormous power within the NHS that was paying them a bloody fortune out of the taxes of people far less well paid.

After qualifying, Uncle Harry worked in the Medical Unit at St Mary’s Paddington until 1953. St Mary’s is the traditional birth place of Posh Babies – Prince William was born there. Half of the NHS obs and gynae budget was probably invested into Lindo Wing when Di announced her pregnancy. At the time that William was born there was much dissatisfaction with NHS maternity services which resulted in public protests. Up in Bangor, the St David’s Laundry was still in operation and at the London Hospital there was a civil war taking place between Wendy Savage and her boss (see post ‘The BMA and It’s Ethics’).

Uncle Harry of the Proles was then appointed Senior Clinical Assistant in the Diabetic Dept in King’s College Hospital, where he worked under Dr R.D. Lawrence, better known as Dr Robin Lawrence, who 19 years previously had founded the British Diabetes Association (now Diabetes UK) with his patient H.G. Wells.

If one googles Dr Robin Lawrence, one actually finds news stories about another Dr Robin Lawrence. This Dr Robin Lawrence was a Harley Street psychiatrist who in 2010 was struck off after telling a female patient who consulted him after she had a miscarriage about his sexual fantasies which featured her. Lawrence was subsequently reinstated after a High Court ruling that the decision was ‘unlawful due to unfairness during the GMC hearing and in the decision making process’ and because of ‘procedural and evidential irregularities’. Lawrence was subsequently reinstated on the register.

In 2000 the same Dr Robin Lawrence – then a senior fellow at the Institute of Psychiatry – denied serious professional misconduct at a GMC hearing after recommending to one of his young female patients that she should have sex with him on a regular basis as therapy when she mentioned that she was a virgin who was feeling a bit anxious about having sex for the first time. She had been his patient for three years and had originally consulted him about an eating disorder and her distress after her father had died. Lawrence – a married father of four – downloaded porn from the internet and showed it to her as part of the therapy.

An article in the Independent from Dec 1992 features the same Dr Robin Lawrence who was then working as a psychiatrist at South Western Hospital, Clapham. A woman had been sectioned and held at that hospital on the grounds that she had broken the tiles off the walls of her house and had made a bonfire in her house. It transpired that her power had been cut off after her house was flooded and that the only way that she could keep warm was by making a small fire. She had taken the tiles off her wall to make a safe platform and a surround for the fire. When it was discovered what had actually happened, a Mental Health Review Tribunal released her immediately. Robin Lawrence sectioned her again for six months before she had time to leave the hospital on the grounds that her ‘mental state had deteriorated’ and that he wanted to ‘try a new drug’ with her. The High Court were hearing the case and MIND expressed concerns that if the High Court upheld Lawrence’s actions, it would open up a loop hole in the Mental Health Act.

I am delighted to report that Robin Lawrence is still working as a psychiatrist and is advertising his services online. At the time of the South Western Hospital business, the mental health services in north Wales were far too busy facilitating the paedophile ring to look after any patients. I lived in the same village as a seriously mentally ill man who was also lighting open fires in the derelict school house in which he lived to keep warm. Neighbours were taking him food parcels because he had nothing to eat. Numerous villagers rang Gwynedd Social Services begging them to come out and help him but the please of everyone were ignored (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’). Throughout the many years that Robin Lawrence abused his position and shagged his patients, Dafydd did the same in north Wales whilst the GMC ignored every complaint about him and MIND colluded with his criminality and misconduct.

After 7 years at King’s, Uncle Harry spent a year as a researcher at the National Institute for Health in the US. In 1961 he returned to the UK and took up a position as a senior lecturer at Guy’s, an association ‘which would last for the rest of his life’. In 1971 Uncle Harry became the Professor of Human Metabolism at Guy’s and was head of the Academic Unit for Metabolic Medicine. He remained there until his retirement in 1990, after which he was Professor Emeritus -along with Dafydd’s mate Jim Watson, who was concealing organised child sexual abuse with his former colleagues at St George’s who also had a line in the dealing and distribution of drugs (see post ‘A Galaxy of Talent’).

Uncle Harry was active in healthcare policy and in the late 1980s he led an unsuccessful High Court challenge against Secretary of State Ken Clarke’s 1989 NHS reforms. Uncle Harry and the Top Doctors really hated Ken Clarke and he really hated them. As all of them were concealing the paedophile ring in north Wales/Cheshire, their battles ended in stalemate. There is a bit of a mystery concerning one matter during Ken’s Reign. When St George’s Hospital Medical School relocated to Tooting Broadway in the early 1980s, the old St George’s building and the land upon which it stood at Hyde Park Corner was worth a bomb. Gerald Cavendish Grosvenor aka the Duke of Westminster told the Gov’t that he wanted to be given the market value from the sale of the old St George’s site, on the grounds that St George’s had been established as a result of a  money and land gifted by his forebears. Ken Clarke thought that Gerald’s demand was outrageous – Ken wanted the Gov’t to sell the Hyde Park site to the Duke on the grounds that the NHS needed the money more than the Duke of Westminster did. Gerald Grosvenor contacted Thatcher and she was prepared to cave in to the Duke’s demands. For reasons that Ken Clarke doesn’t explain, he managed to persuade Thatcher not to hand millions of pounds over to the Duke of Westminster when she had absolutely no legal obligation to do so and the Hyde Park site was sold to the Duke. Clarke managed to do this when he was just a junior Minister in Health, before he became Secretary of State, but does not explain how he managed to gain the upper hand in a struggle with both Thatcher and the Duke of Westminster. See post ‘Running The Country – And All That Jazz’ for a more detailed account of this.

Gerald Grosvenor was at that time the President of the City of Chester Conservative Association. The Tory MP for Chester was Sir Peter Morrison who was part of Thatcher’s Government and a buddy of Thatcher’s. Morrison was abusing children in care in north Wales and elsewhere, including attending sex parties with them. Thatcher was told about this but appointed Morrison Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party anyway and it was a source of gossip in the Conservative Association of Chester. On one occasion Morrison was seen driving away from Bryn Estyn with a boy in his car. I received an e mail the other day telling me that the boys at Bryn Estyn were sent on work placements at the Grosvenor estate but they used to be very reluctant to return once they’d been there a few times, although none of the boys would explain why they didn’t want to continue to visit the estate.

Gerald Grosvenor suffered from serious anxiety  and unspecified ‘nervous problems’ and was involved in a scandal after he was identified as a customer of a very expensive escort agency in the US (see post ‘I Want Serious Money Now Please’).

Uncle Harry was President of the NHS Support Federation and before his death had been actively campaigning against recent NHS changes. He was Chair of the British Diabetic Association/Diabetes UK, 1990-96 and then Vice-President for the rest of his life.

The website of Diabetes UK explains that it was founded in 1934 ‘by H.G. Wells’ and funds UK-based research into diabetes. In 2011 Diabetes UK gave more than £1 million in research grants and also funded 5 PhD studentships. Diabetes UK runs local support groups across the UK and also organises ‘events’ for people with diabetes.

Since Jan 2013 the Chair of Diabetes UK has been Sir Peter Dixon. For ten years Dixon was a Council member and a Trustee of the NHS Confederation, the body which represents the most senior managers in the NHS. Sir Peter was previously the Chair of UCL Hospitals Foundation Trust and Enfield and Haringey Health Authority. Haringey has been the site of many health and welfare scandals, the most recent high profile one being the murder of Baby P (see post ‘Everywoman?’). Diabetes UK’s website tells us that currently Sir Peter is: Chair of Imperial College Health Partners; Chair of the Anglia Ruskin Partnership; Chair of the South East Coast Ambulance Trust and a Trustee of Pathways, the ‘UK’s leading homeless healthcare charity’. Sir Peter was Chair of the Housing Corporation, 2003-08. His earlier career was in banking, business and finance.

The Vice-Chair of Diabetes UK was Julian Baust who in 2010 retired as Chair and MD of Kodak Ltd. He now works as a management consultant. Julian enjoys a number of ‘country based activities’. So Julian is one of those very rich businessmen who pays several thousand quid for a days shooting in parts of Wales and Scotland where they arrive by helicopter because they are not Uncle Harry’s NHS patients, many of whom will travel by bus.

Sir Harry Burns is a member of the Diabetes UK Board. Sir Harry is a Top Doctor who graduated from Glasgow University in 1974. By 1984 he was a consultant surgeon at the Royal Infirmary in Glasgow. Sir Harry’s work with patients living in the east end of Glasgow gave him an ‘insight into the complex inter-relationships between social and economic status and illness’. In 1994 Sir Harry was appointed Director of Public Health for Great Glasgow Health Board, in which post he ‘continued his research into the social determinants of health’. In 2005 Sir Harry was appointed Chief Medical Officer for Scotland. In April 2014 Sir Harry became Professor of Global Public Health at Strathclyde University, where he pursues his interest ‘into how societies create wellness’. In 2014 First Minister Nicola Sturgeon presented Sir Harry with a lifetime achievement award from the Scottish Government for Public Service.

I had previously attributed the terrible housing that still exists in the east end of Glasgow, the presence of the outrage there that is Parkhead Hospital and the fact that men in Glasgow’s east end have a DECREASING life-span and the shortest life-span among men in the UK – and among most of Europe – to the influence of Sir Harry’s colleague from Glasgow University, Sir Kenneth Calman, paedophiles’ friend and former Chief Medical Officer of Scotland, CMO of England and Wales and dad of Radio 4 comedy favourite Susan Calman (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part IV’). I now realise that it must be a result of Sir Harry’s lifelong career as a leading light in social and health inequalities.

Sir Harry’s fellow Board members include Noah Franklin, the Treasurer of Diabetes UK since July 2011. Noah was Group Finance Director of Volace International Ltd. After graduating from Oxford, Noah Frankin became an accountant with Arthur Andersen and then worked for Whitbread. Franklin moved to Cadbury Schweppes with whom he spent 12 years. Franklin held various roles with Cadbury Schweppes, including those of Finance Director for Europe, the Middle East and Africa and MD of Global Business Services.

Thank God we had Uncle Harry, Diabetes UK and the Gov’ts who employed Uncle Harry and his mates as advisors to berate  people on low incomes for boozing too much and eating junk food instead of guacamole. Sir Harry Burns will be able to explain that it is because Poor People are uneducated and ‘unaspirational’. And if they are men it is because They Won’t Visit Their Doctors And Talk About Things. Fortunately if a very wealthy person who drinks far too much and goes under the name of George Best wrecks his liver, Sir Roger Williams is at King’s College Hospital to ensure that that he is prioritised for a liver transplant on the NHS, even if he continues to drink like a fish and breach all the rules whilst remaining on the transplant list.

Noah Franklin has also worked as Chief Finance Officer of a ‘venture developing large scale arable farming in South America’. What could this have been about I wonder – growing the feedstuff for the beef cattle who were then turned into Big Macs perhaps??

Professor Wasim Hanif sits on the Board. He is Professor of Diabetes and Endocrinology, consultant physician and Clinical Director of Diabetes at the University Hospital, Birmingham. Wasim was selected for the King’s Fund Leadership Programme in Diabetes. One wonders how – Wasim’s specialism is diabetes in South Asian populations in the UK, which continue to have high rates of diabetes despite Wasim’s efforts. Wasim had held many Gov’t advisory roles, including at NICE.

Gareth Hoskins is another Board member. Gareth was Executive Director of Legal & General plc. He is also an advisor to Green Park Partners Ltd, a ‘London-based investment and advisory business’.

Board member Helen McCallum retired as DG of Consumers International in 2013. Previously Helen had spent 5 years as Head of Communications in the NHS – before devolution. So Helen knew what was happening in the north Wales mental health services when Dafydd was allowed to ‘retire’ without any of the complaints about him being followed up and was given the contract to provide substance abuse services for north Wales at the same time (see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’). McCallum’s success at keeping that sewer out of the media led to her appointment in 1999 as Director of Communications at the Department of Health by the Milibands’ friend Blair – whilst Blair concealed the on-going shite in the NHS and managed the fall-out from the Waterhouse Inquiry. Helen will have known that people were dying at Mid-Staffs as well but she took care not to communicate that to the wrong people – such as people who lived locally who were risking their necks when they went to the local hospital. After her success at the DoH Helen spent 7 years doing her Lord Haw Haw bit at the UK Environment Agency. Perhaps when Tony and then Gordon did the dirty deals behind closed doors that resulted in the new Hinkley Point development being given the go-ahead. Helen is a Trustee of ‘Arts and Minds’, a Cambridgshire charity for people with  mental health problems.

Janice Watson is another member of the Board who has had a career in finance. Janice sat on the Advisory Investment Committee of WHO (World Health Organisation).

Another Board member is Prof Rhys Williams, who retired as Professor of Clinical Endocrinology and Dean of Medicine at Swansea University in 2011. So he’ll have been Dean at Swansea when the awful Frances Rapport was given a Chair in Swansea School of Medicine on the basis of a publication list that would not have flattered a post-doc with two years of research experience. How Frances ever managed to achieve this was discussed the length and breadth of Wales. Jaws hit the ground once again a few years later when despite having achieved no more, Frances announced that she was off to Harvard. Frances became an academic in mid-life, her first career was as Something Arty. Frances is a sensitive soul, she wears silk scarves, writes poetry and wins awards from Arty organisations. Her brother was a big name in social anthropology by the time that Frances decided that she’d like to become a Professor of Social Sciences and her family own a huge building company which seems to have built most of south Wales. Frances’s colleague Rhys was Vice-President of Diabetes International, 2000-06. Previously Rhys was heavily involved with the diabetes division of WHO in Geneva – he still acts as a visiting consultant for WHO. Rhys Williams led the Advisory Group Review of Diabetes Services in 1993 and Chaired the Diabetes UK Wales Advisory Council

The final person listed on this Board of moneyed spivs and hypocrites is Dr Bob Young, who spent over 25 years working as a consultant diabetologist for Salford Royal NHS Foundation Trust.

 

Barbara Young, the CEO of Diabetes UK, described Uncle Harry as ‘one of the greatest defenders of a first-class NHS open to all on equal terms’. That must be why Uncle Harry’s two nephews colluded with other leading lights in New Labour to conceal malpractice and criminality in the NHS, much of it relating to organised child sexual abuse, which resulted in the likes of me and a few others being generally abused and then unlawfully refused NHS treatment. David Miliband has scarpered to America but Ed is still in the UK pledging his support for Angels and the NHS and whiskers on kittens and raindrops on roses, stressing that the NHS and the Top Doctors need even more money. Whenever Ed starts waxing lyrical about the NHS he mentions Uncle Harry, kind wise Uncle Harry who was such an influence on Ed whilst Ed was growing up. Uncle Harry whose colleagues were concealing a paedophile gang and organised crime whilst being paid a great deal of money.

Uncle Harry’s colleague from Guy’s, Professor Giancarlo Viberti, maintained that Uncle Harry was ‘one of the most non-discriminatory people that I have ever met’. No-one ever mentions the extreme discrimination that anyone who challenged Dafydd and the paedophile gang encountered, not even in order to win their battle with Ken Clarke.

Sir George Alberti was a friend and colleague of Uncle Harry’s for 40 years. Between 1985-2002 Sir George was Professor of Medicine at Newcastle-Upon-Tyne and then Dean of Medicine (1995-97) there. Newcastle-Upon-Tyne Medical School was populated with people who did Dafydd and the paedophiles many favours, particularly Lord John Walton the neurologist (see post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’). Professor Bob Woods and Dr Neil Davies who spent years working in the mental health services alongside Dafydd and the paedophiles both previously worked in mental health in Newcastle-Upon-Tyne. Liam Donaldson, the utterly lacklustre Chief Medical Officer whom Ed and David’s mate Blair appointed, is now Chancellor of the University of Newcastle-Upon-Tyne. Liam Donaldson’s principal claim to fame before Blair appointed him CMO was being the Senior Medical Officer of the Health Authority which employed Marietta Higgs and Geoffrey Wyatt, the two bottom inspecting paediatricians who were the cause of the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal. That scandal resulted in over 100 children being unnecessarily taken into care, serious accusations being levelled at innocent people and two suicides by innocent people who had been imprisoned – but at least it successfully muddied the waters regarding the abuse of children by the paedophile gang in north Wales (see post ‘Twas The Night Before Christmas And The Culprits Were Named’), the leading lights of which had previously worked in Gateshead where they had run a paedophile gang, which had been concealed by Ernest Armstrong the Labour MP and the father of Blair’s close mate Hilary Armstrong who succeeded her father in that seat (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’).

The north east of England was a political stronghold of Blair and his mates.

Sir George Alberti was Chair of King’s College Hospital Foundation NHS Trust, 2011-15. King’s College Hospital Foundation Trust was placed in special measures only weeks ago the day after the Chairman Bob Kerslake resigned. Bob was previously head of the Civil Service, 2012-15, so will know a great deal about the wrongdoing concealed by civil servants as described in post ‘Additional Security Measures’. Upon resigning Bob made a tear jerking statement about the cruel Gov’t starving the NHS of funds and how being a man of principle he was therefore resigning. King’s had been heading for disaster for a very long time, but because so many Top Doctors worked there no-one acknowledged what was going on. It was decided that there was no option but to place King’s in special measures as a result of the ‘sheer scale and pace of deterioration’ of its financial situation. King’s College Hospital was the territory of Sir Roger Williams, George Best’s doctor and the location of George Best’s liver transplant, although the public were led to believe that George paid for that transplant to be carried out by the private sector.

Bob Kerslake was recently appointed as an advisor to Jeremy Corbyn on health.

 

I mentioned the charitable nature of Lord David Sainsbury in my post ‘Security, Security’. Sainsbury is a billionaire who Chaired the Family business – Sainsbury’s, 1992-97. In 1997 he was given a peerage by Tony Blair and in 1998 was appinted the Minister for Science and Innovation. Sainsbury resigned from that post in 2006 but maintained that his resignation had nothing to do with the cash for honours scandal that had recently exploded. In July 2006 David Sainsbury had been the first person to be interviewed in the investigation but Charlie Falconer reassured everyone that Sainsbury’s appointment as Minister had been on merit alone and was entirely unrelated to the dosh that he had given to the Labour Party. So how meritorious was David Sainsbury? Well he had been to Eton and was a graduate of King’s College, Cambridge, had an MBA from Columbia Business School and had run the huge chain of supermarkets that he had inherited by accident of birth. How much had Sainsbury given to the Labour Party? Between 1996-2006 when he resigned his Ministerial position Sainsbury donated £16 million to the Labour Party. His generosity continued after 2006 – Sainsbury was a big fan of Gordon and donated another £2.5 million to the Labour Party during 2007-08. Sainsbury is also associated with the IPPR and Progress. He gave £2 million to Progress between 2001-11. Between Dec 2011-April 2013 Sainsbury gave £390k to Progress and the Movement for Change.

David Sainsbury did not end up in hot water simply because he gave many millions to the Labour Party. The real fuss was made because of a secret loan of £2 million that he’d given the Labour Party. Not that it was secret – Sainsbury admitted misleading the public by not declaring the loan but only ‘unintentionally’. David had declared the loan to his Permanent Secretary at the DTI Sir Brian Bender, but Bender’s office had become ‘confused’ because Sainsbury had made the loan at the same time as he’d made one of his many substantial donations to the Party. Sainsbury was giving Blair so much dosh that understandably the civil servants lost track of what he’d given and when.

Charlie Falconer who was Lord Chancellor at the time stated that individuals who loan money to political parties should not be barred from office, particularly if they are as talented as the enormously wealthy David Sainsbury. However in April 2006 in an interview with the Guardian Charlie admitted that the party loan amendment to the electoral administration bill that was at that time going through Parliament was an attempt to address the ‘considerable’ public concern over secret loans following the cash for honours scandal that had blown up in March 2006. Blair had commissioned retired civil servant Sir Hayden Philips to conduct a review of the funding of political parties to calm the storm. Falconer told the Guardian that he was going to completely rely on Sir Hayden’s opinion and that of course he wasn’t going to tell Hayden what the Gov’t thought it’s conclusions were in advance. So was there a danger of Hayden saying anything that could put Blair et al in a difficult position? Let’s take a look at Sir Hayden’s track record.

Hayden Philips is a graduate of Clare College, Cambridge and of Yale. He joined the civil service as an Assistant Principal in the Home Office in 1967 – when the Home Secretaries were Roy Jenkins (Dec 1965-Nov 1967) and Jim Callaghan (Nov 1967-June 1970). In 1967 the Home Office was directly responsible for the management of Approved Schools such as Axwell Park at Gateshead and Bryn Estyn. In 1967 Matt Arnold and Peter Howarth were working at Axwell Park and a paedophile ring was operating there, which was being concealed by Blair’s mate Ernest Armstrong who was using his friendship with Tony Crosland in Harold Wilson’s Gov’t to do this. In 1973 Matt Arnold and Peter Howarth relocated to Bryn Estyn – where they added to – and no doubt expanded – the paedophile gang which was busy in north Wales. Bryn Estyn was directly managed by the Home Office when Arnold and Howarth took up their jobs there. Hayden remained at the Home Office until 1977. Between 1970-72 he was Economic Advisor and then Principal, 1972-74, under Heath’s Home Secretaries, Reginald Maudling and Robert Carr. Roy Jenkins was Home Secretary, 1974-76 when Hayden Philips was Assistant Secretary at the Home Office and then Principal Private Secretary to Roy.

So Philips served in the Home Office under every Home Secretary that concealed the paedophile ring which originated in Gateshead and then sent two of its leading lights to north Wales to add to the fun there. Roy Jenkins not only concealed institutionalised child sexual abuse but he had an affair with Tony Crosland, who was used to conceal it as well – but then Roy Jenkins did some quite interesting things (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part ‘). Blair used to maintain that Roy Jenkins was his mentor and he did appoint Jenkins to advisor roles.

Roy and Hayden were so fond of each other that when Roy was appointed President of the European Commission in 1977, Hayden went with him as his Deputy Chef de Cabinet.

An article in the Spectator in 2003 about Hayden Philips described Roy Jenkins as Hayden’s ‘first and greatest patron’. Jenkins didn’t like dining alone and the Spectator informs us that when Roy was at the European Commission, 1977-79, Hayden frequently kept him company when he dined, along with the Chef de Cabinet, Crispin Tickell and a more junior member of staff Laura Grenfell. Before long Hayden divorced his first wife Dr Ann Watkins and married Laura. Laura’s father was Lord St Just and her mother was Leslie Carter, the daughter of Conde Nast of New York. Leslie Carter later married Mark Bonham-Carter. Bonham-Carter was the grandson of Liberal PM H.H. Asquith. His sister was married to Jo Grimond the leader of the Liberal Party and Bonham-Carter was an advisor to Grimond throughout his leadership. Bonham-Carter was also for a short time the MP for Torrington in Devon. One thing that Bonham-Carter will have known all about was the activities of Jeremy Thorpe (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’).

In 1979 Hayden Philips returned to the Home Office as Assistant Secretary whilst Willie Whitelaw was Home Secretary. Whitelaw used his many influential positions to conceal the paedophile ring in north Wales, of which his colleague Sir Peter Morrison was a member. Whilst Willie blathered on about short sharp shocks and young thugs, Peter Morrison was Lord Commissioner of the Treasury and was molesting those young thugs many of whom weren’t young thugs at all but disadvantaged young people who had fallen into the caring hands of the north Wales social services and mental health services. Hayden was Assistant Under-Secretary at the Home Office, 1981-86. So he’ll have known about the extensive wrongdoing at the Home Office under Home Secretaries Willie Whitelaw, Leon Brittan and Douglas Hurd as detailed in my post ‘Additional Security Measures’.

Philips continued his career at the scene of the crimes of Thatcher’s Gov’t. He was appointed Assistant Secretary in the Cabinet Office in 1986 when Robert Armstrong was Cabinet Secretary (see post ‘Additional Security Measures’). Between 1988-92 Philips was Deputy Secretary in the Treasury and then Permanent Secretary in the Department for National Heritage which evolved into the Department for Culture, Media and Sport, 1992 -98. He served under Secretaries of State David Mellor, Peter Brooke, Stephen Dorrell, Virginia Bottomley and Chris Smith. Chris Smith  was the MP for Finsbury Park which was part of Islington. He will have known about about the paedophile ring in the Islington children’s homes.

Hayden was Clerk of the Crown in the Chancery, 1998-04 and Permanent Secretary of the Lord Chancellor’s Dept, which in 2003 became the Dept of Constitutional Affairs. So that’s what Hayden Philips was doing whilst the Waterhouse Inquiry took place, when the Waterhouse Report was published and during the fall-out afterwards. Philips was working for Blair’s mates Derry Irvine and then Charlie Falconer. Philips was the first person who wasn’t a lawyer to head that Dept but he was such an asset that he was asked to stay on past retirement age, which is how he ended up working for Charlie Falconer.

It was noted by the Spectator that Blair’s ‘reforms’ which led to the creation of the Depts of Culture, Media and Sport and Constitutional Affairs was a process which led to the centralising of Whitehall control over huge swathes of the nation’s life. And Hayden Philips was put in control of it.

The Spectator article mentions that Philips had a reputation for shamelessly doing favours for the people in positions above him and that this made him very unpopular in some circles. A ‘high Tory’ was quoted as saying that Philips ‘was an oily little Welshman who thought he was going to be Cabinet Secretary by oiling up to the Labour Party’. I wonder where in Wales Philips came from – there are no references to any Welsh connections in the profiles that I have found of him. But then considering that Hayden Philips was helping to conceal wrongdoing that resulted in the murder of a number of witnesses to serious crime in Wales involving his political masters in London, it might have been very wise of him not to have advertised his Welsh connections.

Hayden lived on his farm near Salisbury in Wiltshire. Sir Peter Morrison’s family seat was in Wiltshire and dear old Ted Heath retired to Salisbury. Hayden was a Lay Canon at Salisbury Cathedral, Chairman of the Fabric Advisor Committee and Deputy Lieutenant of Wiltshire.

Hayden’s other appointments included: Senior Partner and Director of Hanson Westhouse; Director of GSL Ltd and St Just Farms Ltd; member of the Advisory Board of Englefield Capital; Director of Hanson Capital Investments; Chairman of Digital Cinema Funding Partnership.

Philips was appointed a member of the Council of Marlborough College in 1997 and in 2006 became Chairman of the Council. He was Chairman of the National Theatre, 2004-10.

Sir Hayden Philips was Charities Consultant to Prince Charles and the Duchess of Cornwall, 2004-09.

Philips conducted a review of the honours system in 2004 – so that’s why there has just been the annual row over the deeply unworthy people who received gongs in the New Years Honours list a few days ago. He did the work of His Master Blair in 2006-07 when he conducted his review of funding for political parties and in 2007 Philips Chaired inter-party talks on political funding.

In Jan 2010 Hayden Philips was appointed the Independent Reviewer for the ASA (Advertising Standards Authority). In Nov 2013 Philips was given the job of appointing the Board of the new Press Regulator.

Hayden Philips is a member of Brook’s club and a mate of Peter Hennessey, who has made a career out of crawling to the most deeply unpleasant politicians. I wonder whether Lord Hennessey of the Shameless Toadying will still dine out on his friendships now that a good number of his pals have been named on the internet as doing favours for a gang of paedophiles? Dafydd will be the only person left on the planet sending him dinner invitations.

So Hayden Philips was the man whom Blair appointed to reassure us all that nothing dodgy had gone on during David Sainsbury’s rapid journey from very rich grocer to the Minister for Science and Technology in the House of Lords.

 

What about Sir Brian Bender, the mandarin at the top of the DTI who got into a muddle because Sainsbury was giving the Labour Party so much dosh? Is Bender perhaps a dotty old man who’s not very good with numbers? No. Sir Brian Bender has a first degree and a PhD in physics from Imperial College and he joined the civil service after graduation. After the mergers between the institutions of London University, the London medical schools are all – or it might just be nearly all – now part of Imperial College. So the Top Doctors – including those at Hammersmith Hospital/Royal Postgraduate Medical School who built their careers on very questionable practices – now occupy an even mightier bastion of power and privilege. Just imagine the possibilities if you are a rather hopeless Labour politician who has aspirations to be PM and you have a Uncle who was a Top Doctor networked with that lot!

Sir Brian’s career as a mandarin resulted in him becoming Permanent Secretary at MAFF (later DEFRA), 2000-05 and then at the DTI, 2005-07, when he got all those millions from David Sainsbury that were pouring into the Labour Party’s coffers mixed up. Before that however, Sir Brian was Deputy Head of the European Secretariat at the Cabinet Office, 1994-99. Then Sir Brian was Permanent Secretary at the Cabinet Office, 1999-2000. So THAT’S who Blair trusted with that crucial position at the time of the publication of the Waterhouse Report.

Sir Brian had a notorious boss whilst he was the mandarin at the DTI, later known as the Dept for Business, Enterprise and Regulatory Reform – Peter Mandelson! Peter Mandelson employed another civil servant in that Dept as well but he doesn’t know that I know this. Mandy employed as one of his right hand people a law graduate who grew up on Anglesey. She’s considered quite a star back on Anglesey having done so well for herself. Guess who her dad is? He is Ron Evans, who was the crooked lawyer who was employed by Gwynedd County Council back in the 1980s to conceal the paedophile gang! I have lots and lots of documents with Ron’s name on them, detailing the various plans to fit me up in Court – I also have documents written and signed by Lucille Hughes ordering people to add to Ron’s collection of tall tales about me (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’). Nearly all the documents compiled about me by the paedophiles’ friends were CC’d to Ron Evans, not to his boss Hywel Ellis Hughes who was County Secretary. It was Ron who was the go-to crooked lawyer. In fact Ron Evans stopped that lot going to prison as his daughter will be able to tell you. Ron told them all that what they had all done was so serious and so illegal and so inexcusable that none of them must ever say a bloody word about it to anyone. Did Ron Evans end up in the Lords? No. Something very interesting happened to Ron after he saved everyone’s bacon. Ron became very ill with cancer and then had a serious nervous breakdown. He was handed over to the mental health services – one Bridget Lloyd was involved in his ‘care’ – and he was left to rot. He was never able to work as a lawyer again and his wife could not understand why so little could be done for her seriously ill husband. I’ll tell you why Dinah – because they were a bunch of murdering scumbags and their solution for protecting themselves was to dispose of anybody who had the dirt on them. Ron had mountains of it on all of them and when he became ill and could no longer work as a bent lawyer to keep them out of prison, as far as they were concerned he could be left to die just like the rest of us were.

Now Lloyd – would you like to tell the police what happened to Dorothy Griffiths, to Barry Shingles and tell them who told you you tell that pack of lies to the Court when you tried to have me imprisoned? Perhaps you would also like to tell the police the role that Keith Fearns played in that paedophile ring and what his trips to Eastern Europe with the ‘ladies football team’ were really all about? Furthermore you could come clean about just how many people were being unlawfully banged up in north Wales because most of the ‘sectioned’ patients that I met in Ysbyty Gwynedd or the North Wales Hospital Denbigh were being held illegally. Then there was that German student with anorexia – Sabrina – who was being ‘managed’ by Judy and Malcolm Stammers, your ‘social work colleagues’, both of whom knew what Dafydd and the paedophiles were doing – what did Sabrina know about you all that you were so terrified of her talking about? In case you hadn’t realised, the world is catching up with you, so there’ll be no more bullying vulnerable distressed people by Big Nurse anymore…

An article in the Torygraph in Feb 2009 reported that Sir Brian Bender would be retiring the following month with a pension pot worth £1.85 million, providing him with a hefty lump sum and an income of £75k per annum. In 2008 Brian Bender accepted 52 invitations to corporate functions, including KPMG, BT, Shell, Vodaphone and tickets for him and his wife to attend Wimbledon, the Derby and the Chelsea Flower Show. Brian Bender is currently on the list of ‘Speakers For Schools’. A fine example for the nation’s youth to follow…

In 2015 Bender was appointed Chair of Water UK. He was or still is Chairman of Honda’s European Communication and Consultation Group, Chairman of the Advisory Board of MHP Communications and Board mentor for Criticaleye Group.

 

David Sainsbury didn’t just bankroll the SDP and the Labour Party. He was pretty keen on the idea of the UK remaining in Europe. In 2016 he donated £2.150 million to the Labour Party’s ‘Remain’ campaign and £2.125 million to the Lib Dems ‘Remain’ campaign. Just for good measure Sainsbury also donated £260k to Progress in 2016.

After so many years of keeping New Labour afloat, Sainsbury announced that he would not be making any more donations to political parties and that he would be concentrating on charidee work – he had previous for this.

In 1967 the Gatsby Charitable Foundation was established by the Sainsbury dynasty. In 1993 David gave £200 million of Sainsbury’s shares to the Gatsby Foundation’s assets.

By 2009 the Gatsby Foundation had given £600 million to charity. In 2009 David allocated another £465 million to the Foundation, which made David Sainsbury the first Briton to give more than £1 billion to charity.

David founded the Sainsbury Management Fellowship in 1987 with the purpose of developing engineers into leaders in industry.

David Sainbury donated £127 million to Cambridge University over a period of 10 years.He donated £45 million the the Cambridge University Botanic Garden in 2005. In 2008 the Gatsby Foundation made a £82 million donation to Cambridge University and in 2011 the Cambridge University Sainsbury Laboratory opened. In 2008 David Sainsbury became a Fellow of the Royal Society and in 2011 Chancellor of Cambridge University. That appointment will have been made purely on merit as I am sure that Charlie Falconer could tell us.

David Sainsbury also dabbles in matters mental health. The Gatsby funded the utterly lame Sainsbury Centre for Mental Health, which was vigorously promoted to service users. I could never understand why because there was certainly never anything very exciting said or done by the Centre, but it was presented to service users as a Holy Grail. Imagine my surprise when I began teaching on an NVQ in Mental Health for aspiring care assistants at an FE College in Bangor in 2000 and on virtually every page of the course teaching material there was a shameless plug for the Sainsbury Centre for Mental Health. It was a piece of marketing and indoctrination every bit as blatant as the ‘samples’ of baby-related gear that are given out to new mothers in hospitals.

David wound up his Centre for Mental Health a few years ago, but the nations’s service users are not free from his yoke yet. David has put his lucre where the Top Doctors are at – into neuroscience! The Gatsby Foundation have funded the Gatsby Computational Neuroscience Unit at UCL since 1998. The Unit shares a much boasted about building with the Sainsbury-Wellcome Centre for Neural Circuitry and Behaviour. David even funded the 2014 Nobel Prize winner for physiology or medicine – Prof John O’Keefe, the Professor of Cognitive Neurosciences at UCL! Prof O’Keefe and some of his colleagues seem to have disappeared from the Gatsby Computational Neuroscience Unit’s webpage since I first mentioned Lord Sainsbury on this blog a few days ago. Too late Prof O’Keefe – I spotted you and remembered.

Presumably mental health research in the UK is now just a matter of David Sainbury saying ‘I own shrinks…’.

The Parole Board has been in the news today. It has incurred a great deal of bad publicity after it was revealed that John Worboys, a particularly vicious serial rapist, had been released from prison early without his victims being informed. This should not come as a surprise, because the Parole Board is packed with the corrupt Top Doctors who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘Security, Security’). Those in key positions at the time of Worboy’s prosecution and conviction also came under fire when it was revealed that Worboys had committed many, many more rapes and serious offences but no-one bothered to charge him with them. Those who have been named and shamed are Keir Steirmer who was DPP, Baroness Patsy Scotland the first black woman QC and a wonder of the world who was Attorney General and the wimmin’s friend Dame Vera Baird who was Solicitor General. All three have previously featured on this blog as paedophiles’ friends. The man wheeled out to answer difficult questions was Prof Nick Hardwick, the Chair of the Parole Board.

So is Nick a corrupt Top Doctor like so many members of the Parole Board? No, but his credentials are just as good. Nick graduated from Hull University in 1979 – so he will have been at Hull with dear old David Hanson MP, a paedophiles’ friend of the highest order (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part II’). Nick was Chief Exec of Centrepoint, 1986-95, so like the man who established Centrepoint the Rev Ken Leech (see post ‘Radical Leicester – And Some Other Free Radicals’), Nick will have known all about kids from care being trafficked into prostitution because they were Centrepoint’s clientele. In 1992 Nick was seconded to the Dept of the Environment to work as special advisor to Housing Minister Sir George Young under Secretaries of State Michael Heseltine and Michael Howard. Young was a Tory MP between 1974-2015, who seven months after John Major appointed him Minister for Housing and Planning appeared on the Radio 4 Today programme and told the listeners that the homeless are ‘the people you step over when you come out of the opera’. As opposed to these days when the homeless are the disabled people who have had their benefits withdrawn because an unqualified assessor from Crapita has decided that they are malingering, or the people whose tower block has gone up in flames. In 1992 during a Parliamentary discussion concerning the Armley Asbestos Disaster, in response to requests for financial assistance from Gov’t for residual asbestos removal , Young refused, stating that it would not be ‘a justifiable use of public funds’.

Young is an enthusiastic cyclist and was known as the ‘bicycling baronet’. In 1982 he appeared with his young children and Jimmy Savile on a British Rail poster advertising the fact that one could now take one’s bike on the train. Despite his fondness for cycling, in 1987 George Young was banned for drink driving. He crashed into a motorway barrier but continued until he was stopped by the police.

George Young has previously been a churchwarden and a member of a diocesan synod of the Church of England. He is a Patron of the Tory Reform Group.

Between 1995-2003 Nick Hardwick was CEO of the Refugee Council. In 2002 he was appointed head of the IPPC and in July 2010 Nick became Chief Inspector of Prisons. In March 2016 he was appointed Chair of the Parole Board.

Hardwick was Chair of the Housing Ombudsman Service, 2010-13. He is or was Chair of the New Horizon Youth Centre and a Trustee of Prisoners Abroad. Leicester University, that institution which employed so many people who concealed the activities of Frank Beck, Greville Janner and the Leicestershire paedophile ring made Nick an Honorary Visiting Fellow. The University of Leicester website mentions that Nick’s ‘earlier career’ was with NACRO. So that will have been in the early 80s – when NACRO, at least in north Wales, were keeping quiet about the paedophile gang although some of their clients had been the victims of that gang.

Nick is Professor of Criminal Justice at Royal Holloway, University of London.

 

My post ‘A Galaxy of Talent’ mentioned Top Doctors at Barts who concealed serious wrongdoing, including Linford Rees who had connections to Wales. Graham Chapman of Monty Python fame qualified as a Top Doctor from Barts but left medicine soon after qualifying. Chapman came out as gay long before  it was socially acceptable and was an early member of Gay Liberation. Because he was famous and a zany comedian, Chapman’s often very unacceptable conduct was excused. He was an alcoholic who entertained himself by dipping his penis in people’s drinks in pubs in Highgate where he lived but it was only a Python being madcap so he wasn’t arrested. Something else that Chapman did that was very widely known but went unmentioned was to pick up teenaged boys for sex. Chapman ‘took in’ a teenager from Liverpool who had run away. Chapman was interviewed by the police and basically intimidated the plod by stressing that he was a doctor. There were no further inquiries. Everybody was told that the teenager, John Tomiczec, was 17. He was 13. Chapman knew Snowdonia well and visited regularly because he was a keen climber. There was some connection between John, Chapman and Snowdonia – either John was in Snowdonia when he met Chapman or Chapman took him there which was where Chapman was interviewed by the police. John refused to return to Liverpool and Chapman met John’s father and told him that John wanted to move in with Chapman. This is what happened and Chapman and his partner David Sherlock subsequently adopted him in the early 1970s. John was always introduced as Chapman’s son but it was an open secret that there was a sexual element to their relationship. John had a whale of a time living with Chapman. He appeared in a Python film and Graham let him drink as much as he wanted. Chapman died of cancer in 1989 at 48. John died in 1992.

This blog has mentioned 1992 a lot. Sir Peter Morrison stepped down as an MP at the 1992 General Election which was held on 9 April and a whole host of people who had concealed the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were elevated to the peerage. Professor Hamid Ghodse at St George’s Hospital Medical School whose colleagues had concealed the criminal atrocities of Tony Francis, Dafydd Aun Jones and Lucille Hughes (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London…’) opened his International Centre for Drugs Policy. Ghodse had a connection to Wales.

On 15 March 1992 the police carried out dawn raids in the Wrexham area. 16 men and 1 woman were arrested – all but one had worked at Bryn Estyn. No child porn or evidence of a paedophile ring was found. All but 4 of  the 16 men who had been arrested were released before the end of the day without  charge. Of the others only one made any admissions.

John Major’s Tory Party was re-elected on 9 April.

Less than two weeks later five witnesses to the abuse of children in care in north Wales were killed by fire caused by a petrol bomb (see post ‘The Silence of the Welsh Lambs’). The man who allegedly confessed to starting the fire was found dead days later. One man who survived claimed that victims of the paedophile gang in north Wales were being murdered – he was later found dead after having given evidence, days before he was due to receive a payment from the Criminal Injuries Compensation Board.

At the time of the police raids in Wrexham the Home Secretary was Kenneth Baker and the Secretary of State for Health was William Waldegrave. At the time of the arson attack which killed the five witnesses the Home Secretary was Ken Clarke and the Secretary of State for Health was Virginia Bottomly.

Chris Patten was Chair of the Conservative Party throughout and had organised the Tories election campaign. The Tories had feared losing the election partly because of the perceived crisis of confidence in the criminal justice system. Sir Peter Morrison had previously been Deputy Party Chairman whilst Norman Tebbit was Chairman.

Thatcher’s autobiography ‘The Downing Street Years’ was published in 1993. Among those thanked in the acknowledgements were Sir Peter Morrison.

The Cradle of Filth

One of the first people whom I approached over the wrongdoing of the north Wales mental health services was Lord Wyn Roberts. He wasn’t Lord back then, he was just Wyn Roberts. When I approached Wyn, the mental health services had behaved pretty dreadfully, but I didn’t realise that the wrongdoing would simply escalate after I made representation about it. Of course I didn’t get anywhere at all with dear old Wyn and comments subsequently made to me by various mental health professionals in north Wales made it clear that they were very certain of his support and that I’d acquired quite a reputation for myself because I had dared approach him. I was soon wondering whether he was a personal friend of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and whether Wyn Roberts was one of Dafydd’s ‘powerful friends’ to whom I was constantly hearing references.

Wyn Roberts was Conservative MP for Conwy, 1970-97. He was the Tories ‘man in Wales’ for decades and the one of the Great Mysteries of North Wales was the failure of Thatcher to ever appoint him Secretary of State for Wales. Despite his shameless toadying and successful concealing of the shit-pit that was Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends, she never did. Roberts was appointed Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State at the Welsh Office in 1979 and Minister of State at the Welsh Office in 1987, where he remained until 1994. He picked up a knighthood in 1990 and a peerage in 1997. Roberts was at the Welsh Office throughout the paedophile years and throughout the investigations into the abuse of children in north Wales and the subsequent cover-ups. He was there when Mary Wynch was unlawfully arrested, incarcerated and fleeced of her property by Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends, he was there throughout the years that Alison Taylor desperately blew the whistle repeatedly, he was there when I was repeatedly arrested, illegally incarcerated, harassed, threated, assaulted etc. Roberts was in office when witnesses were found dead and he was there in 1992 when five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed in an arson attack (see post ‘The Silence of the Welsh Lambs’). Wyn Roberts was there throughout the whole fucking lot.

Why Roberts knew that there was very serious misconduct in Gwynedd Health Authority. My post ‘A Visit To Gwynedd Archives’ mentions how Roberts’s contributions to questions in the House regarding Gwynedd Health Authority are recorded in Hansard in 1989. There was chaos in Gwynedd Health Authority – the Health Authority was bankrupt, the level of ‘service’ was completely unacceptable, the Welsh Office had sent in a hit squad to try to rescue the Authority and David Hunt, then a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, had personally written to Noreen Edwards, the Chairman of Gwynedd Health Authority. What no-one did at any time was investigate patients’ complaints let alone dismiss or prosecute any of the people who had abused patients and broken the law, although there was documentary evidence of criminal activities.

Wyn Roberts was born in 1930 and was from Llansadwrn on Anglesey. His mother was a teacher and his father was a Methodist Minister. The family were described as being ‘vaguely Liberal’. Wyn Roberts stated that his earliest memory was of being breast fed by his mother. Which for a man of his generation and background was a rather odd thing to say in public. Roberts went to school in Beaumaris and won a scholarship to Harrow in 1944. The official biography of Wyn maintains that although he could write English ‘excellently’, his spoken English until he went to Harrow was not good. I don’t believe this – because Wyn Roberts later constructed himself as a defender of the Welsh language in the face of hostile colleagues in the Anglocentric Tory Party, such a claim would have served him very well in north Wales. Welsh was the language of most people in north west Wales at the time, but Wyn Roberts’s family were members of the educated middle-classes. They may well have spoken Welsh at home, but Roberts will have been able to speak English and speak it well – Roberts’s parents would not have expected him to work in a quarry or on a farm, they would have wanted a professional career for him and they would have known that he would have needed his English. Indeed when Roberts was at school, teaching in schools in north Wales was still through the medium of English – it was this which caused so much resentment and led to the Welsh language campaigns of the 1960s, 70s and 80s.

Whilst carrying out his national service, Roberts served in the Intelligence Corps and was involved in the Cold War tapping of the Russian HQ in Vienna, ‘Operation Silver’. He later claimed that the operation involved counter-espionage and he was approached possibly by Kim Philby to switch sides. Researchers into organised sexual abuse in the UK have constantly pointed to links with the security services which were used to protect abusers. The security services also seemed to have recruited huge numbers of clever gay men from Oxbridge, at a time when being gay was very difficult, made one vulnerable to blackmail and was also conflated with paedophilia – which enabled paedophiles to then shelter under the umbrella of the gay rights movement in the 1960s. It wasn’t going to end happily was it.

Roberts was a graduate of University College Oxford himself. His early career was in the media. He worked as a sub-editor on the Liverpool Daily Post 1952-54 and then as a TV news assistant with the BBC. In 1957 Roberts joined TWW (Television Wales and West) as a producer of news, special events and Welsh language programmes. In 1968 the regional franchise was transferred to Harlech TV (which later became HTV), founded by Lord David Harlech (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’ for details of Lord Harlech and the many unfortunate things that happened to him and his family). Roberts attributed the switch in franchise simply to successful political lobbying, although he retained his job and worked for Harlech TV. Wyn’s claim to fame as a young man was that his work brought him into contact with the likes of Shirley Bassey and Richard Burton.

I can find no explanation of why Roberts, from a ‘vaguely Liberal’ family (as Welsh speaking middle-class nonconformists in north Wales at that time, it would have been highly likely that the family would be Liberal), who had only shown ‘mild political interests’ as a student stood as a Tory Parliamentary candidate, but in 1970 he did. The Tories were delighted to have a well-known Welsh speaker to stand as a candidate in Wales. The ‘Welsh issue’ was a problem – the natives over there were rebelling, there were language protests and there had even been bombs planted by ‘Welsh extremists’ – and support for Plaid was gathering momentum after the election of Gwynfor Evans the first Plaid MP in Carmarthen in 1966. Conwy was a marginal seat – Roberts won it for the Tories and helped Heath into Gov’t.

Between 1970-74, Roberts was PPS to Peter Thomas, Secretary of State for Wales. The paedophile gang was in full swing at this time, John Allen’s empire of children’s homes – the Bryn Alyn Community – in which children were being horrifically abused and trafficked into prostitution was growing and Gwynne and Dafydd out at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh were abusing patients like there was no tomorrow. Bryn Estyn was still categorised as an approved school and was run directly by the Home Office – it functioned as a brothel.

 

Peter Thomas became Lord Gwydir in 1987. He was from Llanwrst and his father was a solicitor who was a Liberal. Like Wyn Roberts, Thomas was that rare thing, a Tory who spoke Welsh. Thomas went to Jesus College, Oxford – a college known for it’s Welsh links – and joined the Conservative Association at Oxford. After WWII Thomas became a barrister, working on the corrupt Chester and Wales Circuit. Thomas was along there with the best of those who have featured on this blog. He was Deputy Chair of the Cheshire Quarter Sessions from 1966, the Deputy Chair of the Denbighshire Quarter Sessions from 1968 and served in both of these offices until 1970. Thomas was a Crown Court Recorder between 1974-88. He also became an arbitrator of the Court of Arbitration of the International Chamber of Commerce, Paris. (Thomas was a keen European.) Thomas continued his career in law whilst he was active in politics.

Thomas was elected as MP for Conwy in 1951. He was PPS to Sir Harry Hylton-Foster, the Solicitor General 1954-59. Thomas was a member of the Council of Europe 1957-59 and Parliamentary Secretary in the Minister of Labour, 1959-61. It was Thomas who sponsored the private members bill which became the Eisteddfod Act in 1959, allowing the National Eisteddfod to receive funding from public monies. This will have been perceived as an obscure minority interest by Thomas’s colleagues in England, but it will have earned him a great many Brownie points among many influential Welsh speakers in Wales. Wyn himself was made a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards in 1966 – a number of paedophiles’ friends are also members.

Thomas was appointed Under-Secretary of State at the Foreign Office in 1961 – he went to Moscow with Lord Home in 1963 to sign the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty. (Thomas was appointed Minister of State for Foreign Affairs in 1963.) Whilst he was at the Foreign Office Thomas lied to MPs concerning a spy who was arrested in Hungary, denying any connection with the British Intelligence Services. The Tories lost the General Election in 1964 and in 1966 Thomas lost Conwy to the Labour candidate, namely Ednyfed Hudson Davies. Thomas returned to Parliament at the General Election in 1970 as the MP for Hendon South, a seat that he held until he retired from the Commons in 1987.

Like Wyn Roberts, Peter Thomas flagged up his Welshness when Wales was seething with fury towards England after the drowning of the village of Capel Celyn in 1965 to provide a reservoir to supply Liverpool with water and the Aberfan disaster. Thomas was the first Welshman to become Chair of the Tory Party (1970-72). It was Thomas who established the Welsh Water Authority – which was later privatised. He was Secretary of State for Wales throughout the whole of Heath’s premiership during which there was violent activism in Wales and the campaign by Cymdeithas involving the removal of English language road signs. Interestingly enough, in his capacity as a QC, Peter Thomas had defended John Jenkins, a ‘Welsh extremist’, who was charged with causing 18 explosions.

Thomas was President of the Conservative Friends of Israel.

As well as failing to deal with and remaining silent about the abuse of children and mental health patients in north Wales, Thomas was obviously involved in other skulduggery. He was ‘helpful’ in the 1972 and 74 miners’ strikes and served on the Select Committee which investigated John Poulson, later admitting that he should have cross-examined Reginald Maudling regarding his disclaimer of remuneration from Poulson. (Maudling was Home Secretary who became embroiled in scandal as a result of his business links with Poulson and subsequently resigned.) Once in the Lords, Thomas backed Nicholas Edwardes’s Bill which gave the green light to the development of Cardiff Bay, a development which cost the taxpayer many millions of pounds and made Nicholas Edwardes aka Lord Crickhowell and some of his friends and business associates very rich (see post ‘Corruption Bay Special’).

In 1947 Thomas married Tessa Dean, the daughter of Lady Mercy Greville. Mercy’s mother, the Countess of Warwick, had been a campaigning socialist as well as the long-term mistress of Edward, Prince of Wales, who later became King Edward VII.

Thomas was the first Conservative politician to occupy the position of Secretary of State for Wales. His predecessor had been the notorious George Thomas aka Lord Tonypandy who later became Speaker. Thomas was someone else who ignored the abuse of vulnerable people, even in the wake of the Ely Hospital Scandal. Wales is currently trying to forget that George Thomas ever existed what with that police investigation  into allegations that he abused young boys himself. The Secretary of State for Wales who succeeded Peter Thomas was John Morris aka Lord Aberavon, another Welsh lawyer who continued the fine old tradition of leading the Welsh Office whilst it concealed the north Wales paedophile ring and the criminal misconduct of Dafydd and Gwynne.

Regular readers will know that when it has been necessary to conceal the wrongdoing of the paedophiles and their friends, alliances and friendships across political divides were made. Bear this in mind as you read the details that follow regarding one of Peter Thomas’s good friends, Cledwyn Hughes, later Lord Cledwyn.

Cledwyn Hughes’s father David left school at twelve to work in the Dinorwic slate quarry, as his forebears did. However in his early 20s, David Hughes – known as Harri – became a Calvinist Methodist preacher in Holyhead. (Cledwyn Hughes later preached in the chapels on Anglesey, even when he was a Cabinet Minister.) Harri was a Liberal, a fervent supporter of Lloyd George and his daughter Lady Megan Lloyd George, who in 1929 became the MP for Anglesey. Cledwyn went to Holyhead Grammar School and then read law at University College Aberystwyth, where he was Chair of the Liberal Society. In 1937 Cledwyn graduated and began work as an articled clerk to a solicitor in Holyhead. He had a change of heart politically as a result of him gaining knowledge about the social conditions of many and in 1938 he joined the Labour Party. In 1940 he qualified as a solicitor. In 1945 whilst he was still in the Air Force Cledwyn stood as the Labour candidate for Anglesey against Lady Megan, although this caused his father much unhappiness. He was demobbed in 1946 and became acting clerk to Holyhead District Council. Between 1946-53, Cledwyn was a member of Anglesey County Council. This is ancient history now, but Cledwyn remained on very good terms with Anglesey County Council throughout his years in Parliament. He remained in the Commons until 1979 and then joined the Lords where he remained until his death in 2001.

So Cledwyn was mates with Anglesey County Council until 2001. Anglesey was the site of some of the most serious abuse of children in care, both in children’s homes and in foster care. One of the children’s homes involved was in Holyhead. Anglesey County Council has been riddled with serious corruption for years, it is a standing joke in north Wales. There have been police investigations into Councillors and at least one Councillor went to prison. One Councillor who faced criminal charges violently attacked a journalist and cameraman when they tried to interview him, smashing the camera. I’m not aware that he was prosecuted. Other Councillors on Anglesey became millionaires after giving each other planning permission for developments. It is so bad on Anglesey that people would comment that the Councillors go to prison and sit on the Council again when they were released. It was alleged that the Director of Social Services on Anglesey some years ago had been caught by the police having sex in his car in a public place, but yet again there was never any talk of charges. Anglesey County Council is truly famous and has of course featured in Private Eye’s Rotten Boroughs column a number of times. Some years ago I enquired of a local man with an excellent knowledge of the shenanigans on Anglesey ‘which ones are the corrupt Councillors?’ and I was told ‘they all are, there aren’t any honest ones’. And to add to the fun they all absolutely hated each other.

In 1950 Cledwyn challenged Megan at the polls again but lost – then in 1951 he stood against her again and won, becoming MP for Anglesey.

During his years in the Commons, Cledwyn worked to bring employment to Anglesey – he played a key role in securing the development of the nuclear power station at Wylfa and also in attracting Rio Tinto to establish the Anglesey Aluminium plant. Cledwyn supported the Parliament for Wales Campaign and was involved in a petition to support this, but the campaign failed – Cledwyn was strongly opposed by some of his own Labour colleagues, especially those from constituencies in south Wales. Cledwyn was successful in his efforts to secure the establishment of a post of Secretary of State for Wales.

In 1964, Cledwyn was appointed Minister of State for Commonwealth Relations in Wilson’s Labour Gov’t and between 1966-68 he was appointed Secretary of State for Wales himself. Under him – as Minister of State  – until 1967 was the dreadful George Thomas.

Cledwyn was Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the disaster at Aberfan in 1966. He always maintained that Aberfan was the worst event of his life. Wilson gave Cledwyn military-style powers regarding Aberfan and it was Cledwyn who set up the public inquiry into the disaster. It was revealed that Lord Robens, Chairman of the National Coal Board, misled Cledwyn regarding the frequency of the tip inspections. Later on George Thomas in his capacity as Secretary of State for Wales was responsible for the dirty deed which resulted in a sizeable proportion of the money raised by the Aberfan Disaster Memorial Fund being forcibly used to fund the clearing of the remaining tips.

Cledwyn is described as having been responsible for the development of the Welsh Office and the creation of its civil service structure. The structure containing all those corrupt civil servants who concealed criminal activities in the social services and the health service. Cledwyn is also credited with securing the arrival of the Royal Mint at Llantrisant in 1967, which was perceived to have enhanced the status of the Welsh Office.

In 1968 Harold Wilson moved Cledwyn from the Welsh Office to MAFF – Cledwyn was known to be disappointed to have to leave the paedophiles’ friends at the Welsh Office behind. Cledwyn had been involved with the preparations for the 1969 Investiture of Prince Charles which had resulted in him writing a monthly letter to Charles (who was then at Cambridge) regarding matters in Wales. George Thomas, a man who was investigated for child abuse himself – as was his good friend Leo Abse – was appointed Secretary of State in Cledwyn’s place.

Cledwyn was a supporter and admirer of the way in which powers over agriculture in Wales were transferred to the paedophiles’ friends at the Welsh Office. Cledwyn favoured extending the Welsh Office’s powers over health as well. Clearly Dafydd et al were not receiving enough support from the Welsh Office’s corrupt lawyer Andrew Park and the corrupt Medical Ombudsman Professor Robert Owen, both of whom concealed their criminal misconduct in 1988.

In 1969 Cledwyn established the Waterhouse Committee on rabies – led by dear old Sir Ronnie Waterhouse, who talents were utilised again in 1996 when William Hague appointed him to lead the cover-up into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal.

It is documented that at the 1970 General Election there were ‘scenes’ as Cledwyn was heavily criticised by Plaid, but I don’t know what the scenes and criticism were all about. It certainly won’t have been a demo about institutionalised corruption in the Welsh Office.

In 1974 Cledwyn became Chair of the Parliamentary Labour Party and in 1976 Harold Wilson’s sudden resignation left Cledwyn needing to organise the election of Wilson’s successor.

Cledwyn was close to both Roy Jenkins and James Callaghan. Cledwyn had known Callaghan since 1949 when they had met at the home of Glenys Kinnock’s parents in Holyhead no less. After Callaghan was elected as PM he recommended Cledwyn for the award of Companion of Honour! Pity about all those kids who were abused and then banged up in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh wasn’t it Glenys…

In March 1977 Cledwyn was involved in the negotiations which led to the formation of the Lib Lab pact. The following year Cledwyn supported three Plaid MPs to support Callaghan’s Gov’t when it needed propping up, in return for a commitment to legislate for compensation to be awarded for former quarry workers with silicosis.

The compensation for silicosis business dragged on for a very long time – most of the quarrymen were dead or nearly dead by the time that the Gov’t stumped up. When I was living in a quarrying village near Bethesda in the 1990s, Dafydd Wigley was regularly appearing in the media as a result of his campaign to get the Gov’t to cough up for the quarrymen as promised. So why didn’t Dafydd Wigley have a quiet word in a few Westminster ears and tell them to pay the dying quarrymen or he’d go public on the paedophile gang? Because most of Wigley’s colleagues in Plaid had ignored or concealed the paedophile gang as well. Dafydd Wigley’s own powerbase and constituency office was in Caernarfon, cheek by jowl with the HQ of the Plaid-dominated Gwynedd County Council and the offices of the Social Services. Wigley could have gone next door and performed a citizen’s arrest on Lucille Hughes (the Director of Social Services and Dafydd Alun Jones’s mistress) and her partners in crime if he’d really wanted…

In 1977 Cledwyn led a Parliamentary delegation to the Soviet Union and in 1978 he was despatched to Rhodesia as a special envoy for talks with Ian Smith concerning the handing over of power to the black majority. Cledwyn didn’t get very far. Neither did he manage to persuade Joshua Nkomo to give up the armed struggle.

Cledwyn was enormously disappointed in 1979 after Wales voted against devolution. One person who campaigned against devolution was a Neil Kinnock, son-in-law of the folk in whose house Cledwyn met his mate Jim Callaghan. Cledwyn stood down as MP for Anglesey a few weeks later. Keith Best, the Tory who subsequently concealed the wrongdoing in north Wales along with his boss Wyn Roberts, succeeded Cledwyn.

Not to worry, in 1979 Cledwyn was given a peerage.

In 1981 Cledwyn became Deputy Labour leader in the Lords and then in 1982, Leader. He remained Labour leader in the Lords until 1992. Neil Kinnock was leader of the Labour Party between 1983-92 and for most of that time Cledwyn retained ‘a strong working relationship’ with Kinnock. As everybody kept quiet about Dafydd and the paedophiles.

Cledwyn obtained funding from the Tory Gov’t to merge University College Cardiff with UWIST to form Cardiff University and in 1981 he played a leading part in persuading Willie Whitelaw to change policy concerning the establishment of S4C, the Welsh language TV channel, thus influencing Gwynfor Evans to abandon his hunger strike.

Now however did Cledwyn persuade a Tory Gov’t led by Thatcher who’s aide Sir Peter Morrison was abusing boys in care in north Wales to do all that???

Cledwyn was President of University College Aberystwyth (which later became Aberystwyth University) between 1976-85 – the building that houses their School of Business is named after him. In 1985 he became Pro-Chancellor of the University of Wales and then President of the UCNW (which later became Bangor University) in 1995.

Cledwyn died in 2001 in Ysbyty Glan Clwyd, a hospital which had been ruined as a result of mismanagement and corruption by the paedophiles’ friends. One of his obituaries stated that he was ‘an efficient administrator…with a considerable talent for story telling’.

 

To return to Wyn Roberts now. In 1974 the Tories lost the General Election, Peter Thomas lost his position as Secretary of State for Wales and Roberts became an opposition spokesperson for Wales, along with Nicholas Edwardes, until 1979 when the Thatcher was elected as PM. Wyn Roberts was then appointed Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State at the Welsh Office and Nicholas Edwardes, later Lord Crickhowell, was appointed Secretary of State for Wales. In 1987 Roberts was appointed Minister of State at the Welsh Office under the new Secretary of State for Wales, Peter Walker. Walker remained in that post until 1990 when he stepped down of his own accord – the year that Wyn Roberts picked up his knighthood.

 

Peter Walker was the Tory MP for Worcester, 1961-92. He retired from the Commons and picked up his peerage in 1992 ie. the year after I was bullied out of my job at St George’s Hospital Medical School after an attempt to frame me for serious offences by the mental health services in north Wales; the year after my close friend who knew what had happened to me in north Wales and who wanted to make a film about it was unfairly dismissed from the Royal Television Society and had her career in the media ruined; the year that her partner was being hounded out of his job at the BBC. It was in April 1992 that five witnesses to the North Wales Paedophile Ring were killed in an arson attack.

Walker had shown an interest in a political career at a very young age. In 1946 when he was 14 he spoke at a Conservative Conference and was invited to meet Leo Amery, who had plotted the overthrow of Lloyd George’s Coalition in 1922. Amery told Walker to become financially independent before entering the Commons, because it would stop him having to be compromised ‘if resignation were necessary’. Obviously an occupational hazard that one must plan for.

Walker followed Amery’s advice and went into the insurance business, soon forming a partnership with the future MP for Taunton Edward Du Cann, who when I was a kid in Somerset was widely alleged to have been a crook. When Du Cann was older he resigned from a company just before it collapsed owing millions and was later investigated for matters relating to his taxes. Walker also invested in property companies and formed a City partnership with Jim Slater, Slater Walker Securities.

Walker worked on JFK’s Primary election campaign team and was PPS to Selwyn Lloyd when Lloyd was Lord Privy Seal. Walker and Lloyd remained close friends – Lloyd was godfather to one of Walker’s sons.

In 1965 Walker organised Heath’s leadership campaign and under Heath was appointed Minister for Housing and Local Gov’t. In 1970 Walker was proud to be the world’s first Environment Minister. He was Secretary of State for Energy, 1983-87, playing an ‘important role’ in opposing the miners’ strike. During the miners’ strike, Walker maintained private links with Norman Willis, the General Secretary of the TUC, which sounds like the basis for something underhand.

As Secretary of State for Wales, Walker ‘easily won’ crucial financial battles with John Major, the then Chief Secretary to the Treasury. Walker also ‘pioneered a Valley’s initiative, attracted major investment from Bosch and Toyota and gave the go-ahead for the second Severn Bridge’. The building of Corruption Bay went ahead on Walker’s watch.

Walker was Chair of the Carlton Club and a founder of the Tory Reform Group. He has held Directorships with: Rothschilds; Tate and Lyle; Dalgety and British Gas. Walker was the Chairman of Thornton and Co.

Walker’s son Robin followed in his footsteps as MP for Worcester.

Walker was a great champion of the hospice movement and was the Patron of St Richards Hospice in Worcester which was founded in 1984. I have always been a little mystified as to why, in north Wales, the hospices are log jammed with the paedophiles’ friends – I have previously blogged about those associated with St David’s Hospice in Llandudno and St Kentigerns at St Asaph. I presumed that it was a function of so many of the paedophiles’ friends being involved with health and social care, but I’m wondering if there was a bigger problem after reading an extract from Hansard, March 2000. The extract is the transcript of a speech that Walker made to the Lords in which he pleads for NHS funding for hospices and includes the responses of other members of the Lords.

In the Lords debate, a number of Top Doctors are warmly mentioned, including Professor David Clark and Professor Karol Sikora. David Clark was mentioned in a comment by a correspondent to this blog some weeks ago. Karol Sikora is a cancer specialist who for some years now has robustly promoted the privatisation of the NHS and is a leading light in a pressure group with other Top Doctors lobbying for this. Yet in 2000 the Lords involved in a debate about hospice funding were using figures supplied by Sikora as a basis for arguing for NHS funding for hospices. Sikora worked at Hammersmith Hospital in the late 1980s when I was a postgraduate there, although he seemed to have a big bust up with his former colleagues from Hammersmith a few years ago. For details of the research fraud and misconduct that was happening at Hammersmith, see post ‘A Cause Close To Our Hearts’. The impression that I have always gained of Sikora is that he is primarily concerned with becoming very rich. He is a wealthy man already but I think that he wants more – his rationale for privatising the NHS is frequently wrapped up in arguments that Top Doctors can then be paid what they are truly worth. In one article in a broadsheet he argued that people should be paid on the basis of how essential their contribution is to society and therefore doctors should be paid more than anyone else. NHS consultants earn approx. £100k basic – people like Sikora who undertake private work earn much, much more. Food is even more essential for life than hi-tech oncology – so I await Sikora to begin lobbying for dinner ladies who feed the nations’ children and subsistence farmers in developing countries to be paid more than he is.

Another Top Doctor who gets a mention in Hansard during Walker’s debate is Vicky Clement-Jones. Vicky Clement-Jones was a Top Doctor from Barts who in the mid-80s developed ovarian cancer herself and died, whilst still only in her 30s. Before she died, Vicky and some others whom she knew founded a charity called Cancer BACUP. It gained an enormous amount of publicity and also undertook a massive amount of fundraising. BACUP made a lot of noise about being the vehicle to beat cancer, particularly ovarian cancer, which had a frighteningly high mortality rate. Vicky Clement-Jones donated her own tissue to cancer research and I remember attending a lecture which featured her cell lines. The death of Vicky Clement-Jones was undoubtedly very sad but I am intrigued by the way in which Cancer BACUP received such a high profile and the discourse that accompanied it. Vicky Clement-Jones herself was an outstanding researcher as well as a Top Doctor – she had done very very well whilst she was at Cambridge and by the time that she set that charity up she was at Barts with years of research and clinical work under her belt. She will have known as well as I do that what holds cancer research – or indeed any branch of health and social care research – back is not the lack of donations to charity or people like Vicky donating cell lines, it is research fraud, bad science and the vested interest of pharmaceutical companies, the medical establishment and the blinkered views of policy makers. The literature produced by BACUP is very similar to the literature produced by present day cancer charities – it is all about ‘fighting cancer’, ‘inspirational people’, ‘fund raising so scientists can find out more’ etc etc. Vicky would have been too intelligent to believe that this was going to lead anywhere. Yet it was full speed ahead for BACUP.

Vicky died and health outcomes for many cancers in the UK today are not that much better than they were when Vicky established BACUP. Ovarian cancer still has a very high mortality rate and is usually not diagnosed until the prognosis is poor. In spite of all the fighting, the surviving, the screening etc etc. I would dearly love to know the full story behind BACUP and why Vicky allowed herself to be used in a way that she must have known would not lead to improvements in outcomes for cancer patients. I note from past BACUP documents that BACUP was given a lot of free PR when Professor Anthony Clare interviewed Vicky Clement-Jones on ‘In The Psychiatrist’s Chair’ and through their links with Rob Buckman. Rob Buckman was a high profile media Top Doctor who was a cousin of Barbara Amiel, wife of Conrad Black who owned the Telegraph. Amiel and Black both ended up going to prison for white-collar crime involving large sums of money. Rob Buckman left the UK for America and died a few years ago ‘in his sleep for an unknown reason’. Which sounds rather unlikely, particularly as he wasn’t even that old.

However I learnt something from Hansard, namely that a leading light in BACUP was one Lord Tim Clement-Jones, Vicky’s widower. It was Tim who was repeating Karol Sikora’s demands for money from the NHS for hospices. Tim also mentioned Professor Mike Richards, the then National Cancer Care Director and refers to a joint statement from the BMA and the RCN.

Tim Clement-Jones is a solicitor and was the head of legal services at LWT, 1980-93. He became a Trustee and Director of Cancer BACUP in 1986; was Co-Secretary of Woolworths Ltd which later became Kingfisher plc between 1986-95; was Chair of the Liberal Party 1986-88; was Chair of Crime Concern, 1991-95; was Treasurer of the Lib Dems, 2005-10; is the honorary President of Ambitious About Autism – and was Chair of the Trustees for 7 years; the London Managing Partner of DLA Piper UK LLP and Chair of their China and Middle East desks; a member of UCL’s Council; a Trustee of the Barbican Centre; an Ambassador of the Law Society; an Ambassador of Barts Charity.

In 1998 Tim was made a life peer.

LWT, the Liberal Party and the Law Society are well aware of the wrongdoing of the Top Doctors and the problem of organised child sexual abuse, including the paedophile ring that operated in north Wales when Peter Walker and his colleagues at the Welsh Office concealed such matters. As for Kingfisher plc – in the early 1990s, Kingfisher plc held the contract for cleaning a number of shops in Bangor and some of the depts in Bangor University. The cleaners were grossly exploited and were supervised by regional supervisors who were also grossly exploited and were pressurised from above to exploit the cleaners. No-one worked for Kingfisher plc for more than two months, not even the supervisors. The pay was as low as Kingfisher could possibly get away with – which in Gwynedd in the early 1990s was very low indeed – and the supervisors were required to travel across Gwynedd to various locations to carry out spot checks and generally harass the cleaners. The supervisors didn’t get a fuel allowance so they could have well been taking home even less than the cleaners. I bet Tim wasn’t getting up at 4am to polish supermarket floors were you Tim – you were too busy caring about cancer survivors and providing a bit of PR for the Top Doctors…

Someone who contributed to the debate in the Lords led by Peter Walker was another person who was an enthusiastic supporter of the hospice movement, Baroness Jean McFarlane. Jean McFarlane was a crossbencher who would have known all about the practices of the Top Doctors and the paedophiles’ friends – she was a nurse from Cardiff. Jean did her initial training at Barts and then returned to Cardiff and worked as a health visitor. She was Vice-President of the League of Nurses at Barts – so what with her and Tim it looks rather as though this debate in the Lords was a bit of lobbying from Barts in particular, as well as the wider medical establishment. In the 1960s Jean had been part of the RCN research programme ‘Study of Nursing Care’. In 1974 she was appointed to the first Chair of Nursing in an English university, namely at Manchester – she remained in this position until 1989. McFarlane served on the Royal Commission on the NHS 1976-79, under Sir Alec Merrison, a nuclear physicist. She wrote ‘A Guide to the Practice of Nursing Using the Nursing Process’. I suspect that Jean McFarlane was at the forefront of those Angels who left the ward as soon as they could to wield power in higher places and spout rubbish about things like the ‘nursing process’ (the succeeding generation replaced that concept with ‘nursing science’ because that sounds even better if you’re trying to pass yourself off as a professor), rather than admit that things were going terribly, terribly wrong at the coalface, thus beginning the process of deep denial in the NHS which led us to Mid-Staffs or indeed to north Wales.

Jean was a committed Christian and was a member of the general synod of the Church of England, 1990-94. She had a particular interest in the hospice movement and until 2008 was Vice-President of St Anne’s Hospice, Heald Green, Cheshire.

Another supporter of the hospice movement who contributed to Walker’s debate was Lord Billy Blease. Billy Blease was a trade unionist from N Ireland who was given a peerage in 1978. He was a member of the IBA (Independent Broadcasting Authority) 1974-79 and the Labour spokesperson on N Ireland in the Lords 1979-82. In 1997 Tony Blair appointed him to the British-Irish Parliamentary Body.

Another contributer was Lord Eric Varley, who was the NUM sponsored Labour MP for Chesterfield, 1964-84. Varley was PPS to PM Harold Wilson 1968-69 and was appointed Secretary of State for Energy in 1974.  In 1976 in his capacity as Secretary of State for Industry, Varley wanted to shut the car company Chrysler down, but the Cabinet forced an increase in the subsidy to keep it open. Varley appointed Michael Edwardes as Chairman of British Leyland. There followed an entrenched battle between Michael Edwardes and the trade union leader Red Robbo aka Derek Robinson, who died very recently. The Mail online helpfully reminded it’s readers just how terrible Red Robbo was, how he was a communist and even stood as such as a Parliamentary candidate on a number of occasions, but they forgot to mention that there was a great deal of dissatisfaction with Michael Edwardes at the time. Edwardes was being paid an absolute fortune, made thousands and thousands of workers redundant, yet allegations of mismanagement and incompetence swirled around him and not just from Red Robbo and the people who were made redundant.

Varley led Denis Healey’s campaign for the Labour Party leadership in 1980. In 1983 he was appointed Chair of Coalite plc. He resigned his seat at Chesterfield – he was succeeded by Tony Benn – and was made a life peer in 1990.

Eric Varley’s name was in the media again very recently. He was known to have been very friendly with the Labour MP Gerald Kaufman and it was revealed that Kaufman left absolutely everything in his will to Eric Varley – an expensive property in St John’s Wood, all his dosh, absolutely everything. Varley though died seven years ago – Kaufman had made the will when Varley was still alive and hadn’t updated it. As with a lot of politicians who remain in the Commons into old age, the media have for the last few years been rather kinder to Kaufman than they used to be. We have been reminded that it was Kaufman who called the Labour manifesto of 1983 ‘the longest suicide note in history’ and Kaufman has been portrayed as a voice of reason during the years of the loony left and Michael Foot. Which is interesting because I remember Kaufman insulting people, upsetting them, really pissing everyone off and being considered an oily git who couldn’t be trusted. Harriet Harman likes to believe that she was attacked in her capacity as a feminist by wags who referred to her as Harriet Harperson, but Private Eye took the piss out of one Gerald Kaufperson long before anyone bothered to have a go at Harriet. So Kaufperson himself was at the heart of the 1970s and 80s Labour Party when the London boroughs were rife with paedophiles abusing the kids in their care.

 

Another Lord contributing was Lord Barney Heyhoe. Barney Heyhoe was where the action was whilst Dafydd and the paedophiles were breaking the law and abusing patients and children in care in north Wales – he was a Minister in the DHSS 1985-86, acting as Secretary of State Norman Fowler’s deputy and was responsible for the public education programme about AIDS. Barney Heyhoe praised the Sue Ryder Foundation during the Lords debate – that Foundation stands accused of mistreating people who have been in its care.

Heyhoe began working for the Conservative Research Department as Heath became leader of the Tory Party in the mid-60s – the Conservative Research Department where Matthew Parris once worked and in which Parris alleged was a senior male member of staff who would go out and about in London on buses looking for much younger men to pick up. Parris also alleged that the department was organising staff holidays to a location in Europe called the ‘Villa of Shame’, at which ‘boys’ were supplied. Heyhoe was a Tory MP between 1970-92. He was Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State responsible for the Army 1979-81 and Minister of State for the civil service 1981-85.

He was a friend of Nicholas Scott whom Ann Widdecombe alleged had one hell of an alcohol problem, the consequences of which were concealed by his friends and colleagues.

Heyhoe was made a life peer in 1992 – like a few others who were involved in concealing the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. Between 1993-95 Heyhoe Chaired the Guys and St Thomas’s NHS Trust. It was at that time that Guys and St Thomas’s accepted as a medical student a young man from Gwynedd who had experienced severe mental health problems – but more worryingly had carried out seriously violent attacks on his dog, a neighbour’s cat and his own girlfriend, who later left him and refused him access to their baby on the grounds of the baby’s safety. After being accepted as a student at Guys and Tommys but before taking up his place this man worked as a porter in Ysbyty Gwynedd. He was caught on a number of occasions having sex with ancillary staff on the premises during work hours. Not only was there no action taken against him, but after he qualified – although he had a serious breakdown whilst he was at Guys and Tommys – the North West Wales NHS Trust employed him as a psychiatrist. A number of people complained about him, including me. I raised my concerns with the GMC. Keith Thomson, the Chief Exec of the NW Wales NHS Trust wrote to the GMC telling them that I had made ‘outrageous allegations’ about Trust staff. The GMC took no action. Some two years later I told that the psychiatrist in question had finally been stopped practicing after assaulting his wife so seriously that she was sectioned as a result of her own distress. His two children had been taken into care by Gwynedd Social Services on the grounds of severe neglect. When I made representations about this man to the GMC I made representations about his clinical director as well. The GMC took no action. Earlier this year my lawyers forwarded me a copy of a document that had been found in the possession of the GMC purporting to be a letter from me in relation to this complaint – the letter was a forgery (see post ‘The General Medical Council And Yet Another Forged Document’).

If Barney is still alive would he like to tell us what was going on at Guys and Tommys when he Chaired that Trust?

Hansard records that Earl Howe mentioned that the NHS is based on ‘human dignity’. I was so gobsmacked when I read that, that I thought I’d better find out who Earl Howe is.

Earl Howe also goes under the name of Frederick Curzon. He is a Conservative peer – one of the hereditary ones who clung on after Blair’s rather half-hearted attempt at Lords reform in 1999 – and is at present Minister of State for Defence as well as Deputy Leader in the Lords. After Earl Howe graduated in 1973 he joined Barclays Bank and worked in senior positions both in London and overseas. He then ran the family farm – Seagraves Farm Co – and estate in Buckinghamshire. In 1991 Earl Howe was appointed as a Whip. In 1992 he was appointed Parliamentary Secretary at MAFF and between 1995-97 he was Parliamentary Under-Secretary at the MoD.

Earl Howe was opposition spokesman in the Lords for health and social services, 1997-2010. His special interests include penal affairs and he is a member of All Party Groups on penal affairs, abuse investigations, adoption and mental health. So perhaps Earl Howe can explain why he was debating with Peter Walker in 2000 who had run the Welsh Office whilst it concealed the abuse of children in care and of mental health patients from which a number of miscarriages of justice resulted – yet never asked Walker why he concealed organised crime and whether his receipt of a peerage was related to that. I note that Earl Howe was opposition spokesman on health and social services 1997-2010. That spans the period of the cover-up that was the Waterhouse Inquiry which was orchestrated by Earl Howe’s colleague in the Lords William Hague as well as the following years in which witnesses to the wrongdoing such as me who had managed to survive were ruthlessly harassed, threatened and repeatedly arrested by the people whom Hague had ensured were never held to account let alone brought to justice. Could you have a word with William about it all please Earl Howe? Because by the time that you had finished being opposition spokesman having not spoken very much at all about some very serious matters, William was swanning off around the world as Foreign Secretary, meeting the likes of Hilary Clinton. As one of your interests is ‘abuse investigations’ and Lord Hague is now spearheading the clean up of Westminster perhaps you’d like to launch an investigation into Lord Hague. As well as his wife – who worked as a civil servant in the Welsh Office whilst it concealed organised crime, including the sexual abuse of minors and mental health patients.

Another contributor to Walker’s debate was the then Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Lord Hunt of King’s Heath. That is Philip Hunt, a Labour Co-Operative peer. Hunt probably knows more about the wrongdoing in the NHS than anyone else in the Lords – he has spent his whole career at the heart of the wrongdoing, for the last few decades at the most senior level.

Philip Hunt graduated from Leeds University in 1970 and began working for the NHS in 1972 when he landed a job as a works study officer for the Oxford Region Hospital Board. In 1974 he began working as a hospital administrator for the Nuffield Orthopaedic Centre. Hunt was the first Secretary of the Edgware and Hendon Community Health Council in 1975 – the CHCs were an early incarnation of ‘service user involvement’, bodies that were dominated by NHS professionals and managers who ensured that the lid was kept on failure, scandal and neglect whilst claiming to be the ‘voice of the patients’. Hunt remained at the CHC until 1978 – it must have done him a great deal of good because it was immediately after this that Hunt hit the big time. In 1978 he was appointed the Assistant Director of the National Association of Health Authorities (NAHA), the body that represented those running the dysfunctional corrupt organisations that were leading the NHS into such trouble – including Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities. Between 1984-90 Philip Hunt was Director of the NAHA. So he was representing the idiots running Gwynedd Health Authority whilst they were involved in criminal activities relating to their part in facilitating a paedophile gang, were bankrupting the organisation, were receiving letters from David Hunt the Secretary of State for Wales, whilst a hit squad had been sent in from the Welsh Office in a vain attempt to deal with the fuckwittery , whilst the fuckwittery was being discussed in the House. Clwyd Health Authority were conducting themselves in exactly the same way as was whichever Health Authority was responsible for running St George’s Hospital Medical School. Philip Hunt then became Director of the National Association of Health Authorities and Trusts (NAHAT), the succeeding body to the NAHA, in 1990. In 1993 Hunt received an OBE for ‘services to the NHS’.

A new vehicle to represent the crooks and conmen running the NHS was conjured up in 1996 – the NHS Confederation. Philip Hunt was its first Chief Executive. He’ll have known the MP Jess Phillips’s mum then (see post ‘Everywoman?’). In 1997 Hunt received a peerage and was appointed Parliamentary Under-Secretary at the Department of Health. Being a man of principle he resigned in March 2003 over the invasion of Iraq. He didn’t resign from the House of course, although he was one of Tony’s cronies, a New Labour peer, so he was able to return to Gov’t in May 2005 when he was appointed Parliamentary Under-Secretary at the DWP. In Jan 2007 he became Minister of State at the Department of Health with responsibility for NHS reform. In July of the same year he became Parliamentary Under-Secretary at the Ministry of Justice and in 2008 Hunt was appointed Minister of State at DEFRA AND at DECC (Dept for Energy and Climate Change). Oh, he was Deputy Leader of the Lords as well.

Following Ed Miliband’s appointment as leader of the Labour Party, Hunt became Labour’s spokesperson on Home Affairs. In Sept 2011 Hunt contributed to the publication ‘What Next For Labour? Ideas For A New Generation’.

Hunt has occupied many other positions as well. He was: a member of Oxford City Council 1973-79; a member of Oxfordshire Health Authority 1975-77; a member of Birmingham City Council 1980-82; Co-Chair of the Association for Public Health 1994-98; President of the Family Planning Association 1997-98; Joint Chair of the All Party Primary Care and Public Health Group 1997-98; Vice-Chair of the All Party Group on AIDS; Chair of the National Patient Safety Agency 2004-05; President of the Health Care Supplies Association 2010-present; President of the Royal Society of Public Health 2010-present.

In July 1999 Tony Blair made Hunt Health Minister in the Lords.

Between April 2011-2014 Hunt was Chair of the Heart of England NHS Foundation Trust. That was the Trust which employed the breast surgeon Ian Paterson who was recently imprisoned for performing unnecessary operations on dozens of people for financial gain.

Philip Hunt will know the details behind scores of NHS scandals and tragedies, he will know that organised child sexual abuse was endemic in the children’s services, he will know that the psychiatric system was being used to conceal this and he will have been at the very centre of this in Birmingham. The reason that Hunt ended up in Gov’t was that he kept quiet about it all.

I mentioned that Blair made Hunt Lords’ Health Minister in July 1999. Before Blair carried out his reshuffle, Baroness Hayman was Lords’ Health Minister.

Helene Valerie Hayman has a CV nearly as shameful as Philip Hunt. Hayman studied law at Newnham College, Cambridge. After graduating in 1969 she worked for Shelter. Between 1971-74 Hayman was involved with the Social Services in the Borough of Camden. So she’ll have been screwing up there alongside Tessa Jowell (see post ‘Tower Hamlets, Paul Boateng and Tessa Jowell’). In 1974 Hayman was appointed the Deputy Director of the National Council for One Parent Families. The NCCL – which was at the time associated with PIE and ‘paedophiles’ rights’ – was associated with that organisation. Sue Slipman was involved with both the NCCL and the National Council for One Parent Families – Slipman later also occupied senior positions in the NHS, including the Chair of one Trust, although I note that information about that has disappeared from the internet, presumably because someone is feeling unusually embarrassed about the appointment.

Between 1974-79 Hayman was elected as the MP for Welwyn and Hatfield. Hayman was a member of Bloomsbury Health Authority (later Bloomsbury and Islington Health Authority) 1985-92 and was Vice-Chair from 1988 onwards. She was a member of the ethics committee of the Royal College of Gynaecologists 1982-97; of the ethics committee of UCL and UCH 1987-97; a member of the Council of UCL 1992-97 and the Chair of Whittington Hospital NHS Trust.

After such sterling service to bodies and institutions which had variously colluded with organised child sexual abuse and the abuse and neglect of mental health patients, ignored the horrors of the St David’s laundry in Gwynedd (see post ‘Every Sperm Is Sacred, Especially In Scotland’) and colluded with some highly questionable research and very poor practice, Hayman picked up her reward in 1996 – a peerage.

Hayman’s party continued. She became a junior Minister in the Dept of the Environment, Transport and Regions and in the Department of Health. In 1999 she was appointed Minister of State at the MAFF. She was Chair of Cancer Research UK 2001-05. For details of misconduct and research fraud among people involved with that charity (which was previously known as the Cancer Research Campaign) see post ‘A Cause Close To Our Hearts’. Hayman was a Trustee of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew 2002-06; a Trustee of the Tropical Health and Education Trust 2005-06. She was a member of the Lords Select Committee on Assisted Dying for the Terminally Ill Bill, 2004-05. In 2005 Hayman became Chair of the Human Tissue Authority and she was a member of the HFEA 2005-06.

Hayman ended up as Lord Speaker, something which she had probably been aspiring to for years.

 

The Secretary of State for Wales who followed Peter Walker was David Hunt, now Lord Hunt. It was on David Hunt’s watch that the attempts to silence people who had crossed paths with Dafydd and the paedophiles escalated – Hunt was in post between 1990-93 and it was then that I and my friends who knew what had happened to me in north Wales found ourselves hounded out of jobs, our careers ruined, threatened, repeatedly arrested, violently attacked in the street by assailants etc as detailed in previous posts. Hunt was Secretary of State when allegations that children in care in north Wales had been abused by a paedophile ring connected to Westminster and that a cover-up involving people at the highest echelons of society was underway began appearing in the UK media. Hunt was Secretary of State when the five witnesses to the abuse in north Wales were killed in an arson attack (see post ‘The Silence of the Welsh Lambs’).

Interestingly enough, Wyn Roberts’s obituaries make no reference to Hunt or to Wyn’s relationship with him. It is as if Hunt had never been his boss. What all Wyn’s obituaries did bang on about though was Wyn’s huge triumph in persuading Thatcher’s Gov’t to establish a Welsh language TV channel and – the real biggie – to draw up a Welsh Language Act. The Welsh Language Act 1993 resulted. Thatcher and her Gov’t were utterly unsympathetic to the idea of Welsh language rights and certainly did not want this Act. But Wyn with his magik persuaded old Thatch that it was a good idea and lo and behold a Welsh Language Act emerged. Now how do readers think that Wyn persuaded a woman who employed as one of her closet aides a man who was molesting children in care in north Wales to pass a Welsh Language Act???

Thus Wyn Roberts has been written into Welsh history as a ‘friend of Wales’, ‘the greatest living Welshman’, ‘a rare and valuable asset for the Conservative Party’ and ‘the protector of the language’, on the back of a truly shameful trade off between him and his masters in a Gov’t who were orchestrating a massive cover-up of the serious abuse of children in care and mental health patients. A cover-up which resulted in the framing and wrongful imprisonment of innocent people – and the deaths of many more.

All for the sake of a fucking Welsh Language Act – which wasn’t even very good, didn’t actually protect the rights of Welsh speakers as it should and was simply followed by calls for a better Act. This was sold to Wales as a triumph. The Welsh language continued to die – as did the people who knew about the scandal that enabled Roberts to get that Act through. This wasn’t the end of the problems – because there were so many people who knew what had been concealed. They all had to be bought off – or if they couldn’t be bought off with a peerage or a job that they didn’t deserve and couldn’t do – they had to be silenced by threats, intimidation or even death. As for the worm Wyn – he was rewarded with a peerage in 1997 and hung around like a particularly dreadful stench literally until the day that the old bastard died in 2013. Wyn’s obituaries proudly remembered that such was Wyn’s ‘influence’ that David Cameron was still consulting Wyn on devolution when Cameron became leader of the Tory Party.

In the immediate aftermath of his death, the tributes to Wyn Roberts on the BBC News were led by Cameron, who remembered Roberts as ‘a devoted public servant and a tireless ambassador for Wales’, ‘one of the kindest and most compassionate colleagues I had the pleasure to work with’ and made reference to his ‘gentle nature’. Cameron – people were raped, beaten, buggered, stitched up in Court, sent to Risley Remand Centre where they were then found dead, killed in car accidents, killed in arson attacks and your devoted public servant with a gentle nature knew all about it.

David Jones, a creep of a solicitor from Llandudno who was Cameron’s Secretary of State for Wales at the time of Roberts’s death, joined in the tributes. Roberts was ‘an extraordinary man’ who did ‘more for Welsh cultural life than any man of his generation’, was ‘very kind, extremely wise with a tremendous sense of humour’, ‘a kind friend and a wise counsellor’. David Jones knew all about the abuses and the miscarriages of justice, he worked in the Courts in north Wales where it was all going on (see post ‘The Rt Hon David Jones MP’). Perhaps he just had a good laugh at it all, along with Wyn who had such a tremendous sense of humour.

Andrew R.T. Davies, the leader of the Tories in Wales talked of this ‘very sad day’ and Roberts’s ‘impact’ upon Wales – yes, the legacy of the paedophile ring which he protected has virtually destroyed the nation.

Lord Crickhowell, Wyn’s boss who made millions out of Corruption Bay, chipped in calling Roberts ‘my advisor and my guru’ who made a ‘great contribution to the health service in Wales’ and was ‘an indispensable number two to me’. Crickhowell is a millionaire – the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board in north Wales is Chaired by Dr Peter Higson, one of the paedophiles’ friends and is currently in special measures after undercover filming on Tawel Fan ward revealed abuse of mental health patients, who had untreated fractures and were crawling around on the floor – which was covered with faeces and urine – whilst they were naked.

Lord Barry Jones, former Labour MP for Alyn and Deeside, (see comments following my post ‘Wheels Within Wheels Or Flies Drawn To The Same Incestuously Corrupt Shithouse?’ for the lowdown on Lord Baz and his wife) commented that Wyn Roberts ‘built more roads than the Romans’. Yes Wyn was always happy to get involved with the roads. In the early 1990s I was loosely involved with a campaign to stop a huge road being built through the oak woodland behind Bethesda – Wyn spent many happy hours corresponding with the campaign group, met with them all, they thought that he was great ‘especially for a Tory’. The group contained a high proportion of hippyish environmentalists who couldn’t believe that they were being so well-received by an agent of Thatch. Well they weren’t complaining about organised crime within the social services and NHS. The Bethesda by-pass was shelved and an alternative strategy was pursued and then Wyn became a Green Hero as well. I never met Roberts although the other campaigners did – but if I had he’d never have known who I was. Because he had barely condescended to reply to me let alone meet me a few years earlier when I raised the matter of the wrongdoing of the paedophiles’ friends with him…

Elfyn Llwyd, a barrister who was for many years the Plaid MP for Meirionydd – a good friend of the paedophiles’ friends himself and oh so passionate about the Welsh language – remarked that Roberts’s death had resulted in a ‘big loss to us as a nation’.

Huw Jones, the then Chair of the S4C authority described Wyn as ‘a guardian angel’ with ‘mischief in his eye’. Was it Wyn who threw the petrol bomb into the party which resulted in the deaths of the five witnesses Huw??? What a scamp!

Huw might know quite a bit about people who have mischief in their eyes. In 2012 Huw was appointed Chair of the rather troubled S4C by Jeremy Hunt, who was then Culture Secretary under the Con Dem Coalition. Prior to that Huw was Chief Exec of S4C 1995-05, so he will have had a lot to do with the chaos and troubles at S4C. The UK.Gov website told us that Huw’s appointment as Chair of S4C was ‘made on merit, following a fair, open, transparent process’. Huw is described as a ‘prominent figure in Welsh language music and media since the late 60s’ and in the early 80s was ‘instrumental as an entrepreneur and TV producer in the establishment of a vibrant media industry in north west Wales’. Huw was MD of the record company Sain until 1981 and in 1981 co-founded Teledu-r and Tir Glas in Caernarfon.

I’ll translate Huw’s achievements for readers in England who won’t be aware of the context. This all means that Huw is a former colleague of Dafydd Iwan, a folk-singer and language activist who was a leading light in Sain. Folk-singing and language activism are not at all problematic but Dafydd Iwan for many years was a Councillor and then the leader of Gwynedd County Council – the Gwynedd County Council who’s Social Services Dept allowed a paedophile gang to operate in it’s children’s homes. Gwynedd County Council also employed a corrupt lawyer, Ron Evans, who along with his boss the County Secretary and Solicitor H. Ellis Hughes, actively colluded with the paedophiles’ colleagues in Gwynedd Social Services to frame people who had dared complain (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’). Dafydd Iwan is a big admirer of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and wrote a song ‘in tribute’ to him.

Dafydd Iwan’s brother Alun Ffred is the former Plaid AM for Arfon.

Huw Jones might also know another musician who’s career began in the music scene in north west Wales and who became a very big name – Gruff Rhys of the Super Furry Animals. Gruff Rhys’s dad was Ioan Bowen Rees, another self-appointed guardian of the Welsh language and culture. Bowen Rees was for years the Chief Executive of Gwynedd County Council – whilst the paedophile ring raged within and the Social Services, Ron Evans and H. Ellis Hughes stitched up complainants (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’).

As Huw was involved with S4C at the dawn of time, perhaps he can explain why in 1984-85 I was being told by teenagers who lived in the Menai Bridge area who aspired to a career in the media that if your mum or dad worked for S4C you’d get a job, but it was a lot more difficult if you ‘didn’t know anyone at S4C’.

For a number of years now S4C has been on its arse, with plummeting viewing figures and at least one very senior executive disappeared from the company overnight with no explanation.

Huw is or was: Chair of Portmeirion Ltd; Deputy Chair of the Wales Employment and Skills Board; a member of the Welsh Language Board; a member of the RSPB Council; Vice-Chair of Nant Gwrtheyrn Language Learning Centre; a fellow of the Royal Television Society.

Huw lives near Caernarfon. Along with a great many other well-paid people who identify as protecting the language and culture and who knew all about that paedophile ring.

After Wyn died, Meri Huws the Welsh Language Commissioner said that she’d ‘always remember the significant contribution’ that Roberts made to the Welsh language. Meri Huws worked as a social worker in Caernarfon. For more details of Meri’s rise to the top – including an account of how she was alleged to have acquired the moniker of ‘the crack of doom’ in the National Assembly of Wales – see post ‘Let Me Enlighten Lord Gnome…’.

Derek Bellis, a ‘veteran journalist and friend’ of Wyn’s told BBC Wales that Roberts was ‘very kind gentle and humourous with ‘no ego at all’ (Wyn was some sort of Zen master then). Best of all: ‘no toff was Wyn – he was a man of the people’. So that’s what he was doing sitting in the Lords after a lifetime concealing a vicious paedophile ring who’s prime targets were the children of the dispossessed.

Lest anyone on the planet believe that the Welsh Language Act was actually worth the destruction of the lives of numerous people, I’ll just let you know where I learnt my first few words of Welsh and a bit of history about the quarrymen of north Wales. It was from another patient, when I had been illegally incarcerated in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh by Dafydd, along with a few other folk who had been targeted by the paedophiles friends. Most of the victims of the paedophiles’ friends spoke WELSH! But they didn’t have parents who were Councillors or Top Doctors or managers of Social Services or Chief Executives of S4C or senior figures in Plaid.

I have never encountered such a heap of hypocritical horse-shit as that which has emanated from these utter fools who ignored something terrible, who kept a monstrous Tory Gov’t in power – a Gov’t which inflicted massive damage upon Wales, some of whose members used the children’s homes in north Wales as brothels. YOU FUCKING IDIOTS – JUST LOOK WHAT YOU DID.

Dylan Jones-Evans, a Tory and an ‘entrepreneur’ who has been serially dismissed from a number of universities, told the Daily Post that Wyn was ‘a wonderful man and politician whose legacy will continue for years to come’. You’re dead right there Dylan, thanks to Wyn, Wales’s Councils are rotten boroughs, the Assembly is full of politicians who ignored what Wyn was ignoring as well and the NHS and social services are log jammed with corrupt fuckwits who have no idea how to do their jobs properly even if they wanted to. The nation is virtually bankrupt but Lord Crickhowell and other chums of Wyn’s made a fortune out of Corruption Bay. And Thatcher went on and on and on – which was after all, why those witnesses just had to be silenced.

After Roberts had pegged out, Carwyn announced that he was ‘saddened’.

What was I doing when I heard that the viper with mischief in his eye had snuffed it? I was sitting in the Heddfan Unit in Wrexham Maelor Hospital having been sectioned because a neurological problem had been ignored/misdiagnosed and I was also maintaining that the mental health services were corrupt and had concealed a paedophile ring. Documents that are now in my possession compiled by the appalling Dr Raj Sambhi show that Raj Sambhi stated in the wake of my allegations that I was ‘psychotic’ and ‘very seriously ill’. Whilst I was in that Unit the Tawel Fan scandal exploded and the Betsi Board was placed in special measures – because of the institutional abuse of mental health patients. And Operation Pallial – the police investigation into the abuse of children in north Wales – was re-opened and John Allen, the former owner of the Bryn Alyn Community, was arrested, charged and convicted of the sexual abuse of children in care in north Wales. I sat in that Unit for many more months being told by Sambhi that I was mad.

Well Carwyn I did eventually get out after my life had been destroyed all over again by the paedophiles’ friends – I am not in the least bit ‘saddened’ that Wyn Roberts is dead, I’m up for a belated celebration. If you care to join me, we’ll open a bottle of champagne, pop over to his grave and dance on it. S4C can film us and Dafydd Iwan can give us a rendering of ‘Yma O Hyd’ while we dance. We’ll leave it to the Defenders Of The Language and Nation to explain to the world why we are doing it.

 

The wrongdoing of Dafydd and the paedophiles didn’t stop after the Welsh Language Act. Of course it didn’t, they were connected to organised crime.

John Redwood was appointed Secretary of State for Wales in 1993. He was a disaster on many levels. By the time that Redwood was in post, the police investigations into the abuse of children in north Wales had begun – investigations led by the North Wales Police, who had colluded with the abuse and who employed a senior police officer, Gordon Anglesea, who was one of the abusers himself. Then came the Jillings investigation and subsequent Report – the Report that was so damning that it was heavily redacted and pulped anyway, on the grounds that what had happened was so bad that the Council’s insurers would withdraw cover if anyone got to read the report. To date, no-one – except for the Council’s insurers and lawyers, including Michael Beloff QC, the lawyer who advised the insurance company – has ever read an unredacted copy of the Jillings Report. The day in 1996 after the Jillings Report was handed over to the Council, Clwyd County Council who had run the children’s homes that were the subject of the Jillings Report no longer existed anyway, so the organisation per se couldn’t be sued – it disappeared in a local Gov’t reorganisation. For the full story of Jillings and the aftermath, see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’

Something odd went on at a Gov’t level  during the Jillings investigation, but before the damning Report was completed. Redwood was removed as Secretary of State in June 1995 and was replaced by David Hunt – who stayed in the post for a matter of days, between 26 June and 5 July. What was happening at this time? The North Wales Hospital Denbigh was closing – after huge resistance from Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends. After all what was going to happen to the people out there who’d been hidden away for donkeys years, illegally imprisoned? No-one ever knew. Would you like to tell us what you found when you finally went into that place Lord Hunt? Did you find the underground chamber where it was alleged that the staff kept patients who were a bit of a nuisance – the cellar where they threatened to put me?

As Denbigh closed, Dafydd was given the contract to provide ‘substance abuse services’ for north Wales (see post ‘The Evolution of a Drugs Baron?’).

On 13 July 1995 Sir Peter Morrison, the former Tory MP for Chester and aide of Thatcher’s who was abusing children from children’s homes in north Wales, was found dead at his home in London. He was a good deal too young to have died of old age – it was concluded that he had ‘fallen’. Yes, I think he had, but not quite in the way that those who claimed that was the cause of his death had meant.

After David Hunt made his brief reappearance as Secretary of State, a new Secretary of State was appointed – a William Hague! Hague took up his post eight days before Morrison was found dead and remained until 1997 when Blair was elected PM.

It was of course Hague who orchestrated the huge cover-up of the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, the Waterhouse Inquiry. New readers can read the full details in the posts that I have written about that Inquiry. Lord Hague appeared on the BBC a couple of days ago stating that Westminster now had to become accountable. So perhaps he can now tell us why he appointed Sir Ronald Waterhouse to lead that Inquiry – a man who came from and grew up in the region where the paedophile ring operated for decades, a man who was a colleague and personal friend of so many of the people who occupied senior positions in the organisations which colluded with and concealed the abuse. Hague’s wife Ffion worked as a civil servant in the Welsh Office when it was concealing the abuse. Ffion has since worked for S4C! The Hagues now live in a mansion on the outskirts of Welshpool – if they lived in north Wales Ffion would probably be sitting on the Betsi Board and Gwynedd County Council just to keep everyone quiet.

North Wales has never recovered from the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. It has never gone away, although nearly everyone who was a kid in care or a patient in the North Wales Hospital has by now been found dead. Numerous people knew the extent of the wrongdoing and a lot of them know who did what and where the bodies are buried. A lot of those people are sitting in the Senedd, in the Commons or like Hague, are in the Lords. The scandal has plagued every Secretary of State for Wales ever since.

I suspect that one of those Secretaries didn’t have much first hand knowledge –  Cheryl Gillan was an MP for Buckinghamshire. The others all know something, probably a great deal.

Ron Davies, who ended up in hot water himself after he was caught cruising on Clapham Common in Oct 1998 – an incident which was repackaged for the media with the help of Alastair Campbell – and then caught again ‘looking for badgers’ in 2003 at another well-known cruising spot, will know a great deal, enough to make a police statement.

Ron Davies was elected as a Councillor in Caerphilly in 1969. In 1974 he was elected to Rhymney Valley District Council. Ron was educated at Cardiff University, worked as a teacher for two years and then took over Neil Kinnock’s post as a WEA tutor-organiser in 1970 when Kinnock became an MP. Between 1974-83 Ron worked as an FE advisor for Mid-Glamorgan Education Authority. In 1983 he was elected the Labour MP for Caerphilly.

Ron was the Labour Party’s spokesman for Wales, 1992-97 – as the investigations and inquiries into the paedophile ring were launched. In 1997 Blair appointed him Secretary of State for Wales.

Ron became a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards in 1998.

Ron Davies was considered to be the ‘architect of devolution’ in Wales and he led the negotiations in preparation for the National Assembly. The negotiations which involved those corrupt civil servants from the Welsh Office who had concealed the paedophile ring, as well as the many ‘advisors’, including Ioan Bowen Rees, the former Chief Executive of Gwynedd County Council. Ron absolutely assumed that he would become First Minister of Wales, but it all fell apart for him just before he was about to become First Minister when he was caught on Clapham Common.

Although nobody ever got to the bottom of what went on at Clapham Common, Ron made a number of statements in the aftermath, variously claiming to have been abused as a child, to be bisexual and then to be receiving psychiatric help as a result of his compulsion to seek out risky situations. There wasn’t much rallying around Ron – a lot of people quietly crawled out of the woodwork and commented that he was a very unpleasant man, had done terrible things to a lot of people for many years and had a very big problem with women.

Hey Ron, have you ever wondered why your cruising on Clapham Common ended in a disaster after old Blair confirmed that you’d be made First Minister, but just before it actually happened?? I bet you’d gone out cruising with no problems hundreds of times – but then you got mugged just before the big day.

Ron has taken a rather erratic politic journey since then. He stood down from Parliament in 2001, left the Labour Party in 2004 and joined Forward Wales. He stood as an Independent between 2009-10 and then joined Plaid. His attempts at getting re-elected have not been successful. Since 2008 Ron has been a Councillor on Caerphilly County Borough Council. Which is currently embroiled in an enormous scandal, which dates back some years.

Ron’s ex-wife Christina was elected as the MP for Neath in 2015. Christina was one of those who was part of the mass resignation in an attempt to bring Jeremy Corbyn down, but when it didn’t work she had a change of heart and she’s now part of Jezza’s front bench team again. Christina  has previously been a member of the Welsh Executive Committee of the Labour Party. Christina’s wiki entry is gobsmackingly brief for a barrister who was married to someone so notorious for so many years and who will know a great deal about the shenanigans. Christina’s wiki tells us a lot about her time as head girl at school and her sporting interests. I am sure there are many more interesting things that Christina has been involved with.

Alun Michael who succeeded Ron Davies as Secretary of State for Wales and who was then imposed on Wales as First Minister by Blair -after Blair failed in his attempt to impose Ron on everyone – came from Anglesey and went to school in Colwyn Bay. After graduating from Keele University in 1966, Alun Michael worked as a reporter on the South Wales Echo until 1971, then was employed as a youth and community worker until 1987. In 1972 he was appointed as a Magistrate, Chairing the Juvenile Bench in Cardiff. Michael was a City of Cardiff Councillor between 1973-89 – so he’ll have been down there with a few others who kept schtum about the organised abuse of children and those who carefully cultivated the ground in readiness for the bonanza for the few that was the development of Corruption Bay. In 1987 Michael was elected for the seat that Jim Callaghan had just vacated, Cardiff South and Penarth. Alun Michael is now South Wales Police and Crime Commissioner. Of course he knows nuzzing.

I received an e mail some time ago alleging that Paul Murphy – who was Secretary of State for Wales 1999-02 when the Waterhouse Report was submitted to his office, but who had very little to say about it other than how glad to was to have been reassured that no public figures had been involved in the abuse of children – had been involved in some dreadful things.

 

After Wyn Roberts stood down as MP for Conwy, Betty Williams succeeded him. The Betty Williams who had me thrown out of Tesco whilst she was campaigning in there because I tried to speak to her about the abuse of mental health patients at the Hergest Unit. Williams also ignored a letter from at least one other patient complaining of abuse at the hands of the staff of the Hergest Unit. The Hergest Unit had one of the highest suicide rates in England and Wales. Betty Williams was previously the Mayor of Arfon and a Gwynedd County Councillor. She grew up and lives near Caernarfon. Of course she knew what went on.

There is another person who will have known what went on – the Labour MP for Conwy 1966-70, who held the seat before Wyn Roberts, Ednyfed Hudson Davies. Hudson Davies was educated at University College Swansea and  Balliol College, Oxford. After losing Conwy in 1970, he re-surfaced in 1979 when he was elected for Caerphilly. In 1981 Hudson Davies defected to the SDP – to join Dr Death and the gang, many of whom knew about the abuse of children by Westminster figures. He lost his seat in 1983 – to one Ron Davies…

Ednyfed is now Chair of a museum trust in the New Forest.

 

I don’t know why Thatcher never made Wyn Roberts Secretary of State for Wales, he played a key role in keeping her in her job and probably helped keep a few people dear to her out of prison as well. I suspect that neither Thatcher nor those around her actually had a shred of respect for the worm who did their bidding. After all Wales and the people within didn’t matter – they were there to make the likes of Nicholas Edwardes very rich and supply children for the paedophiles of Westminster…

 

 

 

 

The ‘Celtic Iron Lady’ And Yet More Recent History

The press in north Wales is currently publishing tributes to someone who has just died who was described as a farmer from Denbighshire and a ‘leading figure’ in country life in the region. It was mentioned that the man in question purchased a large pig farm he was younger, was keen on racehorses and was a leading light in the NFU as well as in the Conservative Party. Intriguingly the article in the Daily Post Online stated that this farmer was a freemason. Details of his family were supplied and it seems that his family were actually a local wealthy family with multiple business interests. Of course my antennae started twitching when I saw the words ‘Denbighshire’, ‘leading figure’ and ‘freemason’ in close proximity. A mate of Dafydd and Gwynne’s perhaps?  The ‘farmer’ would be about the right age to be a mate of theirs. But then I noticed something even more interesting – at the end of the article, it named the siblings of this farmer who had predeceased him. One was his sister – Beata Brookes, a Conservative politician.

Beata Brookes is a name from the past. When I arrived in Bangor in 1981 most people whom I came across supported Plaid, but every so often Bangor would be covered in blue Vote Conservative posters with the name of Beata Brookes emblazoned across them. I learned that Beata Brookes was the MEP for north Wales. I also soon found out that she was hated by many people, truly loathed, but no-one ever explained why – although to be fair, I never asked. In much the same way that in parts of the UK in the 1980s one would overhear people using the phrase ‘it’s that bloody woman’ and know that they were talking about Margaret Thatcher, in north Wales it was often a phrase used about Beata Brookes. Last night I did a bit of research. As is so often the case these days, I wish that I had done this research years ago – and I also wished that when I was young I had stopped to enquire further when local people had told me how much they hated Beata Brookes.

Beata Brookes was born in 1931, the daughter of a wealthy family in Denbighshire. So she’s about the same age as Dafydd and Lucille, the paedophiles’ friends then. Beata studied at UCNW (now Bangor University) and became a social worker – just like Lucille! Of course, Beata was about the same age as Dafydd and Lucille. Readers familiar with north Wales will already understand that with the region having the networks that it does, Beata will definitely have known Lucille. She therefore probably knew Dafydd as well. For readers in England who  might need more convincing, not knowing how north Wales works – and certainly worked in the mid-twentieth century – here’s the clincher. Beata worked as a social worker for Denbighshire County Council, although it is documented that she also worked as a ‘director for a north Wales company’ and as a ‘farmer’. I can’t find a record of the name of the company, I presume that it was a family business – and presumably, as with her brother, ‘farmer’ meant landowner. So Beata was from an affluent local Tory family (Beata joined the Young Conservatives at fifteen and ended up as the national vice-chairman), the male members of whom were freemasons and she worked as a social worker for the Council which collaborated with and concealed the wrongdoing of Gwynne the lobotomist and Dafydd. Beata will have known what was going on in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. I bet she’ll have known about something else as well – the physical and sexual abuse of children, which had been going on in the region for decades. Scores of those who were named in the Jillings Report and Waterhouse Report as senior managers of the children’s ‘services’ which by the 1970s were known to be rife with paedophiles had worked for Denbighshire County Council as far back as the 1950s, as detailed in previous blog posts.

Was it possible that Beata was one of those who knew about the beatings, the buggery, the rapes, the lobotomies of awkward customers, the incarceration of anyone who crossed Gwynne or Dafydd’s path, the sexual abuse of psychiatric patients as well as of children, the financial abuse of vulnerable adults, the incarceration of homosexuals, the deaths and disappearances, but felt completely overwhelmed and helpless? Er, no – as Beata progressed in her career, she acquired positions which point to her being one of the key figures who ensured that the lid was kept on all of it. In 1963 the Conservative Government appointed her to the Welsh Hospitals Board, the authority directly responsible for the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. She remained in that post for eleven years. Whereupon she became a member of the new Clwyd Health Authority – which took over the running of the North Wales Hospital! And nothing changed at all – homosexuals were still tortured in the name of ‘aversion therapy’ although homosexuality had been decriminalised, women who had given birth outside of marriage were still incarcerated in there, Gwynne the lobotomist was still employed there (and I bet that he was still carrying out lobotomies as well, they were breaking every other law out there, they won’t have given up on their most effective weapon), young people who had been abused were being banged up in Denbigh in the 70s, Dafydd was shagging his way around the institution – life carried on in that place as it had for the previous decades. Of course by 1974, John Allen had established the Bryn Alyn Community and business was booming – children in care from across the UK were being ‘placed’ there, to be sexually abused and trafficked into prostitution. As were the boys at Bryn Estyn at that time. Jillings and Waterhouse admit that by 1974, children in care right across north Wales were being starved, used as free labour, violently assaulted and sexually abused. Some ended up in London and Brighton being abused by the Westminster Paedophile Ring. Dissenters found themselves in the North Wales Hospital or Risley Remand Centre.

So Beata was up to her eyes in it as a member of Clwyd Health Authority. But Beata was a member of a few other things as well – including Clwyd County Council Social Services Committee! So she definitely knew about the kids who were being abused in the ‘care’ of the social services then. Beata played a blinder though – like Dafydd and Lucille, she ensured that she was involved in so many organisations that she remained in control of all outlets. She sat on the Family Practitioners Committee for Clwyd and she was a member of the Council for Professions Supplementary to Medicine – that will have kept any GPs or others who were unhappy with what was going on silent – and she also held ‘several voluntary sector posts in north Wales relating to the disabled and mentally handicapped’. Beata was even President of the North Wales Association for the Disabled! There was no escape for complaining patients or relatives – or indeed other healthcare professionals – from Beata, Gwynne, Dafydd and Lucille. They had the whole region completely stitched up. Although Beata and Lucille couldn’t join the masons because they were women, Dafydd, Beata’s brother and no doubt Gwynne were able to do that bit to gain dominance there.

Not only was Beata occupying influential positions in the local authority and voluntary sector, but she began her political climb at an early age too. After her stint with the Young Conservatives, she joined the grown-ups clubs. She was elected to the National Union of Conservatives and Unionist Associates. In 1955 she was elected as a Conservative Councillor for Rhyl Urban District Council. In the same year she fought Widnes for the Tories in the General Election. In 1961 Beata was the Tory candidate in the Warrington by-election. In 1964 she stood for the Tories for Manchester Exchange in the General Election. In 1970 she threw her hat in the ring for the West Flintshire nomination for the Tories but was beaten by Sir Anthony Myers. My God Beata was desperate to get into Parliament. I don’t think she wanted to do that to help the poor sods whom Dafydd and Gwynne were abusing and killing or the kids that Lucille – and indeed Beata’s colleagues in Clwyd Social Services – were prostituting either.

In 1979 Beata was elected to the European Parliament as MEP for north Wales! Did she use her power to try and assist those in the clutches of Dafydd, Gwynne and Lucille? Of course not – Beata ended up on a number of committees and is remembered as feistily fighting for agricultural and industrial interests in north Wales, but no, she didn’t give a stuff about the welfare or indeed the lives of those who had fallen into the hands of a bunch of pimps and gangsters. It was of course in 1979 that Mary Wynch was unlawfully arrested and incarcerated in Risley Remand Centre and the North Wales Hospital – for a year (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). That hit the London based media. Of course Beata knew about it.

Beata remained an MEP for ten years. Throughout the Mary Wynch scandal and the aftermath – and during those years in the mid and late 80s when Alison Taylor went public on the paedophile ring that was operating in the social services in north Wales. Beata remained silent throughout. Yet every account of Beata’s political career stresses how effective she was, what a ‘fighter’ she was, how she was ‘formidable’ (which in politics usually translates as ‘vile’) and how she was known as the ‘Celtic Iron Lady’. (Brookes was a hard-right Thatcherite.)

In 1983 Brookes’s desperation to bag a seat in the Commons – although she was a sitting MEP – caused a crisis in the Conservative Party. What is now described as a ‘bitter feud’ broke out which centred around Brookes. Boundary changes resulted in the creation of a new constituency, Clwyd North West, a seat that was centred on Colwyn Bay, the location of the HQ of the North Wales Police which was mired in corruption and concealing the paedophile ring. Gordon Anglesea, an Inspector at Colwyn Bay, was actually a member of the paedophile ring. Colwyn Bay also housed a few other bent professionals, including Professor Robert Owen, the Medical Ombudsman for the Welsh Office, who concealed Dafydd’s criminal activities in the late 1980s. Denbigh was a town virtually entirely populated by staff or the relatives of staff of the North Wales Hospital, but people occupying the more senior positions in Clwyd County Council and it’s services frequently lived in the Colwyn Bay area or in the Conwy Valley. They’re the posh bits of that region.

The natural candidates for the Tory nomination for Clwyd North West were the sitting Conservative MP for West Flintshire, Sir Anthony Meyer and the sitting Conservative MP for Denbigh, Geraint Morgan. Some people were grumbling about Geraint Morgan who was perceived to be rather more committed to his work as a barrister than his duties as an MP and although Anthony Meyer was very popular in some quarters, he was dangerously civilised for Thatcher’s Conservative Party and kept disgracing himself by doing things like making positive noises about the EU, not wanting to hang people and not wanting to kill the Argies. It didn’t go down very well at all with some. A group of local Tory activists urged Brookes to put her name forward for the nomination. Meanwhile, Conservative Central Office produced a list of 65 possible names – Brookes’s was not among them. A huge row followed and complaints were made to the 1922 Committee. The Chairman of that Committee, Edward Du Cann, even discussed postponing the selection meeting with the Conservative Party Chairman Cecil Parkinson, such was the rumpus. In the end the selection meeting went ahead.

Brookes, Meyers and Morgan all attended the meeting, at which Brookes made a speech praising Thatcher. Brookes won the selection vote among the Clwyd North East Conservative Executive. Meyers alleged that the meeting was a fix, that Brookes had set out to oust him by stealth by using EU funds to promote her candidacy and ‘usurp the functions’ of the House and that Conservative Central Office were in on the conspiracy. Morgan observed that speaking at the meeting was like ‘speaking to a nobbled jury’. Meyers maintained that the local members were ‘resigning in droves’ and threatened to run as an Independent. He then discovered that he had not been invited to the adoption meeting. Myers challenged this in the High Court and won – they ruled that he should have been invited. Some 800 members turned up to the meeting where the decision not to invite Myers was reversed. Sir Anthony Myers was subsequently nominated and then won the seat for the Tories by a long way.

Whilst I was reading about all this, I couldn’t help noticing the year in which the Tories in Clwyd tore themselves apart – it was 1983. We know that Beata was ruthlessly ambitious, was a woman who bludgeoned people into submission and was sitting on a paedophile ring supplying under-aged boys to Westminster figures and was keeping a lid on the criminal activities of a mental health service that was concealing the paedophile ring. It has been admitted by member of the Conservative Party that Sir Peter Morrison, the Tory MP for Chester, was abusing boys in care in north Wales. Between 1981 and 1985 the Conservative MP Geoffrey Dickens held his campaign to expose ‘VIPs’ that he maintained were sexually abusing children. Dickens maintained that this abuse was associated with a trade in child pornography worth a great deal of money. This was exactly the business that John Allen ran. Dickens began his campaign in 1981 when he named Sir Peter Hayman in the House using Parliamentary privilege. In 1983 Geoffrey Dickens handed the then Home Secretary Leon Brittan a dossier with the names and details of VIPs, including Westminster figures, that Dickens maintained were paedophiles. Brittan ‘lost’ that dossier. Since then of course, there have been allegations that Brittan was one of those paedophiles himself. Before he died Geoffrey Dickens talked about the serious unpleasantness and threats that he received after he spoke out.

So Beata herself and a group of ‘local activists’ were very keen for Beata to get into Parliament – so keen that some unlawful dirty tricks were employed, which Meyers alleged had involved Conservative Central Office. The constituency involved in the bun-fight was home to numerous police officers, local officials and professionals who were concealing the paedophile ring that Dickens was trying to expose. I wonder if they were among the ‘local activists’ who were doing pretty much anything to get Brookes into that seat? What if they were worried that Dickens’s campaign was going to gain traction and the whole bloody lot of them would be caught? Sir Anthony Myers sounds the sort of person who would not be complicit with such serious criminal activity, but Beata had been already, for years. The ideal candidate!

The cunning plan didn’t work, but Beata continued as an MEP until 1989 when she was ousted by the Labour candidate. Beata continued to mouth off if she felt like it – in 1983 she protested after the BBC held an interview with John Jenkins, a Welsh activist who had been imprisoned for a bombing campaign at the time of the Investiture. Oh the irony – in his younger day, Dafydd made links with Irish Republican activists after declaring his commitment to the nationalist cause (see post ‘A Network Stretching Back Decades…’). He also participated in the Tryweryn campaign. Like Dafydd, Beata had some media connections – she had worked as an ‘occasional television interviewer’ when she was younger.

Even being voted out didn’t stop Brookes. In 1993 she became Chair of the Welsh Conservative Party and supported John Major whilst he was under fire. She was also Chair of the Welsh Consumer Council and was re-appointed in 1994, despite criticism of her potential conflict of interest by the National Consumer Council and by Rhodri Morgan, who told John Major that the appointment ‘undermined an already disreputable system of patronage’.

The evil cow was awarded a CBE in 1996. In her old age there were still indications of the deals that she was doing on a local level. Brookes hit the media in 2003 regarding a dispute over car boot sales that she was holding on her land in Rhuddlan. In 2000 she had managed to gain permission to hold car boot sales on 28 Sundays every year and then in 2003 she gained permission to hold car boot sales on 14 Saturdays every year. She offered the land on which the car boots were held for the use of the National Eisteddfod. Helping out the National Eisteddfod can work wonders, particularly as Dafydd and many of the paedophiles’ friends are involved with it. (A true but horrible story – some years ago there was an awful shock for a lot of people when it was revealed that one of the people who had been appointed to run something for the children at the Eisteddfod, a nursery I think, was someone from the south of England with convictions for paedophilia. Any ideas how he got in there then Dafydd?) Beata won the day, but the dispute cost the local council many thousands of pounds. What Brookes’s passion for car boot sales was all about I don’t know, but it does remind me of a quip from ‘Private Eye’ years ago, when they were still publishing the imaginary letters from Denis Thatcher, ‘Dear Bill’. One of the letters made a reference to a ‘friend of Maurice’s’ who ran car boot sales – Denis commented that ‘I had no idea that he was a member of the Mafia’.

Readers may remember that in my post ‘Doris Karloff – Honest About Her Expenses But Not Much Else’, I described how Anglesey Conservative Association were desperate to snare a then unknown Ann Widdecombe as their candidate despite Doris knowing absolutely nothing about Wales or Anglesey and not showing much interest either. I speculated that back in those days of the St David’s Laundry in Bangor (see post ‘The BMA And It’s Ethics’), it may very well have been Widdecombe’s uncompromising anti-abortion stance that was the attraction. I wonder if Brookes was involved with that selection panel. Welsh Tories are a bit thin on the ground, it is highly likely that they either roped Brookes in or that she insisted on being part of the process.

There is an outstanding conundrum. Brookes’s obituaries mention that she married a fellow Tory activist Anthony Arnold, but that they divorced in 1963 and Brookes then insisted on being addressed by her maiden name and title, Miss Beata Brookes. It was highly unusual to be a divorcee in 1963 – although dispensing with an unwanted husband was very much easier if you were a woman with money as was Brookes – and divorced women routinely still referred to themselves as Mrs whatever their married name was. The only divorced women who persisted in calling themselves Miss were ageing starlets like Miss Diana Dors or Miss Zsa Zsa Gabor who still called themselves Miss no matter how many times they had been married and divorced. (Miss Joan Collins still does.) So Brookes really broke the mould there – if any readers know what that was all about, please do tell, Beata would hardly be the first to be flying the feminist flag.

In 2013 Brookes joined UKIP. She became very angry with Tories like Cameron calling UKIP ‘fruitcakes’ and ‘clowns’ and stated that ‘you don’t behave like that in politics’. No, what you do is take part in a conspiracy to conceal a vicious paedophile ring and remain silent even when the victims who have been brave enough to give evidence against that ring start turning up dead. Lest anyone needs reminding of just what the Celtic Iron Lady was party to, here’s another quick resume – witnesses were found hanging from trees, hanging from stairwells, dead from overdoses although they’d given up drugs years previously, were found inexplicably dead in cars, some were run over and killed on roads and one teenaged boy was found in a local town with unexplained injuries so serious that he died from them a few hours later. This doesn’t include the people who ‘committed suicide’ after being ‘helped’ by Dafydd and his colleagues. Neither does it include the five people with connections to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal who were killed in an arson attack at a party in Brighton, to which they had all been invited. The partygoers variously died from smoke inhalation or burns and some people escaped by jumping out of windows and were impaled on the railings below. A man who was alleged to have ‘confessed’ to starting the fire was hit by a lorry and killed himself a few days later.

Beata Brookes died in her eighties in the comfort of the Spire Yale Hospital (a private hospital in Wrexham) in 2015. So she didn’t risk her neck with the NHS that she had helped poison or in one of Dafydd’s ‘nursing homes’. Upon hearing of her death, Andrew R.T. Davies, the leader of the Welsh Conservatives, described Beata as an ‘incredibly talented politician who will be sorely missed’ whose ‘career was varied and hugely successful and I pay tribute to everything she did within public life, the voluntary sector and for the Welsh Conservative Party’.

Victorian Values anyone? Or shall we just go Back To Basics?

 

What of Beata’s rivals from the 1983 campaign whom she had so ruthlessly tried to shaft?

 

Geraint Morgan was the Conservative MP for Denbigh between 1959-83. So he spanned the Years of Brutality and Lobotomies then. He cannot possibly been have been as bad as Beata Brookes, but like others who have held political ambitions in the direction of the Denbigh area such as Ieuan Wyn Jones and Paul Flynn, Geraint wasn’t going to even whisper in protest – he was after the votes of all the Denbigh staff, the patients didn’t have votes to cast. Although Geraint was appreciated for being a Welsh speaker and was known to dutifully reply to constituents when they raised issues with him, Geraint had other interests. He was a barrister and busied himself with that. After the 1983 dust-up, Morgan resigned from the Conservative Party and supported Plaid, although he never became a member. That’s the Plaid who embraced Dafydd as an activist and candidate and included so many other people who said nothing about the paedophile gang or the abuses at the North Wales Hospital, although they all knew about it. Geraint Morgan was eventually appointed a Crown Court Recorder. He worked on the Northern Circuit. As did Sir John Kay, who issued a High Court injunction against me on the basis of Jackie Brandt and Keith Fearns perjuring themselves, Keith Fearns never having met me and Brandt having met me two or three times. At the time Fearns and Brandt were employed as social workers by Gwynedd Social Services and I now have copies of the letters exchanged between Lucille Hughes (Director of Gwynedd Social Services), Ron Evans (the lawyer employed by Gwynedd County Council), Jackie and Fearns, in which Evans and Lucille instruct Fearns and Brandt to make statements about me. John Kay issued that injunction just before Geraint Morgan was appointed a judge. Like so many featured on this blog, Geraint was a law graduate from Aberystwyth University and a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards.

 

The one person who does not seem to have been dwelling in the same cesspool as everyone else was Sir Anthony Meyer. He had previously had a career as a diplomat in the Foreign Office and served in the British Embassies in Paris and Moscow. He was elected as the Conservative MP for Eton and Slough in 1964 but lost the seat to the Labour MP Joan Lestor in 1966. His defeat was attributed to his refusal to play the ‘race card’ in what had become a heated debate about immigration. He sought another Tory seat, but had great difficulty, being on the very liberal wing of the Tory party and being a very enthusiastic European. An old Etonian contact, Nigel Birch, who was the MP for West Flintshire, then asked Sir Anthony if he would replace him as the candidate as he was standing down. Sir Anthony was elected for West Flintshire in 1970. He was popular but very critical of Thatcher. After surviving the bunfight in 1983, in 1989 he famously stood as the stalking horse against Thatcher in a leadership challenge. He knew that he didn’t have a hope of winning, but it did the trick – it encouraged a few other people to challenge her soon afterwards. He was deselected by the Conservative Party for his ‘treachery’ in 1992 and later joined the Lib Dems. So although it was Geoffrey Howe who delivered the killer blow, we have Sir Anthony to thank for kick-starting Thatcher’s demise. We also have him to thank for keeping a bloody monster out of Parliament when he mounted a High Court challenge to her and her henchmen in 1983.

 

Whilst I was reading about Beata, I saw across another name that I’d previously come across as well – Tom Ellis. Brookes was re-elected as MEP for north Wales after defeating Ellis in 1984, when he stood for the SDP.

Tom Ellis went to Ruabon Grammar School and studied chemistry at UCNW (Bangor University). In 1957 he became manager of Bersham Colliery. He was President of Wrexham Fabian Society and in 1970 was elected the Labour MP for Wrexham. In 1981 he defected to the SDP – Ellis was one of the founder members. He became President of the Welsh Social Democrats. After boundary changes in 1983 he stood for the SDP in Clwyd South West but lost. As MP for Wrexham, Tom Ellis is someone else who will have heard about the paedophile ring – Bryn Alyn and Bryn Estyn were located just outside Wrexham. He’ll have known about the horrors of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh as well. But as I detailed in my post ‘Dr Death’, the Top Doctors of north Wales were attracted to David Owen like flies around a honeypot. And their support was just so much more valued than the support of people who ended up dying so that the Top Doctors and the paedophiles’ friends could continue with their noses in the proverbial trough. Dafydd, Gwynne and Lucille really did have it all sewn up nicely – although virtually everyone knew what they were doing.

 

 

 

 

 

‘Ain’t Nothing Clean’ – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists

My post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’ detailed the findings of the Jillings Report – or at least those findings that anyone was allowed to read, what with the Jillings Report being so heavily redacted by the time that it was eventually published. The Jillings Report investigated sexual abuse in children’s homes in Clwyd and in that post I provided a few details regarding the managers of Clwyd Social Services during the period under investigation, 1974-1995. The over-riding impression that one is left with from the Jillings Report is how clueless the managers all were and the enormous degree of cronyism involved in appointments. I thought that I’d have a look at what the Waterhouse Report said about it all and I also decided to do a bit of research on the most senior figures in Clwyd County Council – and their fate after they had been outed as presiding over the biggest child abuse scandal in the history of the UK.

Ronald Waterhouse introduces his discussion regarding the management of Clwyd County Council by observing that as Clwyd County Council ceased to exist on 1 April 1996 – a local government reorganisation most conveniently occurred just as John Jillings submitted his report – and stating that the Council ‘could not therefore be represented before us’, mentioning this as one of the many difficulties that the Waterhouse Tribunal was faced with. The successor authorities were represented – by the crooked former Gwynedd County Council lawyer Ron Evans and counsel Merfyn Hughes QC – but they didn’t purport to present a case on behalf of Clwyd County Council. Ronnie states that it was ‘left to the Tribunal itself to conduct the investigation…and to seek out appropriate witnesses’. So that’s why Ronnie did such a hopeless job – he had to do it all himself, supported only by the other two stooges who completed his panel, the Treasury Solicitor’s team, the lawyers representing the Welsh Office, the team of paralegals and administrators from the Welsh Office dispatched by the Welsh Office, Gerard Elias QC, Ernest Ryder, Gregory Treverton-Jones, Ron Evans and Merfyn Hughes QC.

Clwyd County Council was formed in 1974. It’s first Director of Social Services was Emlyn Evans (1974-80) and his Deputy Director was Gledwyn Jones. Neither of them had a specialist background in child care matters. Evans had previously been the Director of Social Services for Denbighshire from Jan 1971 and for Flintshire from approx April 1973. So he knew the patch well and he’ll also have known Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and the lobotomist Dr T. Gwynne Williams who were unlawfully banging up any awkward customers in the North Wales Hospital. Jillings observed that serious child abuse had probably been happening in the region for decades and my own inquiries suggest that is almost certainly true… When Evans retired in 1980, he was succeeded by Gledwyn, who remained as Director of Social Services until 1991. It was acknowledged that there were serious problems in the Social Services Dept before Evans retired and an internal investigation, the O and M Report (by Clwyd’s Organisation and Methods dept), reported in Feb 1980. The report was highly critical and described the sorry state of the management of child care services.

When Gledwyn was appointed Director, John Coley was appointed his Deputy Director. Coley had been the Assistant Director of Dorset Social Services since 1974 and after he left Clwyd in Feb 1984 he was appointed Senior Deputy Director of Tayside Regional Council. John Jevons then succeeded Coley as Deputy Director. Jevons had no experience in child care either, although he had previously spent ten years as the Social Development Manager in the Milton Keynes Development Corporation. In 1991 Jevons became Director of Clwyd Social Services when Gledwyn retired. One of the managers beneath Gledwyn and Jevons with responsibility for children’s services was John Llewellyn-Thomas, who came to Clwyd in Feb 1984 from the Regional Planning Unit for Wales. Prior to that he had been a probation officer. Llewellyn-Thomas was initially responsible for residential homes for children and then in 1986 his responsibility was widened to cover virtually everything concerning children’s services. In April 1991 he was appointed Assistant Director of Children and Family Services and after that he became Director of Social Services for Torfaen.

Waterhouse noted that the Deputy Directors in the 80s were ‘not closely involved in children’s services’, although Coley had a ‘specific role to play in Clwyd County Council’s function as an adoption agency’. However, Coley ‘cannot recall any complaints or allegations of abuse in respect of children in care reaching him’. Jevons, when he was an Assistant Director, had an input into policy ‘mainly in respect of mental handicap and mental illness’ and as Deputy Director he retained those responsibilities and took on others, but continued to be heavily involved in mental health strategy. Gledwyn was concentrating his energies on children’s services. So Jevons was partly responsible for Dafydd and the lobotomist being given free reign then – who were discrediting and imprisoning people who had complained about being molested whilst in care. Jevons attended Senior Management Team meetings but couldn’t remember any matter of complaint relating to the children’s services being discussed at any of the meetings.

In the 80s, the middle managers responsible for children in residential care were Geoffrey Wyatt and Raymond Powell (Assistant Directors of Social Services) and John Llewellyn-Thomas (Principal Officer for Children from 1984). Until 1987 Gordon Ramsey was responsible for placements and from Jan 1988, Michael Barnes was directly responsible for children’s homes.

Waterhouse described ‘turmoil’ prevailing in Clwyd Social Services as the 1980s drew to a close and they prepared for the implementation of the Children’s Act 1989 and the NHS and Community Care Act 1990. The NHS and Community Care Act certainly caused them traumas because the North Wales Hospital Denbigh was stuffed full with people being held there unlawfully, most of whom should never have been there in the first place and Dafydd, Peter Higson, Laurie Wood et al knew that they were going to have some explaining to do when that place was emptied. And of course there was the matter of the patients who had disappeared and those that Gwynne had more than likely killed whilst he was lobotomising them. In 1990 there was a major reorganisation in Clwyd Social Services and it was split into three divisions on a geographical basis. Waterhouse makes a point of saying that he’s not going to enter into details about this, so that reorganisation must have been hiding a multitude of sins. After the reorganisation, John Jevons was promoted to Director and the position of Deputy Director was dispensed with – there were instead three new Divisional Directors.

Geoffrey Wyatt retired in Sept 1992 – he had been responsible for the registration and inspection of children’s homes. John Llewllyn-Thomas left Clwyd in April 1991 – he had been a member of the Welsh Office’s working party regarding preparation for the Children Act. During this time Clwyd had one of the highest proportions of children placed in residential care in Wales. In Jan 1992, Jackie Thomas was appointed as Principal Officer (Children). She only lasted in this post until April 1994 and then left as a result of a long term illness.

So that lot were the people screwing up big time on the ground. What of the most senior people in the Council as a whole, the Chief Executive and the County Secretary? The first Chief Exec of Clwyd was T.M. Hadyn Rees. Hadyn Rees had been around for donkeys years. He originated from Swansea and in 1947 was appointed as assistant solicitor to Caernarvon County Council. The following year he went to Flint County Council in a similar role and became the County Clerk in 1967. He retired in 1977. Mervyn Phillips succeeded Hadyn as Chief Exec and stayed in the post until 1992. He had been Deputy Chief Exec from the creation of Clwyd County Council. Phillips was a solicitor who was a law graduate of Liverpool University. When Mervyn stood down in 1992, he was succeeded by Roger Davies. Davies was a solicitor and an Oxford graduate who in 1977 became Director of Legal Services in Clwyd, was County Secretary from 1980 and then Deputy Chief Exec from 1982 (although he was still usually referred to as the County Secretary). He became Chief Exec in Aug 1992 and remained as such until Clwyd’s dissolution. So between them, Hadyn Rees, Mervyn Phillips and Roger Davies knew that region very well indeed and had been at the top of the tree for a very long time. Yet none of them took responsibility for anything concerning the rampant abuse of children in care in Clwyd and the operation of a gang of paedophiles involved in organised crime.

Roger Davies serviced/attended the Social Services Committee and Mervyn Phillips shouldered the responsibility firmly onto Roger and Gledwyn, the Director of Social Services. Waterhouse stated that Phillips ‘relied heavily upon the Director of Social Services and the County Secretary’. Yet Phillips only met Gledwyn about twice a month, although he spoke to Roger almost daily. Waterhouse claims that Phillips ‘learned for example of the convictions of social services staff when they occurred through the Director or County Secretary and similarly of the request made by Mr Justice Mars-Jones for an investigation’. He also maintains that the ‘failure to inform the Chief Exec of criticism of management and practices of the department was part of a pattern of deliberate non-disclosure’, which resulted in ‘ineffective monitoring’ by the Chief Exec. It seems that there were a number of damning internal reports concerning the social services dept of which it is claimed that Phillips knew nothing. So Waterhouse believed that Phillips knew nuzzing, even when staff of Clwyd were appearing in the media being carted off to prison for abusing the children in their care. I shall explore how likely this was later on. However it was admitted that when Gledwyn was in hospital in 1987, Jevons did discuss Mars-Jones’s request with Phillips and Phillips decided that Roger Davies would carry out the investigation. Jevons himself claimed that when he became Director of Social Services in April 1991 he received no guidance from Phillips or Davies regarding which matters to refer to the Chief Exec – this was not long before Phillips’s retirement and just before the major police investigation into child abuse in Clwyd. Waterhouse summarises Phillips’s management style by stating that ‘Phillips did not offer regular discussions or supervision and did not expect to be informed of day to day business’. Whilst he mildly admonishes Mervyn Phillips et al for taking their eye off the ball, the person who comes in for the most serious condemnation was one of the people with least clout, Iorwerth Thomas, who was ‘a striking example of a person who never shouldered his assigned responsibility for the children’s services’. Unlike those highly paid law graduates who were also solicitors who had been employed in the system for decades and who of course had no idea at all of what was going on.

Waterhouse notes at one point in the Report that between 1977-1980 Emlyn Evans ‘thought that Arnold was living up to his high commendation by the Home Office’. This is a reference to Matt Arnold who was the head of the monstrous Bryn Estyn home, which was one of the most intense centres of paedophile activity, as well as being a place of very great physical cruelty. A number of staff from Bryn Estyn alone were convicted of the sexual abuse of children, the worst offender being Peter Howarth. Howarth had known Arnold since the mid 1960s and they had both worked together at an approved school in Gateshead, where there were allegations that Howarth had sexually abused boys. It was Arnold who brought Howarth to Bryn Estyn with him when Arnold was appointed head. So the Home Office had ‘highly commended’ Arnold – of course until 1974, Bryn Estyn was run by the Home Office. A number of the staff who were eventually convicted of child abuse had worked at Bryn Estyn whilst it was run by the Home Office. That would have been the Home Office under Ted Heath. Gledwyn Jones expressed a similarly high opinion of Arnold. Raymond Powell (Assistant Director, Children In Residential Care) between 1974-89 held the same opinion of Arnold. Powell claimed that the atmosphere at Bryn Estyn was ‘always good’ and that the ‘boys seemed to be happy’. The boys who were constantly running away because they were being physically injured and repeatedly molested. Waterhouse notes that Geoffrey Wyatt, Arnold’s line manager, was faced with great difficulty – it was admitted that Arnold did whatever he wanted, ‘felt able to approach the Director of Social Services directly when he chose to do so’ and that Arnold was ‘wrongly permitted to run Bryn Estyn as his own fiefdom’. Waterhouse also mentions that Arnold earned ‘substantially more’ than Wyatt.

Shouldn’t Ronnie’s antennae at least have twitched at this point? Arnold is out of control, his line manager can’t reign him in, Arnold is paid SUBSTANTIALLY MORE than his line manager and he’s got a hot line to the Director of Social Services. Furthermore he was ‘highly commended’ by the Home Office and was running a home for them – a home where boys were being molested by a paedophile ring. A ring that those boys alleged contained a number of public figures and politicians… One of the boys who dared complain was transferred to Neath Farm School, a place that had an even worse reputation than Bryn Estyn – the other boys were known to have feared that the same thing would happen to them if they complained. Sounds as though that all this could be connected with the putative Westminster paedophile ring…

Regarding the bigwigs at the top of Clwyd County Council who had not a clue that children were being abused, that is T.M. Hadyn Rees, Mervyn Phillips and Roger Davies:

Hadyn Rees died in 1995 and his obituary in the ‘Independent’ was revealing. It described Hadyn Rees as having spent ‘a lifetime in public service in Wales’ and that he lobbied for the setting up of Mold Law Courts, which made the town the principal legal centre in north Wales. Hadyn Rees also campaigned after Thatcher’s policies devastated industry on Deeside and Shotton, especially after the steel works closed down. He was said to have ‘immersed himself in the battle to bring in new employment’ and his activities led to the establishment of Deeside Industrial Park. So somehow he had a lot of clout in high places. One obituary stated that ‘his battles with the Welsh Office to secure parity with south Wales when discussions of Gov’t funding was discussed became something of a legend – and won him wide respect’. So this solicitor who had been working in north Wales since the late 1940s and who oversaw a Council whose children’s homes were rife with paedophile activity had a lot of power at the Welsh Office. The Welsh Office who ignored complaints about the paedophile gang that was operating in the social services that Hadyn Rees ran, the Welsh Office who knew that the mental health services in the region – which were banging up the former residents of children’s homes – were involved in criminal activities and who used their own crooked lawyer Andrew Park to conceal this. But guess what – Hadyn was clerk to the North Wales Police Authority between 1967-77. The North Wales Police who were accused of failing to take action against the paedophile gang and who employed Gordon Anglesea as an officer, who was eventually imprisoned for abusing boys in care in north Wales. Upon retirement Hadyn Rees became a magistrate in Mold and then in 1985 became Chairman of the Magistrates in Mold. That will have been as useful as his stint with the North Wales Police Authority. Of course, one of the biggest movers and shakers that there was in north Wales at that time, Lord Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon, was also a member of the North Wales Police Authority. He was the father of Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon, who in 1979 was involved in an embarrassing incident after having sex with a teenage boy who was in the care of Clwyd Social Services. Please see post ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd’.

Hadyn had his fingers in a lot more pies than law n order though. He was Chairman of the Welsh Water Authority 1977-82; a member of the Severn Barrage Committee 1978-81; a member of the National Water Council 1977-82 and a part-time member of BSC (Industry) Ltd 1979-83, which is the name that British Steel formerly went under. But didn’t Hadyn battle so hard for the people of Clwyd when Thatcher shut the steel works down??? Hadyn however seems to be best known for Mold’s crowning glory – Theatr Clwyd. It is acknowledged by one and all that Theatr Clwyd was a result of Hadyn’s vision and it was even opened by HM the Queen in 1976. Hadyn was a member of the Welsh Arts Council 1968-77 as well, so that might have loosened a few purse strings even if the gay brothels staffed by children in care didn’t. Like so many others who seemed to be connected with the business of concealing the abuse of children in care in north Wales, Hadyn Rees was a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards.

Mervyn Phillips succeeded Hadyn as Chief Exec. Mervyn is a man of many good deeds as well. Mervyn is best known for being the first Chairman of Nightingale House Hospice in Wrexham. Nightingale House started as a day ward in Wrexham Maelor Hospital and in an interview for the Daily Post Mervyn explained that ‘I was coming up for retirement in 1992 [just when the police were investigating the abuse of children in the care of his County Council] but I was approached to ask if I could help raise funds to set up the hospice’. Mervyn was given one hell of a task – he was asked to raise £2.5 million in order to open the hospice, but he did it remarkably quickly. Building started in 1994 but Mervyn seemed to have found the speediest builders in Wales and it was completed and opened in 1995. Mervyn explained that the money was ‘raised through donations and people involved in health care’. Now I don’t think that Mervyn raised £2.5 million by rattling a tin in Wrexham town centre but I do know that a lot of people involved in ‘health care’ in north Wales are very dishonest indeed and concealed the paedophile gang that operated in the children’s homes. I wonder if Merv persuaded them to stump up and if they did I wonder which budget the dosh for the ‘donations’ came from.

Mervyn is a busy bee though. Companies House data reveals that Mervyn is a director of the Clwyd Fine Arts Trust; was a director of the Bodelwyddan Castle Trust (resigned Jan 2017); was a director of the Wrexham Hospital and Cancer Support Centre Foundation [the original name of Nightingale House Hospice] (resigned May 2014); was a director of Gladstone’s Library (resigned 2005); was a director of the Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Assurance Trust (resigned 2005); was a director of Nightingale House Lottery Ltd (resigned 2001); was a director of Nightingale House Promotions Ltd (resigned Feb 2001); was a director of the European Centre for Training and Regional Co-Operation (resigned Feb 1999); was a director of Clwydfro (resigned March 1994); was a director of the Institute for Welsh Affairs (resigned June 1993). There is also a reference on the internet to Mervyn being involved with the Flying North Derbyshire Tinnitus Support Group of all things – along with David Owen, the Chief Constable of the North Wales Police who led the force when it investigated abuse in children’s homes whilst Mervyn was Chief Exec. There was a lot of people who thought that Owen should not have led that investigation because allegations had been made that his own officers had been involved with the abuse. But Owen refused to appoint an outside officer to lead the investigation and the Home Secretary at the time refused to intervene regarding Owen investigating his own force either.

Mervyn Phillips also oversaw the redevelopment of Tyddyn Street Church, Mold in June 2012. The dosh for this came from Cadwyn Council, which provided £14,823 from the Flintshire Key Fund – this money came from the Rural Development Fund for Wales 2001-13, funded by the European Agricultural Fund for Rural Development and the Welsh Gov’t. (Flintshire was one of the successor authorities when Clwyd was dissolved and Mold is in Flintshire.) I’d love to know who was sitting on the grant awarding committee.

In 1985 Mervyn was appointed to the Registered Homes Tribunal. That was at the time the body responsible for appeals relating to the registration of nursing homes, care homes and children’s homes.

In 1991 Mervyn appeared in the Birthday Honours!

In Aug 1999 Mervyn appeared on the BBC in his capacity as the Secretary of the Presbytarian Church of Wales Social Issues Committee, raising concerns regarding genetic engineering and the use of GM plants. Mervyn referred to ‘the Christian perspectives on the importance of creation and human dignity’. I’m not sure that there was much dignity in being passed around a paedophile ring and having the living daylights beaten out of you if you dared complain, but at least it didn’t involve genetic manipulation.

Interestingly enough, when Gordon Anglesea died in prison last year, there was a big turn out at his funeral, including from the Police Federation and the Methodist Church. I wonder if Mervyn was among the mourners.

Merv’s generosity knows no bounds though. In July 2015, a local paper in north Wales ran an interview with Gethin Davies, who was stepping down after being on the Board of the Llangollen International Eisteddfod after 45 years. Gethin was explaining this history of the Royal International Pavilion and said that in 1958 the Eisteddfod purchased the fields where the Eisteddfod is held for £12,000, which ‘turned out to be a very good piece of business’. Part of the parcel of land was then leased to Denbighshire County Council with the proviso it be available to the Eisteddfod. Gethin went on to say that they ‘later worked out a deal with Clwyd County Council thanks to Mervyn Phillips’ ‘which has also proved crucial’. The Royal International Pavilion was opened by HM the Queen in 1992. Next time the Queen is invited to open something that’s the brainchild of a Chief Exec of Clwyd County Council I suggest that she asks to see all the paperwork. Like Mervyn, Gethin Davies was a solicitor. Gethin read law at Aberystwyth University – as did scores of others named on this blog – and was a partner in GHP Legal in Wrexham. GHP is described as a ‘major sponsor’ of the International Eisteddfod. Gethin is the only person who has ever been Chairman of the International Eisteddfod twice, between 1992-03 and 2013-15. Readers might remember that Ronnie Waterhouse too was involved in the International Eisteddfod and was President, 1994-97.

Mervyn was succeeded as Chief Exec by another solicitor, Roger Davies, an Oxford graduate.  He died in 2013 and his obituary mentioned his ‘great service’ to the public. He retired shortly before Clwyd was dissolved in 1996. Which was probably the only possible path open to him – he had been the Director of Legal Services for Clwyd, then the County Secretary, then the Deputy Chief Exec, then was appointed Chief Exec in the middle of the police investigation into the child abuse. He was never held responsible for what happened either.

I gained a clue as to how no-one at all in Clwyd Council, except for one bottom feeding social worker, was held responsible for the biggest child abuse scandal in the UK when I read the minutes of a meeting of Denbighshire County Council (a successor authority to Clwyd) held on 7 Dec 2010. Councillor D.I. Smith was noted as having offered prayers at the commencement of the meeting. There were references to Councillor H.H. Evans winning the ‘Welsh Local Gov’t Politician Of The Year’ Award and the ‘many other awards’ recently won by the Authority. There were tributes paid to three senior officers who were retiring. One of those was Roger Parry, the Finance Chief, who had started working in (the original)Denbighshire County Council in 1971. One of Roger’s sayings was, it was noted, was ‘struggling on’. The meeting heard how Denbighshire ‘inherited’ ‘enormous debt’ at the establishment of the Unitary Authorities in 1996 (ie. after Clwyd was dissolved) and they ‘did indeed struggle’, but Roger helped turned things around. Roger was described as ‘pretty cool in a crisis’. Roger thanked the Members and the Corporate Director and said ‘in particular’ ‘in the early 1990s all had worked together well when facing problems and it was likely that similar problems would have to be faced in the future and his advice was for all to work together, bury any difficulties to deliver for the Authority’. Roger then warned them all not to touch the balance!

So not only was Clwyd host to the worst case of organised paedophilia in the UK but they’d nicked all the money as well – and not one person has ever been held accountable for any of it because they all stuck together like glue and Roger got them out of it by being cool in a crisis. Rather more cool than the kids who had been abused in Clwyd’s children’s homes who collapsed in Court whilst giving evidence and became so distressed during the Waterhouse Inquiry that Ronnie Waterhouse dismissed them as not being good witnesses. And after he retired he organised the International Eisteddfod which was held in the Pavilion which sounds very much as though it was paid for by some of the money that had disappeared from Clwyd County Council.

Before staff from the North West Wales NHS Trust perjured themselves in an attempt to have me imprisoned, someone sent a memo around asking for ‘more nurses down the police station to make statements please’ (the Angels obliged – scores of them trooped down to the cop shop to lie their arses off and although the case collapsed against me in Court not one of them was prosecuted for perverting the course of justice). Can I appeal for more former employees of Clwyd County Council down the police station please – only unlike nurses employed by Ysbyty Gwynedd they won’t have to lie about serious crime because they bloody well committed it.

 

This Is What Happened To Nicola, Niclas, Merfyn, Joan and Kathryn

It seems that there is a limitless source of blogging material for me with regards to the trajectories of the careers of those who have somehow been involved in concealing the abuses of the children’s services and mental health services. An e mail from a reader yesterday prompted me to follow up a few more of the names who were listed in the Waterhouse Report as having provided legal advice for the various witnesses and parties involved in the Inquiry. There were of course many lawyers named – some of them local lawyers from practices in north west Wales who were personally known to me – but I’ll just provide details of some who are of particular interest here.

However, I’ll just kick off with a lawyer who was involved with the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal before it all got as far as the Public Inquiry – Nicola Davies QC. Readers may remember that Nicola was appointed by the Welsh Office during the Jillings investigation into child abuse in children’s homes in Clwyd County Council to examine the need for a public inquiry. Nicola’s conclusion was that a judicial inquiry ‘would not be in the public interest’ – although the next year William Hague announced that there would be one and soon afterwards appointed Sir Ronald Waterhouse and his panel.

So who was Nicola Davies QC? Well she was originally from Bridgend but studied law at Birmingham University. Nicola was considered to be a ‘medical specialist’. What was it that established Nicola’s reputation in this area? It was her acting as junior counsel for Dr Marietta Higgs and Dr Geoffrey Wyatt, the two paediatricians involved in the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal! The scandal that kicked off just after Alison Taylor – the whistleblowing social worker from north Wales – approached Margaret Thatcher and told her that she’d witnessed child abuse in north Wales, just as I started making representation about criminal activities in the mental health services and just at the time that Mary Wynch was winning in Court against the mental health services and Risley Remand Centre (please see post ‘A UK Network’). So Nicola represented two doctors who were widely criticised by other doctors, who precipitated a crisis and a national scandal, who undoubtedly removed some children from caring homes and accused innocent people of sexual abuse, whose actions led to a complete breakdown in working relationships between professionals in the region and within a few months, a Judicial Inquiry.  So that was the ‘expertise’ that the Welsh Office utilised and did initially rely upon in deciding whether to hold a Judicial Inquiry in north Wales.

Following her work for the Welsh Office, Nicola’s reputation grew and grew. She ‘played a part’ in the Bristol Heart Surgery scandal. From what I’ve read I presume that she represented some of the surgeons – the surgeons at the Bristol Royal Infirmary who carried out operations beyond their competence, who refused to listen to warnings and whose own ‘expertise’ lead to the deaths of a lot of children. A judicial review also resulted in Nicola quashing a decision to close some NHS paediatric surgery units. I suspect that case was actually the one that followed the aftermath of Bristol, in which Top Doctors from various paediatric surgery units tipped buckets of slurry over each other, all called each other dangerous and incompetent in an attempt to save their own unit and in the event no-one ever got to the bottom of any of it – just like Cleveland! Clearly by now Nicola was rapidly becoming the choice of any Top Doctor in the shit – she must have overtaken even Sir Robert Francis QC on that measure – and she  subsequently represented Professor Sir Roy Meadow before the GMC, at the High Court and at the Court of Appeal. Roy Meadow was the paediatrician who invented a psychiatric syndrome – Munchausen’s by proxy – and subsequently spouted made-up statistics in Court in his capacity as an ‘expert witness’ which led to a number of innocent women being jailed for murdering their children who had in fact died of other causes. The most high profile of these cases was Sally Clark, a solicitor who had lost two children due to cot death. Sally was crucified in the press, banged up, repeatedly physically attacked by other prisoners who believed that she was a murderer and by the time that her conviction was quashed had just about been destroyed. She died not long after being released. Before she died however, another Top Doctor, Professor David Southall, vented his spleen on the Clark family (they obviously hadn’t been through enough, only having lost two of their children and Sally having being wrongly convicted and imprisoned for double murder) and reported Sally’s husband for the murder of the children, on the grounds of absolutely no evidence at all. Neither Southall or Meadow crawled off under a stone to retire after this series of unimaginable misjudgements and cock-ups – after the GMC finally took action against them in the face of much public outrage, they both continued to max-out the various appeals processes until they were returned to the Medical Register. And it was Nicola whom Meadow used to do it. This was not yet the pinnacle of Nicola’s career however.

Nicola’s reputation was well and truly sealed when she defended a man called Harold Shipman. Readers may have heard of him. Nicola did her best, but he was of course found guilty. Now I suspect that if I had defended the UK’s biggest serial killer and lost the case, I’d be finished, but I’m glad to say that Nicola was made a Dame in 2010 – of course she was, what did any of us expect? She was described in ‘Wales Online’ as ‘the highest medical defence QC in the UK’ and a woman who had ‘broken many glass ceilings’. (I thought that there might be bit of a role model for all us other women in there somewhere.) Nicola could only travel upwards though – since 2014 she has been the Presiding Judge of the Wales Circuit. (She was appointed a judge a couple of years after telling everyone that holding an inquiry into the biggest child abuse scandal in the UK would not be in the public interest.) Nicola is an honorary fellow of the University of Cardiff. One can only hope that Nicola has a very powerful washing machine because she’ll have more blood on her than Lady Macbeth had.

The research for this post was prompted when a reader sent me some links concerning a branch of a bikers club in Colwyn Bay, the ‘Outlaws’, some of whom have been involved in organised crime. In June 2012, at Mold Crown Court, the police sought a serious crimes prevention order against two members of the ‘Outlaws’, Stuart Dawson and Adrian Sheriff, to prevent them participating in serious criminal activities upon their release from prison. Dawson had previously served five years in prison and Sheriff four years, for conspiring to supply amphetamines. Their arrests had followed the discovery of £20,000 worth of the drug at their North Wales clubhouse in Colwyn Bay and the clubhouse was described as a centre of illegal activity. At a previous trial involving Dawson, Judge Merfyn Hughes QC had stated that Dawson had used his position as European and Asian President of the ‘Outlaws’ to further his own criminal activities. At the trial in June 2012 the police requested that Dawson and Sheriff should be prevented from holding office in the club by Court Order. I bet they were surprised at the response of the judge, Niclas Parry – he told the police that such an Order would be ‘disproportionate’ and he then made a less restrictive Order, stating that Dawson and Sheriff mustn’t hold office or seek to hold office in the ‘Outlaws’, the ‘Hell’s Angels’ or ‘Black Pistons’, after ‘negotiations’ between the lawyers. The Order applying to Dawson ran until May 2015 and the one applying to Sheriff ran until May 2014. Judge Niclas Parry then thanked the barristers – and the defendants – for reaching the agreement and saving the Court from a ‘week long trial’. Yes, Niclas Parry allowed two people involved in serious organised crime on an international scale to arrange the terms of their own Court Orders and then thanked them for it. If Niclas Parry is ever the victim of crime and phones the police for help, I don’t expect they’ll be busting a gut to arrive at the scene of the crime at top speed – and he’d better be careful because the Orders that he put on Dawson and Sheriff expired ages ago. The ‘Outlaws’ don’t just have a cosy relationship with a judge in the region, the reader who sent me this story also sent me  a collection of photos of the ‘Outlaws’ at  a charity fundraiser with the Bryn y Maen RSPCA. Haven’t the RSPCA created enough bad publicity for themselves already?

So who is the judge who thanks organised criminals for allowing him to negotiate with them? Niclas Parry, before he was a judge, was one the many lawyers who was involved in the Waterhouse Inquiry. Parry was a solicitor advocate representing one of the witnesses, Stephen Norris. Stephen Norris had been employed at Bryn Estyn and later at the Cartrefle Community Home. Norris was so gross that even the other staff at those homes didn’t like him, describing him as coarse, unsuitable to work with children and obsessed with sex. When the members of a paedophile gang described someone in those terms even Ronald Waterhouse couldn’t ignore it. In 1990 Norris pleaded guilty to a number of sex offences at Chester Crown Court and was sentenced to three and a half years in prison. This case sparked off a police investigation and before he had finished his sentence Norris was charged with numerous more offences and in 1993 pleaded guilty at Knutsford Crown Court to three offences of buggery, one offence of attempted buggery and three indecent assaults. He pleaded not guilty to ten other counts. Norris was sentenced to seven years in prison and the ten counts to which he’d pleaded not guilty were ordered to remain on file. The Waterhouse Tribunal however heard about a lot more wrongdoing on the part of Norris than this. Norris himself admitting committing offences from 1980 onwards. Witnesses told the Tribunal that Norris repeatedly molested them in the showers, in the bedrooms, in his caravan and on a smallholding that he owned. They also told of physical violence from Norris and one claimed that Norris had threatened him with a shotgun – but Ronnie didn’t believe that, in the way that he chose not to believe so much of what former residents of children’s homes told him. One witness explained that Norris took him to a large house in Chester where he was buggered by Norris and the occupier and shown pornographic films involving children. On another occasion Norris arranged for a man to pick him up, who then took him to Chirk and sexually assaulted him. This witness also told Waterhouse that Peter Howarth – another member of staff at Bryn Estyn who was in prison for sexually assaulting the boys in his care by the time that the Inquiry was underway – and Norris tried to get him to recruit boys for sexual purposes. If I was leading an Inquiry into sexual abuse in a region where it was alleged that influential public figures were abusing children, that a paedophile ring was in operation and that staff in the children’s homes might be involved with a gay prostitution and child pornography racket I’d be quite interested in this witnesses story. But Ronnie pointed out that there was no evidence to corroborate it and furthermore this witness was under psychiatric care. Which says it all. (This was not the only witness who talked about being taken to other locations where they were molested by strangers. Ronnie didn’t give them the time of day either.)

So that’s who Niclas Parry represented at the Tribunal. But I think that Niclas might have actually known old Ronnie Waterhouse before that Tribunal. This blog has made it eminently clear just what a small world it is in north Wales and the legal world in north Wales is even smaller. Ronnie himself grew up in Flintshire, was very locally rooted and retained numerous links there throught his life. Niclas came from Flintshire as well! He was born in Halkyn and went to school in Mold, where his parents were teachers. Niclas even managed to become head boy in the school in which his mum was head of English! Niclas maintains that it was his mum who inspired him to follow a legal career – his mum had legal connections, she was a magistrate! Niclas studied law at Abersytwyth, like so many featured on this blog and whilst he was there was head warden of Pantycelyn, the well-known Welsh speaking hall of residence which was the site of many language protests. After graduation, Niclas undertook his training as a solicitor with a firm called Llewellyn Jones and Co in Mold, under the late W. Armon Ellis and became a partner there, only leaving in 2010.

It’s worth me saying a bit about Armon Ellis, Niclas’s mentor. Armon also read law at Aberystwyth. He was born in Flintshire as well, near Holywell and attended the same school as Ronnie Waterhouse, Holywell Grammar, although he was thirteen years older than Ronnie. In 1946, after serving in the war, he joined the Mold law firm of the local MP, Llewellyn Jones, becoming a senior partner. In the 1970s he was one of the first solicitors to act as a deputy circuit judge. He was a Councillor with Flintshire County Council between 1950 and 1974 and between 1974 and 1977 he served on Clwyd County Council. So Niclas’s mentor was right in the thick of it whilst children in the care of those councils were abused for years – and he’ll have known the dipsticks who ran the social service depts of those councils who were steeped in incompetence and nepotism as described in my post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’. Armon Ellis was described in his obituary as being immersed in and dedicated to the Welsh language and Welsh culture – it is even mentioned that he was born on St David’s Day. Presumably Armon Ellis arranged that whilst he was still in the womb. The writer of that obituary stated that Armon Ellis served for years as the Chairman of a ‘progressive education committee’ which gave education chiefs Hadyn Williams and Moses Jones support in establishing Welsh medium education. Which is laudable, but whilst they were doing that they failed to notice that the molesting of children less fortunate than their own was rife. Armon Ellis had an interest in politics and stood unsuccessfully in Flintshire for the Liberal Party in the general elections of 1950 and 1951. (Ronnie Waterhouse was the Labour candidate for West Flintshire in 1959.) That would be during the time that the Liberal Party provided a home for Jeremy Thorpe and Cyril Smith. Armon Ellis was a keen Eisteddfodwr. He was the honorary solicitor to the National Eisteddfod, the chairman of the executive committee at Flint in 1969 and the vice-president at Mold in 1991. Niclas is an Eisteddfodwr as well. He was President of the National Eisteddfod in Denbigh in 2013 and has been stage leader at the National Eisteddfod, the Urdd Eisteddfod and the Llangollen International Eisteddfod. Ronnie Waterhouse liked Eisteddfodau too! He was the President of the Llangollen International Eisteddfod 1994-1997. Now anyone who knows anything about Eisteddfodau knows that they take a huge amount of organising, rehearsing and work in general and if you are an enthusiastic Eisteddfodwr you will know everyone else involved, including across different generations. Niclas will have had to have worked very hard indeed not to have known Ronnie and Ronnie will have had to have worked very hard not to have known Armon Ellis. They are different generations of a very similar sort of person.

Indeed the founder of Llewellyn Jones solicitors firm was an earlier version of Ronnie/Armon Ellis/Niclas. He was Frederick Llewellyn-Jones, who was born in Bethesda back in 1866 and who died in 1941. He went to Bala College and then studied law at Aberystwyth. He married a woman from Ruthin which is perhaps why he ended up in the north east of Wales. He was the Liberal and then Liberal National MP for Flintshire. Llewellyn-Jones was a Governor of both Aberystwyth and Bangor Universities, a member of the Holywell School Board, had positions with the Ministry of Health, was a Governor of the Welsh National Museum and the National Library of Wales and was a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards. Niclas, several generations later, is a member of the Gorsedd. of the Bards.

I could continue to map the connections between people with these interests for eternity. J.E. Daniel, one of the founders of Plaid and father of the corrupt judge Huw who has done so much himself to conceal the wrongdoing of those we know and love, was a professor at Bala College (later known as the Bala-Bangor College); I also seem to remember that the election literature sent out by Alun Ffred Jones, former leader of Gwynedd County Council and then AM for Arfon, brother of Dafydd Iwan, also a former leader of Gwynedd County Council and former President of Plaid, mentioned that their father had a connection to the Bala-Bangor College. I sometimes wonder why people get so excited about alleged masonic links, because there are so many other commonalities between so many of those we know and love and the people who colluded with them. Now I don’t really mind if everyone with an interest in the Welsh language or literature or history or Welsh institutions or Eisteddfodau hobnobs together, because I’m quite interested in those things as well so I can understand that there will be certain places and institutions to which people with such interests will gravitate towards. However, the sort of inner circle from which Ronnie and Armon Ellis and Niclas have emanated is very cliquey. The one thing that those outside the circle notice is that there is definitely a preservation of the influential positions for the offspring of those within the circle. (This phenomenon is written all over Niclas’s biography.) I know an excellent sociologist of Wales who spent forty years studying this and he once observed that these people were actually Tories. They’d never identify as such because they identify as Welsh, but their values are Tory and the biggest clue of all is that it will be their children who will take over the positions of power from them. Thus Niclas ends up as a solicitor advocate defending a scumbag who grossly abused people from backgrounds far less fortunate than Niclas’s or Ronnie’s or Armon Ellis’s et al. And the whole lot of them did a really big favour for a Tory Gov’t who would have done just about anything to keep the lid on a major scandal that had been allowed to get completely out of control under Margaret Thatcher’s administration.

Of course Niclas didn’t remain a solicitor advocate. Like all the other people involved with the Waterhouse Inquiry, he ended up with a nice little number for himself. He became a judge on the Wales Circuit and sits in the Crown Court, mostly in north Wales. He has also been a member of the S4C authority and is of course well-known for being a commentator on Welsh football. I knew someone a few years ago who told me that Niclas has a reputation in Court for being very grandiose and pompous. I’m not sure that anyone who, as a career move, defended a man who buggered, molested and violently assaulted scores of children over a period of many years – and almost certainly did far worse as well even if Ronnie wouldn’t admit it – has anything to be grandiose or pompous about.

The rather more rational judge involved in the action against the ‘Outlaws’ bikers club also starred at the Waterhouse Inquiry, Merfyn Hughes QC. Merfyn was counsel for the six Local Authorities that succeeded Gwynedd and Clwyd County Councils (Gwynedd and Clwyd Councils were conveniently dissolved in a reorganisation in 1996 just as the sheer scale of the child abuse that had gone on started to dawn on everyone). The solicitor representing those six successor authorities who instructed Merfyn was the crooked solicitor Ron Evans, who had previously been County Secretary and Solicitor for Gwynedd County Council. Ron’s name is all over the documents that I have relating to the many attempts that Gwynedd Social Services made to land me in hot water, which involved their staff perjuring themselves on every occasion. It is very clear from the documents that I have that Lucille Hughes had a hotline to Ron Evans and Ron was fully aware of the scale of the wrongdoing – my documents suggest that Ron was actually the Brains behind the whole lot of Lucille’s gang. I have provided full details of Ron Evans’s involvement in the posts that describe my legal battles with Gwynedd Social Services. Merfyn was another who rose to the top in the years following Waterhouse. In 2010 he was appointed Resident Judge for North Wales. He retired in 2014 and was replaced by Rhys Rowlands. Rhys was, a long time ago, the prosecuting solicitor for the North Wales Police. He was called to the Bar in 1986 and worked from chambers in Chester. So he’ll have been working for the North Wales Police when they were quietly ignoring the presence of a paedophile ring on their patch and arresting youngsters for ludicrous offences who happened to have complained about being molested; when the police were returning injured children to the homes where they had been molested after they had run away, without asking any questions; when Gordon Anglesea, a senior policeman, was abusing children himself; when Mary Wynch and others were being unlawfully arrested and detained in the North Wales Hospital. Rhys will have known about all of it. Then he’ll have seen the end result when he was a barrister and judge – he sat at Crown Courts in Caernarfon and Mold – the people that lot stitched up appearing in Court and often going to prison. Merfyn himself was the judge who presided over the notorious Ched Evans rape case at Caernarfon Crown Court in 2012. Evans always protested his innocence – he did fess up that it was all a bit sordid, a drunken gang bang with people whom he didn’t know – but he robustly maintained that he did not rape anyone. His conviction was quashed in 2016, a retrial was held in Cardiff and he was subsequently found not guilty. Merfyn is another lawyer who was born into a family with legal connections. In 2014 there was a gathering at Mold County Court for a special eulogy in honour of a retired judge who had recently died, David Morgan Hughes QC. The tributes were led by one Mrs Justice Nicola Davies and Merfyn was in attendance – the dead judge was his uncle.

Ron Evans instructed another QC to act for the six successor Local Authorities as well – from April 1998 Joan Butler acted for them. Joan became a QC in 1999, whilst she was working on the Inquiry – just like Patricia Scotland became a Baroness whilst she was acting for the Welsh Office at the Inquiry! Also in 1999 Joan was appointed  as a legal member of the restricted patients panel (Mental Health Review Tribunal). A lot of those restricted patients will have been people who were abused as children in care, perhaps some of whom were abused whilst in care in north Wales. Joan became a Circuit Judge in 2002 and was the designated family judge for Nottingham in 2003. She retired as a circuit judge in Feb 2017.

The insurance company Municipal Mutual were represented at the Inquiry. They were of course right in the thick of it, having been Clwyd County Council’s insurers who threatened to refuse to stump up the compensation to the kids who had been abused if the Jillings Report was ever made public and stated that they would pass liability onto the Councillors themselves, raising the spectre of the Councillors being made bankrupt and losing their homes. It was also Municipal Mutual who wanted Councillor Malcolm King sacked if he revealed the contents of the Report, Malcolm King having already made a nuisance of himself by asking rather a lot of questions about all these kids who claimed to have been abused and the staff who ended up in prison for offences against children. From April 1998 Kathryn Thirlwall QC was counsel for Municipal Mutual. Kathryn is described as a ‘specialist in abuse litigation’. I have found details of two cases that Kathryn has been involved in and as with her work with Waterhouse, Kathryn was not using her expertise to represent people who had been abused, she was acting for organisations responsible for children who had employed paedophiles. That’s the way to advance though. Whilst working on the Inquiry in 1998 Kathryn was appointed an assistant recorder and in April 2010 she was appointed a High Court Judge, Lady Justice Thirlwall! She was appointed to the Court of Appeal for England and Wales in Feb 2017.

Just a few lines about a couple of other names that jumped out at me as I was reading the Waterhouse Report. The North Wales Police were represented by Andrew Moran QC who was instructed by Peter Cowan. Peter Cowan describes himself as a specialist in ‘professional negligence’ and ‘ actions involving the police’. The North Wales Police obviously felt a bit culpable then.

I have mentioned in previous posts how children from all over the UK were placed by Local Authorities in north Wales, many of them from the London boroughs. I suspect that Tower Hamlets in particular must have sent a lot, because they thought it worth their while sending a solicitor and counsel to the Inquiry. The counsel who acted for Tower Hamlets was Bryan McGuire, who is now dead. McGuire’s obituary describes him as being ‘instrumental in many of the changes and developments in public law in recent years, particularly in the fields of…children’s services’…’he sought to improve Local Authority services for the vulnerable’. Of course, that’s why he turned up at the Inquiry to act for a council which had sent the children in it’s care into the embrace of a brutal paedophile gang. McGuire became a QC in 2010. I did wonder whether there were any high profile Councillors responsible for this fuckwitted decision in Tower Hamlets who later became big names, in the way that Margaret Hodge, Tessa Jowell and Ken Livingstone were involved in some rather shameful things earlier in their careers. My co-researcher has sent me the list of Tower Hamlets Councillors  dating back to the 60s and I don’t recognise any of the names on there from the 70s, 80s and early 90s, which will have been the years when children were sent into danger. However, it’s noticeable that there were frequently Councillors representing the National Front or BNP and they often polled a lot of votes, in one election topping the poll. In later years there are of course references to Councillors who were disqualified as a result of electoral fraud – Tower Hamlets was a Council that saw a number of such scandals and was of course host to the notorious Latfur Rahman. So it was a troubled and of course a very, very poor borough, for many years the poorest in the UK. I did recognise the names of the MPs for the area though – Ian Mikardo and Peter Shore, both Labour. Mikardo was on the left of the party and Shore was a maverick. Shore was a member of Wilson’s Gov’t between 1974-76 and Callaghan’s Gov’t between 1976-79. Both of these administrations – substantially through the Welsh Office – concealed some terrible things in the children’s services and mental health services in north Wales. In later years the dreadful Oona King was elected and then defeated by the even more dreadful George Galloway. I can’t see any connections between anyone down there and those we know and love in north Wales however. I do wonder if kids from Tower Hamlets who had been abused would even have got as far as their MP – they may not even have felt able to do that. Tower Hamlet’s has had some child abuse scandals of it’s own. It managed the St Leonards Home in Essex which was closed down in the 1990s after a number of staff were imprisoned for abusing children. In 2014 there were also allegations that Jimmy Savile had frequented facilities managed by Tower Hamlets. There was one other interesting feature about Tower Hamlets – it was a stronghold of certain Top Doctors. The Royal London Hospital was there, as was Barts. I am absolutely certain that those we know and love will have had a contact down there – if anyone can give me any information, do drop me a line. The only one tentative link that touches on the contents of this blog is that Ian Mikardo and his wife died in Cheshire, where I can only assume they had retired. The tentacles of the north Wales paedophile ring did of course reach out into Cheshire – John Allen set up a branch of the Bryn Alyn Community there and dear old Lucille Hughes was a senior manager in Cheshire Social Services before she returned to Gwynedd to facilitate the paedophile ring on her home turf. It’s a long shot, but you never know…

 

When I told someone earlier who I would be blogging about in this post I received an e mail saying ‘jolly good, that lot are undoubtedly part of the equation of injustice and criminality spanning decades in north Wales’.

As for all these proud patriots who love the Welsh language and Welsh culture and showed their commitment to these things by concealing a network of vicious criminals who were serving up children to members of the British establishment, I only need point to Dr Dafydd Alun Jones. Who once stood for Plaid, who shamelessly traded on his credentials as a Welsh speaker from north Wales and who at one point was telling English people that if they wanted mental health care they should go back to England. Yet at the same time, Dafydd was travelling to England to hold private clinics for English people and charging them a lot of money for doing this – whilst he was being paid to hold NHS clinics in Ysbyty Gwynedd for which he simply never turned up. He also has probably imported more people with drug problems and mental health problems from English metropolitan areas in order to pile them high in his ‘nursing homes’ or use his ‘substance abuse services’ than any other person in Wales. Whilst at the same time helping his mistress Lucille Hughes conceal the paedophile ring that she knew was in operation when she was Director of Gwynedd Social Services. No doubt when Dafydd finally turns his toes up, his fellow patriots will all be flying the Ddraig Goch at half mast. Whilst the rest of Wales cracks open the champagne.

 

 

So Who Was It Exactly Who Appointed The Corrupt Old Bastard?

Yesterday’s post ‘A UK Network’ explained why I suspect that the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal may have been precipitated as a distraction at a time when it rather looked as though the lid was about to be blown off the activities of the paedophile ring operating in north Wales and their buddies in the mental health services. I described how there was obviously a network of corrupt professional people stretching across the UK who were concealing rampant abuses in the child care and mental health services and speculated on possible links between north Wales and the north east of England. I mentioned the notorious Bryn Alyn Community, a private business run by a vicious criminal, John Allen, who was subsequently imprisoned for sexual assaults on teenage boys. Bryn Alyn was established in 1968 and accepted hundreds of children sent from Local Authorities across the UK. I’ve just read the part of the Waterhouse Report that deals with Bryn Alyn and it’s even more mind-blowing than the rest of Waterhouse’s whitewash.

The first thing that I noticed was Waterhouse’s mention of which Local Authorities sent children to Bryn Alyn – substantially London authorities, but also authorities from the north west of England, the West Midlands and Newcastle no less. So that pretty much confirms my suspicions regarding the locations of professionals who were colluding with those we know and love in north Wales, as postulated in previous posts. However there are other authorities mentioned as well – including Devon and Oxfordshire. But Waterhouse mentions something else that I was not previously aware of – that John Allen owned a villa in Bordeaux and also some sort of facility in Bordeaux where children from Bryn Alyn were taken for ‘holidays’. Someone else I know used to pop back and forth to Bordeaux for the purposes of ‘work’ which no-one ever actually specified – Dr Dafydd Alun Jones! Dafydd made frequent visits to northern France as well, again on the pretext of visiting ‘GP friends’ or ‘holding clinics’ – which I always felt was rather improbable. Regular readers will remember some other people from north Wales who enjoyed visits to France – Elfed Roberts and his mates! Elfed was a former senior police officer in the North Wales Police, left under a substantial cloud and then became Chair of the North West Wales NHS Trust – one of his high points during his incumbency there was to have me arrested for having pink hair, calling his car a penismobile and because he was ‘fed up’ of my complaints (please see post ‘After The Attempt To Frame Me…’). Elfed and his friends used to frequent an establishment that I remember being called Chateau de Cop – I have found online adverts for a hotel in the Loire Valley called Chateau de Cop Choux, I think that is indeed the hang-out that Elfed and his mates use. The disgraced of north Wales certainly enjoy a good standard of living – but have they not heard of something called the European Arrest Warrant? (Another disgraced name featured on the blog also has a house not a million miles away from Bordeaux – Robert Bluglass. He has (or had) a second home in the Pyrenees.)

Some of the Local Authorities had received complaints from children regarding the abuse that they had been subjected to whilst at Bryn Alyn. In 1976 Anthony David Taylor was convicted of two offences of indecent assault at Talgarth Magistrates Court. In 1975, before the Court case, Taylor wrote to the Welsh Office admitting that he’d committed previous offences against boys from Newcastle-Upon-Tyne whilst they were on a summer holiday scheme that Taylor ran for Bryn Alyn, asking the Secretary of State for anonymity for social workers when they had committed offences, citing his own case! The Secretary of State for Wales at the time was John Morris aka Lord Morris of Aberavon. But of course the Welsh Office had no idea that there were serious problems with child abuse in homes in north Wales… In previous posts I mentioned how Waterhouse used numerous techniques to dismiss or discount evidence from witnesses when they explained how they had been violently or sexually assaulted whilst in care in north Wales and ignored other evidence such as forged documents that would have set off loud alarm bells in any intelligent person. What is Waterhouse’s comment with regard to this social worker who freely fesses up to abusing children but feels able to write to John Morris asking for anonymity? Waterhouse states that the Inquiry heard from four other witnesses that Taylor sexually assaulted them whilst they were at Bryn Alyn, that the panel had ‘no reason to doubt the truth of any of the complainants’ but that Taylor is ‘now retired and ill and it is unnecessary to say anything further about him’.

This was exactly what used to be said to me when I mentioned Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’s activities – ‘he’s retired’. Except Dafydd hadn’t retired, he was running private nursing homes where people alleged that they were being abused and fleeced and had been given the contract by the NHS to provide ‘substance misuse services’ (please see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’). As for when I mentioned Dr T. Gwynne Williams the lobotomist – people would simply yell at me ‘he’s dead, how dare you say such things’. Dr X/Dr Tony Francis and the dreadful Dr DGE Wood even documented that I had ‘even’ made terrible allegations against ‘deceased’ people. The deceased people had done some terrible things – and as the complaints about them had been ignored whilst they were alive it was hardly surprising that I was not prepared to keep quiet about them just because they had died. Another ‘deceased person’ who abused her position was Sheila Jenkins, a social worker with the appalling Arfon Community Mental Health Team, who lied about me to the police in order to have me unlawfully thrown out of Ysbyty Gwynedd – Sheila was also happy to slander me in the local community. I was told to stop ‘speaking ill of the dead’ at my own birthday party by a former colleague of Sheila’s husband. I suspect that the man at my birthday party had no bloody idea at all of the sort of things that dear old Sheila actually did, but the people who worked with her, as well as those who worked with Dafydd and the lobotomist, most definitely knew what they were all up to. But I suspect that it was DGE Wood’s valiant defence of those who concealed the paedophile gang that landed him his senior roles with the Royal College of General Practitioners and perhaps even bagged him his OBE…

A boy from Plymouth placed at Bryn Alyn made complaints to the police in Oct 1989 and Aug 1990 and a solicitor’s letter was sent to his social worker in Plymouth in June 1990. Devon Social Services reported their concerns about Bryn Alyn to the Welsh Office in Oct 1990. Boys from Sandwell and Solihull in the West Midlands made allegations of abuse whilst at Bryn Alyn and a number of complaints between 1988-1993 were also reported to the Welsh Office.

In March 1993 a 15 year old girl placed at Bryn Alyn by Oxfordshire Social Services went to Clwyd Social Services with complaints of physical abuse from staff and sexual harassment from other residents and refused to return to Bryn Alyn. She stated that at one point she had been thrown across the room by a male member of staff which resulted in injury. She was placed with foster parents. The next month she turned up at Wrexham Police Station saying that she wished to withdraw the complaint. Waterhouse notes that the police wanted to continue to pursue the complaint in the public interest, but the CPS returned the file, refusing to take further action. The Director for Public Prosecutions at this time was Dame Barbara Mills. All was well in Waterhouse World though – he noted that the girl acknowledged that the man who threw her across the room had a ‘very positive, caring and supportive relationship’ with her. When he wasn’t throwing her across the room. Or perhaps even sending the boys around to ensure that she withdrew her complaint whilst she was living with foster parents – a placement presumably arranged by whoever had sent her to Bryn Alyn.

Manchester and Salford College of Technology as well as Manchester Social Services were also told of the sort of things that happened to young people at Bryn Alyn. A mature student called Denis Williams had the misfortune to end up on a ‘placement’ at Bryn Alyn in 1983. He was so appalled at what he witnessed that he compiled a report and sent it to Manchester and Salford College of Technology. In Nov 1983 he was told by an unidentified ‘senior officer’ from Manchester Social Services Dept that his concerns had been fully investigated and that his report was ‘unfounded and unprofessional’. He was also told that John Allen was threatening legal action against him. Denis was made of stern stuff and in June 1985 went to the Home Office about events at Bryn Alyn. The Home Secretary at that time was Leon Brittan. No-one seemed to have mounted an investigation or put a stop to what was happening. Waterhouse notes that in Sept 1992 Denis was interviewed by a number of newspapers and BBC TV. Guess what? Denis was unable to be traced by the Tribunal so wasn’t available as a witness! Of course by the time that the Waterhouse Inquiry was held, a number of former residents of Bryn Alyn and the other homes in north Wales had been found dead. I wonder if Denis too had been found dead in suspicious circumstances by then? Because I’ve not heard of him since. But Ronnie has an explanation! ‘The picture given by Denis Williams is truly alarming…but he stayed only three days…his strictures upon particular individuals were not mirrored by the volume of substantial complaints about them’. Denis did what any good student should do – he noted everything, got the hell out of there and sent a report to the college who had sent him on the placement. He was rubbished, threatened with legal action by a vicious paedophile, alerted the Home Office in the wake of the threats, got nowhere, went to the press and then disappeared off the face of the earth. Ronnie merely notes that not many other people had complained…

Waterhouse documents that the ‘principal witness on behalf of the Welsh Office’, John Lloyd, ‘told us of a number of allegations of physical and sexual abuse at the Community’s various premises that were reported to the Welsh Office between 1989 and 1992’. In May 1993 there were two other reports to the Welsh Office of boys at Bryn Alyn who had been injured after alleged assaults.

Waterhouse was told again and again of sexual assaults and assaults so brutal that young people sustained injuries. One boy suffered anal bleeding after a sexual assault, was taken to a GP and was – interestingly – told that he had haemorrhoids. So there was a tame Top Doctor on tap as well then. Waterhouse was told by another witness that he had been tied to a tree with a piece of rope, the end of the rope being tied around his neck. Ronnie noted that the witness who related this anecdote was now a patient at Broadmoor. I wonder how he ended up there? Were there perhaps allegations made regarding his extreme dangerousness by any of the people previously named on this blog, in the face of no evidence at all? Or had the poor sod been driven crazy after a few years at Bryn Alyn? (Waterhouse notes that placements at Bryn Alyn were long-term, most being about three years.) There were other allegations of abuse against the man who tied this person to a tree – but Ronnie concludes that the evidence was ‘so limited’ that he was ‘not persuaded he was party to child abuse’. (Of course if someone really wasn’t going to be party to child abuse at Bryn Alyn they’d walk out after three days. And find that they were called a liar and then find themselves threatened with legal action.) A young woman gave evidence that when she was at Bryn Alyn as a teenager, she was forced into a chair by two staff and strong bleach was rubbed into her scalp. Her hair subsequently fell out. Other people gave evidence that they were punched, kicked and thrown around. But all poor old Ronnie could do was observe that these were ‘troublesome’ children, that some former residents were ‘too emotionally disturbed to give oral evidence and be cross examined’, that staff hadn’t had training in restraint so were just doing their best really, that one man constantly accused of violently assaulting children was ‘strong, a disciplinarian’ but ‘fair’…

It just goes on and on, as this silly old fucker was confronted with the most damning evidence stretching back over decades and constantly explained it away. Of course sometimes he couldn’t explain it away, so as he did in the case of the forged document that was compiled in an attempt to get Nefyn Dodd off the hook (please see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’), he just notes it and moves on. For example he noted that ‘for unexplained reasons’ details on the P45s given out to two of the staff at Bryn Alyn are inconsistent with the employment records of Bryn Alyn. In other chapters of his Report he notes that the dates that certain witnesses maintained that they were resident in various children’s homes in north Wales are inconsistent with the records of the establishments themselves. So Waterhouse concludes that the witnesses can’t be relied upon. Of course, the records compiled by the criminals running these institutions – criminals who had a track record of abusing children, lying, forging documents and altering documentation – couldn’t possibly be wrong… Ronnie observes without comment that the records of the children placed at Bryn Alyn had all been stored together, at a Pickford’s storage depot in Hoole near Chester and on 25 Oct 1996 had all gone up in flames, so most of the children placed at Bryn Alyn could never be traced and therefore couldn’t be invited to give evidence.

I have mentioned in a previous post that the only people whom Waterhouse found it in his heart to condemn in his Report were the staff who had actually been convicted of offences against children and were already serving – or had served – prison sentences. So what did he have to say about John Allen, the owner of the nightmare that was Bryn Alyn, who at the time of the Inquiry had been convicted of sexual offences against young people in his care and who was in prison? Waterhouse was told repeatedly of the numerous sexual assaults that Allen carried out on boys at Bryn Alyn and was also told that Allen gave large sums of money and gifts – substantial gifts as well, on one occasion a motorbike – to favoured boys with whom he regularly had sex. He was told about Allen’s violent temper, which resulted in ferocious attacks on children leaving them with injuries. He was even told that there were a number of boys at Bryn Alyn who were openly referred to as ‘Allen’s bum boys’. Waterhouse states of Allen that ‘his reputation was that of a caring and generous person’. Waterhouse stresses how staff had told him that Allen lavished money and gifts on certain boys, of how ‘kind and generous’ he was. Of course Waterhouse is aware that there was ‘some contemporaneous discussion and gossip about Allen’s predilections among both staff and residents’ and that there ‘was some talk of Allen’s ‘bum boys’ but it did not amount to a great deal’.

I had heard something similar to this many years ago when I first complained about Dr Dafydd Alun Jones. I was castigated for referring to his ‘private life’ ie. his shagging of female patients. I too was told that a lot of people thought that Jones was a nice man because he ‘helped’ patients by giving them somewhere to live and finding them jobs. The patients concerned were invariably young female patients, the accommodation that they were provided with was Jones’s own house and the jobs in question were located in his house, as nannies and housekeepers. Whilst all this was going on, five female patients made statements to a local MIND representative that they had had sexual relationships with him. As for Dafydd himself – when I told him that he was nothing short of a psychopath, he replied ‘I think that I am a nice man. I’m kind to children.’ Well Dafydd was nuts, of course he would come out with some silly, obviously untrue statement, but he was surrounded by dozens of people who knew exactly what he was doing – just like all those people who waxed lyrical about John Allen’s generosity knew what he was doing. Waterhouse had an interesting take on John Allen’s violent attacks on children as well: ‘We do not think that he was an habitually violent man: the complaints against him of using excessive force are heavily outweighed by the allegations against him of sexual misconduct’.

One allegation that victims of Allen made was that he ran a gay prostitution racket, including a number of brothels and also a gay porn business. Waterhouse makes reference to Allen’s ‘film studio’ and boys alleged that they’d been taken there and asked to pose naked, but still old Ronnie doesn’t click. Ronnie did note however that Allen continued his contact with some of the boys long after they’d left Bryn Alyn. Ronnie takes a dim view of this, mentioning that boys were ‘encouraged to live in unfamiliar surroundings such as Brighton or London in accommodation provided or subsidised by Allen….at a time when they were highly likely to fall prey to many temptations’. Temptations such as working in a brothel in Brighton or London owned by Allen one presumes.

By the time that Waterhouse stumbled through this Inquiry with his eyes tightly closed, a lot of former residents of children’s homes in north Wales had been found dead. Some had been killed in a fire in Brighton, whilst they were attending a party at which John Allen agreed to meet them. John Allen didn’t turn up but an arsonist did (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’). Waterhouse even manages to mention that a Court had reached a verdict of ‘unlawful killing’ after the Brighton fire, but then he passes on… He also mentions another witness who had made allegations of abuse against Allen – this witness had given evidence at John Allen’s trial for sexual assault and had been found dead days later… All in a day’s work for Ronnie though, he moves on to the next brutalised terrified witness who’s dared come forward, no doubt busily working out how he can discredit them or dismiss their evidence…It is also mentioned in the Waterhouse Report that the police had admitted that there were 280 ‘absconders’ from the Bryn Alyn Community between Jan 1 1991 and 19 June 1991. ‘Absconders’ in this case being kids running away from people who were battering them and raping them, rather than armed robbers escaping from the Scrubs. I bet that the police returned every one of them to the caring embrace of John Allen as well. What on earth did the police – and Ronnie – think had caused 280 kids to flee during a period of six months?

So what did Ronnie conclude was the prevailing situation at Bryn Alyn? Get ready, here comes a summary worthy of Perry Mason: ‘…(John Allen apart) sexual abuse by members of staff of the Community was not rife…’ Ronnie did have a reservation though – that ‘the…few girl residents were specifically vulnerable’ to the sexual abuse that he did admit was happening at Bryn Alyn…’ No Ronnie, you’ve got it wrong. The girls were comparatively safe – as much as anyone could ever be safe in that hell-hole – because it was the BOYS that they wanted to force to work in their male prostitution racket. That Ronnie is why the girls weren’t getting expensive presents like hi fis and motorbikes – it wasn’t them being bribed and beaten into providing sexual favours for all and sundry, including it would seem a few bigwigs from Westminster, it was the boys… One would have thought that Ronnie would have realised that something was amiss though – even he noted that it was ‘a grave concern that so many members of staff were named in a major police investigation’…

The numerous reports that were given to the Welsh Office regarding complaints from the youngsters at Bryn Alyn apart, it seems that the Welsh Office had long since been aware of the unsuitability of Bryn Alyn as a facility for children. Ronnie explains that Bryn Alyn was finally removed from the register by the Welsh Office in 1997 but it would be ‘unnecessarily tedious’ to detail the exchanges between the Welsh Office and the Bryn Alyn Community (indeed – who knows what was revealed in those exchanges). However, Ronnie mentions that Welsh Office Inspectors recognised in 1975 that Allen’s ‘expansionist regime’ (Allen was certainly packing the kids in – at it’s peak the ‘Community’ housed some 250 children and there were frequently insufficient facilities such as bedrooms for them), did not have the infrastructure to cater for the residents and that ‘basic problems’ were allowed to ‘proliferate’ over twenty years. It seems that during those 20 years, the Welsh Office raised a few questions and their own inspections of Bryn Alyn – when they actually did them – noted serious problems. But John Allen was allowed to continue with his trade in people unhindered…

Regarding the connections between people who worked at Bryn Alyn and the wider UK – there were other links as well as those with the Local Authorities that were placing children there. For a start although most of the Bryn Alyn Community was based around Wrexham, there were branches of it in Cheshire and Shropshire. Many staff members had worked in previous children’s homes and moved onto work at other children’s homes, both within and outside of the north Wales region. One member of staff was a former Liverpool probation officer. Some of the ‘senior managers’ had certificates in the residential care of children from Salford Polytechnic. Some of the teachers who worked there had qualifications in special needs from Chester College. One member of staff had previously worked for Derbyshire Social Services and had responded to one of the recruitment adverts in ‘New Society’ placed by John Allen. ‘New Society’ was, at that time, considered very much the journal for social work and carried pages of adverts for social work positions, including very senior ones, such as for Directors of Social Services. So John Allen was recruiting via the reputable professional journal, he did not even have to resort to the recruitment methods of Bryn Estyn ie. by word of mouth via the local Rugby Club. ‘New Society’ considered itself a liberal, progressive journal for the enlightened. I do not ever remember it carrying articles suggesting that the practices which were routine at Bryn Alyn even existed. Yet surely, word of life at Bryn Alyn must have reached the ears of many of it’s readers. John Allen seems to have been a bit of a Jimmy Savile – his abuses were an open secret. And not even that much of a secret.

My co-researcher has sent me a brief summary of John Allen’s brushes with the law. At some point in the 1970s he was sentenced to six years in prison for offences against children. In 2002 he was arrested for historic offences against children in the Wrexham and Flintshire areas. In 2003 a judge threw out 44 charges against him on the grounds that due to the publicity and the time lapse he would not get a fair trial. In August 2013 Allen was charged again under Operation Pallial. In November 2014 he appeared at Mold Crown Court, charged with 40 offences of indecent assault and another 20 sex offences against children. He was subsequently found guilty on 26 charges of child abuse and in December 2014 was jailed for life.

The Waterhouse Inquiry was ordered by William Hague whilst he was Secretary of State for Wales. His PPS at the time was Nigel Evans. The Permanent Secretary will have been either Rachel Lomax or Sir Michael Scholar. Sir Michael Scholar is a man with many fingers in many pies. Between 1982 and 1983 he was Private Secretary to Margaret Thatcher. He was Permanent Secretary at the Welsh Office between 1993 and 1996. He was appointed President of St John’s College, University of Oxford in August 2001. He is also Pro Vice Chancellor, Chairman of the Conference of Colleges and Chair of the Oxford University Careers Service. In 2008 he was appointed Chair of the UK Statistics Authority, which oversees the Office of National Statistics. He is an honorary fellow of the Universities of Aberystwyth and Cardiff and has an honorary doctorate from the University of South Wales (like so many others who seemed to play a role in concealing the dreadful reality of the north Wales children’s services or mental health services – please see post ‘Oh To Be In Receipt Of Academic Honours’). Michael’s son Tom is a civil servant too. He was appointed Chief of Staff at Number 10 Downing Street when Gordon Brown became PM – that was the Gordon who appointed Patricia Scotland as Attorney General.

Ronnie’s own autobiography, in Chapter 24, explains that when he was approaching retirement, he received a call out of the blue from the Welsh Office, telling him that he was going to be leading the Inquiry into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. Two other people made up Ronnie’s panel whom I haven’t yet mentioned. That was Margaret Clough and Morris Le Fleming. The reason that I haven’t mentioned them before is because there is very little information available about them. Margaret was something in social work and Le Fleming was involved in a company called ‘Groundworks’. They would seem to be literally nonentities.

Now would William Hague, Nigel Evans or Sir Michael Scholar like to tell us all who it was exactly who decided to appoint a man who personally knew some of those who in key political or public roles in the region under investigation; who knew even more people who knew other people directly connected with the scandal; who systematically discredited just about every witness except those who actually carried out the beatings, the buggery and the rapes; who ignored forged and doctored evidence and who somehow failed to notice that key witnesses had disappeared off the face of the earth or had been found dead? And who appointed two anonymous deadbeats to assist him as he conducted his Inquiry into the biggest child abuse scandal in the UK?

 

After the publication of the Waterhouse Report, there was much wailing and gnashing of teeth and quite understandably, as numerous people alleged that it had been a whitewash. One major criticism was of the terms of reference, which had been set by William Hague. The Inquiry only looked at the abuse of children within Gwynedd and Clwyd County Councils by the care staff. This of course meant that it failed to investigate what those care staff or other people connected with them did to the residents of children’s homes from north Wales outside of north Wales. If anyone wanted to find a more effective way of ensuring that no part of that Inquiry would touch on children from those homes being taken to other locations by their ‘carers’ to be molested by public figures – or indeed even being molested by public figures within the homes – they could not have thought of a better way to do so. In response to the questions raised about the limited remit of the Inquiry, a spokesman for Hague was quoted as saying ‘The Terms of reference were prepared by officials in the Welsh Office and agreed by Ministers and widely supported by Parliament. There were no serious representations from MPs or the judge to challenge them at any time’. What were the names of those officials and Ministers?

Lest anyone’s still in a sound sleep out there about how hard somebody was working to chuck a spanner in the works, my co-researcher has reminded me that the Welsh Office had a pretty big hand in things before they even got round to appointing the corrupt old git Ronnie and the two stooges. Nicola Davies QC was appointed by the Welsh Office DURING the Jillings investigation (please see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’) to examine the need for a judicial inquiry. Why was this and who in the Welsh Office made the decision and subsequently appointed her? Davies subsequently stated that a judicial inquiry into the abuse allegations would not be in the public interest. The Jillings Report was suppressed on the advice of lawyers, including Michael Beloff QC – did Nicola Davies’s decision not to hold a judicial inquiry influence this decision? Yet only twelve months later, Hague announced that a judicial inquiry would be held and appointed Ronald Waterhouse to lead it.

Of course, the allegations of Waterhouse being a massive cover-up exploded again after the Jimmy Savile revelations. The Home Secretary at the time announced that there would be a review of Waterhouse, carried out by another judge, Lady Justice Macur. That Home Secretary was Theresa May. When the Macure Review was finally published it was so heavily redacted that it was virtually meaningless. Stephen Crabb, the Secretary of State for Wales, whilst reassuring everyone that of course no-one would ever seek to protect child abusers, stated that Macur was ‘satisfied’ with Waterhouse’s Inquiry and that there was ‘no reason to undermine Waterhouse’s findings’.

I am happy to tell Stephen Crabb, Theresa May and Lady Justice Macur that I am currently in possession of nearly 10,000 documents covering a period of nearly thirty years that were compiled by some of the social workers who facilitated the abuse of children in north Wales, by the corrupt lawyers who encouraged social workers and others to perjure themselves in attempts to have me imprisoned – one of those corrupt lawyers, Ron Evans, actually acted for the Local Authorities in north Wales at the Inquiry – and by scores of other ‘professionals’ who were involved in concealing what was happening. It is particularly farcical that at the very month that one of the very brave souls went to Clwyd Council and told them what had happened to her, refusing to go back to Bryn Alyn but who then suddenly withdrew her complaint, I was being dragged through the Courts in Bangor – accused of staring at a fucking social worker in Safeways. Of course, the original allegations against me were much more serious – that I had shouted and sworn at her and threatened to assault her. When cross-examined in Court, she started crying and admitted that I had not even spoken to her. And no-one asked any questions. But then no-one asked any questions on any of the occasions on which these people took me to Court and the cases collapsed because they had committed perjury – even when the charges were so serious that had I been found guilty I’d have faced a lengthy prison sentence. I invite Theresa, Stephen and Lady Justice Macur to read this blog, acquaint themselves with the full details and tell me that Waterhouse was no cover-up. Keen readers will of course have spotted that several names on today’s post have cropped up in the media in connection with the elusive Westminster Paedophile Ring.

Just to remind you all, here is the list of Secretaries of State for Wales who were in office whilst the Bryn Alyn Community was in operation:

Cledwyn Hughes, George Thomas, Peter Thomas, John Morris, Nicholas Edwards, Peter Walker, David Hunt, John Redwood, David Hunt (again), William Hague.

I was asked the other day if I was going to attend any further meetings of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board because people are missing my reviews of the Board meetings. Much as I know that I would derive much entertainment from observing those meetings, unfortunately I am not able to. That is because I am currently living at a secret location under police protection. Because somebody wants to kill me. I’m sure that I don’t need to explain why somebody might want to kill me.

Now, would the many people who have been outed on this blog care to start preparing their statements for the police, because believe me, the police are interested in you all.

Theresa May – I await an explanation for what your Gov’t and indeed your party have done to Wales.

 

I Know Nuzzing…

My post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’ described how the Jillings Report was commissioned in 1994 to investigate the extent of child abuse in children’s homes managed by Clwyd County Council. Jillings uncovered such horrors that Municipal Mutual, the Council’s insurers, refused to allow the Report to be made public. It was only in 2013 that the Jillings Report was released after constant allegations that the subsequent Waterhouse Inquiry had been a cover up – although even then the Jillings Report was heavily redacted. Following Jillings, there was huge pressure for a public enquiry into events in children’s homes in north Wales as allegations of a paedophile ring involving senior public figures and police officers swirled. A number of people employed in children’s homes in north Wales had been imprisoned for offences against children and many former residents of children’s homes in north Wales had been found dead. By this time the Secretary of State for Wales was William Hague. Hague initially held out against holding a public inquiry but then buckled. In 1996 he announced that Sir Ronald Waterhouse, a judge who had just retired, would be Chairing a public inquiry into the abuse of children in the care of Clwyd and Gwynedd County Councils between 1974 and 1996. The Waterhouse Report, ‘Lost In Care’, written as a result of this Inquiry, was published in February 2000. Like Jillings, it’s findings were damning, revealing widespread abuse of children in care in north Wales. However, as soon as the Waterhouse Report was published, there were angry allegations that there had been a substantial cover-up at a very high level. Waterhouse concluded that a paedophile ring had been in operation in north Wales, but he was perceived to have ‘blamed’ everything on a few bottom feeding social care workers, rather than investigate the possibility that a number of much grander people might have been fully involved. (When one examines the background of Sir Ronald Waterhouse, it is easy to see why he would be in an excellent position and indeed be motivated to lead such a cover-up. A future blog post will be exploring the backgrounds and networks of some of the lawyers and judges named on this blog, including Ronald Waterhouse.) The Waterhouse Report is enormous and I’ve never read it from cover to cover, but I have read big chunks of it and I have been refreshing my memory over the past few days. What strikes me upon reading it is that Waterhouse managed to frequently avoid blaming the bottom feeders as well -the abuse of children was undoubtedly far worse and far more extensive than Waterhouse admitted. He seems to have disregarded huge amounts of evidence of extensive brutality and wrongdoing – this man was a JUDGE, some of what he brushed to one side or chose not to comment on was extraordinary. I will give examples later on in this post.

Waterhouse supplied details of the management structures and the backgrounds of the senior managers and managers of Gwynedd and Clwyd Councils after taking evidence from numerous witnesses. Everybody involved claimed to have no knowledge of the extensive abuse of children. It is always said of north Wales that everybody knows everybody else’s business and to a large extent that’s a fairly accurate caricature. This seems to be one reason why the idea that the arson campaign against second homes in the 70s and 80s was the work of the security services acting as agent provocateurs caught on – I was told by a number of people rooted locally that ‘no-one can do anything in north Wales without everyone knowing, but no-one knows anyone who knows anything about the fires, it is definitely not one of us doing it’. Regarding the abuse of children though, people most certainly did know that it was happening – they just weren’t openly admitting it. It was a classic case of the social anthropologist Isabel Emmett’s notion of ‘not knowing’ (please see post ‘How No-One Knew About Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’). In the same way that everybody knew that Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was sexually exploiting patients, people knew that those kids were being abused. I got wind of it as a first year undergrad at Bangor University – I had no family from the region, I knew nothing about north Wales until I went to university there, but I soon found out that all was not well with the disadvantaged kids. I didn’t hear about a paedophile ring, but then laypeople didn’t tend to be obsessed with paedophiles in the early 1980s – but I did hear about ‘cruelty’. I heard more and more about it as time went by – at one point I lodged with a man who had grown up in care and I heard it from him and his girlfriend. Then I shared a house with some other young people, one of whom was a young man who’d grown up on a farm on the Llyn Peninsula. His mum had been a foster parent and the whole extended family were appalled at the lack of care and the degree of callousness shown by social workers towards the children in their care. This particular family were vey keen to care for their foster children well, but they observed that there was no help or interest from social workers at all and that they could have done pretty much anything to those kids and no-one would have asked any questions. They also told me that on the 16th birthday of the children the social workers would announce that the kids were no longer their responsibility and that was that, they wanted to hear no more about them. This particular family continued to support their foster children without the ‘input’ of the social services after they were 16. (Interestingly enough one thing that was admitted in both the Jillings and Waterhouse Reports was that ‘aftercare’ for children in care was appalling.) When I entered the mental health system I encountered many people who had grown up in ‘care’ and it was very clear that something was terribly wrong – of course the mental health services were key figures in concealing the paedophile ring, as detailed in previous posts. So if an 18 year old undergrad newly arrived in north Wales heard a few worrying things I think it highly unlikely that the managers of those ‘services’ did not know what was going on. To illustrate this further and explore how so many people were able to maintain that they ‘didn’t know’, let’s take a look at the management of Gwynedd Social Services and what they said, based on the information supplied in the Waterhouse Report – as well what I saw and heard when I lived in Gwynedd. (I’ll explore the situation in Clwyd in another post.)

Waterhouse looked at the scene from 1974 onwards, although the Jillings Report noted that they suspected that the serious abuse of children had been going on in north Wales for decades. My own knowledge of those involved with the children’s and mental health services and conversations with numerous people suggest that is indeed likely.

Let’s look at Gwynedd Social Services. Between April 1974 and September 1982, the Director of Gwynedd Social Services was T.E. Jones. He had previously held the same post in the old Local Authority area of Caernarvonshire, before the formation of Gwynedd County Council. T.E. Jones had grown up in Montgomeryshire, had no professional qualifications and no experience of child care work. He had been the County Welfare Officer in Merionethshire from 1952 to 1964 and the County Welfare Officer in Caernarvonshire for seven years after that. The Deputy Director until 1983 was David Alun Parry – he was then Assistant Director (Special Duties) until March 31 1987, when he took voluntary redundancy. Before Parry was Deputy Director of Gwynedd, he had spent three years as Director of Social Services for Anglesey. Between 1964 and 1971 he was Deputy Children’s Officer, then Children’s Officer, for Anglesey. Parry was an Aberystwyth graduate who had also undertaken Diplomas in Social Science and Applied Social Studies at the Universities of Swansea and Liverpool. He also held the Home Office Letter of Recognition in Child Care and had attended several management courses for senior officers at Liverpool University and in 1972, attended two short courses for Directors of Social Services at the Institute for Local Government Studies at Birmingham University. Below Jones and Parry, there were three Assistant Directors. The responsibilities for children were divided between Emyr Davies and G.H. Egerton. Elizabeth Hughes was the Homes Officer reporting to Emyr Davies. Egerton was responsible for five Area Officers under an Area Controller – the Senior Officer (Children) accountable to him from 1975 was Larry King. T.E. Jones maintained that Parry was incapable of carrying out his duties as his Deputy – Parry was therefore relieved of these duties, but kept his rank and was put in charge of the children’s section. T.E. Jones also maintained that Emyr Davies and Egerton were seriously ill, absent for a long time and had to retire. From February 1976 a new structure was imposed. A Principal Assistant Director of similar status to the Deputy Director was appointed – one Lucille Hughes, who had previously been an Assistant Director. For the benefit of new readers – Lucille was named in the Waterhouse Report as knowing that a paedophile ring was in operation in the social services but failed to act. She was also the mistress of the dreadful Dr Dafydd Alun Jones, who was illegally banging up people n the North Wales Hospital Denbigh who had complained about the mental health services or who had been molested ‘in care’. Lucille now had Emyr Davies (Elderly) and Egerton (Mental Health) under her and Parry had Larry King as Senior (later Principal) Officer (Children) under him. King retired in 1988. He had been in the Army, then in the police in England, transferring to the Colonial Police in Rhodesia. He had been a Housemaster at Bryn Estyn – the home in Clwyd which was one of the centres of the most serious abuse, where a number of staff were imprisoned for serious sexual offences. In 1969 King began work for Denbighshire County Council after qualifying for the Home Office Letter of Recognition in Child Care at Liverpool University. He was later a Senior Social Worker for Flintshire County Council and then moved to the Llandudno Area Office managed by Gwynedd County Council in 1974. From 1975 King was a Senior Officer in Gwynedd  – he was redesignated as Principal Officer (Children) from 1979.

Parry’s story was that the previous incorporation of Anglesey Social Services into Gwynedd was not a happy one. He maintained that working relationships were seriously impaired and claimed that the children’s section lacked resources. From July 1981, the responsibility for the children’s section was transferred to Lucille Hughes. This transfer occurred at the same time that Gwynedd County Council’s Chief Executive Ioan Bowen Rees commissioned officials from Dyfed County Council to investigate complaints made by current and former staff regarding Y Gwyngyll community home. Furthermore in 1981, Nefyn Dodd was made responsible for all the community homes in Gwynedd. Nefyn Dodd and his wife June were accused by scores of people of the most ferocious abuse and brutality towards children. Parry was an uncritical admirer of Nefyn Dodd. Elizabeth Hughes the Homes Officer was for a long while on long term sick leave, then left and was not replaced. In the face of this chaos and mismanagement, Waterhouse commented that it was ‘commendable’ that Gwynedd provided such a level of service with ‘comparatively few’ complaints of abuse. (Waterhouse doesn’t seem to have questioned the degree of fuckwittery present and there were actually numerous complaints of abuse, many ignored by Gwynedd and others brushed aside by Waterhouse himself.)

Then in 1982, Parry had a car crash and was off for a long time. When T.E. Jones retired in 1982, Lynn Ebsworth, who had been Chief Personnel Officer, became Acting Director. Parry returned as Assistant Director (Special Duties) after May 1983. In March 1987, after ‘negotiations with his professional organisation’ Parry took voluntary redundancy and received an enhanced pension. To return to Lucille who had been responsible for children since July 1981. Lucille was an English graduate from UCNW (which later became Bangor University) and also had a Certificate in Social Sciences from Liverpool University and the Home Office Letter of Recognition in Child Care. For 13 years she had worked in the children’s departments of Cheshire and Anglesey County Councils, as a Children’s Officer in both counties and then as Deputy Director in Cheshire in 1971. She was Principal Assistant Director in Gwynedd from Feb 1976 and until July 1981 her responsibilities were principally the elderly and mental health. Assisting Lucille was Owain Gethin Evans. Gethin Evans had graduated in Social Administration from Manchester University in 1968 and obtained Diplomas in Education (1970) from Cardiff University and Social Work Studies (1974) from the LSE. He had worked as a social worker in Cheshire between 1971 and 1973. After his stint at the LSE he returned to Gwynedd as a social worker and from 1975 spent three years as a community organiser. In 1978 Gethin Evans was appointed Senior Officer (General) to assist Lucille. He was then appointed Principal Officer (Children) and was Head of the Children’s Services in 1982. In 1995 he was appointed Director of Social Services for Ceredigion County Council. Evans was the de facto Head of Children’s Services in Gwynedd, except for between 1987-1992 when he was Assistant Director (Resources and Support). Evans was also a member of Dwyfor District Council between 1976-1986 and was it’s Chairman in 1983/84.

Lynn Ebsworth was Acting Director of Social Services from May 1982-Sept 1983. Lucille Hughes was appointed Director with effect from 1 Oct 1983. Ebsworth had previously been Management Services Officer to Ioan Bowen Rees the County Secretary, and Chief Personnel Officer to the newly formed Gwynedd County Council’s first Chief Executive, D. Alun Jones. Bowen Rees succeeded D. Alun Jones as Chief Exec in 1980. Ebsworth then became accountable to Bowen Rees. Ebsworth had no previous training or experience in Social Services. Under Ebsworth was Gethin Evans, responsible for the Children’s Section but with virtually no experience of children in care. Responsible to him were Nefyn Dodd and Larry King. It was Gethin Evans who oversaw Dodd being given responsibility for all of the community homes. Extraordinarily, amidst this mess, the County Council’s Chief Exec, Ioan Bowen Rees, thought that Lucille ‘performed admirably’ as Director of Social Services. That was while she knew that a paedophile ring was in operation but failed to act. I will return to Bowen Rees later.

On 2 April 1984 a new Deputy Director of Social Services was appointed, David Glanville Owen – Gethin Evans was also short-listed for the post. Glanville was from Pwhelli and had been a trainee in the Children’s Dept in the Liverpool Corporation in 1965 after graduating in economics from Liverpool University. He then acquired a Diploma in Applied Social Studies and the Home Office Letter of Recognition in Child Care from Nottingham University by 1967. He had also worked in four English Local Authorities and for the National Children Home (NCH). He had been a senior social worker to the Assistant Director at Tameside Metropolitan Borough Council.

When Glanville was applying for the Gwynedd position, he was undertaking a course in Advanced Management for Local Government at Birmingham University. He was Deputy Director of Gwynedd Social Services until the local government reorganisation, then spent 18 months as Head of Policy Unit of the new Gwynedd County Council until Sept 1997, when he was made redundant.

Being made redundant didn’t end Glanville’s substantial toxic influence in Gwynedd. By 2003 Glanville was Chief Exec of Gwynedd Community Health Council – the patients watchdog! That’s how I came across him. I approached him with my very serious complaint about the Hergest Unit – this was at a time when the madness was evident with patients dying and being hauled off to prison and people writing to politicians about the brutality and the chaos – and Glanville refused to receive me, telling me that the CHC wasn’t responsible for hospitals. I found out that this was a lie, so I returned to Glanville who then lied about telling the first lie. I submitted my complaint and for many, many months Glanville and one of his ‘officers’, a lady called Hilary, went around and around in circles. My complaint was neither investigated properly or resolved and Glanville and Hilary never managed to explain why. The last time that I saw the disgusting Glanville he was attending a meeting in his capacity as a member of the North Wales CHC. So Gwynedd is not rid of him yet.

Glanville sounds as though he was his usual slippery negligent self in his evidence to Waterhouse.  He emphasised that he had never managed a community home for children or worked in one, even when he was with the NCH. As Deputy Director, he was ‘remote’ from the residential section and had not much contact with it – that was Lucille’s domain. However although Glanville claimed to know nuzzing, Waterhouse noted that almost as soon as he arrived in Gwynedd, he took up 12 points regarding the community homes in Gwynedd, including some serious allegations of staff misconduct, with Gethin Evans. Evans responded to Glanville with a memo that Waterhouse described as ‘inappropriate, complacent and discourteous’ which onbiously was ‘intended to discourage intrusion’. Glanville reorganised the Social Services Dept soon after his arrival and the responsibility for the development of Children’s Services was given to the Assistant Director, one Gethin Evans.

From 1987, the Assistant Director responsible for the Children’s Section was Rob Evans, who had been the Area Officer for Aberconwy since November 1984. Rob Evans had graduated in Social Sciences from Leicester University and obtained his CQSW in 1976. By 1984 he had acquired 10 years of management experience of social work in Northampton and Dorset and had served as a Team Manager in Dorset. In 1992, restructuring resulted in Rob Evans being appointed Assistant Director (Mental Health) – Waterhouse notes that Evans ‘left local government’ in March 1996. It was in his capacity as Assistant Director that I encountered Rob in the mid 90s. As a result of the constant aggro that I was receiving from the delightful Arfon Community Mental Health Team (please see previous posts), Rob was called in to sort it out. I had a truly bizarre meeting with him in which he made no comments about the law-breaking and perjury and constant aggression of the Arfon Team, but instead offered a discourse on ‘changing practice’ in social work. As an example he explained that when he used to take children to children’s homes he used to take their shoes away to stop them running away. He said that the children hated him for taking them to the homes but he knew that he was doing the right thing. A couple of years ago, some of the interviews that some of the former residents of north Wales children’s homes gave to the police in the criminal trials were made public. Some of the witnesses explained that they ran away after they were molested by members of the paedophile ring but someone took their shoes away after that to prevent them escaping. Many years after my own encounter with Rob, my lawyers obtained the documents that he had compiled after he had met me to discuss the Arfon Team and their activities. Rob had noted that he had met Keith Fearns, the psychopath who was the ‘leader’ of the Arfon Team and asked him what he wanted done with me. Fearns had replied ‘lock her up’. Rob had told him that wasn’t possible. Fearns had replied once more ‘lock her up’. Rob had noted that the situation was unresolvable and that he was leaving his post tomorrow anyway. Waterhouse was wrong about Rob – he didn’t leave local government in 1996. After no-one had been held to account for the rape and battery of hundreds of children over many years, Rob resurfaced again – as Head of Community Services on Anglesey! Waterhouse noted that in his evidence, Rob had told him that he wasn’t a fluent Welsh speaker and he considered that his chances of an appropriate ‘senior’ position were virtually zero. So it’s good to know that Anglesey found a home for him. The last time that I saw Rob I tried to ask him about his activities regarding Fearns many years ago. Rob told me that I was ‘arrassin’ him and if I didn’t stop he’d call the police. Rob often seemed to find himself the line manager of thugs – he was responsible for Larry King and Nefyn Dodd until his job changed and he was then overseeing dear old Fearns.

Rob had an interesting interpretation of Fearns and co’s threats, harassment and aggression though. In his evidence to Waterhouse, Rob maintained that because a Health Advisory Service Inspection in 1986 had been ‘very critical’ of mental health services in Gwynedd, Rob had made mental health a priority and the community mental health services had now been recognised as among the best in Europe! I’d love to know who ‘recognised’ them as such. The only people with knowledge of social work and mental health services in other parts of Europe that I knew who had contact with the thugs and liars that were employed by Lucille et al were a team of German social scientists who had a link with Bangor University. I worked with them myself and they were a nice lot – but they had no idea at all how patients were being treated because their contact was with the thugs and liars themselves who never fessed up that they were facilitating a paedophile ring. They just met up with the Germans for nibbles and drinks and no doubt told them that the services had been recognised as the best in Europe. But then idiots in north Wales were a bit obsessed with Europe in those days. Dr Dafydd Alun Jones kept appearing in the local press described as ‘Europe’s leading forensic psychiatrist’. He wasn’t even a forensic psychiatrist.

Larry King retired in 1988 and was replaced by Peter James Hibbs. Hibbs had grown up in Colwyn Bay and graduated in sociology from the South Bank Poly in 1973. He had been an Education Welfare Officer in ILEA (Inner London Education Authority) for four years, then completed his CQSW at UCNW (Bangor University) and also gained a Diploma in Social Studies. In Dec 1979 Hibbs joined Gwynedd as a member of the Child Care Team at the Anglesey Area Office and was promoted to senior social worker in Nov 1985. When Nefyn Dodd retired from the post of Principal Officer (Residential Services) in May 1990, Hibbs took over. Hibbs himself encountered serious personal difficulties and became ill with severe depression –  he was deemed by a Medical Officer to be unable continue working after December 1990 and formally retired in Jan 1993. However, at the time of giving evidence to Waterhouse, he had been working since November 1995 as a Senior Practitioner at the Family Centre, Rhyl, run by NCH. Hibbs stated that he used to see Rob Evans about once a week, but was ‘uncertain’ whether Rob grasped ‘child protection issues’, he was more of a ‘mental health specialist’ no less.

Hibbs had been responsible to Gethin Evans and when Hibbs retired he was replaced by Dafydd Ifans. Ifans had worked in the North Wales Probation Services for the last ten years after obtaining his CQSW at Cartrefle College as well as an OU degree. Prior to that he’d been in the Army for fifteen years after leaving school at fifteen to join as an Army apprentice. He then worked as a manager for ASDA for two years. Ifans worked in Gwynedd until 31 December 1995, when he was then appointed as Service Manager for the Children and Families Services for Conwy County Borough Council. During his nearly three years as a Principal Officer, Ifans was responsible for line managing three community homes in Gwynedd.

I have deliberately given a lot of details regarding the managers of Gwynedd Social Services to demonstrate a number of points. Firstly, the degree of conflict that obviously existed between some of them. Secondly, the number of people that were falling apart at the seams themselves – a lot of people were on long-term sick leave or being deemed incapable of fulfilling their duties. This is a key sign of an organisation in trouble but judging from the chunks of the Waterhouse Report that I’ve read so far, Waterhouse doesn’t seem to have taken on board the significance of this. One inescapable theme is how many of these people had connections with each other, or had been circulating around the system for some time. During the 80s and 90s, if one was English and living in Gwynedd, one heard constant allegations that Gwynedd County Council was a ‘closed shop’ and that ‘they only employ their friends and their relatives’. There does seem to have been an awful lot of that going on – but another allegation that English people frequently made was ‘none of them have ever been out of Gwynedd’. Judging from the previous account that is very obviously not true. They had all had stints of studying or working elsewhere – or moving on elsewhere after presiding over the horror that was Gwynedd children’s services. But as far as I can see that is simply more terrifying. That lot had a well-established network that will have been affording them protection and as I have previously argued it stretched far and wide, into England as well. A number of them had also worked in places where it is now known that there was a problem with the organised abuse of children eg. Cheshire, Leicester and inner London. Again and again I was told that the problems in north Wales re the children’s services and mental health services was ‘just north Wales’. It was not. It surfaced in north Wales and ‘outsiders’ were always suspicious and curious because they were very obviously excluded on the grounds of language and it was easy for them to conjure up spectres of cave-dwelling sheep shaggers who molest the kids and burn English peoples houses down. But the vile ones had mates next door in England and had an established network to assist them. Some of them also had connections to the police and the Army…

Among all the detail supplied in the Waterhouse Report regarding Gwynedd Social Services, there is a glaring omission. Waterhouse mentions in passing a ‘child protection officer’ who was working under Gethin Evans. In a region where children were being abused by a paedophile ring and having the living daylights battered out of them by the likes of Nefyn Dodd and were being half-starved and used as free labour by ‘foster parents’, the child protection officer would be a fairly crucial member of the team. Yet they are not named and there is no reference to their evidence in the Waterhouse Report. Were they fast asleep on the job or simply terrified? Or had someone decided that they didn’t want to hear evidence from them? Or had Waterhouse heard their evidence and decided not to mention it? There was something else that he passed by with barely a comment. When he ‘reviewed’ the evidence against Nefyn and June Dodd, as well as ignoring scores of complaints of brutality – and a few of sexual abuse – against the Dodds and the people whom they employed in the community home that they ran in Bangor, Waterhouse mentions a complaint from someone referred to as X, against the Dodds. Waterhouse acknowledges that a letter of ‘dubious authenticity’ allegedly signed by X was sent from Risley Remand Centre to Lucille Hughes expressing support for the Dodds. But Waterhouse accepted that X didn’t write this and so he disregarded it! So someone in Risley Remand Centre forged a letter from X and sent it to Lucille Hughes, supporting the Dodds, when the Dodds were under investigation for abusing children. And Waterhouse barely bats an eyelid. But then someone forged a letter from me and sent it to the GMC after I complained about Dr Tony Roberts (please see post ‘The General Medical Council And Yet Another Forged Document’). Someone forged a certificate of indictment saying that I’d been found guilty of ‘violent disorder’ at Caernarfon Crown Court when I hadn’t (please see post ‘An Update On Those Legal Conundrums’). It’s good to know that I wasn’t being singled out – forging documents is obviously an everyday pastime of health and welfare folk in the face of complaints about the health and social care services. How many more forged documents are there sitting in files in the wake of caring staff having been cleared of serious wrongdoing after the plebs of this parish dared complain about them?

And therein lies the key. For the most part, the people on the receiving end of this bunch of scumbags were indeed the plebs. They were people with long-term mental health problems, drug/alcohol problems, kids in care, various dispossessed or disadvantaged people. They also often had criminal records, because as I have detailed previously on this blog, if you complained about that bunch of bastards they stitched you up for crimes that everyone knew that you hadn’t done so they could then dismiss your complaints as coming from a ‘criminal’ and therefore not to be believed. Because I constantly had the most dreadful encounters with the ‘services’ and then more dreadful encounters with officious lying shits like Glanville Owen when I tried to raise concerns about them, for many years I gained the impression that Gwynedd and Clwyd Councils must be run by daft old buggers who had worked their way up from jobs as admin assistants when they were 16 and who did not know their arses from their elbows. Some people did equate to this stereotype – namely Alun Davies, the manager of the Hergest Unit, who could hardly string a coherent sentence together – but let’s have a look at those at the very top of the tree in Gwynedd County Council, the successive Chief Executives who oversaw this horror. So how dim and uninformed were they?

The Chief Execs of Gwynedd County Council for the period of time reviewed by Waterhouse were: David Alun Jones, 1974-1980; Ioan Bowen Rees, 1980-1991; Huw Vaughan Thomas, 1991-1996.

David Alun Jones was a solicitor, the Deputy Clerk (1952-1961), then Clerk of Denbighshire County Council for 13 years. He read law at Aberystwyth University, then held posts as a solicitor in Ilford, Southampton, Berkshire and Surrey before Denbighshire. After his stint as Chief Exec at Gwynedd, he was the Commissioner for Local Administration in Wales for the next five years until his retirement in 1985. His evidence to the Waterhouse Tribunal revolved around the theme of how financially poor the area of Gwynedd was. It was stated that T.E. Jones, the Director of Social Services, didn’t discuss problems regarding children or the community homes with Alun Jones and Waterhouse stated that he had no reason to think that Alun Jones was aware of the complaints. Alun Jones was consulted by the Director of Social Services regarding the alleged failings of Parry, the Deputy Director of Social Services, in approx. 1974. Alun Jones thought that Parry’s services should be dispensed with, but the Chairman of the Social Services Committee, formerly of Anglesey County Council (I presume this will have been Councillor Eric Davies) thought that Parry should be given responsibility for children’s services and this was the view that prevailed. So they handed children’s services over to a man whom they seemed to be in dispute with and whom they maintained could not do his job. Did Alun Jones not think this was a little high risk? Alun Jones was a lawyer – presumably not completely stupid. But look at his background – all those years as a legal advisor to Denbighshire County Council. The North Wales Hospital was on his patch – he was there whilst Gwynne the lobotomist and Dafydd were in action. He will have known about the problems out there and what was alleged to have been happening. I note that Alun Jones read law at Aber – it has always been maintained that one factor preventing the true extent of the child abuse in north Wales becoming public was rampant corruption among lawyers in the region. A previous post of mine looking at corruption in the region noted how many people who had been implicated were law graduates from Aber (see post ‘Updates, Common Themes And News, May 5 2017’).

Ioan Bowen Rees was Chief Exec for much of the time under review by Waterhouse, ie. 1980-1991. It was during this time that the complaints and allegations of child abuse came thick and fast, when Alison Taylor the social worker who blew the whistle on it all first raised concerns within the social services and, when she was dismissed in the wake of doing so, went very public indeed, contacting the media as well as Ministers, including Margaret Thatcher. So one would have that Ioan might have noticed that something was amiss. Ioan was a from a local family and had grown up in Dolgellau. His father was a teacher there and his mother had been one of the first women graduates from UCNW (Bangor University). Ioan went to school in Dolgellau and won a scholarship to Oxford to read modern history. So not only did he know the area but he was no fool. He decided to become a solicitor and did his articles with – the Clerk of Denbighshire County Council! Well where else? Waterhouse states that Ioan Bowen Rees was admitted as a solicitor in 1956 – so one presumes that he was doing his articles when his predecessor as Chief Exec Alun Jones worked as the Deputy Clerk of Denbighshire County Council. Bowen Rees then served in local government in Lancashire, Cardiff and Pembrokeshire, as Deputy Clerk to the County Council. Waterhouse mentions that Bowen Rees was ‘well-known’ outside Gwynedd. He certainly was. Bowen Rees died some years ago and his obituaries tell us a lot about him. He stood for election as a Plaid candidate in Conway in 1955 and 1959 and in Methyr Tydfil in 1964. Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was involved in Plaid during those years and stood for election for Denbigh in 1959 and 1964. Another reason why Bowen Rees will have known Dafydd then. That’s the Dafydd whose mistress was Lucille Hughes. The Dafydd who illegally banged people up in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh if they complained about the childrens services or the mental health services. In 1973, Bowen Rees became the County Secretary of the newly formed Dyfed County Council. Bowen Rees was considered something of an authority on local government and won the Haldane Medal from the Royal Institution for Public Administration for his 1971 publication ‘Government By Community’, which was described by Max Beloff as ‘essential reading’. This is the Conservative peer Max Beloff, the father of Michael Beloff QC. Michael Beloff was the lawyer who advised Municipal Mutual, Clwyd County Council’s insurers, to suppress the Jillings Report! Bowen Rees was awarded an honorary LLD by the University of Wales in 1997. He was a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards – as was Dafydd and so many others mentioned in previous blog posts. He advised the Association of County Councils and was Chair of the Society of Local Chief Executives. He was described by the TLS as ‘one of the old breed of highly educated, civilised public servants’. My co-researcher made the following observation of Bowen Rees – ‘Oxford, Plaid, Gorsedd, Gwynedd County Council – he’s got a full house’. Bingo indeed.

In his evidence to Waterhouse, Bowen Rees stated that there was a ‘difficulty’ because Gwynedd Council had no overall leader and that the financial situation through the 1980s left one with a feeling of ‘helplessness’. It was stated that Bowen Rees was more ‘interventionist’ in the Social Services than his predecessor. He was told of complaints and he therefore ordered an enquiry and a report to be conducted by officers of Dyfed County Council – whom he will have known well because he had previously been County Secretary of Dyfed. It was during Bowen Rees’s time as Chief Exec that Gwynedd saw many children in their care ‘boarded out’ (often, it was alleged, to the care of very unsuitable people). Gwynedd had the highest proportion of children boarded out in Wales and the second highest proportion in Great Britain. But Bowen Rees explained to Waterhouse that it saved the Council a great deal of money. Bowen Rees had taken a particular interest in the complaints of Alison Taylor. He told Waterhouse that he had ‘very little recollection of events surrounding the police investigation’ (thank goodness his memory didn’t let him down like that at Oxford or when he was winning medals, it just went a bit flaky when his Council was investigated by the police in the wake of allegations of a paedophile ring), but he knew that he’d asked Lucille to get in touch with him when investigation was over.(Nuffin’ to do with me Guv, I’m only the Chief Exec.) Luciile was described as being ‘over the moon’ when she told him that the police would not be taking proceedings against anyone and that there was ‘no substance’ to the allegations of abuse. Bowen Rees was satisfied that no disciplinary proceedings would have to be taken against any Council officers without talking to Lucille, because he’d talked to senior police officers. (Regular readers will remember that among the allegations of child abuse in north Wales were those that police were involved. A former senior police officer from the North Wales Police, Gordon Anglesea, was last year imprisoned for molesting children in care in north Wales.) Bowen Rees told Waterhouse that he had not been aware of Nefyn Dodd’s dual role in the management of children’s services and had been told that Alison Taylor was ‘worse than a troublemaker’. He thought that poor old Lucille had been ‘unfortunate’ in her Chairman of the Social Services Committee in the 1980s, as he was ‘wilful’ and tolerated only because of his war record. Which is quite a surprising thing for Bowen Rees to have said really, because the rest of us are of the opinion that Eric Davies did Lucille some pretty big favours – he spat poison in the direction of Alison Taylor, carried out a character assassination of her and ensured that she was sacked after she blew the whistle on child abuse in Gwynedd.

Even just the information supplied above suggests that Bowen Rees knew that there was cause for concern in the children’s services which he was paid to run. But there’s another reason why Bowen Rees would have known about the misery and suffering that his children’s services inflicted upon local people as those services worked hand in hand with his mental health services. Because he lived in a hill village near Bethesda where an awful lot of the casualties of Lucille and Dafydd resided. I know because I too lived there for years. At the same time as Bowen Rees. I and the others who had been shafted by Bowen Rees’s ‘services’ mostly lived in the main part of the village, comprised of 19th century quarrymans cottages. Bowen Rees lived near us – but not in our terraces. No, Bowen Rees resided in splendour in an enormous house shielded from our view by beech trees, down a long lane. (However, his widow does now live in the village square, but in one of the most desirable houses there.) Bowen Rees was described by his mates Jim Perrin and Meic Stephens in their obituaries of him as a ‘leftwing nationalist’, an ‘internationalist’, ‘with a philosophy of localism’, who believed in ‘the centrality of [the citizens] voice in determining policies’ and whose observations on mountaineering – which Bowen Rees enjoyed – included that ‘the early mountaineers didn’t concern themselves with the activity of a lower class’. Jim Perrin stated that Bowen Rees ‘firmy identified with that lower class’. That’s funny Jim, because I got the distinct impression that he didn’t give a fuck about them. Except perhaps at election time. I was amused to see in one of Ioan’s obituaries the comment that he ‘enjoyed the close community spirit’ of the village where we all lived. Wondering if I’d somehow missed all the occasions on which Ioan hung out in the village pub or in the canolfan or purchased his stamps from the Post Office, yesterday I rang one of my former neighbours to ask her if she ever remembered socialising with Ioan. Now this was not a neighbour who was one of the dispossessed being screwed over by Ioan and his staff. This is someone who is a retired teacher, whose husband is a retired teacher (and he graduated with a First as well), who have lived in that village for decades, who both learnt Welsh to a very high standard, who do know quite a few public figures and who are acquainted with pretty much everyone around. She replied that she knew OF the Bowen Rees’s and his wife ‘is very pleasant but they are a bit above and beyond the reach of the rest of us’. The man of the common people! Bowen Rees’s obituaries also stated that when he was young, he was regularly consulted by Gwynfor Evans, the President of Plaid (I think that he also co-authored with Gwynfor Evans) and was subsequently consulted by Dafydd Wigley, the MP for Caernarfon. Who definitely knew about the havoc in the mental health services because I wrote to him about it – and I can’t really believe that he didn’t ever hear about what Lucille and co were up to either.

I’ll outline a few things that were going on in the village where Bowen Rees actually lived. There was a severely mentally ill homeless man who for some months literally lived on the playing field, completely psychotic, whilst his neighbours begged for help from the mental health services to no avail. There was another severely mentally ill man who was living in a derelict schoolhouse with an open fire inside and about nine dogs – both the police and his neigbours begged the Arfon Mental Health Team to assist him. They didn’t. This went on for many months until a relative of his was traced and she arranged for a religious order to look after him in another region. One of my neighbours up there was a young man who whose mother had killed herself when he was a child – he used to scavenge in bins for food and by the time that he was a teenager he had developed a drink problem and mental health problems. He was violent and a nuisance when he was pissed but to be fair to him, he went down to the GPs surgery in Bethesda for help with his ‘nerves’. No help was forthcoming from the GPs let alone the mental health team. There was a whole family of adults who had been on the receiving end of such serious sexual and physical abuse whilst they were children that one of them was an elective mute and another one was in the ‘care’ of the mental health services – he became destitute when the day centre at the Hergest Unit was shut down, on the orders of the Arfon Team. There was a single parent who was such a hopeless drunk that her 10 year old daughter was looking after her, the house and her younger brother – who was displaying sexually abusive behaviour himself after being exposed to sexual activity from his father. There were also the people whom I discussed in my post ‘It’s All About Protecting Children’ – in which two fathers were denied access to their own children by Gwynedd Social Services and one of those children was instead handed over to people with a known record of abusing children themselves. There was the family who had been swindled out of their inheritance and left to rot by a number of crooked lawyers and doctors, who were also refused help from the Arfon Team (please see post ‘A Trade In People – Between London and North Wales’). There were two other men displaying what a social worker (well one who knew what they were doing) would describe as sexually inappropriate behaviour who had been in the ‘care’ of Gwynedd Social Services as children. There was another family whose daughter had been removed from them and had been handed over to Gwynedd Social Services for her ‘protection’ who was wrecked after her encounters with the children’s and mental health services. There was also a little girl being fostered at weekends to give her mother who lived in the neighbouring village ‘respite’. That little girl’s mother had held Alun Davies the manager of the Hergest Unit hostage at knife point in her house and he had to be freed in a police operation. No charges were ever brought against her because Davies had unlawfully accessed her medical records, removed them from the hospital and gone out to see her without anyone’s permission or indeed even telling anyone. He would have been in much trouble himself if anyone had discovered what he had done, therefore his ordeal as a hostage was ignored.

What a record of achievement! Give that man another medal. Bowen Rees drove past these people on his way to work every day – whilst they waited for the bus. Lest any readers think that poor old Bowen Rees just wasn’t mixing in the right circles to hear the accounts of the ‘service users’, there were some people in that village who had worked in his children’s homes and left, appalled at the abuse that they witnessed. I knew three of these people – they all told me that they had witnessed young people being abused. They didn’t witness sexual abuse but they witnessed physical abuse and one of them described Nefyn Dodd to me as a ‘total fascist’. The other two people had worked in the home where Alison Taylor had initially reported abuse and told me that as well as being on the receiving end of ‘cruelty’, the teenaged boys in the home were being forced to work for no pay in the black economy. They boys expressed fear of physical violence from social workers if they refused this work.

But something else was happenining in that village as Ioan Bowen Rees managed to not see what was happening on his doorstep. Something that he most certainly knew about. Lucille Hughes’s henchmen from the Arfon Team were perjuring themselves in Chester Crown Court in an attempt to have me imprisoned. They were being coached and advised in this by Lucille, Hywel Ellis Hughes the County Secretary and Solicitor, and Ron Evans, his sidekick. I have the documents to prove it and described it in detail in my post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’. Ioan will have known about all that because Gwynedd County Council were spending a fortune trying to have me (and a few other patients) imprisoned and he will have had to sign something off. I bet he knew my address as well, because I was being served with Court documents at home. So Ioan knew that I was a neighbour! Where was his much boasted about community spirit? Oh – the other thing that happened whilst I lived in the same village as Ioan was that someone tried to set fire to my house. Twice. Another memorable feature of the village was the phone box. Ioan won’t have used it because he’ll have had a landline and a mobile as well, but a lot of people in that village didn’t have a phone so there was often a queue at that phone box. That phone box lives on in my memory for one reason – it was the phone box that was used by a mental health patient who lived in that village who repeatedly rang Crimestoppers and reported the law-breaking and abuse of named staff of the mental health services and the thugs that they were using to distribute drugs and intimidate patients who complained. There wasn’t an investigation. Ioan probably had a few words with his friends in the police again like he did after Alison Taylor blew the whistle.

Ioan will not have been able to have missed the reality of the lives of the people in that village no matter how fast he drove past them. Because his own son went to school with some of those kids who had been so badly neglected and abused. Ioan’s son went to Ysgol Dyffryn Ogwen and is now famous – he is Gruff Rhys from the rock band the Superfurry Animals. He and his mates used to practice their music in the hall at the end of the terrace where I used to live. Ioan was known to be passionate about the Welsh language and is on record as saying that we speak Welsh ‘for the sake of our children’. I’m all for bilingual children as well, but whilst Ioan’s son was learning Welsh and becoming a rock star there were a number of other children who were being beaten, buggered and raped in the ‘service’ for which Ioan was paid handsomely to provide.

Ioan’s glorious career didn’t stop after he stood down from the Chief Exec’s role after the police investigation which exonerated the whole bloody lot of them. No, Ioan was a passionate believer in devolution and was a member of the working party that advised Ron Davies the Secretary of State for Wales regarding the creation of the National Assembly of Wales. Who knows, Ioan would probably have gone on to become President of the World, but he died (Waterhouse observed that he was very sad about this) in 1999. Months before the publication of the Waterhouse Report. So if any lesser gifted and less well-connected creatures than Ioan feared that Waterhouse was actually going to admit the enormity of what had gone on and that Ioan would get himself out of the ordure by landing them right in it, they need not have worried. Ioans’s memories have been taken to the grave with him.

The Story of Ioan reminds me very much of the work of the Welsh Labour historians who were busy in the 1970s and 80s. They pissed a lot of people off because they maintained that the exploitation of the Welsh labourers in the quarries and other industries involved an enormous degree of collusion from the Welsh middle classes who also exploited the labourers and did very well for themselves out of this, but who had successfully rewritten their part in history and framed themselves as defenders of language and nation. I think it was in Jim Perrin’s obituary of Ioan Bowen Rees that there was a reference to the refreshing Ioan in contrast to the English bourgeoisie who colonised the land conservation societies… the noble Ioan who lived in his Plas shielded by beech trees so as to avoid the prying eyes of the people whom he was shafting whilst they lived in poverty…

After the People’s Champ and Defender of the Nation left his post as Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council, Huw Vaughan Thomas took over. Huw was originally from mid-Glamorgan, read modern history at Durham University, acquired a Masters in Administrative Sciences from City University and entered the civil service. He worked in the Department of Employment and bodies associated with it and was the Private Secretary to two Ministers of Employment. He then lead the Manpower Services Commission’s employment rehabilitation programme for disabled people. In May 1988 he moved to Wales as Director of Training Agency, Wales. He was Chief Executive of Denbighshire County Council for six years – of course he was, it seems obligatory to do a stint with them if you’re going to preside over a major child abuse scandal. Huw told Waterhouse that the allocation of resources in Gwynedd County Council  owed much to history and political considerations rather than assessment of need and the Council’s image was one of ‘fortress Gwynedd’ with a single issue of the language agenda. (I rather suspect that might have been the smokescreen that Ioan created to detract from rather more serious problems.) For most of the first three years of Huw’s tenure, there was a police investigation of Gwynedd’s children’s homes. Alison Taylor wrote to Huw shortly before an HTV programme about the abuse in north Wales in Sept 1991, requesting a meeting to discuss the ill-treatment of children. He ‘took advice’ – we are not told from whom – and he said that she should get in touch with him if she had any new matters not already investigated to report. Alison wrote again asking for a meeting regarding the extensive dossier that he had prepared relating to the abuse of children. Huw declined to meet her on the advice of the Council’s legal officers and the Chief Constable. That will have been at about the same time that those legal officers were pursuing me through the Courts for ludicrous offences such as ‘staring at a social worker in Safeways’ or more serious offences that I had not committed.

So how did Huw fare once he stopped being the Chief Exec of Gwynedd in 1996? Well he was the  Assistant National Secretary of the Society of Local Authority Chief Executives and he has also been on exchanges with Chief Execs in Tasmania and New Zealand (Christ he’s gone global.) In 2001 he was appointed the Director and Principal Consultant for Taro Consulting Ltd. He was a member of the Richards Commission into the powers and electoral arrangements of the National Assembly of Wales 2002-2004, he’s Chaired the Big Lottery Fund and served on the Parole Board for England and Wales (it really is unbelievable isn’t it). He’s a Board member for the Institute of Welsh Affairs, for the North Wales Training and Enterprise Council, a member of HEFCW, of the Law Society Council, of the Hearing Aid Council and the Olympic Lottery Distributer. His voluntary activities include involvement in two charities for deaf people, a member of the National Trust Committee for Wales, of the Princes Trust and the Chair of Plas Glyn Y Weddw Arts Centre.

Concealed a paedophile gang? Come this way Sir, we’d just love to have you on our Board.

The jewel in the crown was that on July 2010 Huw was recommended for the post of Auditor General of Wales by the National Assembly of Wales. HM the Queen herself appointed him from October 2010. He now oversees 20 billion quid of taxpayers money. His wife Enid is the Chair of the Solicitors Regulation Authority and a member of the BUPA council. His son Owain is a trainee – at the Wales Audit Office.

Once more, I can only repeat what the residents of Ioan Bowen Rees’s village used to say when they were screwed over once more by Gwynedd County Council in some way – Jesus Christ.

There is an ancient Bela Lugosi film that used to cause merriment among film and media students because it was thought to be so ridiculous. I was told that it contained a scene where Bela looms up out of a churchyard and says ‘It’s murder – and somebody’s responsible’. Well for years children in the care of Gwynedd County Council were beaten, kicked, forced to lick Nefyn Dodd’s shoes, used as slave labour, sexually molested, kept short of food and/or abandoned. And nobody was responsible at all. The only person who lost their job was Alison Taylor.

 

 

Updates, Common Themes and News, May 5 2017

In my post ‘The Silence of the Welsh Lambs’ I discussed the case of the Rev Emyr Owen from Tywyn who in 1985 was imprisoned for ‘defiling corpses’ without a scrap of evidence being produced. Lurid allegations were made that Emyr had severed penises from three corpses – no penises were produced or corpses sans penises, although this doesn’t seem to have troubled anyone. As detailed in the post, a few familiar names were central to what looks like the framing of an eccentric, possibly gay, man – the North Wales Police, Caernarfon Crown Court, Chester Crown Court and dear old Huw Daniel. Since I wrote the post I’ve thought about the case a little more and have noticed yet another claim that was made during the trial for which evidence was not and indeed could not be provided, yet no-one pointed this out at the time. As evidence of just how depraved Emyr was, not only was it claimed that he had severed the penises from three corpses, but it was also claimed that he had injected some of the penises with boiling water to cause them to become erect. None of this stands up (so to speak) – the penis become erect through a complex mechanism that involves it becoming engorged with blood. For this mechanism to work, the penis in question needs to be attached to a living body, in possession of a circulatory system which is having blood pumped around it by a heart. Simply injecting a severed penis with water would not achieve the same effect. Injecting it with boiling water would damage the tissues that would need to be intact for an erection to occur anyway, indeed injecting the penis with any water would irreparably damage the tissues because the cells would be destroyed by osmosis. Furthermore, a severed penis would of course consist of dead tissue and dead tissue would be also be far too damaged to sustain an erection. So how exactly did Chester Crown Court swallow this load of hogwash that anyone who’s ever taught biology to secondary school pupils would have seen straight through? Emyr was put on trial in 1984 – I ‘did’ osmosis in 1976 in a class of 14 year olds in Somerset and we certainly were not at the cutting edge of medical science, pushing back frontiers in a way that would have been unknown to Chester Crown Court. And who was the prosecuting barrister presenting this utter horseshit that even a 14 year old could have debunked? Step forward Huw Daniel, now a retired judge and former Lord Lieutenant of Gwynedd! Did HM the Queen realise that he was either Very Dim Indeed or Completely Corrupt when he used to ingratiate himself to her on Royal visits to Wales?

There are clues in the newspaper reports of the time as to what really may have landed Emyr in trouble – it was reported that he shared his house with two gay men, one of whom was employed as clerk to a Court. Emyr himself was the chaplain to the High Sherriff in Caernarfon Crown Court – I speculated previously that in the light of allegations of rampant corruption in the police and legal circles in north Wales at the time that Emyr could well have known a few things about a few other people that those people wouldn’t want publicised and that this could have been the reason for his being framed. So one of Emyr’s housemates also might have known of corruption in the legal services…. During the summing up it at the trial it was reported that the judge said to Emyr that ‘your private homosexual practices became a private perversion’. Was the fact that Emyr was presumed to be gay what really bothered all these people as they dreamt up lurid scenarios of penises being removed from corpses and then forced into erections? Because someone did dream all this up, the allegations made against Emyr were a physiological impossibility. Regular readers will by now have realised that there was a great deal of confusion about sexuality in north Wales at that time, particularly homosexuality – the North Wales Hospital was infamous for treating gay men by ‘aversion therapy’ and seemed to have continued to do this long after it had become completely discredited and stopped elsewhere. Meanwhile, Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was literally banging his way around the female patients of the hospital and his mistress – along with a few other people – was facilitating a vicious paedophile ring whose prime target was boys. It is in the fetid atmosphere of such hot and steamy glasshouses that outrages such as the one committed against Emyr occur. It is all rather reminiscent of the book that Python published years ago consisting of the bits that they’d edited out of ‘The Life of Brian’ – there was one scene in which Brian is denouncing ‘those who join false sects’ but a member of the audience mishears and yells out ‘those who enjoy forced sex?’ and thousands of people come running to hear the rest of the sermon. Incidentally, I know someone who spent his youth on the Lyn Peninsula who was still very angry in 1984 that he had not yet seen ‘The Life of Brian’ – it had been banned in Pwhelli…

So what brought Emyr to the attention of DC Gwyn Roberts in the first place? Was Emyr caught cottaging in the public conveniences in Tywyn perhaps? No – it was reported that Emyr had made allegations to DC Gwyn Roberts that local Freemasons were up to no good. In 1985, Freemasonry was still a powerful force in north Wales. There was a Lodge in Bangor University, there was a Lodge in the town of Bangor which numbered policemen and solicitors among its members and there were of course similar Lodges across the whole of north Wales and the wider UK. Stephen Knight’s book ‘The Brotherhood’ which was published in 1984 maintains that at that time, nearly all judges were Freemasons. There have been constant allegations that the north Wales child abuse scandal involved Freemasonry, it is known that a number of key figures in the Waterhouse Tribunal were Freemasons and in 1987 I was told by the one honest employee that MIND had that the corruption and malpractice at the North Wales Hospital was tied up with Freemasonry. (By the way, if readers have time, do read the Stephen Knight book which Knight wrote after persuading various Freemasons throughout the UK to give him interviews. He has had to supply pseudonyms for everyone but in one of the chapters in the edition that I have got, Knight gives an account of the macabre sexual practices and corruption of a doctor whom he alleges was a truly malevolent influence within Freemasonry – the pseudonym that he uses for this man is ‘Dr Denbeigh’. King does not reveal what region of the UK that Dr Denbeigh resided in.)

There are other noticeable details in the news reports about Emyr. It was stated that Emyr was a small man who wore Cuban heels to increase his height – it was also mentioned that when ‘6 ft 4in’ DC Roberts ‘interviewed’ Emyr, Emyr soon ‘crumbled’… It was reported that Roberts was told by senior officers to make sure that he got the right man as this was such a high profile arrest. Well Roberts certainly made sure that he did that – he got a gay clergyman who had complained about Freemasonry and probably had knowledge of wrongdoing in legal circles. Possibly involving DC Roberts and Huw Daniel. I note that further bizarre allegations involving dead bodies and Black Masses were levelled at Emyr by Roberts in 1992 after Emyr’s release, although there is no record of a trial, prosecution or further conviction. Roberts stated that he continued to ‘investigate’ Emyr after Emyr served his sentence because he just knew that something wasn’t right. In 1992, arrests of suspected paedophiles employed in children’s homes in north Wales began happening and allegations of a paedophile ring with links to the police, to politicians and legal professionals had hit the London based media. I cannot understand why DC Roberts did not manage to find incontrovertible evidence that Emyr was cooking and eating babies in between busying himself kissing the Devil’s fundament…

Now for an appeal to readers. A number of readers have been very helpful recently, sending me info and links after reading certain posts. In my post ‘The Silence of the Welsh Lambs’ I mentioned a man called Trevor Carrington, who allegedly confessed to starting the fire in 1992 (the same year that DC Roberts found more ‘evidence’ against the Rev Emyr!) in a flat in Brighton which resulted in the deaths of several people who were allegedly victims of the north Wales paedophile ring. Among the very many other worrying details concerning this fire (please see ‘The Silence of the Welsh Lambs’ for more on the story), was the fact that Trevor Carrington was found dead days after allegedly making this ‘confession’ and also was found to have received £20,000 into his bank account although he was unemployed. I can find very few details of who Trevor Carrington actually was, where he came from or how he knew the men then living in Brighton who had grown up in children’s homes in north Wales. But I do know that a lady called Gwenan Carrington was until a few years ago Director of Gwynedd Social Services. (After screwing up big-time in that role, Gwenan stood down and then stepped into a senior role with Anglesey County Council, where, as far as I know, she still is.) Like many of her colleagues, Gwenan had a liberal interpretation of child protection policies. After the continual embarrassment that has been ‘children’s services’ in Wales, a few years ago the Welsh Gov’t introduced a policy of each Social Services in Wales being obliged to provide the name of someone who would act in an ‘independent’ role to ‘safeguard’ children. The ‘independent’ person fulfilling this role for Gwynedd was none other than Gwenan Carrington, the Director of Social Services – I was actually shown a copy of the relevant document signed by Gwenan herself… I am wondering if Trevor Carrington was in any way connected to Gwenan Carrington – if he was, he will not have been a blood relative, Carrington is Gwenan’s married name. She began life as Gwenan Griffiths from Anglesey. Her brother is Aled Griffiths, who until recently lectured in law and social policy at Bangor University, her other brother is also a solicitor and her sister-in-law is Joanna Griffiths, former Director of Conwy Social Services! I understand that this cosy set-up has landed them the moniker of ‘the mafia’. If any readers have any info, please get in touch.

Previous blog posts have mentioned the names of many lawyers and judges who have been involved in what seem to be miscarriages of justice, attempts at producing miscarriages of justice or bizarre and inexplicable decisions resulting in the suffering of vulnerable people who have had the north Wales children’s services or mental health services experience. Posts have also mentioned political figures who seemed to have played a part in concealing the horrors that were happening in the children’s/mental health services. One running theme is the Chester and Wales Circuit. But something else stands out too – an awful lot of the people involved were law graduates of Aberystwyth University. Wales – particularly the north and mid-Wales – does have a lot of Aber graduates employed in the public services or in public life, because Aber and Bangor Universities were for many years the favourite destinations of many Welsh speaking students and when they graduated many of them were committed to remaining in Wales and making a contribution to the nation. But the law angle is particularly interesting – Aberystwyth would not have been the only option for aspiring lawyers from Wales, there were many other law schools to choose from and another one in Wales as well, at Cardiff. But again and again, the biographies of people whose names are cropping up on the blog mention that they studied law at Aber – and many of them then did a stint at Chester College of Law. It is too frequent to just be a reflection of the choices that students from Wales or who subsequently worked in Wales might have made. It is rather a very obvious indication of a network. For example: Elfyn Llwyd – Aberystwyth, Chester; Lord John Morris – Aberystwyth; Sir William Mars-Jones – Aberystwyth; Lord Gwilym Prys-Davies – Aberystwyth. Other people involved studied outside of Wales, but grew up in Wales (frequently north Wales), eg. Huw Daniel, Ieuan Wyn Jones, Sir Ronald Waterhouse, Simon Hughes, Justice Wyn Williams, Greville Janner, Theo Huckle, Sir Malcolm Pill. Some people both grew up in north Wales and read law at Aber, eg. Elfyn Llwyd, William Mars-Jones, Gwilym Prys-Davies.

Then there are a few straggling themes – as did Ieuan Wyn Jones and Paul Flynn (please see posts ‘Further Information On Garth Angharad Hospital’ and ‘More On Those Who Signed That Early Day Motion’), William Mars-Jones stood for election for the constituency of Denbigh, but in a previous era. (It is obvious from his biography that it is highly likely that Mars-Jones would have personally known Gwynne Williams the lobotomist.) There are a few people named on the blog whose education I have not been able to research, because they have not yet reached, or did not ever reach, a sufficiently high profile for that information to be easily discovered. However the crooks working for Gwynedd County Council such as H. Ellis Hughes and Ron Evans will have been very strongly locally networked, as no doubt was the crooked lawyer who worked at the Welsh Office, Andrew Park.

A number of people have also suggested that I should pay a bit of attention to David Jones, the Conservative MP for Clwyd West and former secretary of State for Wales under Cameron. An initial search reveals that Jones also attended the Chester College of Law, as a young solicitor worked with Ieuan Wyn Jones in a practice at Ruthin and also previously worked in the same Bangor practice as an Elwyn Jones – however my co-researcher has now clarified that this Elwyn Jones was actually the son of yet another Elwyn Jones, ie. Sir Elwyn Jones who was for a brief time Labour MP for Conway.

 

Now for election news! The results of the council elections are now known in full – the Tories are crowing, although they didn’t achieve what they’d hoped in Wales and the Labour Party in Wales have today stressed that they are Welsh Labour, a completely different brand to Jeremy Corbyn’s Labour and that they are led by Carwyn not Jeremy. I have been asked if I think that Jeremy knew about the barrel of shit that was the children’s services in Islington (please see post ‘The London Connection’). Jeremy of course sprang from the loins of the Labour Party in Islington himself and still represents a constituency there – but I suspect that unlike the Margarets and the Tessas, Jeremy would not have ignored/denied the presence of a paedophile ring infiltrating children’s services, but I do think that Jeremy probably is so trusting and so ready to see the good in people rather than the bad that he really might have been about the only person who didn’t realise what was going on. I have a friend who lived in Islington and was a community worker there in the late 70s/early 80s and he told me that Jeremy was a really nice helpful bloke – Margaret Hodge however was a very different kettle of fish…. So I’m not sure that it is Jeremy that is the problem with London Labour – but in view of what I published on this blog in my post ‘The London Connection’ I think it’s entirely logical that Carwyn would want to put as much distance as possible between himself and them. Carwyn needs to wake up to just how bad the NHS in north Wales is and take effective action, but I have not yet obtained evidence/information that he has been concealing a murderous paedophile gang – although his Counsel General Theo Huckle certainly ignored an awful lot of evidence of criminal activity that he shouldn’t have. Time to mount an investigation perhaps Carwyn?

In my post discussing the sad death of Matthew Jones (‘Another Death – May 4 2017’) I predicted that now it’s election time, no local politician will breathe a word about this latest Betsi disaster. They haven’t disappointed me – none of them have mentioned it and dear old Hywel Williams (Plaid) has, again as predicted, written yet another piece for a local newspaper on what a brilliant idea it would be to have a medical school in Bangor – staffed and managed by the people whose callousness and stupidity led to Matthew’s death! Nice one Hywel, as ever you’re a real people’s champ. FOOL. Another vile politician who also has a shameful record on a lethal NHS has come to my attention today – Andy Burnham, who has just been elected the City Mayor of Manchester. Andy did of course conceal the Mid-Staffs scandal for a very long time although he was told repeatedly that terrible things were happening there and that the death rates were a statistical outlier. So while patients drank water out of vases, were assessed and triaged by unqualified receptionists, were sworn at and abused by staff, were left lying in their own faeces and urine because the nurses couldn’t be arsed to walk across a ward with a bedpan, were left with broken bones because the staff couldn’t interpret an X ray, while thousands of them died and while the woman who blew the whistle on it all received death threats and had to leave the area, that down to earth man of the people ‘I’m from the north me’ Andy supped with the London elite because he had his eye on becoming leader of the Labour Party or even PM! (I did enjoy his ‘I just can’t believe that this is happening to me’ facial expression when Jeremy was declared winner of the leadership election.) Part of Andy’s remit as Mayor of Manchester will be health and social care. Stand by for death rates to rocket in Manchester…