Those Who Are Ready To Serve

Some of my recent posts eg. ‘The Village’ and ‘The Turn Of The Screw’ and additions to my posts by the use of the ‘comments’ facility have mentioned how a number people in Somerset with links to the Tory Party who knew me before I went to UCNW (Bangor University) in 1981 found out about my battles with Dafydd and the sex trafficking gang and put this information to good use, receiving large quantities of dosh from persons unknown in return for their silence in the face of the horrific things which were happening to me and my friends as well as in return for their silence if I went to prison or was found dead.

I continue to receive information about – and yet more names of – those who knew me who decided to take advantage. I did notice at the time that a number of people whom I’d known in Somerset seemed to do spectacularly well for themselves, inexplicably so.  I have been told that less fortunate people who knew Brown and me who drifted into petty crime were paid to smear us and for info, but it was of course those who aspired and with influential connections whom I have been told really spotted the potential.

So let me introduce one of my playmates from when I was about six yrs old, along with some information regarding her later career – Janet Mitchell. Janet was Janet Sims when I knew her and most unusually for a girl in Somerset in those days, Janet became an engineer. Janet’s dad Fred Sims was a lecturer in mechanics at Bridgwater College. Janet wanted to follow in her dad’s footsteps, but had rather more academic aspirations so she aimed for an engineering degree. She didn’t do very well in her A levels, so she didn’t go to university after the sixth form, she took up an apprenticeship and completed academic qualifications when she was a bit older.

In 1982 Janet began working as an engineer at Westland Helicopters in Yeovil. Westland was a company which struggled all the way through the 1970s. It was a major news item on ‘Points West’ if somebody actually bought a helicopter, or even looked as though they might be reaching for their chequebook. In mid-1980s, by the time that Brown and I had begun writing to Ministers and the GMC about the Top Docs et al in north Wales, Westland became world famous as a result of the then Secretary of State for Defence Michael Heseltine’s robust support for the ailing company. People in Somerset thought it entirely reasonable that Heseltine seemed to be staking his career on the future of Westland, but the big wigs in politics and the London-based media ranted on about Heseltine’s inexplicable interest in a ‘small West Country company’.  It was a company which employed my former childhood playmate who’s mum and a few others knew what was happening to me at the hands of a branch of the Westminster Paedophile Ring and that had at some point been brought to Heseltine’s attention. Securing Heseltine’s backing was a real coup for Westland, it ailed no more and Janet’s career soon took off like a meteorite.

 

The Westland Affair involved Thatch and Heseltine going public over a Cabinet dispute with questions raised about whether the conventions of Cabinet Gov’t were being observed and about the integrity of senior politicians.

Westland was Britain’s last helicopter manufacturer and in 1985 was to be the subject of a rescue bid. Heseltine favoured a European solution, integrating Westland with a consortium including British Aerospace (BAe), Italian (Augusta) and French companies, but Thatch and the Trade and Industry Secretary, Leon Brittan, while ostensibly maintaining a neutral stance, wanted to see Westland merge with Sikorsky, an American company.

Heseltine refused to accept Thatcher’s choice and claimed that Thatcher was refusing to allow a free ministerial discussion about the matter, even suggesting she had lied about cancelling a scheduled meeting. When Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for his European consortium, he resigned and walked out of a Cabinet meeting in Jan 1986. Brittan was then forced to resign for having (on the orders of Thatcher’s aides, as he admitted some years later) previously ordered the leaking to the press of a confidential legal letter critical of Heseltine and for his lack of candour to the Commons about his efforts to persuade BAe to withdraw from Heseltine’s consortium. Thatcher’s survival as PM appeared to be in question, although she rode out the crisis. The episode was an embarrassment to Thatch’s Gov’t and undermined her reputation.

Now for the details of the scrap and those involved.

 

The rescue of Westland came as a great relief to the MPs in the area, Westland having previously been in deep trouble and an embarrassment. MPs with an interest included Tom King (Tory, Bridgwater), Paddy Ashdown (Lib Dem, Yeovil); Bob Boscawen (Tory, Somerton and Frome), David Heathcoat-Amory (Tory, Wells) and Jerry Wiggin (Tory, Weston-Super-Mare).

I have mentioned that Tom King was personally known to the people in Somerset who knew me and who received money in return for their silence, but at least one of them knew Jerry Wiggin as well and one of them aspired to get up close and personal with Paddy Ashdown, but I don’t know if that plan succeeded.

 

At the beginning of the Westland crisis Tom King was Secretary of State for Employment and his Minister of State was Sir Peter Morrison, who was abusing kids in north Wales, Cheshire as well as in other locations. On Sept 2, 1985, King was made N Ireland Secretary, where he was involved in concealing the scandal at the Kincora Boys’ Home, which was even worse than, but linked to, Dafydd and the gang in north Wales. On Sept 2, 1985, Peter Morrison was appointed Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan – who was involved in the decisions regarding Westland…

Tom King was given a peerage in 2001, the year after the Waterhouse Report was published, as the voices denouncing it as a whitewash began to fade.

 

Sir Jerry Wiggin was a farmer who was on the right of the Tory Party, a member of the Monday Club and a supporter of Ian Smith in Rhodesia. Wiggin was something of a bon viveur with his own ‘set’, usually high-living and right-wing Sir Bufton Tuftons. I remember well the Sir Buftons from my youth. Wiggin’s judgement was doubted by senior Tories and ‘Private Eye’ called him ‘Junket Jerry’ because of his frequent trips abroad. In 1981 Wiggin became a junior Minister at the Ministry of Defence, covering the armed forces; it was left to him to defend the withdrawal of the naval ice patrol ship Endurance from the South Atlantic, which is often seen as having been the trigger for the Argentine invasion of the Falklands in 1982. Wiggin was dismissed from the post a year later. On the eve of a Gov’t reshuffle in June 1983, Wiggin anticipated a promotion and was surprised to be sacked. Despite his pleading and invocation of his experience as a major in the TA, Thatch was unmoved. It was speculated that she may have heard rumours that Wiggin was something of a ‘chancer’ who had diverted an RAF helicopter to visit a girlfriend. At the time, he and his wife Rosemary Orr had recently divorced and Wiggin claimed massive trauma.

Wiggin’s son from his first marriage, William, the Conservative MP for Leominster from 2001, was a year ahead of David Cameron at Eton and married a former girlfriend of Cameron’s. Wiggin’s son Thomas is an asset manager and his daughter Audrey an ‘executive coach’. Wiggin married for a second time in 1991 when Morella Bulmer – who had previously married into the family of the cider group – became his wife.

After Wiggin’s sacking, he ‘seemed to nourish a grudge’ against Thatch. In 1989 he voted for Sir Anthony Meyer when Meyer made a token challenge for the leadership, an extraordinary step given Wiggin’s political views. I have no idea whether Wiggin was aware of this, but Anthony Meyer knew about the havoc that Dafydd and the gang were causing in north Wales and Meyer not only decided to wound Thatch, but also fought a battle to prevent the toxic Beata Brookes, Dafydd and Lucille’s partner in serious organised crime, from becoming the MP for Clwyd West (see post ‘The Celtic Iron Lady And Yet More Recent History’).

Wiggin frequently rebelled in the Commons. In 1996 he defied the Whips over the Firearms Bill, which tightened the use of guns after the massacre of children in Dunblane. His objection was that the proposed level of compensation for those affected by the banning of firearms was inadequate, adding, ‘I am deeply ashamed of my government’. As indeed should he have been, but not for that reason.

Wiggin was knighted in 1993, at about the time (or shortly after) the North Wales Police wound up their investigation into child abuse in north Wales and announced that there was no evidence of a VIP paedophile ring in the region subjected to a high level cover-up. Wiggin retired from Parliament in 1997. Just as the Waterhouse Inquiry got going.

William Rees-Mogg, a former Editor of ‘The Times’, described Wiggin as ‘a shrewd politician — though perhaps closer to the intellectual tone of the rugby XV than of All Souls’. Mystic Mogg lived in Somerset himself whilst all this was going on.

 

I note that Jerry Wiggin was a junior Minister in the MoD at the time of the Falklands conflict. The village in Somerset where the people who knew me and received thousands of pounds in hush money also contained a family with two sons who had both joined the Army after leaving school – they both went to school with me. The older boy joined the Army first and then two years later his younger brother followed. The younger boy alleged the most terrible experiences – what would now be described as very, very serious bullying from NCOs, the sort of thing that was alleged to be happening at Deepcut. This young man was rash enough to try and give back what he was receiving – or at least claimed to be – and he belted an NCO. He was subjected to MoD disciplinary measures, but everything just backfired. He went wild, absolutely beserk, was transferred to what I think must have been a military prison and then there was some sort of Top Doc’s intervention. According to him, he was ferociously beaten constantly, kept naked in cells for days on end, denied contact with anyone etc. Eventually he was discharged and went straight home to his family, which was the first that they knew about it all, because he had not been allowed to communicate with anyone.

This young man’s father was a trade union activist – he was a farm worker who had been involved with the union for years – and he hit the roof when he heard what had happened. He approached the union movement, numerous politicians, lawyers, he really was determined to elicit an investigation into what had happened. He fought for quite a few years and got absolutely nowhere. Meanwhile, his eldest son, who seemed to get on much better in the Army, had been sent to serve in the Falklands conflict. When he returned to Somerset, he was angry and disillusioned with the Army, claiming that the other ranks had been put at risk by the incompetence of the officers and that his mates had died as a result. No-one wanted to hear what he had to say – Somerset was True Blue and nearly everyone supported Thatcher’s adventure in the South Atlantic. This man was viewed not as a voice from the front line but as a wicked traitor.

I don’t know how much substance there was in the allegations made by the two sons of this family, but I imagine that the same politicians who spent years doing the most disgusting deals in order to keep a lid on Dafydd et al crushed these two young men and their family underfoot.

 

Jerry Wiggin was the MP for Weston-super-Mare. Jeffrey Archer grew up there and his mother used to write a column on the ‘Weston Mercury’. When Archer was given a peerage, he became Lord Archer of Weston-super-Mare. I imagine that he will have retained many links with the area, despite being based in Cambridgeshire and London. Archer and his wife had a number of connections with people known to Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘Tuppence And His Fragrant Wife’). Peter Morrison succeeded Tuppence as Deputy Chairman of the Tory Party.

 

Paddy Ashdown, the MP for Yeovil at the time, is a former Royal Marine who was in the SBS and worked as an intelligence officer with MI6. Yeovil was Paddy’s wife Jane’s home town and in 1976 when Paddy was selected as the Liberal Party’s prospective parliamentary candidate for Yeovil, he took a job with Normalair Garrett, then part of the Westland Group. Paddy wasn’t elected until 1983. In 1981 he became a youth worker with Dorset County Council’s Youth Service, working on initiatives to help the young unemployed.

In the early 1980s, Rob Evans, the senior manager in Gwynedd Social Services with responsibility for child protection when the children’s services in Gwynedd hosted a paedophile ring, had been a social work Team Manager in Dorset. In 1992 Evans was given responsibility for managing the community mental health services in Gwynedd. Patients were threatened, assaulted and fitted up for crimes by mental health staff. The area had one of the highest suicide rates in the UK. Complaints were never investigated and even when Evans condescended to meet patients who had the most terrible experiences, Evans simply talked around the subject and nothing was ever resolved (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’).

 

Paddy Ashdown knew about Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith and the numerous other Parliamentary molesters. He knew about the biggest, most dangerous bag of shit of all, Kincora Boys’ Home in Belfast, as well as much else because of his work with MI6. Paddy was living the high life in Geneva before he rocked up scratching a living in Yeovil. It wasn’t an obvious career move and it is highly probable that Paddy had been deployed to the West Country by the security services because of Thorpe’s shenanigans in north Devon at the time. At the time of Westland, David Steel was leader of the Liberal Party and the Liberals had formed their Alliance with Dr Death’s bunch. David Steel was told about Cyril Smith abusing boys and ignored it and Dr Death was mates with some of the Top Docs in north Wales with whom I was having such terrible problems. Paddy became leader of the newly merged party, the Lib Dems, in 1988 and was always a one for attempting back room deals with the paedophiles’ friends in a desperate attempt to get into Gov’t.

At the time of the Westland Affair, the brother of the former Liberal MP John Pardoe lived in the same village as those receiving the dosh to keep quiet about events in north Wales. John Pardoe had been the MP for North Cornwall who lost his seat in 1979, because, it was perceived, as a result of his strong support for Jeremy Thorpe, who was at the time standing trial at the Old Bailey for conspiracy and incitement to murder Norman Scott (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). In the 1987 General Election campaign, John Pardoe was campaign manager for the SDP-Liberal Alliance. When he was at Cambridge, John Pardoe was in Footlights with Top Tosser Jonathan Miller, who was called upon himself to come to the rescue of the paedophiles’ friends of north Wales (see post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’).

I have not been told that John Pardoe’s brother was involved with those we know and love – Brown and me knew him quite well and liked him, we spent a summer working on his farm, as did friends of ours – but this was such a heap of crap with the security services and others nobbling people who knew Brown and me and either bribing them to shaft us or wrecking the lives of those who stood by us, that I would be very surprised if Robin, John Pardoe’s brother, had not been approached. Furthermore, Robin Pardoe’s son Simon was an Aberystwyth graduate who at that time was working for ILEA, an organisation which was complicit with kids from inner London being sent to children’s homes in north Wales and his daughter Rachel had recently graduated from Sussex University. I really don’t think that Dafydd’s protectors will have been able to resist the opportunity.

 

At about this time, a company which could only be described being run by crooks and spivs, FPS (Financial Planning Services), arrived in Somerset. For a short while one of the Somerset contingent known to me took a job as a ‘financial consultant’ with FPS. She was told at the time that FPS were conmen and after she had spent a few weeks working for them, this became evident. She did eventually wave a fond farewell to them, but not before she found out that one of the leading lights in FPS was a former SBS action man of a Paddy-type. The SBS man was also a complete thug who terrorised everyone and sexually exploited young women. Was he known to you Paddy? Because you were all down there near Yeovil at the same time.

If you were sent to Somerset on Lilibet’s secret service Paddy, you did a bloody awful job. DAFYDD!!?? For God’s sake, was he really worth protecting??

 

Robert Boscawen, Tory MP for Wells, was the fourth son of Evelyn Hugh John Boscawen, 8th Viscount Falmouth. Boscawen’s ancestors included PM Charles Grey, 2nd Earl Grey.

After serving in the British Army during WWII, Boscawen served during 1947-48 in Hamburg, with the British Red Cross civilian relief teams organised by his mother, Lady Falmouth, a Vice-Chairman of the Tory Party. From 1948, Boscawen spent two years with Shell Petroleum before joining the family-owned Cornish china clay business, Goonveen. He became a Lloyd’s underwriter in 1952. Boscawen’s political career began in 1948 when he joined the Young Conservatives.

Boscawen was a member of the Monday Club and was MP for Wells, 1970-83 and then, as the result of boundary changes, he moved over to the nearby constituency Somerton and Frome. Boscawen supported the restoration of capital punishment, drastic cuts in the welfare state and student grants, but opposed abortion. He also became a leading supporter of Ian Smith after Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence.

Boscawen was interested in the NHS and sat on its London Executive Council, 1954-65. He was on the backbenchers’ Health Services Committee and Vice-Chairman, 1974-79. So it wouldn’t have been too difficult for leading Tories to lean on Boscawen if they thought that Dafydd et al were about to be exposed.

Boscawen served as a Lord Commissioner of the Treasury from 1981. Peter Morrison had been Lord Commissioner of the Treasury, 1979-81, during which time Boscawen had been an Assistant Gov’t Whip.

Boscawen was Vice-Chamberlain of Her Majesty’s Household 1983-86 and Comptroller of the Royal Household until 1988. Peter Morrison’s sister Dame Mary Morrison spent most of her life as Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Lilibet.

Boscawen became a member of the Privy Council in 1992, the same year that he retired from the Commons. Days after his retirement, the Brighton firebomb killed the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

Boscawen married Mary Codrington in 1949 and they had two daughters and one son, who followed him into the Coldstream Guards. Boscawen was a rower and yachtsman. He stroked the Trinity boat and rowed in the University trial eights. He was a member of the Royal Yacht Squadron and regularly sailed in international races, including the Fastnet.

 

Now here’s a funny thing. The MP who succeeded Boscawen in 1992, days before that firebomb did its best, was Mark Robinson. Mark Robinson was the man who wrote to me when I first raised concerns about Tony Francis, Dr D.G.E. Wood and Gwynne the lobotomist witholding my medical records from me and in the case of Gwynne, altering them. At the time, Robinson was the Tory MP for usually safe Labour seat of Newport West. He ended up writing to me because in 1985 Robinson was appointed a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, under Secretary of State Nicholas Edwards and it was Robinson who wrote to me after I paid a visit to Keith Best, the Tory MP for Ynys Mon, who was not only my constituency MP, but also a Minister in the Welsh Office (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). I had no idea at the time that Best was a crooked barrister who had previously lived in the Brighton area, had served as a Brighton Councillor when John Allen was trafficking kids in care in north Wales to brothels owned by Allen in Brighton and from the moment that Best arrived in north Wales concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang. Indeed I expect that’s why Best was sent to Ynys Mon as part of the reinforcements to assist the paedophiles’ friends.

Nicholas Edwards was still Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the Westland Affair (see posts ‘The Cradle Of Filth’ and ‘Old Nick Bites The Dust’).

Mark Robinson was born in Bristol to John Foster Robinson and Margaret, née Paterson. Mark Robinson’s father was High Sheriff of Avon in 1975, so he almost certainly knew Brown’s dad.

Dr D.G.E. Wood’s family came from Bristol, where his father worked as a Top Doctor. Wood went to medical school in Bristol. Lord David Hunt, who has spent most of his career concealing and colluding with Dafydd and the gang, did his degree in law at Bristol University and then in 1970 unsuccessfully contested Bristol South for the Tories. For some unfathomable reason, in the 1973 Birthday Honours Hunt was awarded an MBE for ‘political services in the west of England’. After unsuccessfully contesting Kingswood in 1974, Hunt was sent to contest the Wirral in a by-election in 1976 to provide back-up for Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Hunt subsequently provided the best of services to the paedophiles’ friends for decades, in his various roles at the Welsh Office and in his capacity as an international lawyer acting for the MDU and others.

By the mid-1970s, John Allen and others were flocking into north Wales purchasing isolated old buildings which were converted into children’s homes or residential schools. Nearly all of these establishments were part of the same paedophile ring. After the Children Act 1975, business really boomed. The Children Act 1975 was the work of Leo Abse who skilfully bullied and manipulated others into getting it onto the statute books. It was Dr Death who was roped into doing the crucial bit, introducing the private member’s bill that was necessary. See posts ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’ and ‘The History, Boys…’. Just before the Act was passed, Peter Morrison was selected as the Tory candidate for Chester, was then elected and a local authority reorganisation resulted in the creation of Gwynedd and Clwyd County Councils, which kicked off with Chief Executives David Alun Jones and T.M. Hadyn Rees respectively (see posts ‘I Know Nuzzing…’ and ‘Ain’t Nothing Clean – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists’). North Wales had opened for business as a production line for trafficked young people.

 

John Robinson’s family ran ES & A Robinson, the paper and packaging conglomerate that later became Dickinson Robinson Group. Apart from paper, the Robinsons were famous for cricket: Mark Robinson’s grandfather, Sir Foster Robinson, was captain of Gloucester; other members of the family played for, and captained, Gloucestershire. Mark Robinson was educated at Harrow and Christ Church, Oxford, where he read Modern History.

Mark Robinson spent six years at the UN: at the UN Relief Operation to Bangladesh; in the Office of the Under-Secretary General; and in the Office of the Secretary General, Kurt Waldheim. From 1977–83 Robinson was Assistant Director in the Office of the Commonwealth Secretary-General, who was then Sir Shridath Ramphal.

 

‘Sonny’ Ramphal was born in British Guiana. After attending schools in Georgetown, Ramphal studied law at King’s College London and was called to the bar at Gray’s Inn in 1951. So Sonny will have known Sir William Mars-Jones, who grew up in Denbighshire, a leading light at Gray’s Inn who was a mate of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse and President of UCNW. Mars-Jones and his family in north Wales provided years of protection for Dafydd et al.

As a pupil barrister Ramphal worked with the British politician and lawyer Dingle Foot. Sir Dingle Foot was born in Plymouth and was Liberal MP for Dundee, 1931-45. He joined the Labour Party in 1956 and was the Labour MP for Ipswich, 1957-70. John Allen came from Ipswich before arriving in north Wales in the late 1960s and opening the Bryn Alyn Community. Ipswich was also the base of Dr John W. Paulley and his wife. Paulley carried out harmful experimentation on his patients and Paulley’s wife ran a counselling and family therapy centre, which I suspect concealed organised abuse. Paulley was involved with the establishment of the University of Buckingham. See post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’ for further information on Paulley and his network.

Dingle Foot was Solicitor General, 1964-67, in Harold Wilson’s Gov’t. Wilson’s Gov’t concealed the abuse and criminality in north Wales and of course the sexual offences of George Thomas, who got on very well with Harold Wilson. Thomas was a junior Minister in the Welsh Office whilst Dingle was Solicitor General. The Secretary of State for Wales above Thomas was Lord Cledwyn, Labour MP for Anglesey, 1951-79 and friend of the Windbag and his extended family (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’).

Dingle Foot was the eldest son of Isaac Foot, solicitor and founder of the Plymouth law firm, Foot and Bowden. Isaac was Liberal MP for Bodmin, 1922-24 and again from 1929-35 and also a Lord Mayor of Plymouth. Dingle’s brother was Michael Foot, who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang and of course of George Thomas (see post ‘Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks…’). Another brother was Lord John Foot, a Liberal politician; another was Hugh, Lord Caradon, Governor of Cyprus and British Ambassador to the UN and yet another brother was Christopher, a solicitor who joined the family firm. Dingle also had two sisters. His nephew, Hugh’s son, was the journalist Paul Foot. Who campaigned on behalf of many people experiencing injustices but not anyone who was the victim of the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles or their friends.

Dingle Foot died on 18 June 1978 in a hotel in Hong Kong, after choking on a bone in a chicken sandwich. I don’t know if anyone actually witnessed his death. Peter Morrison, who had been the Tory MP for Chester since 1974 and who was looking forward to a Cabinet career when his mate Thatch became PM, must have been quite relieved when old Dingle pegged out. As must have been a great many other people, who weren’t Labour supporting paedophiles like George Thomas, but were paedophiles who supported the Tories. Croesor in north Wales was a village where many radicals and activists on the left spent the summer and they knew about Dafydd and the gang (see post ‘The Village’). Bertrand Russell, who lived in nearby Penrhyndeudraeth, was friends with some of this crowd and he knew about Dafydd et al as well. I suspect that Dafydd proved quite useful to Russell. Many of the Croesor contingent were lefties who knew Michael Foot and would have been delighted to bring Thatcher down, but the problem was that many people on the left were colluding with the sexual exploitation of young people as well.

 

Dingle’s pupil barrister Ramphal also studied law at Harvard. Ramphal started his legal career as a Crown Counsel in the Attorney-General’s Office in 1953, becoming Solicitor-General and then Assistant Attorney-General of the short-lived West Indies Federation. After a period in private practice in Jamaica he returned to Guyana in 1965 to be the Attorney General. Two years later Ramphal was also appointed Minister of State in the Ministry of External Affairs, later becoming Minister of Justice (from 1973) and Minister of Foreign Affairs (from 1972). In 1975 he left Guyana to be Commonwealth Secretary-General.

Ramphal served as the Chancellor of the University of Warwick, 1989-02, was at the University of the West Indies until 2003 and was then Chancellor of the University of Guyana. In 1995, along with Swedish PM Ingvar Carlsson – who became PM after the assassination of Olof Palme in 1986 – Ramphal was one of the co-chairs of the Commission on Global Governance. In the same year, the Commission on Global Governance produced a controversial report, ‘Our Global Neighbourhood’. The report was attacked because it calling for UN reforms that would increase the UN’s power. It was also criticised for the use of the term ‘global governance’ rather than ‘world federalism’.

The Commission on Global Governance was established in 1992 with the full support of the UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who oversaw the UN at a time when it dealt with several world crises, including the breakup of Yugoslavia and the Rwandan genocide. Neither of which were the UN’s finest hour.

 

Mark Robinson’s background at the UN and Commonwealth resulted in his appointment to the Foreign Affairs Select Committee after his election for Newport West in 1983, a position he held until in 1985 when Thatch transferred him to the Welsh Office. By 1985, I had already written to the GMC about Gwynne and raised concerns with UCNW (Bangor University) regarding his presence in the Student Health Centre. By that time Mary Wynch had been given leave by the Master of the Rolls Lord Donaldson to sue Dafydd et al after she was unlawfully arrested and imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and then in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and Alison Taylor had raised concerns about the abuse of children in care in north Wales.

At the time of the Westland Affair, Mark Robinson was still a Minister in the Welsh Office, colluding with Dafydd and the gang.

Robinson lost his seat at the 1987 General Election and was re-elected in 1992 for Somerton and Frome. By that time I and my two friends who worked in the media had been hounded out of our jobs (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). Robinson was appointed PPS to the Minister for Overseas Development, Baroness Lynda Chalker and the Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary, Douglas Hurd. Robinson has since served as a Commonwealth election observer.

 

Lynda Chalker was Tory MP for Wallasey, 1974-92. Wallasey is a constituency in Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Chalker was educated at Roedean, Heidelberg University, Queen Mary University of London and the Poly of Central London (now the University of Westminster). She worked as a statistician and market researcher, including a spell with Shell-Mex, before entering the Commons. Chalker held a number of Gov’t posts, including spell at the DHSS, 1979–82. Being a statistician, Chalker would have noticed the very high suicide rate in north Wales, the high number of deaths at Risley Remand Centre, the fact that Dafydd had more patients on 12 month sections than any other Top Doc in the UK and the enormous number of children in care from right across the UK who had been placed in the numerous children’s homes in north Wales. Chalker would have noticed the dire state of the finances at Gwynedd Health Authority and Clwyd County Council. She’d have known about Mary Wynch’s case as well because the shit hit the fan as a result of that in 1979-80.

Chalker served as a junior Minister at the Dept of Transport, 1982–83. In 1983 she became Minister of State at Transport and she was Minister for Europe, 1986-89. Professor Oliver Brooke of St George’s Hospital Medical School was jailed for the possession of child porn in Dec 1986. Brooke was a key figure in a pan-European paedophile ring and was involved in an international trade in child porn. Brooke’s colleagues at St George’s continued to facilitate and collude with Dafydd et al in north Wales and a paedophile ring in south London. John Allen owned a villa in the south of France where he took kids in care ‘for holidays’ and Dafydd ‘held clinics’ in France.

Chalker was Minister for Overseas Development and Africa, 1989-97.

In June 1974, Chalker was awarded an Honorary Citizenship from President Guebuza for services to Mozambique.

Chalker was given a peerage in 1992, after losing her seat in the General Election, days before that Brighton firebomb.

Chalker is the Founder and President of Africa Matters Limited, an ‘independent consultancy providing advice and assistance to companies initiating, developing or growing their activities in Africa’. She is a member of the international advisory board of Lafarge, a French company which produces cement, aggregates and concrete. The victims of Dafydd probably end up in their products as parts of flyovers. Chalker sits on the Board of Trustees of the Investment Climate Facility for Africa. She is a Consultant for Uganda’s Presidential Investors Roundtable (PIRT) that advises the President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, on ways to improve Uganda’s investment climate and competitiveness.

Chalker is a founding Member of the Global Leadership Foundation, an organisation which works to ‘support democratic leadership, prevent and resolve conflict through mediation and promote good governance’ in the form of democratic institutions, open markets, human rights and the rule of law. Chalker’s having great success on that front then. The Global Leadership Foundation achieves its aims ‘by making available, discreetly and in confidence, the experience of former leaders to today’s national leaders’. Is Blair involved? It sounds like the sort of thing that would appeal to him. The Global Leadership Foundation ‘is a not-for-profit organisation composed of former heads of government, senior governmental and international organisation officials who work closely with heads of government on governance-related issues of concern to them.’

Chalker is a Member of the Board of Trustees of Sentebale, a ‘charity set-up to reach Lesotho’s neediest children, many of whom are the victims of extreme poverty and the HIV/AIDS epidemic of that area’. Chalker founded the Chalker Foundation, which seeks to support the improvement of healthcare in Africa. Somehow I doubt that the needy children of Africa are going to benefit from Lynda’s largesse.

Chalker held the position of Non-Executive Director and Chairman of the Corporate Responsibility and Reputation Committee for Unilever, retiring in May 2007 having served three terms of three years. She joined the Board of Unilever as an Advisory Director in 1998, becoming a Non-Executive Director in 2004.

Professor Fergus Lowe’s empire at the School of Psychology at Bangor University was built on the back of huge grants from the ESRC and Unilever in 1992 (see post ‘Feet In Chains’). Fungus created his empire by overthrowing Dafydd’s influence in the School and then holding everyone who had colluded with or concealed Dafydd’s crimes over a barrel. Including Liverpool University, Dafydd’s alma mater, which employed – and continues to employ – many of Dafydd’s friends and associates. Philip Lever – Lord Leverhulme – was an advisory Director of Unilever  and was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1980-93 (see post ‘Heart of Darkness’).

Dr Death was MP for Plymouth Sutton and Plymouth Devonport, 1966-92 and was friends with some of the Top Docs associated with Dafydd and the north Wales gang. The Foot family were still very much a presence in Plymouth when Dr Death was the MP down there. Dr Death was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1996-09.

 

Lynda Chalker has served on the Africa Advisory Board of Renaissance Capital. She is a former Chairman of the Medicines for Malaria Venture and a former Non-Executive Director of Group Five. Chalker was shortlisted for the Grassroot Diplomat Initiative Award in 2015 for her work with ‘Africa Matters’.

In 2018, it was announced that Chalker would take over as President of the Royal Geographical Society.

Here she is, lest any disadvantaged children encounter her and need to run for their lives:

Official portrait of Baroness Chalker of Wallasey crop 2.jpg

 

Lynda Chalker holds the 20th-century record for continuous Gov’t service, along with Kenneth Clarke, Malcolm Rifkind, Tony Newton and Patrick Mayhew, as she held office for the entire duration of the Conservatives’ 18 years in power. Clarke, Newton and Mayhew knew about the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales and elsewhere, saw mountains of documentary evidence and actively concealed everything for years.

 

Chalker succeeded Ernest Marples as MP for Wallasey. Ernest Marples was a Minister under Macmillan and Douglas-Home throughout the Tory Gov’t, 1957-64. Marples was embroiled in much controversy throughout his political career, as a result of allegations of conflict of interest and dodgy financial deals, often involving companies which had been given Gov’t contracts.

In the late 1940s Marples was a director of a company called Kirk & Kirk, which was a contractor in the construction of Brunswick Wharf Power Station. Marples met civil engineer Reginald Ridgway, who was working as a contractor for Kirk & Kirk. In 1948 the two men founded Marples Ridgway and Partners, a civil engineering company. The new partnership took over Kirk & Kirk’s contract at Brunswick Wharf and in 1950 Marples severed his links with Kirk & Kirk. Marples Ridgway’s subsequent contracts included building power stations in England, the Allt na Lairige dam in Scotland, roads in Ethiopia and (significantly) England as well as a port in Jamaica. The Bath and Portland Group took over Marples Ridgway in 1964. Brunswick Wharf Power Station (also known as Blackwall) was built by Poplar Borough Council after WW II. Poplar was a borough where the organised abuse of children had existed for generations – by the 1970s, those children were being sent to children’s homes in north Wales.  By the 1990s, the stench of the scandal was so bad that people in north Wales and very rich high places in London were busy scratching each others backs to ensure that the truth never emerged (see posts ‘Apocalypse Now’ and ‘The Bodies Beneath Canary Wharf’).

Blackwall Power Station was built for the BEC (British Electricity Company), the predecessor of the CEGB. Walter McLennan Citrine, 1st Baron Citrine was Chairman of BEC/CEB (Central Electricity Board), 1947-57. Citrine was a leading British and international trade unionist. He was General Secretary of the TUC, 1926-46 and helped transform the Labour Party into a substantial force for government from 1939. Citrine was also President of the then influential International Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU), 1928-45. He was joint Secretary of the key TUC/Labour Party National Joint Council from 1931 and a Director of the UK ‘Daily Herald’, 1929-46, a mass circulation Labour paper.

Citrine was highly influential in the Labour movement. His involvement helped secure its recovery after the crushing defeat which followed the fall of the British Labour Gov’t in 1931. Citrine played a key role from the mid-1930s in reshaping Labour’s foreign policy, especially as regards re-armament and through the all-party anti-Nazi Council in which he worked with Churchill.

Citrine strengthened the TUC’s influence over the Labour Party. After Ramsay MacDonald formed a coalition with the Tories to force his policies through, Citrine led the campaign to have MacDonald expelled from the party. Citrine later supported the Attlee Gov’ts policy of nationalisation and served on the National Coal Board as well as Chairman of the CEB.

Citrine was in Liverpool and left school at the age of 12. He was a member of the ILP from 1906 and joined the Electrical Trades Union (ETU) in 1911. He was soon the leading activist for the ETU in Merseyside, the first full-time District Secretary in 1914, a post he served in until 1920, gaining much experience negotiating with major employers all round Birkenhead docks, as well as with electrical contractors in the area. Citrine became Secretary of the regional Federation of Engineering and Shipbuilding Trades (FEST) in 1919 and was elected Assistant General Secretary of the ETU in 1920. In 1924, he was appointed Assistant General Secretary of the TUC. Citrine was an enthusiastic acting General Secretary of the TUC during the General Strike of 1926 and was confirmed in that position afterwards.

With other leading figures, such as Ernest Bevin, Citrine helped change the face of British trade unionism. They took the unions from class conflict rhetoric to co-operation with employers and Gov’t in return for union recognition and industrial advances, ie. ‘from Trafalgar Square to Whitehall’.

Citrine accepted the position of Privy Councillor and this gave him total access to Churchill, the then Prime Minister and considerable influence with all Ministers on behalf of the TUC throughout WW II. Who’d have thought that Walter Citrine, born into the working classes on Merseyside and who left school at 12 would be sitting there drinking Chateau de Chasselas…

Citrine acted as an envoy for Churchill with the U.S and Soviet trade unions. This strengthened the position of the Labour ministers in Churchill’s Gov’t of 1940-45 which greatly assisted Labour’s election in 1945.

Citrine’s battled with the Communist International (the Comintern) after the General Strike. The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) and its front organisation in the unions, the Red International of Labour Unions (RILU)/later the Minority Movement, blamed the TUC leadership for the defeat of the strike. Citrine exposed this attempt by the Comintern to subvert the leaders of the British trade unions and this helped isolate British communists in the trade unions and Labour Party.

Many of the summer visitors to Croesor in north Wales during the middle years of the 20th century and their friends and colleagues who knew what Dafydd et al were up to (see post ‘The Village’) were members of the Communist Party of Great Britain and will have known about Walter Citrine and his battles. Such as Ed and David’s dad Ralph Miliband.

Citrine had originally been a keen supporter of the Russian Revolution and trade with the Soviet Union. He was one of the first to visit the Soviet Union in 1925 and did so again in 1935, 1941, 1943 and 1956. However, as President of the IFTU, based in Berlin from 1931-6, Citrine saw the rise of Hitler and the destruction of the huge German trade union and labour movement as partly the fault of the communists’ divisive tactics. He and Bevin were determined to prevent such an occurrence in Britain and this perhaps gave them a heightened sense of communist conspiracy in their dealings with internal opposition within the unions and the Labour Party. This caused much hostility to him amongst minority Left forces, such as the Socialist League, which would colour the attitude of many on the Left to him thereafter. Michael Foot’s biography of Nye Bevan is indicative of this.

In April 1940 Citrine and his colleagues in the TUC sued the ‘Daily Worker’ (which later became the ‘Morning Star’) for libel. Mr Justice Stable found for Citrine and the TUC. Sir Ronnie Waterhouse was friends with Justice Owen Stable’s son Philip. Citrine and his colleagues were awarded substantial damages and costs, but these were never paid, as the ‘Daily Worker’ changed publishers two days after the judgement. The TUC subsequently published the full judgement in a pamphlet by Citrine entitled ‘Citrine and others v Pountney: The Daily Worker Libel Case 1940’.

Citrine visited Finland in Jan 1940, at the height of its Winter War against the Soviet Union. In Oct 1941, a TUC delegation under Citrine’s leadership travelled to the Soviet Union as part of Churchill’s diplomatic efforts following the German invasion of Russia to bring the Soviet Union into the alliance against Germany.

It was at the invitation of the Minister of Fuel and Power, Manny Shinwell MP, that in 1946 Citrine was invited to join the newly nationalised NCB and given a welfare role for its then 700,000 or so miners (pithead baths, Summer Schools and machinery for joint consultation). Citrine served for a year until Shinwell again recommended his appointment as Chairman of the BEC (from 1955 the Central Electricity Authority) and in 1947, PM Attlee confirmed this appointment. Citrine served in this capacity for ten years, then remaining on the Board until 1962 in a part-time capacity.

Walter Citrine was given a peerage in 1946 and was an active attender of debates in the Lords in the 1960s.

 

In his capacity as Chair of the BEC/CEA, Walter Citrine will have been involved with Windscale Power Station. It is possible that Windscale was built by Marples Ridgway, but I haven’t been able to confirm this. On 10 Oct 1957 a fire at Windscale led to Britain’s worst nuclear accident. The reactors at Windscale had been built as part of the British post-war atomic bomb project. Windscale Pile No. 1 was operational in Oct 1950 followed by Pile No. 2 in June 1951. The 1957 fire burned for three days and there was a release of radioactive contamination that spread across the UK and Europe. On the morning of 11 Oct 1957, when the fire was at its worst, eleven tons of uranium were ablaze. Temperatures became extreme (one thermocouple registered 1,300 °C) and the biological shield around the stricken reactor was in severe danger of collapse.

The fire released an estimated 740 terabecqueres (20,000 curies) of iodine -131, as well as 22 TBq (594 curies) of caesium-137 and 12,000 TBq (324,000 curies) of xenon-133, among other radionuclides. Later reworking of contamination data has shown national and international contamination may have been higher than previously estimated. The Three Mile Island accident in 1979 released 25 times more xenon-135 than Windscale, but much less iodine, caesium and strontium. Estimates by the Norwegian Institute of Air Research indicate that atmospheric releases of xenon-133 by the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster were broadly similar to those released at Chernobyl and thus well above the Windscale fire releases.

Radioactive releases compared (TBq)
Material Half life Windscale Three Mile Island (compared to Windscale) Chernobyl Fukushima Daiichi
(atmospheric)
Iodine-131 8.0197 days 740 much less 1,760,000 130,000
Caesium-137 30.17 years 22 much less 79,500 35,000
Xenon-133 5.243 days 12,000 6,500,000 17,000,000
Xenon-135 9.2 hours 25 × Windscale
Strontium-90 28.79 years much less 80,000
Plutonium 6,100

 

The presence of the chimney scrubbers at Windscale was credited with maintaining partial containment and thus minimising the radioactive content of the smoke that poured from the chimney during the fire. These scrubbers were installed at great expense on the insistence of John Cockcroft and were known as Cockcroft’s Folly until the 1957 fire.

In 2007, tapes released to the BBC revealed that there had been a major cover-up regarding the Windscale fire and the reasons why this was. Scientists had been warning about the dangers of an accident for some time and the safety margins of the radioactive materials inside the reactor were being further and further eroded. Physicists at the Nuclear Research Laboratory in Harwell, Oxfordshire, were among those highlighting the potential dangers. However politicians and the military ignored the warnings; instead they increased demands on Windscale to produce material for an H-bomb. A succession of British PMs since WW II had been determined to persuade the Americans to share the secrets of their nuclear weapons with Britain. Harold Macmillan believed that if Britain could develop an H-bomb on the scale of the Americans, Britain would be treated as a nuclear equal and an alliance would be formed. At the very time that the fire at Windscale was being fought, with everyone involved unsure of whether they’d be able to bring the incident under control, Macmillan was arranging a summit in Washington. It laid the foundation of Britain’s ‘special relationship’ with the US.

Macmillan realised that if the American Congress knew that the fire at Windscale had been the result of reckless decisions taken in an attempt to produce an H-bomb, they might veto Macmillan’s and Eisenhower’s plans. Thus Macmillan covered up the true cause of the fire and issued a report saying that the accident had been caused by an ‘error of judgement’ by the Windscale workers. For 50 yrs, the official record on the accident was that the men who had in fact averted a potentially devastating accident were to blame for causing it. A subsequent inquiry cleared the Windscale workers.

 

Gov’t lies about the cause of the fire at Windscale might explain the roots of one of the many mysteries in which I have taken an interest. It does of course concern Dafydd. Before Dafydd embarked upon his glorious career in medicine at Liverpool University, in the early 1950s, he had already been thrown out of another degree course – I think that it was chemistry – at another university. Dafydd had been given a prestigious scholarship and the world was very angry when the Bethesda boy who had been given such an opportunity screwed it up. I don’t know why Dafydd was kicked out, but I expect that the wrongdoing involved will have been substantial, Dafydd doesn’t do things by halves. Yet somehow, after this huge disgrace that was very well-known and on his record, Dafydd subsequently bagged a place to do medicine at Liverpool – and the money to support himself while he did it. Back in Dafydd’s day, places at medical school weren’t as precious as they are now and medicine was not such a prestigious subject academically, but if one had previously buggered up a university place, one did not get another chance.

So how did Dafydd get through the doors of Liverpool University? It will have been nepotism because Dafydd and Liverpool Medical School only operate on nepotism, but knowing Dafydd, it won’t have been based on the nepotistic kindness of someone thought that he was a lovely young man who would make a good doctor. Dafydd will have had shit on someone so great that arms were twisted.

Before Dafydd went to Liverpool University, he worked at Windscale. The Legend of Dr DA that has been handed down through the Welsh mists tells us that it was whilst he was working as ‘an atomic scientist at Windscale’ that Dafydd decided that his future lay in medicine. Dafydd won’t have been an atomic scientist, but he was doing something at Windscale. Being Dafydd, if he was just cleaning the loos he’d have been creeping around variously ingratiating himself to or threatening people. Dafydd found something out whilst he was working at Windscale, which must have been very soon after Windscale opened, that had people jumping when he told them to jump for the rest of his life…

Dafydd’s adventures at Windscale might also explain why Gov’ts of all hues appointed nuclear physicists to preside over Top Docs when the Top Docs became even more uncontrollable than usual. Nuclear physicist Sir Alec Merrison Chaired an Inquiry regarding the pay and conditions of the Top Docs set up by Keith Joseph in 1973 (which reported in 1975) as well as the Royal Commission on the NHS, set up in 1976 by Barbara Castle, which reported in 1979. Barbara Castle as Secretary of State, along with her Health Minister Dr Death, allegedly chose Merrison to Chair the Royal Commission because he was a supporter of the NHS (see post ‘The History, Boys…’). It was of course nuclear physicist Lord Brian Flowers of Imperial College who was given domain over the Top Docs of London University whilst they committed huge research frauds and colluded with Dafydd’s sex trafficking gang.

Merrison and Flowers both had years of experience in the nuclear industry. Merrison had worked at the Atomic Energy Research Establishment Harwell, 1946-51. It was the physicists at Harwell who raised concerns about the dangerous design of/practices at Windscale. Merrison left Harwell for a post at the University of Liverpool. He was in that post when Dafydd was given a place to study medicine at Liverpool. Sir Alec Merrison remained at Liverpool until 1969, when he became VC of Bristol University. Dr D.G.E. Wood studied medicine at Bristol in the late 1960s and of course David Hunt had an association with Bristol University. Somehow I don’t think that Merrison being a supporter of the NHS will have been the driver behind him Chairing Royal Commissions concerning that organisation.

Even if Dafydd didn’t find out about the cause of the fire at Windscale, he probably did know that there had been some sort of cover-up. Dafydd would have also known something else that would have given him great blackmailing potential and ideas for his future business. That Ernest Marples, the MP for Wallasey, Minister in Macmillan’s Gov’t and the Director of the company that was building power stations and many other major infrastructure projects for the Gov’t, was using prostitutes. As of course were Harold Macmillan’s friends and Ministers (see post ‘In Memoriam – Bronwen, Lady Astor’). Macmillan’s wife was enjoying herself with various people as well, including the Conservative politician Lord Bob Boothby, who was bisexual and hanging out with gangsters, including the Krays (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’).

 

When Lord Denning conducted his 1963 investigation into the security aspects of the Profumo Affair and the rumoured affair between the Minister of Defence Duncan Sandys and the Duchess of Argyll, Denning confirmed to Macmillan that the rumour that Marples regularly used prostitutes was true. The story was suppressed and did not appear in Denning’s final report. By that time, Dafydd was working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and had been put in charge of the women’s wing. Nine hundred women, virtually all of them banged up because they had pregnancies which were inconvenient to other people or were saying things that might cause embarrassment to other people. For example that certain people were having sex with them or others when those certain people really didn’t want anyone to know that. Furthermore, not so far away from Denbigh, in Croesor were Sir Clough Williams-Ellis and his wife Amabel, who was a member of the Strachey family of ‘Bloomsbury set’ fame. Then there were all Clough’s friends who visited him or rented cottages on his estate, an assortment of alternatives and radicals. Including Bertrand Russell, who was highly sexually exploitative and had a few members of his family banged up on the grounds that they were insane as evidenced by their outrageous allegations about him (see post ‘So Who Was Angry About What?’).

 

Ernest Marples was given a peerage in 1974, but then in early 1975 suddenly fled to Monte Carlo, just before the end of the tax year, fearing that he would otherwise be liable for a substantial tax bill.

The flight came at a time when Marples was facing problems on several fronts. Tenants of his block of flats in Harwood Court, Upper Richmond Road, Putney, were demanding that he repair serious structural faults and had threatened legal action. Marples was being sued for £145,000 by the Bankers Trust merchant bank in relation to an agreement made with the French company Ernest Marples et Cie. He was also being sued by John Holmes, the chartered surveyor and Director of Marples’ property company Ecclestone Enterprises, for wrongful dismissal and who was claiming £70,000 in damages. The Inland Revenue was demanding that he pay nearly 30 years back taxes on his residence in Eccleston Street, Belgravia, London, as well as capital gains tax on his properties in Kensington. In addition, in 1974, Marples had lost 130 cases of wine to a fire in a store he owned under a railway line in Brixton and he had been convicted of drinking and driving for which he received a one-year ban and a £45 fine.

Marples’s departure came in the wake of the failure of a plan to avoid paying tax on his properties by involving a Liechtenstein-based company with which he had been involved for more than ten years. He was to sell his Harwood Court block of flats for £500,000 to Vin International which would refurbish and sell them for between £2.25 million and £2.5 million. Marples would only be liable for capital gains tax at 30% on the transfer to Vin which, as an offshore company, would only be liable for stamp duty at 2%. The plan failed following the change of Gov’t in 1974. After reports of this plan were published in the ‘Daily Mirror’, the Treasury froze Marples’ assets in Britain. In Nov 1977, he paid £7,600 to the British government in settlement of his breach of exchange control regulations, following which Marples made a return to London.

Marples’ final years were spent on his 45-acre vineyard estate in Fleurie, France. He died in a Monte Carlo hospital on 6 July 1978.

 

It is only since researching for this blog post that I have found out who Marples was and the extent of his wrongdoing. But there is someone in north Wales who knew of Marples – the Hergest patient, F, whom I discussed in my posts ‘Killing Floor – I Know Cos I Was There!’ and ‘An Appalling Vista’.  F is the man who claimed to have detailed information about the death of Jimi Hendrix and F alleged medical negligence; it was F who was fitted up for drugs and violently assaulted by the North Wales Police and who then experienced a psychotic episode as a result and set fire to his house after being refused help by Til, the thuggish neighbour in Carneddi who worked for S4C; F who was then arrested by the officers who had fitted him up and was detained in Risley Remand Centre where he heard the other inmates screaming as the screws beat them up; F who was then sent into the care of Dafydd at Denbigh although by that time he was no longer psychotic, but was given amphetamines by one of Dafydd’s drugs patients and was then kept in Denbigh for a year. There was never any investigation into any part of this. F disappeared within the psychiatric system and was forever after dismissed as a ‘chronic schizophrenic’.

F however had a sense of humour and thought that Dafydd was ‘a bit of a twat’. F knew that Dafydd was sexually exploiting female patients and F also knew that Mary Wynch’s mother died in questionable circumstances in one of Dafydd’s ‘nursing homes’. So F used to take the piss out of Dafydd. It was F who said to Dafydd after Dafydd accused him of lying, ‘I lied, you murdered’.

F used to talk about the Minster for Transport Marples a great deal, although for some reason F confused Ernest Marples with his wife, Lady Marples. But the reason why F made frequent references to ‘Mrs Marples’ was that F’s mother, a middle class business woman in Surrey, took part in a campaign to have Marples removed as a Minister back in the 1950s. F’s mother had attended an angry meeting of concerned people who confronted Marples and she lost her temper and hit Marples with a placard that read ‘Marples Must Go’. F’s mum then rushed back to the family home and there was concern that she might be arrested, but she wasn’t. F told everyone he knew about the day that his mother ‘hit Mrs Marples over the head with a placard and nearly got arrested’.

The game that the Angels played in north Wales was to maintain that the patients were all completely mad and could not be believed. However, if a high profile name was mentioned, or a mention of an influential friend or relative, those Angels clocked it, noted it and it was conveyed back to Dafydd Central. On every occasion. Even if F had never mentioned ‘Mrs Marples’ in front of Dafydd or an Angel – which he almost certainly had – F sat in my house and told me about it, several times and he told Brown as well. We now know that the security services had us under surveillance and had been bugging us and just about everyone else back as far as at least the early 1980s. They will have known about F’s mum and Ernest Marples and they were using all info gathered to protect Dafydd and the paedophile gang, not us.

The mountain of manure which was being concealed became ever higher with every minute that passed.

 

Now to return to Mark Robinson, the junior Minister who was the first umbrella of Dafydd’s to write to me and who subsequently found himself as the MP for a constituency near many people from my days in Somerset who were paid to keep quiet about what was happening to me.

Mark Robinson’s boss after Lynda Chalker was Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd. Hurd’s stint as Foreign Secretary, 1989-95, followed his time as Home Secretary, 1985-89. It was while Hurd was Home Secretary that Dafydd and the paedophile gang fitted people – including me – up with the assistance of the Home Office and corrupt police officers. Kids in care and mental health patients in north Wales were the victims of serious crimes on the part of the paedophile gang and their associates, but there were no investigations. Documentation was forged and this was happening in the Home Office as well. Hurd was the nephew of the botanist Prof Edred Henry Corner, who was known to some of the botanists at Bangor University who were colluding with Dafydd and the gang, one of whom was Dr D.G.E. Wood’s wife. For further details see posts ‘Security, Security’ and ‘Additional Security Measures’.

Hurd had been a favourite pupil of Baroness Jean Trumpington’s husband Alan Barker when Hurd was at Eton and in her autobiography Trumpers boasts that it was Hurd who, at the request of Barker, in 1979 secured her the position of UK delegate to the UN Commission on the Status of Women, in which role Trumpers managed to cause a few diplomatic incidents. In 1980 Thatch made Trumpers a Baroness and before long a junior Health Minister and it was in this capacity that Trumpers appointed Jimmy Savile to the management of Broadmoor Hospital – where some of the victims of Dafydd and the gang were ending up (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’). Savile visited Bryn Estyn on one occasion and a former resident of Bryn Estyn alleged that Savile witnessed him being sexually assaulted by a group of men.

Hurd also knew that kids in care were being found dead in Risley Remand Centre and that a visiting clap clinic was deemed necessary for the ‘medical wing’ – which was full of Dafydd’s patients. It was Hurd who was Home Secretary when Risley finally erupted into an uncontrollable riot in 1989. For details of the shameful state of Risley under Home Secretary Hurd, see post ‘Include Me Out’.

 

David Heathcoat-Amory, the Tory MP for Wells, 1983-2010, was another Somerset MP who would have had an interest in Westland. Heathcoat-Amory is the son of Brigadier Roderick Heathcoat-Amory and the nephew of Harold Macmillan’s Chancellor of the Exchequer, Derick Heathcoat-Amory.

David Heathcoat-Amory was educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford. He was President of the Oxford University Conservative Association and was a contemporary of John Redwood, William Waldegrave, Edwina Currie and Gyles Brandreth. Redwood was Secretary of State for Wales, 1993-95, when Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends made repeated attempts to have me imprisoned on the basis of their perjury. By that time, the dosh was certainly rolling into the pockets of people in Somerset. Waldegrave was Health Secretary, 1990-92, so his term of office covered the stuffing over of me at St George’s Hospital Medical School and my friends at that the Royal Television Society and the BBC (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). It was in about 1990 that the fortunes of the Somerset contingent seemed to take an inexplicable upward turn. Edwina was a junior Minister in Health at the same time as Trumpers and Trumpers allowed Edwina to take the blame for Savile being let loose in Broadmoor. Edwina admitted in 1990 in her ‘Diaries’ that it was widely known that Peter Morrison was molesting children and such was the panic in the Tory Party that she feared what people would do to conceal this.

Well now you know Edwina, they tried to murder my friends and I and had already succeeded in killing one of us by the time that you wrote that entry.

Gyles Brandreth succeeded Morrison as the MP for Chester. He discusses in his autobiography how local people and members of the constituency association openly shuddered at the recent memories of Morrison molesting ‘little boys’. See posts ‘I Want Serious Money Now Please’ and ‘It’s The Sun Wot Won It’.

Heathcoat-Amory qualified as an accountant in 1974 and joined Price Waterhouse. In 1980, he was appointed as the assistant finance director of the British Technology Group (BTG) where he remained until he was elected as MP in 1983. He is also a farmer with employees. Heathcoat-Amory’s various positions in Parliament included PPS to John Moore in 1985, when Moore was Financial Secretary to the Treasury. Moore was Secretary of State for Social Services/Social Security, 1987-89, in which capacity he concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al. Heathcoat-Amory was PPS to Douglas Hurd, 1987-88, when Hurd was Home Secretary. Heathcoat-Amory was Minister of State for Europe, 1993-94.

Heathcoat-Amory’s younger son, Matthew, committed suicide in 2001. His nephew Edward Heathcoat-Amory used to write for the ‘Daily Mail’ and has written for ‘The Spectator’. Paul Johnson, who was a youthful Labour supporter and mates with Sir Ronnie Waterhouse but then evolved into a right wing journalist involved with ‘The Spectator’, purchased an estate at Over Stowey in Somerset in approx the late 1970s. Johnson’s son Cosmo was friendly with at least one of those known to me who found themselves in receipt of so much money. Johnson’s wife is psychotherapist and former Labour parliamentary candidate Marigold Hunt, daughter of Dr Thomas Hunt who was physician to Churchill, Attlee and Eden. Johnson’s son Luke is the former Chairman of Channel 4. Marigold’s niece is Celia Walden, who is married to Piers Morgan.

 

There was another politician whom I believe played a major role in the good fortune of some of those who knew what was happening to me in north Wales – in particular Janet Mitchell – and that was Graham Watson, the Lib Dem MEP for Somerset and North Devon, Somerset and North Devon, 1994-99 and for South West England, 1999-14. Graham Watson might not have been a player at the time of the Westland Affair, but he certainly proved useful a few years down the line.

Watson was born on the Isle of Bute. His father was an officer in the Royal Navy and his mother a teacher. Watson was educated at the City of Bath Boys’ School and attended Heriot-Watt University where he studied languages.  He worked as an administrator at Paisley College of Technology (1980-83). He now speaks four European languages.

Watson had begun his political activity in the National League of Young Liberals in 1972. As international officer of the Scottish Young Liberals he became involved in the International Federation of Liberal Youth, becoming a Vice-President (1977) then General Secretary (1979) of the organisation. Watson was a founder of the European Communities’ Youth Forum. He served as a Council member of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party, 1983-93. Between 1983-87 Watson also served as head of the private office of then leader of the Liberals, Sir David Steel. 

Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith, Paddy Pantsdown, Dr Death… I need not continue. Graham had accumulated dynamite on a great many people.

In 1988 Graham Watson began work for HSBC in London and Hong Kong. His work there included three months with the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and gave him an interest in the Far East. He is now an adviser to the Asia Pacific Public Affairs Forum and is learning Mandarin Chinese.

Watson was Leader of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party in the European Parliament, 2002-04. He was Leader of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe in the European Parliament, 2004-09 and President of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party, 2011-15. Watson is a supporter of the Campaign for the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly, an organisation which advocates for democratic reformation of the United Nations. Obviously, Watson will want to be their leader.

Watson and his wife lived in Langport for years, but they now live in Brussels and Edinburgh, having extracted every drop of capital possible from the victims of a vicious paedophile gang and having found that they have bled Somerset and its opportunities dry.

 

The Westland Affair originated with Alan Bristow’s £89 million bid for the company in April 1985. Thatcher’s Gov’t forced the Westland Board to accept the bid from Bristow Rotorcraft. By June, Bristow was threatened to pull out unless the Gov’t assured him that there would be future orders for the company from the MoD and that the repayment of over £40 million of launch aid for Westland’s newest helicopter from the DTI was waived.

 

Alan Bristow was born in south London and after serving in WW II, he joined Westland as its first helicopter test pilot but was sacked after attacking the company’s sales manager. Bristow worked as a freelance helicopter pilot and then started his own helicopter trading and operating company in 1949. Bristow then provided helicopter spotting services for Aristotle Onassis’s pirate whaling fleet in the Antarctic. Bristow started operating flights in aid of oil exploration in the Persian Gulf. Bristow Helicopters Ltd eventually expanded to cover most of the globe outside Russia and Alaska, with notable profit centres in the British North Sea, Nigeria, Iran, Australia, Malaysia and Indonesia.

In 1968, Bristow took over from Freddie Laker as the Chairman of British United Airways. After leading the 1970 merger with Caledonian Airways to form British Caledonia, Bristow then returned to Chair Bristow Helicopters.

 

Bristow’s reign over the British helicopter sector came to an end in 1985 after he fell out with Lord Cayzer, whose family holding company British & Commonwealth was one of the shareholders brought in by Freddie Laker. Bought out by the Cayzers, Bristow retired and the company’s fortunes declined with the North Sea oil industry.

A keen equestrian, Bristow represented Great Britain at four-in-hand carriage driving with Phil the Greek.

Bristow claimed to have been offered a knighthood if he would return to the negotiating table to help Thatcher’s Gov’t out of its embarrassment re Westland.

 

Defence Secretary Heseltine was uninterested in Westland helicopters when initially approached by Tebbit, the then Trade and Industry Secretary, because plenty of American helicopters were available to meet Britain’s defence requirements. Heseltine attended two meetings about Westland’s future in June 1985, Chaired by Thatch. It was decided that Tebbit should persuade the Bank of England to co-operate with the main creditors in the hope that a recovery plan and new management would end the threat of receivership.

Brown and I had raised serious concerns with the Top Docs and Bangor University about Gwynne the lobotomist in the summer of 1984, after which Brown and I were threatened several times by Dr D.G.E. Wood. I also wrote to the GMC. It was in approx June 1985 that I also raised concerns about Dr Tony Francis. Francis had lied to me, denied that he had lied and was unlawfully witholding my medical records. For a long time I thought that perhaps Francis had simply made a mistake, not felt able to admit to it and the situation escalated unnecessarily. It was only relatively recently that I have discovered that Francis was actually fully on board with Dafydd, Gwynne and the paedophiles, was doing some pretty terrible things to patients without their knowledge and was probably far more dangerous than Dafydd and Gwynne because he wasn’t obviously identifiably mad to anyone within five minutes of meeting him. However, everybody who worked with Tony Francis did know that he was a troubled and dangerous doctor. No-one was warned. Patients remained on his list, were told by Angels that he was doing his best for them and were urged to return for more appointments  if they said that they didn’t want any more ‘services’ and new patients were referred to Francis as well.

 

Bristow withdrew his bid and in late June Sir – later Lord – John Cuckney was brought in as Chairman of Westland. Cuckney was educated at Shrewsbury School and then read medicine at the University of St Andrews, returning to the University after service with the Royal Northumberland Fusiliers and the King’s African Rifles during WWII to study history and economics. He was recruited by MI5 ‘with whom he served until 1959’. Although I doubt if he stopped serving then. ‘No-one leaves the Mafia’ after all. Particularly if there are lefties and service users Who Know to be dealt with and a load of greedy bastards from Somerset.

 

Cuckney’s time in MI5 featured in Peter Wright’s book ‘Spycatcher’ where Wright described him as ‘a tough, no-nonsense’ officer. After leaving MI5, Cuckney worked in the City at stockbrokers Standard Industrial Group, before joining merchant bank Lazards, where he became the first Director to resign in over 100 years. Cuckney then established Anglo-Eastern Bank with Sir David Alliance, specialising in trade finance between Britain and the Middle East.

Cuckney was appointed Chairman of the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board in 1970. He left in 1972 to become the first Chief Executive of the Property Services Agency to set up to manage the Gov’ts property estate. In 1974 Cuckney moved to the Crown Agents, which was in financial difficulty. He joined as Chairman and separated out the military sales arm as International Military Services (an MoD company), which he also became Chairman of and served until 1985. He left the Crown Agents in 1978, and briefly joined the Port of London Authority.

Cuckney subsequently became Director and/or Chairman of various companies, including travel company Thomas Cook, Midland Bank, tea company Brooke Bond, engineering firm John Brown, Westland, Royal Insurance, Investors in Industry (later 3i), Glaxo and Orion Publishing Group.

Cuckney had gained a reputation as a ‘the company doctor who never lost a patient’ following his involvement with the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board, Crown Agents, and John Brown. As Chairman of Westland, Cuckney’s favoured option of Sikorsky merging with Westland prevailed. You might not have lost your patient Westland Lord Cuckney, but a great many patients in north Wales died.

Following the Westland Affair, in 1992 Cuckney was appointed as an adviser to Peter Lilley, Secretary of State for Social Services – who also concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang – following the death of Cap’n Bob and the discovery that the Cap’n had stolen hundreds of millions of pounds from his companies’ pension funds. Cuckney headed the Maxwell Pensioners’ Trust and in 1995, brokered a £276 million out-of-court settlement, known as the Major Settlement, between the pension schemes and those institutions against which the schemes had potential legal claims.

So Cuckney sorted out the mess left behind by Cap’n Bob, but Dafydd was too much for him. If your mates from MI5 had helped extract my medical records for me Lord Cuckney, I could have published an insider’s account of the Top Docs’ criminality for you all years ago. You wouldn’t have had to keep paying the BMA whatever they demanded and Blair would never have become PM on the basis of his knowledge of the sordid business involved in concealing the Westminster Paedophile Ring and then caused a few more hundred layers of problems.

John Cuckney was given a peerage in 1995. When the world was told lies about Dafydd retiring, about the North Wales Hospital closing down, about there being no paedophile ring in north Wales, oh you all get the picture. John Cuckney sleeps in the Lords as a Conservative. Don’t bother to wake him up, he couldn’t stop a firebomb being thrown into a building with five key witnesses in there when his MI5 colleagues had every hospital, docs surgery, university, phone line and even the houses of targets bugged, whatever would he be able to contribute to the the Lords.

 

Re Westland, Cuckney proposed that a new minority shareholder of 29.9% be introduced. No British firm was willing, but Sikorsky was interested. Cuckney proposed that Westland merge with United Technologies Corporation, of which the US company Sikorsky was a subsidiary. Heseltine opposed this plan after realising that Westland would probably become responsible for assembling the Sikorsky UH-60 Black Hawk, which the Ministry of Defence would then be under great pressure to buy, whereas he preferred Westland to go into receivership so that British companies GEC and BAe could buy the viable parts of the business.

In mid-Oct 1985 Heseltine suggested a European consortium which would include French Aerospatiale, German MBB and Italian Agusta (Sikorsky was now negotiating a strategic linkup with Italian Fiat). Leon Brittan, who had replaced Tebbit as Trade and Industry Secretary in Sept 1985, at first urged Thatcher to consider a European option (Heseltine later claimed Brittan preferred this option, although Brittan denied this).

By mid-Oct 1985 I had contacted MPs, Ministers and the GMC about the mental health services in north Wales. People in Somerset knew that I was encountering very serious problems in north Wales. The security services had placed Brown and me under surveillance and we had already had extraordinary and upsetting encounters with two people whom we now know were working for the security services, a man called Leslie Gore, who was a psychotherapist working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’ and ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’) and a Jewish teacher from Stoke Newington, Naomi Grunfeld (see post ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’).

Leon Brittan knew all about the criminality in north Wales, as well as about the other sex trafficking rings across the UK with which the north Wales gang was linked, because Brittan had been Home Secretary, 1983-85 and was one of those concealing what was happening. It was Leon Brittan who as Home Secretary ‘lost’ files naming Westminster figures who were alleged to be abusing children and it was on Brittan’s watch that the Home Office gave a grant to an organisation campaigning on behalf of paedophiles’ rights.

By mid-Oct 1985, Alison Taylor had told the North Wales Police about the abuse of children in care in north Wales which she had witnessed. She was accused of lying and malice.

On 2 Sep 1985, Peter Morrison was moved from his position as a Minister for Employment, where his boss had been Tom King, to the role of Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan, who was at the centre of the Westland Affair.

 

Two other people who played a major role in enabling the abuse and crime in north Wales to continue unchecked also lived in Somerset at the time of Westland. Clifford Graham, who in the late 1980s and the early 1990s was the Dept of Health’s mandarin responsible for mental health as well as much else, lived in Somerset. My post ‘The Old Devils’ discusses how Cliff Graham not only presided over a totally corrupt Dept, but how everything that Cliff Graham did ensured that the abuse of patients continued to be embedded deeper and deeper into the mental health system. Graham was at the highest level of the DoH when patients were murdered in Ashworth and Broadmoor and while Savile was dropping into secure hospitals raping whichever patient he felt like. Ian Dunlop, the tame Prison Service Governor whom Hurd appointed to conduct the Inquiry after the 1989 Risley Remand Centre riots, also lived in Somerset (see post ‘Include Me Out’).

 

The Gov’t was officially neutral regarding the deals involving Westland (ie. arguing that it was a matter for Westland directors and shareholders) but by Nov 1985, Heseltine was lobbying hard for the European option. In late November Peter Levene, Chief of Procurement at the Ministry of Defence, had a meeting at the Ministry with his French, West German and Italian counterparts (the National Armaments Directors or NADs) and the representatives of the consortium, and agreed to ‘buy European’ for certain classes of helicopters. If Westland went ahead with Sikorsky, then its helicopters, under this new agreement, would be unable to be bought by the four governments. The meeting was later praised by the House of Commons Defence Select Committee. Thatcher, who only learned of the meeting through Cuckney, was displeased, as were Brittan and the Treasury, who thought the US option might be cheaper, although Thatcher and Leon Brittan kept to their official pretence of neutrality.

In Nov 1985, Sikorsky made an offer which was favourable to Westland’s management.

On 5 and 6 Dec 1985 Thatcher had two ad hoc meetings with Heseltine, Brittan, Tebbit, Willie Whitelaw (Deputy PM), Geoffrey Howe (Foreign Secretary) and Nigel Lawson (Chancellor of the Exchequer).

All of the above people knew about the crimes of Dafydd et al in north Wales. Willie Whitelaw had concealed them in numerous different roles, most obviously as Home Secretary, 1979-83, but also in his capacity as Lord President of the Council, 1983-88, which gave Whitelaw the role of visitor for the University of Wales. At the time, Wood, Dafydd, Gwynne and many others in UCNW were facilitating the trafficking ring. Carlo was Chancellor of UCNW and the sister of Peter Morrison who was a member of the sex ring was of course Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Carlo’s mum.

Geoffrey Howe, a good friend of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse, had worked for years as a lawyer on the corrupt Chester and Wales circuit and was Solicitor General under Heath. Howe was Lord President of the Council, 1989-90. It was of course Geoffrey Howe who put the fatal boot into Thatcher towards the end of 1990 for which many people were grateful, but it really was too little too late, look at the scale of the problem.

Nigel Lawson also damaged Thatcher and got rid of the idiot Alan Walters, but again, huge damage had already been done. Lawson’s constituency was in Leicestershire, bang in the middle of the paedophile gang of which Frank Beck and Greville Janner were part, which was being concealed by Top Doctors who also colluded with Dafydd (see post ‘An Expert From England’), as well as scores of people in Leicester University (see posts ‘Radical Leicester And Some More Free Radicals’ and ‘Gwlad y Menig Gwynion’), local lawyers and judges as well as Leicester City Council. And Keith Vaz of course. After Beck was jailed, the Kirkwood Report admitted that the degree of negligence on the part of the police was inexplicable. Although Kirkwood himself forgot to mention a few salient facts regarding Greville Janner.

Nigel’s daughter Nigella had been friends with some of the members of the Dangerous Sports Club when she was at Oxford. Some members of the DSC were personal friends of one of those in Somerset who bagged all that dosh (see post ‘The Village’).

Tebbit, like Whitelaw, concealed the criminality in north Wales in every way that he could. Tebbit was Chairman of the Tory Party whilst Peter Morrison was Deputy Chairman, Sept 1986-June 87 and has latterly admitted that perhaps there was a little bit of a sort of cover-up of Morrison’s  crimes.

 

Regarding the possibilities for rescuing Westland. Brittan argued that the NADs’ opposition should be set aside, but Howe and Tebbit were not unsympathetic to Heseltine’s proposed consortium, and the decision was deferred to the Cabinet Economic Affairs Committee (E(A)) on Monday 9 Dec 1985. Cuckney and a Westland financial adviser were invited to attend the E(A) meeting. Cuckney said that it was the management’s view that the Sikorsky option was the best one. A majority of the E(A) meeting agreed to dismiss the NADs’ opposition. Thatcher, who complained that three hours had been spent discussing a company with a market capitalisation of only £30m (a tiny amount in Gov’t terms), allowed Heseltine until 4 pm on Friday 13 Dec to submit a viable proposal for a European deal. He did (with BAe and GEC now part of his consortium), but Westland’s Directors rejected it and chose Sikorsky.

Heseltine had expected that there would be a second meeting of E(A) to discuss his consortium, but no such meeting was called; Thatcher later claimed that the Monday meeting had agreed to leave the decision to Westland to take, but it later emerged that Nicholas Ridley and Lord Young had placed such a meeting in their diaries and had been told by No 10 that it had been cancelled. Heseltine threatened resignation for the first time.

At Cabinet on Thurs 12 Dec 1985 Heseltine had an angry exchange with Thatcher about the allegedly cancelled meeting (Thatcher claimed that no such meeting had ever been scheduled). Westland was not on the Cabinet agenda that day and Thatcher refused to permit a discussion on the matter, arguing that Cabinet could not do so without the necessary papers. Heseltine asked for his dissent to be minuted and this was not done, although Cabinet Secretary Robert Armstrong claimed that this had been an error and added it himself.

 

Robert Armstrong was Principal Private Secretary to Ted Heath, 1970-75. Between 1979-87 he was Secretary to the Cabinet under Margaret Thatcher. He was elevated to the peerage in 1988 and sits as a crossbencher. It was Robert Armstrong who, in 1986, coined the phrase ‘economical with the truth’ when he was giving evidence in the Spycatcher trial. Armstrong was a key witness for the British Gov’t, which sought to suppress the publication of the book written by Peter Wright, a former senior member of MI5. Wright’s lawyer at the time was Malcolm Turnbull, who later became the PM of Australia. The British Gov’t were ultimately unsuccessful and Spycatcher was published.

Armstrong was Chancellor of the University of Hull, 1994-2006 and until 2013, the Chairman of the Sir Edward Heath Charitable Fund.

Armstrong has admitted that he knew about the paedophilia of Sir Peter Hayman, the British diplomat who was a member of PIE. Armstrong stated: ‘I was aware of it at the time but I was not concerned with the personal aspect of it’. It was Armstrong who gave Thatcher a veiled warning not to give Jimmy Savile a knighthood because of the allegations of child sexual abuse swirling around him – advice that Thatcher ignored.

It July 2015, the ‘Mail Online’ reported that in 1986, the then head of MI5 Sir Antony Duff wrote to Armstrong and told him that an MP had a ‘penchant for small boys’. Armstrong’s response was that ‘at the present stage…the risks of political embarrassment to the Government is rather greater than the security danger’.

In 2015 Armstrong told the ‘Mail Online’ that ‘if there is evidence it would have been properly examined at the time. I don’t think this is a matter of important people being protected. You  can’t pursue inquiries unless you have evidence on which you can base the enquiry’.

See post ‘Lord Robert Armstrong’ for more background on Armstrong.

 

On Mon 16 Dec 1985 Brittan told the Commons that the decision was up to Westland; on Wed 18 Dec Heseltine won the backing of the Commons Defence Committee for the European Consortium’s latest bid. On Thurs 19 Dec the matter was discussed at Cabinet for ten minutes: Cabinet approved leaving the decision to Westland and Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for the European option.

Over Christmas, Thatcher discussed with close colleagues the option of sacking Heseltine, as Brittan had urged her to do so, but Chief Whip John Wakeham cautioned against. Thatch later admitted in her memoirs that she shrank from sacking Heseltine as he was too popular and weighty a political figure.

Wakeham would later become Lord President of the Council, 1988-89 and following that, he was Peter Morrison’s boss at the Dept for Energy, when Morrison served as Minister of State in that Dept (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’).

 

Thatcher and ministerial colleagues spent two and a half hours writing three successive drafts of a letter threatening Heseltine with the sack, but did not send it as her Press Adviser Bernard Ingham advised that Heseltine might use it an excuse to resign.

By now the political row was being discussed in the media, ‘partly because of the lack of other news in Dec 1985′. There was plenty of news worth reporting in north Wales but no-one actually gave a stuff because the victims of the serious organised crime prevailing were kids in care and psych patients.

John Cuckney wrote to Thatcher, at her behest, asking for reassurance that the Sikorsky deal would not damage Westland’s business prospects in Europe. Heseltine was not satisfied with Thatcher’s draft reply when he saw it and consulted Sir Patrick Mayhew (Solicitor-General and acting Attorney-General as Sir Michael Havers was ill) on the grounds that the Gov’t might be legally liable for any incorrect advice.

Patrick Mayhew, in his capacity as Attorney-General, 1987-92, authorised a number of prosecutions of me for contempt of court – my imprisonment was sought on each occasion – on the basis of the perjury of the Top Doctors and Gwynedd Social Services. Forged documents were also involved. The MDU lawyers acting from Tony and Sadie Francis admitted that there was not the evidence for the claims that were being made about me in Court. Andrew Park, the crooked lawyer who was employed by the Welsh Office, also admitted in writing that the evidence for claims being made about me on oath did not exist.

Mayhew was N Ireland Secretary, 1992-97. While in office, Sein Fenn accused Mayhew of using forged documents. Now there’s a surprise.

Mayhew’s assistance to Top Docs abusing vulnerable people went back a long way. It was Mayhew who was the QC at the 1970s GMC’s fitness to practice hearing involving Dr Morris Fraser, a Top Doctor (child psychiatrist) from Belfast who had been convicted of sexually abusing a child. Fraser was allowed to continue practising and subsequently worked at St George’s/Springfield and UCH. Fraser had been involved with the Kincora Boys’ Home.

 

Heseltine supplied extra material about the risk of Westland losing European business, which Thatcher did not include in her reply to Cuckney. Thatcher replied to Cuckney to the effect that the British Gov’t would continue to support Westland in gaining orders in Europe.

In early Jan 1986, Heseltine wrote to David Horne of Lloyds Merchant Bank, who was advising the European consortium (in reply to planted questions from Horne which had been dictated to him over the phone by one of Heseltine’s staff), giving him the advice which Thatcher had declined to include in her letter to Cuckney. Contradicting Thatcher’s reassurances to Cuckney, Heseltine claimed that the Sikorsky deal would be ‘incompatible with participation’ in European helicopter projects. Heseltine’s letter was leaked to ‘The Times’. This was a blatant challenge to Thatcher’s authority as Heseltine had not consulted Downing Street, the DTI or Mayhew before writing to Horne.

Heseltine’s letter to Horne, on Thatcher’s request, was referred to the Solicitor-General, Patrick Mayhew. Mayhew sent a reply to Heseltine, noting ‘material inaccuracies’ in Heseltine’s letter, and asking Heseltine to write to Horne again, correcting them. Mayhew’s letter of rebuke to Heseltine – marked ‘Confidential’ – reached Heseltine at lunchtime on Mon 6 Jan and was immediately and selectively leaked to the Press Association by Colette Bowe, Chief Information Officer at the DTI, at Brittan’s request.

Bowe’s leaked letter led to the resignations of both Heseltine and Brittan, for which someone must have been grateful because Colette Bowe is now Dame Colette.

Bowe was Chairman of Ofcom, 2009-14, Chairman of Electra Private Equity plc, 2010–14 and Chairman of the Council of Queen Mary University of London, 2004–09. She has also served on the boards of Thames Water Utilities, London and Continental Railways, Axa IM, Morgan Stanley and the Yorkshire Building Society. She founded and was first Chairman of the Telecoms Ombudsman Service (now Ombudsman Services) in 2002–3. She was the first Chairman of the Ofcom Consumer Panel (2003–08) and has worked as the Executive Chairman of the distribution arm of Fleming Asset Management.

Bowe is the Chairman of the Banking Standards Board and the Associated Board of the Royal Schools of Music. She is the President of the Voice of the Listener and Viewer, a Trustee of The Tablet and of the Nuffield Foundation. Bowe is also a visiting fellow of Nuffield College. She is also a Board member of the UK Statistics Authority and a non-executive Director of the Dept for Transport.

An extra safe pair of hands is clearly possessed by Colette.

There was controversy over whose orders Colette Bowe was following when she dropped the clanger. The Attorney-General, Sir Michael Havers, ‘took a stern view of leaks’, especially of confidential legal advice and threatened to resign if an official inquiry was not set up to look into it. Thatcher agreed to do this.

It was Michael Havers who in his capacity as Attorney-General blocked the prosecution of a number of VIP child sex offenders, including the diplomat Sir Peter Hayman. Michael Havers was the Tory MP for Winbledon, 1970-87. A lot of Top Doctors from St George’s lived at Wimbledon, including Prof Geoffrey Chamberlain. Chamberlain was a friend of Prof Oliver Brooke, who was jailed for child porn offences in Dec 1986. Havers was Lord Chancellor, 13 June 1987-26 Oct 1987. Oliver Brooke was released on appeal in June 1987, after Lord Chief Justice Geoffrey Lane heard the appeal in May 1987. Lane compared Brooke’s enormous collection of kiddie porn – Brooke was a major figure in a pan-European paedophile ring – to a collection of cigarette cards.

I was illegally arrested and imprisoned in Denbigh by Dafydd in the same month that Oliver Brooke was jailed. Alison Taylor was suspended from her job as a social worker by Gwynedd County Council in the same month.

Havers’s sister was Lord Elizabeth Butler-Sloss, who Chaired the Inquiry into the havoc that Dafydd’s mates caused which resulted in the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal and utterly failed to grasp the enormity of what was happening (see post ‘Twas The Night Before Christmas And The Culprits Were Named’).

Cabinet met on the morning of Thurs 9 Jan 1986, with Thatcher already having agreed her position with close colleagues at Chequers that weekend and arranged that Scottish Secretary George Younger should take over as Defence Secretary if Heseltine resigned. Westland was first on the agenda, and Heseltine and Brittan were permitted to put their cases. Heseltine had won the moral high ground over the leaking saga, but Nigel Lawson recorded that he seemed obsessive at Cabinet and attracted little sympathy. Thatcher reiterated her position, which had already been endorsed by the Cabinet, that Westland’s future was a matter for Westland to decide and announced that as this was a time of business negotiations, all answers to questions about Westland must be cleared through the Cabinet Office. Heseltine agreed. In response to a question by Nicholas Ridley, Thatch then confirmed that this also applied to statements which had already been made. Heseltine argued that he should be allowed to reaffirm statements he had already made but Thatcher disagreed, arguing that Cabinet collective responsibility should be observed. Heseltine protested that there had been no collective responsibility, gathered up his papers and left.

Although eyewitness accounts differ as to the exact details, Peter Jenkins claimed that Heseltine lost his cool and proclaimed ‘I can no longer be a member of this Cabinet’. Heseltine then walked out of Downing Street and announced his resignation to the assembled media.

Thatcher then adjourned the Cabinet for a brief break. George Younger was then offered and accepted the office of Secretary of State for Defence, which Heseltine had just relinquished. The Prime Minister’s office then requested Malcolm Rifkind to take up Younger’s previous job, Secretary of State for Scotland, which he accepted. Cabinet then resumed.

At 4 pm that day – 9 Jan 1986 – at the Ministry of Defence (rather than waiting to make a statement to the Commons when it resumed four days later) Heseltine delivered a 22 minute resignation statement detailing his grievances. He blamed Thatcher’s intransigence, saying his views were ignored. He may well have prepared this earlier, although his Private Secretary Richard Mottram says not. To Thatcher’s fury, Defence officials had helped him throughout the crisis and in preparing this document. Thatcher sent a letter to Heseltine, as is customary on these occasions.

Sir Richard Mottram  entered the civil service in 1968 aged 22 after graduating from Keele University. At that time -and indeed since – Keele employed a number of people who were either paedophiles’ themselves, such as social work academic Peter Righton, or concealed and colluded with organised abuse.

Mottram served in the Defence and Overseas Secretariat of the Cabinet Office, 1975-77. He was then the Secretary of two study groups on the rationale for and system options for a successor to the UK’s strategic nuclear deterrent which led subsequently to the decision to adopt Trident. Mottram was then appointed Private Secretary to the Permanent Under Secretary, of the MoD, Sir Frank Cooper. From 1982-1986, Mottram was Private Secretary to a succession of Secretaries of State for Defence – John Nott, Heseltine and George Younger.

In 1985, as Private Secretary to Heseltine as Secretary of State for Defence, Mottram was a witness for the prosecution in the trial of Clive Ponting who was later acquitted of an offence under the Official Secrets Act for passing information to Labour MP Tam Dalyell regarding the sinking of the Belgrano. When Mottram was asked whether answers to parliamentary questions should be truthful and not deliberately ambiguous or misleading, there was a long silence before he replied: ‘In highly charged political matters, one person’s ambiguity may be another person’s truth’.

Mottram: they were trying to kill us and they did kill other people. There is no ambiguity in that.

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From 1986-89, Sir Richard Mottram was the Under-Secretary responsible for the defence programme and from 1989-92, the Deputy Secretary with responsibilities for UK defence policy and strategy and defence relations with other countries at the time of the end of the Cold War.

Mottram retired in 2007 from his most recent senior post as Permanent Secretary, Intelligence, Security and Resilience in the Cabinet Office.

This lot were so resilient that they couldn’t even deal with Dafydd.

Mottram serves on the Board of a number of private and public sector organisations, including Chairing the board of Amey PLC. He is a Visiting Professor at the LSE and member of the Advisory Board of LSE IDEAS. Mottram is a Trustee of the Royal Anniversary Trust, which oversees The Queen’s Anniversary Prizes for Higher and Further Education.

 

As a fairly high ranking British Army officer who lived in Somerset at the time, Brown’s dad will have known a number of the people involved in all of this.

On 13 Jan 1986, Thatcher held a meeting with Whitelaw, Brittan, George Younger and John Wakeham to decide what should happen. The conclusion was that Brittan, rather than the PM, should reply to Heseltine’s statement on that day.

In his resignation statement in the House of Commons Heseltine accused Brittan of pressuring Sir Raymond Lygo, CEO of British Aerospace, to withdraw from the European Consortium. In response to questions in the House from Heseltine, Brittan denied that he had received a letter from Lygo, but later had to admit that he had received a letter from Sir Austin Pearce, Chairman of British Aerospace; he had not disclosed it, he claimed, because it was marked Private and Strictly Confidential. He was forced to return to the House a few hours later to apologise.

Admiral Sir Raymond Lygo joined the Royal Navy in 1942 during WW II. He was appointed the commanding officer of the frigate Lowestoft in 1961, the frigate Juno in 1967 and the aircraft carrier Ark Royal in 1969. Lygo was Director General, Naval Manpower and Training,  Feb 1974-June 1975. He went on to be Vice Chief if the Naval Staff in 1975 and retired in 1978.

After retirement, Lygo joined British Aerospace, becoming Chief Executive in 1986.

Lygo will have known Admiral Sir Alec Bingley and all the other senior figures in the Royal Navy and Admiralty who concealed the organised sexual abuse of young people or who were alleged to have been abusing underaged children themselves, such as Lord Louis Mountbatten (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’).

Sir Raymond Lygo
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Juno
Goddess of marriage and childbirth
So that is why there is so much child abuse, sexual exploitation and repressed homosexuality in this sorry tale!
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Raymond Lygo was also Chairman of the Rutland Trust in 1991, Chairman of TNT (Express) UK Ltd in 1992 and Chairman of the Liontrust First UK Investment Trust in 1997. He was Patron of the Fleet Air Arm Association.

 

Sir Austin Pearce, was Chairman of British Aerospace, 1980-87 and steered the company through its privatisation by Margaret Thatcher’s Gov’t. Although Pearce had spent his entire working life with Esso, of which he had been Chairman and Chief Executive for eight years, he had some experience of the aerospace industry: in 1976 he had been appointed to the organising committee for the nationalisation of the industry and the formation of British Aerospace.

The Gov’t sold 52 per cent of BAe in 1981. Four years later it decided to sell the remaining 48 per cent, Pearce arguing successfully for a price of 375p, rather than the 400p which the government originally wanted.

Known to his colleagues as ‘Tin’, Pearce faced a number of problems at BAe, including inefficiency and over-staffing. During his tenure there were unsuccessful attempts by Thorn EMI and GEC to take over the company. Also, the Nimrod Airborne Early Warning programme was running four years late and substantially over budget; eventually the Gov’t cancelled the programme.

Pearce also faced difficulties over BAe’s involvement in the project to build the Airbus. At first the British Gov’t refused to support the BAe application for aid for the A 320 aircraft. The other partners in Airbus – the French, Germans and Spanish – already had their Gov’ts’ approval and would be happy to take over BAe’s work on the wings. Without financial help, Pearce knew that BAe would be out of Airbus and would consequently be faced with massive redundancies. Without telling either his colleagues or the DTI, he asked for a personal meeting with Thatch. He got the money. During the Westland affair, because BAe hoped to become a partner in a European consortium it aligned itself with Heseltine against Thatch. At one stage, at a meeting with the MoD, Pearce was asked if BAe would take over Westland, but he refused on the ground that BAe had enough spare capacity to take on Westland’s entire workload without assimilating more than a few of its employees.

Austin Pearce was born in Plymouth in 1921. He was educated at Devonport High School for Boys and then went to Birmingham University. As a member of the University Senior Training Corps of Royal Engineers, Pearce was assigned to the Petroleum Warfare Department, working on flame-thrower fuels and incendiary bombs. At the same time he completed a PhD in Chemical Engineering.

In Sept 1945 Pearce joined the AGWI (later the Esso) refinery at Fawley as a junior engineer. In 1950 he was promoted to process superintendent, in charge of the running of all the refinery units. In 1956 Pearce became general manager (refining) for Esso in the UK. In 1963 he joined the Esso Board, with responsibility for the marine and pipelines systems; this included taking charge of the tanker fleet and overseeing the building of the pipeline from Milford Haven to the Midlands and Manchester. In 1968 he was appointed Managing Director and 1972 Chairman and Chief Executive of Esso UK.

Austin Pearce was the first President of the UK Petroleum Industry Association and as Esso’s representative, participated in the negotiations with the Department of Energy, British National Oil Company and Shell on the North Sea participation agreements.

In 1973 Pearce joined the board of Williams and Glyn’s Bank, becoming its last Chairman before it was incorporated into the Royal Bank of Scotland, of which he was appointed a Vice-Chairman.

In 1985 Austin Pearce was appointed Chairman of the Trustees of the Science Museum. He Chaired the meeting that introduced entrance charges; this helped the museum to improve and create new galleries and to rebuild the Railway Museum at York.

Pearce served on the Council of Surrey University, the site of so much skulduggery when I worked there in 1988. He was a Director of Jaguar, Smiths Industries, Pearl Assurance and was Chairman of Oxford Instruments.

Austin Pearce was married first to Maglona Twinn and then to Dr Patricia Grice.

On 15 Jan 1986 there was a debate on Westland in the Commons in which Thatcher replied to the Windbag. Thatcher listed all the ministerial, committee and Cabinet meetings on Westland. Heseltine then made a speech criticising the way collective responsibility had been damaged over Westland.

Sir Robert Armstrong, the Cabinet Secretary, held an inquiry into the leaking of Mayhew’s letter and reported his findings to Thatch on 21 Jan 1986. Armstrong concluded that Brittan had told Colette Bowe to leak Mayhew’s letter through a telephone conversation to Roger Mogg, Brittan’s Private Secretary. Thatcher is said to have asked Brittan four times: ‘Leon, why didn’t you tell me.’ Havers, who demanded the inquiry, later claimed: ‘Unless the PM is the most marvellous actress I’ve ever seen in my life she was as shocked as anybody that in fact it was on Leon Brittan’s instructions.’ At the time Brittan claimed he had misunderstood Thatcher’s wishes but later (on the TV programme The Thatcher Factor on 7 April 1989) admitted that he had acted on the ‘express’ instructions of Charles Powell and Bernard Ingham, Thatcher’s two senior advisers. On 23 Jan 1986, Thatcher had to make a speech to the Commons on Armstrong’s inquiry.

Brittan was being heavily criticised because of the fallout from the leak of the Mayhew letter and because of his lack of candour about the letter from British Aerospace. At a meeting of the 1922 Committee, Conservative back-benchers, demanded Brittan’s resignation. The Chairman of the 1922 Committee at the time was Cranley Onslow, a former MI6 agent who was forced to stand down as Chairman in 1992 by Thatcher’s old mates, who partly blamed him for her previous departure. On 24 Jan 1986 Brittan resigned, because ‘it has become clear to me that I no longer command the full confidence of my colleagues’.

On 27 Jan 1986, Labour set down an adjournment motion. Whitelaw, Howe, Wakeham, John Biffen and Douglas Hurd helped Thatcher draft her speech for this occasion.

In Jan 1986 John Biffen was Lord Privy Seal. John Biffen grew up on a farm about three miles away from where I lived in Somerset. Biffen went to Dr Morgan’s School in Bridgwater along with my father and many others who remained in Somerset. Biffen’s parents remained living at their farm in Combwich and occasionally made trips to London to marvel at their famous son and his associates. John Biffen was a swotty kid who was badly bullied by the locals and he didn’t waste his time with his former tormentors and he did fall out with Thatcher eventually. However, I can’t imagine that he will have resisted if pressurised over all this, there will just have been far too many careers of ruthless dangerous nutters at stake.

Biffen was MP for Oswestry and then North Shropshire. John Allen had a children’s home in Shropshire, there was an abuse ring in operation in the region and many children’s home staff migrated between Bryn Estyn and Shropshire. The family seat of the unfortunate Ormsby-Gores was at Oswestry and David Ormsby-Gore aka Lord Harlech preceded John Biffen as MP for Oswestry. Ever since Lord Harlech served at US Ambassador during JFK’s Presidency, the Ormsby-Gores have had a penchant for dying young and in unfortunate circumstances. The biography of Francis Ormsby-Gore, who farmed near Harlech and was found dead at his home relatively recently, had all the signs of one of someone who was under sustained attack by the paedophiles’ friends (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’).

Douglas Hurd was Home Secretary, presiding over the carnage in north Wales.

Ronald Miller, one of Thatch’s friends, was asked to help revise the speech and Thatcher remarked to him that she might not be PM by six o’clock that evening if things went badly.

The Windbag, who knew Tony Francis from their days as students in Cardiff, was generally thought to have made a poor opening speech.

Heseltine was frustrated at the Windbag’s failure to exploit the moment and claimed that Thatcher’s statement brought ‘the politics of the matter to an end’ and that he would support the Gov’t in the lobby.

Sikorsky then bought Westland, aided by mysterious prior purchases by mystery buyers, suspected by Cuckney and others, although without clear proof, of being an illegal concert party.

 

Westland damaged Thatcher’s credibility and made her look anti-European for the first time. It has been suggested that Thatcher’s keenness on American control of Westland may have been linked to the Al-Yamamah arms deal which was mired in allegations of corruption, or that the US might have wanted Westland to sell Black Hawk helicopters to Saudi Arabia in circumvention of Congressional rules which prevented US arms sales to that country at the time.

Leon Brittan’s behaviour was thought in part to have been motivated by resentment at his demotion from Home Secretary to the Secretary for DTI in Sept 1985. He also thought Heseltine’s mooted European consortium to be monopolistic and anti-competitive.

Apart from his clash of personalities with Thatcher, it was thought that Heseltine, concerned at having to take responsibility for Defence cuts which had been put back until 1986 and worried that Thatcher was unlikely to promote him further, was looking for an excuse to resign. Resigning would put him in good stead to be elected Party leader after, as seemed likely at the time, the Conservatives lost the next election, due by summer 1988.

Heseltine retired to the back benches and spent nearly five years conducting an undeclared campaign for the Party leadership. Although the Thatcher Gov’t was re-elected in 1987, Heseltine eventually challenged her in Nov 1990, polling well enough to hasten her resignation.

Three months after Heseltine ‘resigned from the Cabinet as a matter of honour’, my close friend and house mate on Anglesey was killed in a head-on collision with another car. Our friend Geoff Johnson was a passenger and was left severely brain-damaged. The young man who drove the TR7 straight into Anne somehow only walked away with a broken arm. It was acknowledged that Anne had not been at fault – the other car had been driving on Anne’s side of the road at high speed – but there was no investigation and no prosecution. Anne knew everything that was happening to me at the hands of the Top Docs. Weeks before she was killed, D.G.E. Wood remarked that he always knew when Anne drove past his house – he lived in the same village as us – because he could recognise her car.

Two days after Anne was killed, Liz Stables, the Angel who worked in the UCNW Student Health Centre, took Anne’s file out of a locker and wrote ‘DEAD’ in capital letters across it in front of me. Liz then said that I couldn’t hang around mourning, there were things to do. Some two weeks later Wood yelled at me to ‘forget about everything that has happened here and go away and make a new life for yourself’. Presumably so Wood’s accomplices could kill the rest of us off miles away from Bangor to avoid the fickle finger of suspicion ever being pointed at them.

Heseltine, the man who would do anything, anything at all to become PM, came from Swansea. Heseltine never became PM. Another procession of empty headed narcissistic oafs did instead.

Lord Heseltine (6969083278).jpg

All together now -‘I’m ready to serve’.

Lord Heseltine (6969083278).jpg

 

Now for a bit more info on the lady who worked in a junior capacity at Westland when the almighty ding dong broke out and who – along with a few others – did very nicely out of it all. This blog post is already quite long, so I won’t dissect Janet’s career bit by bit, highlighting who assisted her and when they did so, I’ll leave it up to readers to make the links to police investigations, the Waterhouse Inquiry etc. Regular readers will by now be familiar with the skulduggery and those involved.
 Janet Mitchell, CEng FRAeS:
Janet worked as a Stress Engineer, Westland Helicopters, Product Support Division, 1982-87.

Then Janet was Future Projects Engineer, Airbus, 1987-89: Reporting to Head of Future Projects for BAE Commercial Aircraft Division.

Janet was Stress Engineer, Stresswork Ltd, 1989-91.

supported the Aerospace, Automotive and Civil Engineering Industries. It also covered Nuclear Power, Engineering Design of a Composite Commercial Vehicle Chassis and engineering project management of the structural certification for the A340 Wing Composite Components.
From 1993-94, Janet was Senior Principal Engineer on the Future Large Aircraft Composite Wing Study for BAE Systems.
Between 1994-95, Janet worked on the Airbus Composite Wing Strategy for BAE Systems. She was:

‘Accountable for leading and delivering the BAE/AIRBUS Composite Wing Strategy, this was a significant business transformation programme, I successfully led all business functional specialists to deliver a Strategy for acquiring the Composite Capability for Airbus Wing Business including programme plans and costs of the Technology Development programme. This was delivered to the Airbus Senior Management Board at AUK and BAE SYSTEMS Head Quarters – Directorate for Engineering.’

From 1995-99, Janet was Project Manager of the Low Cost Composite Technology Research for the Airbus Group. She was: ‘Accountable for developing the capability in low cost, low weight Composite Technologies for Airbus UK Wing Technology including materials, manufacturing processes, design and analytical methods and assembly technology. Successfully delivering the bid content for the wing contribution to the 83 million euro EC Framework 5 “TANGO” programme, the DTI funded AMCAPSII programme, private venture, national collaborative projects with research institutes, universities and national industries. Development of specific research project management and financial management processes and the Composite Strategy in line with business objectives’.

Between 1999-02, Janet was Head of Research and Technology Programme, Airbus UK Airbus Group. She was the: ‘Executive accountable for all Airbus UK Research and Technology Projects in Composites, Metallic’s Systems and Advanced Wing Technologies ( including Aerodynamics,Structures, Manufacturing, Assembly Technology and Wing Integration). This team was in excess of 250 people and an annual budget in excess of 100 million euros. Accountabilities included the R & T Operational Business Plan for the UK, contribution to the Airbus Technology Strategy, Technology Plan for UK, Primary interface for Airbus UK into the DTI and European Commission (EC) and Academia for technology projects. Project management of the Airbus Composite Wing technology programme which was funded by the EC and called TANGO’.
Between Oct 2002-06, Janet was head of A400 Military Transport Aircraft Wing Programme for Airbus.

In Jan 2007 Janet Mitchell set up her own consultancy, McSquared Consultants Ltd, of which she has been the CEO since its foundation

When we were kids, everyone had great difficulties playing with Janet although she was a good laugh, because she used to cheat in all the games. Everybody’s mother used to say ‘ooh it’s because Janet’s an only child, she’s not used to playing with others or sharing’. That may well have been the case when we were seven Janet, but I’m not sure that’s an excuse for the last 30 years.

Janet’s family were unusual among the people whom I knew when I was young in that they were not from Somerset. They were from Chorley and Janet’s entire extended family, to whom she and her parents were still close, all lived in Chorley. She was also much doted upon by the Chorley clan because she was the only grandchild of a big family. Chorley is an area which suffered badly in the 20th century post-industrial decline. There were two main employers in the area until recently – Leyland Trucks and BAE Systems. BAE systems closed its doors in 2008. That was OK though, Janet had set up her own consultancy by then and all her elderly relatives whom I remember who always batted so hard for Janet will have died by 2008.

I receive more names every day of those in Somerset whom I am told maxed out on their knowledge of what happened to me. I’m not putting them all up here, because I’m loathe to do so without a degree of evidence, at least circumstantial. However I have been told to enquire into the means by which a farming family by the name of Hill near Fiddington transformed their farm into a premier equestrian centre, Stockland Lovell Manor. The Hills were never at all horsey, but at the height of my difficulties with those we known and love, they raised an enormous sum of money and came up with very flash equestrian centre. Neighbouring farmers could not work out how the Hills had persuaded an investor to part with so much money, even if the farm had been used as security. The Hills had a daughter whom they told everyone was ‘working in the financial services’ in Europe, but she wasn’t a trader or a banker, didn’t possess professional qualifications and from what I was told it sounded as though she was actually a PA. Another daughter was a midwife – in Nottingham. Where I used to work and where a big research fraud between the Cancer Research Campaign and an American drug company was taking place in labs located at Nottingham University (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’). The Hills also had a son, whom I am told now works for Somerset County Council Social Services, with disadvantaged youngsters.

The Hills used to give one of those who received money in return for their silence about what was happening to me a lift to Fiddington Church every Sunday. Mr Michael Hill was a churchwarden and a leading light in Somerset Cricket Club, so there’ll have been a few hobnobbing opportunities there. Ah the good old days, when stars like Ian Botham and Viv Richards played for Somerset, who would get pissed down the Anchor Inn in Combwich, in the company of the man who suddenly found himself with so many celebrity friends and so much money from about 1990 onward…

I think that Michael Hill and his wife Lavinia have both died now, so perhaps their offspring Diane, Jenny and Martin could explain how the family laid their hands on such a huge amount of dosh. Jenny Hill is probably the person to ask.

Series titles over a docklands terrace street

Two other Top Tossers who were tripping over themselves in the 1990s to make unlikely friendships with people in Somerset who knew what was happening in north Wales were Dangerous Sports Club members Ding Boston and Martin Lyster. Boston and Lyster are both veterans of pointless dangerous activities dressed up as ‘extreme sports’ in which people sustain injuries or even die (only a prosecution for manslaughter, not murder and even then that nice lady judge at Bristol Crown Court directed the jury to acquit!). The dear old Dangerous Sports Club had the wind taken out of its sails some years ago, what with its founder the conman David Kirke going to prison and then the death of that Bulgarian student, but I note that Ding now describes himself as ‘Co-Ordinator, Oxford Universities Motorsport’. Don’t ask me what Ding’s real name is, he refuses to give it, even in toadying media profiles. ‘Dickhead’ will suffice.

Ding’s mate Martin Lyster did a first degree and then a PhD in physics at Oxford in the 1980s and then years later a Masters at Loughborough University in Renewable Energy. His Linked In profile describes his present position as an R&D Project Manager for SSE Power Distribution.

So who with links to Thatcher/Major – apart from Tommy Leigh-Pemberton’s father obviously – was the source of all the dosh then Ding and Martin?

When I was discussing all this with Brown, he remarked that the emissaries of Thatcher’s and Major’s Gov’ts will have seen me as doubly dangerous. Not only had I gathered huge amounts of crap on Dafydd and related sex trafficking rings in other parts of the country with links to Tory Ministers, but coming from Tory stock myself I’ll have been seen as a renegade who really had to be stopped. Brown commented that while we were having our friends murdered and our careers destroyed, a lot of older people in Somerset would have been able to remember my grandfather, who was the leading campaigner for Sir Gerald Wills, the Tory MP for Bridgwater, 1950-69. Indeed. The vacuous shite Tom King built on the solid Tory support that had accumulated in Bridgwater.
I reminded Brown that I think that Tom et al will have seen me as far more than doubly dangerous. My grandpa was a high Tory who hung out with the Sir Bufton Tuftons, but he did a few things that pissed people like Tom King off. Such as: denouncing Edward du Cann as a crook (du Cann was later demonstrated to be, er, a crook); turning down a knighthood – Lord King and Lady Jane would never have found it within themselves to do that; refusing an invitation to a Buck House garden party; taking the piss out of the Freemasons and, I understand, the Water Buffaloes as well.
In 1979, one day at school I and my friends were in the library reading the ‘Bridgwater Mercury’ and we happened upon the ’25 years ago today’ column. Everyone howled with laughter, because the snippet chosen was a speech that my grandfather had made to the Somerset Tories, in which he had said that ‘the Conservative Party today is not what it used to be’. Well it certainly wasn’t by the late 1980s, it was trying to murder his granddaughter because she’d stumbled across the Westminster Paedophile Ring.
Anyone for a Buck House garden party?
Charles Prince of Wales.jpg

Radical Leicester And Some Other Free Radicals

Whilst researching the background of people who protected the paedophiles’ friends, I noticed that a great many had been involved in some way with the Runnymede Trust. I’m not sure why – the Runnymede Trust is a registered charity, an ‘independent race equality think tank’ which ‘aimed to generate intelligence for a multi-ethnic Britain through research, network building, leading debate and policy engagement’. It was established in 1968 and at present receives much of its funding from the Home Office. Other major donors are the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust, Esmee Fairbairn Foundation and the Robert Gavron Charitable Trust.

It could just be that an involvement with the Runnymede Trust looks good on one’s CV and there’s nothing more important to the cadre of paedophiles’ friends whom Blair appointed to senior positions or to the Lords than ticking the right boxes on one’s CV – but of course, if that is happening, the Runnymede Trust will be doubling up as a networking opportunity for the paedophiles’ friends.  I decided to have a look at those who founded the Runnymede Trust as well as those who have held leading roles in that organisation.

One of the movers and shakers in the establishment of the Runnymede Trust and its first Director was Dipak Nandy. Dipak is an Indian Marxist who was born in Calcutta in 1936 and came to Britain in 1956. Nandy studied at Leeds University where he met his first wife – whom he later married in 1964, by which time he was a lecturer at the University of Leicester (I think that she was one of his students at the time). Dipak and his wife, Maggie, feature in ‘Radical Leicester’, a document produced years ago which proudly flags up a few folk who flew the red flag in that city in the past.

In the 1980s Leicester was known as a city which had one of the notorious ‘loony left’ councils – Leicester City Council were very hot on race and ethnicity ‘initiatives’ because of the composition of the population. Not that these initiatives always reached the people who were alleged to be benefiting from them. I lived in Leicester for a few months in 1987 – I shared a house with Brown and a few others and we were the only white British people in the street. One afternoon one of our neighbours paid us a visit and asked if I and my friend would teach his daughters English. My friend was someone who was involved in aspects of Radical Leicester herself and asked me why our neighbour hadn’t contacted the City Council if he wanted English lessons. Well if you’re a first generation migrant who works long hours and who doesn’t speak much English yourself you won’t be having much contact with Keith Vaz or his mum in the City Council, but if you have two young English women as neighbours who work in universities, the obvious thing to do if you want someone to teach your daughters English is to ask the neighbours.

In 1987 I knew very little about Leicester – unlike my friend I didn’t have links with Radical Leicester and I was far too busy trying to stop those we know and love in north Wales from having me imprisoned. I had a part-time job in an old people’s home where I worked with a young Indian woman who’s sister had run away from home to escape a forced marriage, so I learnt that was happening. I also heard a local GP joking about all the Indian girls running away from home before they were 19 to escape forced marriages, so I knew that the problem was being ignored. I knew that there were at least three sweatshops down the road from our house which were owned by people who’s attitude to fire hazards would make Richard Littlejohn look like the most enthusiastic member of the HSE and who Unemployed South Asian women with no English who worked in secret throughout the night and then all sneaked out of the door at about 5 am. I therefore assumed that they were working illegally. I found out from someone who’s husband worked in clothing that the existence of these sweatshops was also very well-known.

It was whilst I was living in Leicester that I first discovered how well-known the criminality of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones et al in north Wales was. As I was repeatedly arrested on the basis of the increasingly lurid allegations made by Dafydd and the Top Doctors and cases collapsed in Court after it became clear that they had all lied their arses off (see post ‘Workers’ Play Time’), Brown became very worried indeed that one day they’d get their stories straight and it would be a long prison sentence for me. Brown knew a mature student who was a former social worker whom he invited over for advice who incredibly enough turned out to be lovely – she had left social work because she found that her colleagues were far more interested in pursuing vendettas against each other than in helping their clients. I told her some of what had happened to me in north Wales and showed her some of the police statements that had been made about me and she was horrified, told me that the contingent in north Wales had broken the law repeatedly and that something very worrying was going on. She recommended that I go to MIND for advice.

I went to see Leicester MIND – only to find that the man down there had heard that there was serious corruption in the mental health services in north Wales, that it was ‘all tied up with Freemasonry’, that there’d been a big investigation up there and that one psychiatrist ‘had everything stitched up for himself’. He recommended that I go to see William Bingley, MIND’s legal director in London. Bingley told me that Dafydd was ‘a very charming psychopath’, that there had been numerous complaints about him to the GMC including at least one which involved a death, that he routinely threatened and bribed people, that he ran a ‘sex therapy’ clinic in north Wales which he used to wield power over people and that if I returned to north Wales I would undoubtedly find myself constantly harassed by him and his henchmen. What William didn’t tell me was that in addition to all this, Dafydd was facilitating a paedophile gang, that MIND were colluding with it all and that Bingley used this a few years later to bag himself a job as Chief Exec of the Mental Health Act Commission – who were also colluding with Dafydd and the paedophiles.

Because I was living in Leicester whilst one of the cases that Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends brought against me was going through the courts, my lawyer used the services of a psychiatrist from Leicester, Dr James Earp, for the court report. James Earp wasn’t the lunatic that Dafydd was, but he covered up for Dafydd’s law breaking nonetheless (see post ‘An Expert From England’).

I now know that there was a paedophile ring operating in Leicester that had links to Dafydd’s gang and that as in north Wales, the mental health services, the social services and the City Council were concealing it – and I bet that MIND in Leicester were as well. The high profile figure involved with the paedophile gang in north Wales/Cheshire was Sir Peter Morrison, the Tory MP for Chester and Thatcher’s aide. The high profile figure in Leicester who was involved with the gang there was of course Lord Greville Janner, Labour MP for Leicester North West (1970-74) and Leicester West (1974-97). Janner succeeded the seat of Leicester North West after his father Barnett Janner – who like Greville Janner was a lawyer who was given a peerage. Barnett Janner had spent the first part of his life in Cardiff and had been a student at the University College of South Wales and Monmouthshire. Barnett was subsequently Liberal MP for Whitechapel (1931-35), then Labour MP for Leicester North West (1945-70). Greville Janner was famously never prosecuted, although he was interviewed by the police in 1991 – his lawyer Sir David Napley was so certain that Janner would be charged that he retained the crooked barrister George Carman (see post ‘Sisters Are Indeed Doing It For Themselves’). Janner wasn’t charged although the CPS have since fessed up that there was sufficient evidence for charges – but no-one has explained why none were forthcoming. Much more recently Janner was supposed to have faced a trial of the facts. There was delay after delay and Janner died before even that happened. Janner’s daughter Rabbi Laura Janner-Klauser and his son, Daniel Janner – who is a lawyer like old Greville was – are robustly asserting that their dad was a lovely old boy who has been wrongly accused by gold-diggers and Daniel Janner has threatened to sue the arse of any former kids in care who allege that his dad molested them. Janner’s other daughter is the notorious Marion Janner, who is a mental health campaigner. Marion and her support dog Buddy are regulars on the Radio 4 ‘All In The Mind’ programme and Marion has complimented the mental health services in north Wales on their excellence. Marion seems to have succeeded in extracting a rather higher standard of mental health care out of the mental health services for herself than the rest of us ever have.

Greville was friends with a man called Frank Beck. Beck was a senior social worker who was officer in charge of a number of children’s homes in Leicestershire who died not long after he was jailed in 1991. Beck received five life sentences for multiple sexual and physical assaults on children and a further 24 years for other offences, including rape. Before he was convicted – even after there had been complaints about his conduct – Beck was constantly described as an extremely able dedicated social worker who pioneered successful therapy for troubled children. Beck had also been elected as a Liberal Councillor on Blaby District Council in 1983 – he was re-elected in 1987. The Kirkwood Inquiry which followed Beck’s conviction absolutely damned Leicestershire County Council. The Kirkwood Inquiry was at the time the biggest investigation that there had ever been into institutional child abuse in the UK – until the Waterhouse Inquiry a few years later. Greville remained in Parliament as did Keith Vaz who had been sitting in the constituency of Leicester East throughout but had never noticed anything amiss. When Greville took up his seat in the Lords in 1997, Patricia Hewitt succeeded him in Leicester West. The Patricia who was General Secretary of the NCCL whilst it was affiliated to PIE, the Patricia who later became Blair’s Secretary of State for Health. The Patricia who is married to William Birtles – a judge. Birtles was also involved with the NCCL.

Radical Leicester will have heard about the paedophile gang – you can’t work on the ground in communities and not notice at least a few clues when something like that is happening. Another person who will have known is Sue Townsend, the celebrated author of the Adrian Mole books. Townsend lived in Leicester her whole life and she worked as a community youth worker. Some people in Leicester University will also have known – James Earp’s colleagues in the medical school knew and people involved with social work/social policy/ sociology will have known.

Tony Blair’s advisor and favourite sociologist Anthony Giddens began his career at Leicester University – Giddens taught social psychology there between 961-69. In 2004 Anthony Giddens became Lord Giddens and joined Greville in the upper house.

Nigel Lawson, Thatcher’s Chancellor of the Exchequer, 1983-89 – whilst Sir Peter Morrison was Minister of State for Employment (1983-85), Minister of State for the DTI (1985-86), Deputy Party Chairman (1986-87) and Minister of State for Energy (1987-90) – was MP for Blaby in Leicestershire, 1974-92. Nigel Lawson was yet another person who was elevated to the peerage in 1992 – days before five witnesses to the paedophile gang in north Wales were killed by a firebomb (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

As with north Wales, the paedophile gang in Leicester went back decades – I suspect that playwright Joe Orton who grew up in Leicester may have been involved with them (see comments following my post ‘They Planned To Put Acid In All The Reservoirs’).

 

To return to Radical Leicester. Dipak Nandy’s first wife, Maggie, had studied sociology at Leeds University, was a member of the Communist Party and was active in the Communist Party during the 1963 elections. In 1964 Maggie undertook postgraduate teacher training at Leicester University’s School of Education. Whilst at Leicester University she was a member of the Anti-Racialist Committee. Maggie and Dipak split up in 1969, just after he founded the Runnymede Trust.

Dipak and Maggie Nandy were both active in the CRE (Commission for Racial Equality) and in the 1970s Maggie was active against the NF (National Front). She taught at Bushloe and Countesthorpe College and was the warden of Blaby Teachers Centre. Maggie wrote for ‘Forum’ – not the soft porn magazine which published stories by Alastair Campbell, but a left-leaning education magazine which went under the same name. Maggie was also active in the Youth Foundation which provided housing for black people. By 1977 Maggie was Deputy Head at West Moors Middle School in Dorset – she then returned to Leicester and began studying to become a lawyer. She died from cancer in 1982.

Someone with Maggie’s CV could not have remained completely unaware that children were being abused.

Rob Evans, one of the senior managers of the north Wales children’s services in the 1980s whilst the paedophile gang operated within those services, had previously worked as a team leader in Dorset and before that had undertaken social work training at Leicester University. Rob Evans was then given responsibility by Gwynedd Social Services for mental health services, where he took no action at all when challenged about the abuses of Keith Fearns and the Arfon Community Mental Health Team (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’). Post-Waterhouse dear old Rob was appointed to run community services on Anglesey. Rob was one of the many who accused me of ‘arassin’ him after he’d spent a few years delivering children to a paedophile ring. Rob was one of the social workers who took the children’s shoes away because they did insist on trying to escape from the beatings and the buggery – when Rob admitted to me that he did this, he described it as ‘social work practice’.

‘Radical Leicester’ also paid tribute to Colin Grundy, a member of the Labour Party. Grundy began his teaching career in 1960 as a science teacher at Roundhill School and was the Labour candidate for a Leicester constituency in 1966 and 1970. In the 1970 General Election Grundy was beaten by the Conservative candidate Tom Boardman by 106 votes. Boardman held the seat until 1974 and was a key figure in Heath’s Gov’t. In 1973 Grundy was elected to Leicester City Council for North Braunstone ward; he was Councillor for Westcotes ward from 1983 and became Chair of the Planning Committee. Grundy became Deputy Head at Alderman Newton’s School, retiring in 1987. In 1991 Grundy was Lord Mayor of Leicester.

 

Dipak Nandy married again in 1972. He married Annie Byers, the daughter of Lord Frank Byers, who was leader of the Liberals in the Lords for 19 years. Frank Byers was a member of the committee which ‘investigated’ Jeremy Thorpe’s conduct in 1971. The investigation included Normal Scott being interviewed by the committee – the interview ended with Frank Byers shouting insults at Norman Scott and Scott leaving the room in tears (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). Because Norman was just a Nancy boy of course, not because Jeremy was plotting to have him murdered.

Dipak and Annie had a daughter in 1979 – Lisa. She’s now a Labour MP! Please see post ‘He Knows Where The Bodies Are Buried’ for details of my unpleasant experiences when the Compass Group invited me to go to London to hear Lisa speak.

Dipak Nandy left academia when he founded the Runnymede Trust in 1968. When he stepped down from the role of Director in 1973, he spent a year having an ‘educational break’ with Social and Community Planning Research. Nandy then acted as a special consultant to the Home Office to work on the Sex Discrimination Bill in 1975 – he also was one of the people who drafted the Race Relations Bill in 1976. The Home Secretary at the time was the Lord Protector of Paedophiles, Roy Jenkins (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part I’).

In 1976 Nandy moved to Manchester where the EOC (Equal Opportunities Commission) was located.  He was appointed the EOC’s Deputy Director and Chief Policymaker and remained in those roles until 1986. In 1979 Nandy began to forge a link with the Directorate-General V of the European Commission – he was Conference Secretary for the Commission’s Conference regarding their work towards the equal treatment of women throughout the nine members of the European Commission.

Dipak Nandy was Chairman of the BBC’s Immigrant Programme, 1983-88 and of its General Council, 1983-90. Presumably Dipak found his way to those positions as a result of his membership of the Annan Committee, which was established in 1974 to discuss the UK Broadcasting Authority and the funding of the BBC, IBA and broadcasting standards. It was the Annan Committee who when they reported in 1977 recommended a fourth independent TV channel.

Dipak sat on the Annan Committee along with Sir Charles Morrison’s wife. Charles Morrison was the elder brother of Sir Peter Morrison, who at the time that his sister-in-law was discussing broadcasting standards with Lisa Nandy’s dad was Conservative MP for Chester and was molesting children in care in north Wales as well as in other locations.

 

The Chair of the Annan Committee was Lord Noel Annan. Noel Annan entered Kings College, Cambridge in 1935. Whilst he was there he was a member of the secret debating society the Cambridge Apostles – Guy Burgess and Michael Straight who later spied for the Soviets were also members. In 1940 Annan joined the Intelligence Corps and he then served in Churchill’s War Cabinet. In 1944 he was posted to Paris with British Military Intelligence.

Annan returned to Kings College in 1946 as an academic. He was appointed Provost of Kings in 1956, received a peerage in 1965 and then became Provost of UCL in 1966. Annan was Vice-Chancellor of the University of London, 1978-81. My post ‘Doris Karloff – Honest About Her Expenses But Not Much Else’ explains how Ann Widdecombe, although in a senior administrators job at London University, was in the early eighties positively encouraged by her boss to take as much time off as she wanted in order to go hunting for a suitable constituency where she could stand as the Conservative candidate as well as to pursue covert activities opposing the anti-nuclear movement. Furthermore, Widdecombe was allowed to take secretarial staff from the University with her in pursuit of her ventures – the staff provided free labour. Noel Annan was Vice-Chancellor at the time and Ann’s misuse of University resources continued under the next VC, Lord Randolph Quirk. Lord Annan was: a Director of the Royal Opera House, Covent Garden; Chairman of the Trustees of the National Gallery; a Trustee of the British Museum; the President of the London Library.

Another member of the Annan Committee was Philip Whitehead, Labour MP. My post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part IV’ describes how Whitehead was the MP for two different constituencies, on in Derbyshire and then one in Staffordshire, both areas with very serious problems of organised child abuse.

Professor Hilde Himmelweit also sat on the Committee. Himmelweit was a social psychologist who did her PhD with the discredited H.J. Eysenck at the Institute of Psychiatry. She worked at the LSE, 1948-83 and was given a Chair in 1964.

Tom Jackson the trade unionist was also a member of the Committee. Jackson was General Secretary of the Post Office Workers and was Chairman of the General Council of the TUC, 1978-79 – the TUC which embraced all those unions representing the staff of children’s homes, psychiatric hospitals etc who abused or concealed the abuse of the people whom they were paid to care for. Jackson was a BBC Governor, 1968-73,  a member of the Court and Council of Sussex University, 1974-78 and a Director of BP, 1975-83.

Sir Antony Jay, a writer, broadcaster and director who worked for the BBC and in PR was another Annan Committee member. Jay joined the BBC in 1955, was Editor of ‘Tonight’, 1962-63 and Head of Television Talk Features, 1963-64. Jay left the BBC in the mid-60s and in 1972 became John Cleese’s business partner in Video Arts. Antony Jay was a big supporter of Thatcher and penned a lot of material in which he accused the BBC of being a dangerous bastion of liberalism and having a left-wing bias. Jay co-authored the only thing that Thatcher ever seemed to find amusing, the series ‘Yes Minister’.

Lord Mackay of Clashfern, a Conservative peer, also sat on the Committee. Mackay was Lord Advocate, 1979-84 and Lord Chancellor, 1987-97. Mackay concealed the cesspit which was the alcoholic wife-beater Sir Nicholas Fairbain – who was most certainly a paedophiles’ friend and stood accused of child molesting himself – and his doings and was also responsible for the appointment of the paedophiles’ friend Baroness Patricia Scotland as the first black woman QC, the youngest QC since William Pitt, the most incredible QC that the world had ever yet experienced – see post ‘More On Baroness Patricia Scotland QC – And Her Very Sleazy Friends’ for the catalogue of horrors that can be traced back to the doors of Fairbain and Mackay.

On the Annan Committee along with this lot was Geoffrey Sims, Vice-Chancellor of Sheffield University, 1974-91.

Also on the Committee was Sir Marcus Worsley. Worsley went to Eton and New College, Oxford, along with so many others who concealed organised child abuse (see post ‘A Study In Tyranny’). He was a Councillor on Malton Rural District Council from 1955 and became Vice-Chairman in 1965. Worsley was Conservative MP for Keighley, 1959-64 and then for Chelsea, 1966-74. He was Second Church Estates Commissioner, 1970-74 and wielded great influence in the Church of England. In 1978 Worsley was Deputy Lieutenant for North Yorkshire, in 1982-83 he was High Sheriff for North Yorkshire and then Lord Lieutenant for North Yorkshire, 1987-99.

So Worsley spent a great deal of time in the higher echelons of Yorkshire society during the years when organised child abuse and police corruption reigned supreme in the region. Sir Marcus undertook duties associated with the Royal Household whilst Yorkshire’s highest profile sex offender and friend of Prince Charles and Thatcher – Jimmy Savile – was in his heydey.

Worsley was PPS to Enoch Powell when Powell was Minister of Health – the Enoch Powell who was so shocked by what he witnessed on a visit to the North Wales Hospital Denbigh that he announced that he would close the place down, but was prevented from pursuing this aim by forces unknown (see post ‘The Creme de la Creme’). Worsley resigned as Powell’s PPS late in 1961, citing ‘pressure of work’. It was in 1961 that Powell made his famous ‘Water Towers’ speech in which he signalled that would close the asylums. During his years in Parliament, Worsley also served as PPS to Bill Deedes MP for Ashford (1950-74) who was Editor of the Tory Party’s in-house magazine ‘The Daily Telegraph’ and a friend of the Thatchers. Worsley served as PPS  for Willie Whitelaw when Whitelaw served his first term as Lord President of the Council under Ted Heath (1970-72) – the Willie who was mates with Ted Heath and who so loyally served the Tory Party during the many years that it kept the lid on various sex scandals, including Sir Peter Morrison’s activities with children (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). Worsley had a ‘special interest’ in social services whilst he was a politician.

Worsley worked for the BBC European Service, 1950-53, which suggests that he had links to the security services.

Sir Marcus observed that he wasn’t able to impact on Chelsea whilst he was the MP there as he was able to impact on Yorkshire, where everybody knew each other and he was invited to lots of local gatherings. I suspect that this translates as he ran Yorkshire and was rather put out when found that he couldn’t do the same in Chelsea. There was absolutely no escaping the long arm of Sir Marcus in Yorkshire – he retained a ‘particular interest’ in York Minster and also had a finger in the big juicy pie that is the National Trust.

Sir Marcus’s sister Katherine became the Duchess of Kent and his wife Bridget led the sort of well-connected aristocratic existence that Baroness Jean Trumpington did, including doing the obligatory turn at the Queen Charlotte’s Ball and a stint at Bletchley Park as a ‘code-breaker’ (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’). Bridget and Trumpers will have known each other – Trumpers was bound to have sniffed her out, what with her being related to a Duchess.

 

There were two others involved in founding the Runnymede Trust along with Dipak Nandy – Jim Rose and Anthony Lester QC.

Jim Rose was yet another alumni of New College, Oxford and worked for the intelligence services during WWII, in the RAF and at Bletchley Park. Rose was a journalist with Reuters and was literary editor of ‘The Observer’, 1948-50. At this time, Waldorf Astor, yet another graduate of New College, Oxford – and husband of Nancy Astor and a friend of David Lloyd George -owned ‘The Observer’. In 1951 Rose moved to Zurich where he formed the International Press Institute, through which he got to know well virtually all the editors of the major newspapers and their senior journalists.

In 1962 Rose returned to England and was invited by Philip Mason, civil servant and Director of the Institute for Race Relations (1958-69), to become the Director of the Survey of Race Relations, a five year study of post-war immigration in Britain. This was published in 1969 as ‘Colour and Citizenship’ and in 1968 Rose co-founded the Runnymede Trust. Philip Mason was a member of the Athenaeum, of which Jimmy Savile was also a member – the Athenaeum is favoured by Top Doctors and academics.

Jim Rose was Educational Director of the Westminster Press Group, 1970-74 and then Chairman of Penguin Books until 1980.

The Runnymede Trust was able to get off the ground because Anthony Lester QC had a commitment of $5000 pa for three years from ‘a liberal East Coast Foundation’ – who this was I have not yet found out, but it’s odd that their name isn’t up in flashing neon in view of the influence and status of the Runnymede Trust – provided that this was matched by a British Foundation. Jim Rose persuaded the Rowntree Trust to take up the challenge.

Anthony Lester QC is a barrister and Liberal Democrat peer who was educated at Trinity College, Cambridge and Harvard. He was involved with drafting the race relations legislation in the 60s and 70s and was the Chairman of the sub-committee of the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination. Lester was a member of the: Society of Labour Lawyers; Fabian Society; Council of Race Relations; British Overseas Fellowship; National Committee for Commonwealth Immigrants. He was Chair of the Fabian Society, 1972-73 and Chair of the Runnymede Trust, 1991-93. Lester is Patron of the FPA (Family Planning Association) and a member of the Joint Committee on Human Rights. Lester was special advisor to Roy Jenkins at the Home Office in the 1970s – when Jenkins was concealing the paedophile gang  in north Wales in his capacity as Home Secretary (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part I), although it’s obvious from Lester’s other affiliations that Roy was certainly not the only person known to Anthony Lester who was concealing child abuse or the associated abuses in the mental health services.

Anthony Lester was, along with Roy, as one of the founders of the SDP in 1981.

Lester was given his peerage in 1993. Once those five witnesses to the activities of the paedophile gang in north Wales were safely dead after the firebomb attack (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’), once Sir Peter Morrison had stepped down as MP for Chester, once Mary Wynch had been shafted by Michael Howard at the Home Office (see post ‘A Few Of The Relevant Politicians Re Mary Wynch’s Case’) and once the North Wales Police had satisfied themselves that there was not a paedophile ring in operation in north Wales. The North Wales Police who at the time employed Superintendent Gordon Anglesea who later went to prison for abusing children in care in his capacity as a member of the paedophile ring which did not exist.

In 2007 Lester acted as Jack Straw’s advisor when Straw was Secretary of State for Justice.

Lord Lester practices at Blackstones Chambers. His colleagues there include Michael Beloff QC. Michael Beloff is a friend of the Blairs and was the legal advisor who in 1996 ordered the insurers of Clwyd County Council which ran the ‘child protection’ services investigated by the Jillings Inquiry to withold from everyone (even the Councillors) – and then pulp – all copies of the Jillings Report on the grounds that what happened to the children was indefensible. The insurers were also told to tell the members of the Council who commissioned the Jillings investigation that if any of them did find out what was in the Report and they publicised it, the insurers would withdraw cover and the Councillors themselves would be personally liable if any former child in care sued – the Councillors were warned that they would lose their homes if this happened. The insurers also recommended that Malcolm King, the Chair of the Social Services Committee, be sacked if he continued to make a nuisance of himself bellyaching about child abuse. If any of the kids who had been beaten and repeatedly raped or buggered did try and sue after all this, they’d have difficulty – because within hours of the Jillings Report being submitted, Clwyd County Council was abolished and ceased to exist.

The insurance company which provided cover for Clwyd County Council also provided cover for the North Wales Police.

Michael Beloff’s father Max Beloff was the historian who some years previously had reviewed a book on local governance by Ioan Bowen Rees and described it as ‘essential reading’. Ioan Bowen Rees was Chief Executive of Gwynedd County Council whilst the paedophile ring shared with neighbouring Clwyd County Council raged within its Social Services Department and when Alison Taylor, the social worker who blew the whistle on the child abuse, was sacked.

Michael Beloff is also the President of Trinity College, Oxford and questions were asked years ago when he seemed to be admitting students with a not particularly impressive academic record but a great deal of money. Even more questions were asked when a student called Euan Blair decided that it would be a good idea to apply there, what with his mum being a good mate of the President. Something obviously backfired though because Euan went to Bristol University in the end, which was why Cherie ended up purchasing properties there with the help of the crook that was the boyfriend of her lifestyle guru Carol Caplin. I was delighted to see that when Cherie was forced to explain herself regarding this matter, she gave a tearful interview on TV concerning the difficulty of being a working woman ‘juggling’. I expect that Cherie believes that she’s better at multi-tasking than Tony because of her corpus callosum – after all she’ll have read all those articles in ‘Cosmopolitan’, in their ‘neurobiology for fuckwits’ series.

 

Trustees of the Runnymede upon its foundation included Lord Jock Campbell, Lord Edward Boyle and Archbishop Trevor Huddlestone.

Lord Jock Campbell was the first Chairman of the Runnymede Trust, 1968-80. Jock Campbell’s family owned sugar plantations in British Guiana and his great-great-grandfather was a slave owner. In 1934, after Eton and Oxford, Jock went to British Guiana to manage the family estates. He was sufficiently horrified by the working and living conditions that he witnessed to embark on a programme of reform. Many years later in the Lords in 1971 Jock Campbell dissociated himself from his ancestors.

However Jock did inherit a great deal of money from his family – dosh which could be traced back to that slave trade that his ancestors had been fully paid of adherents to – and he continued to receive a very generous income from the family’s interests in British Guiana. Jock was Chairman of the Commonwealth Sugar Exporters Association, 1950-84 and Chairman of Booker McConnell. He was Chairman of New Statesman and Nation and Chairman of the Milton Keynes Development Corporation, 1967-83. Jock was a member of the Fabian Society and in 1966 was given a peerage by Harold Wilson.

Jock Campbell was a friend of Ian Fleming who was related by marriage to Sir Charles Morrison, the older brother of Sir Peter Morrison. Before his death Fleming had a discussion with Jock regarding the ways of avoiding heavy taxation on his estate. Jock suggested that Bookers could act as bankers for Fleming to the benefit of both parties. Bookers acquired a 51% share of the profits of Goldmore Productions, the company handling the profits from Fleming’s books but not the film rights. Thus Bookers Authors Division was born, which later acquired the copyrights of other authors including Agatha Christie, Dennis Wheatley and Harold Pinter. The Booker Prize was launched in 1969 after publisher Jonathan Cape suggested that Bookers should sponsor a prize. So there are you are Radio 4, you’ll never be able to wax lyrical in a pretentious manner about Booker Prize winners again, it’s SLAVE TRADE MONEY at the root of it…

Lord Edward Boyle was the Conservative MP for Birmingham Handsworth, 1950-70 and was appointed Vice-Chancellor of Leeds University in 1970 when he stood down from Parliament. He received a peerage in the same year. Boyle was educated at Eton and Christ Church College, Oxford and worked at Bletchley Park. He was a Minister for Education, 1962-64. Boyle was a Trustee of the British Museum, 1970-81 and the Chairman of the Committee of Vice-Chancellors and Principals of UK Universities, 1977-79. It was noted in Boyle’s obituaries that he died ‘unmarried and childless’.

Archbishop Trevor Huddlestone was an English Anglican Bishop who was educated at Christ Church College, Oxford and Wells Theological College. Huddleston spent the 1940s in South Africa which is where he became involved with the anti-apartheid campaign. Huddlestone knew Archbishop Desmond Tutu when he was a boy and Tutu names Huddlestone as being a huge influence on him. Huddlestone also knew Hugh Masekala and was the person who gave him his first trumpet when he was 14. Huddlestone was close to Oliver Tambo, the President of the ANC between 1962 and 70, the years of exclusion. Huddlestone returned to the UK in 1956 and then between 1960-68 was Bishop of Masasi (in Tanzania). Between 1968-78 Huddlestone was Bishop of Stepney. In 1978 he became Bishop of Mauritius and later on in the same year he was appointed Archbishop of the Province of the Indian Ocean.He retired from episcopal office in 1983 but continued his anti-apartheid work – Huddlestone had become President of the Anti-Apartheid Movement in 1981. Huddlestone lived in Mirfield in West Yorkshire after his retirement – he had previously lived there as a young man.

In 1974 Huddlestone was questioned by the police regarding the sexual abuse of four boys who had been playing in Huddlestone’s office whose parents had reported Huddlestone to the police. The allegations were that Huddlestone had touched the boys indecently – Huddlestone didn’t deny his actions but stated that none of it was done with indecent intent. The police recommended charges of four counts of gross indecency. The matter was referred to the DPP Sir Norman Skelhorn, a man who had great difficulty prosecuting high profile people for child abuse no matter how overwhelming the evidence (see post ‘They Planned To Put Acid In All The Reservoirs’). Skelhorn decided not to charge Huddlestone after consulting senior figures in the Labour Party.

None of this was known to the public until the publication of Piers McGrandles biography of Huddleston in 2004 – McGrandles was part-time chaplain to Huddleston.  Desmond Tutu and Bishop Gerald Ellis (the Bishop of London whilst Huddlestone had been Bishop of Stepney) were greatly upset by the story and were convinced of Huddlestone’s innocence. Their explanation was that Huddlestone’s political enemies had set him up and that B.O.S.S., the South African Bureau of State Security, was behind it.

Huddlestone did have political enemies – Thatcher hated him, let alone B.O.S.S. and B.O.S.S. would do just about anything to their opponents, so it is possible that Huddlestone was smeared. However, as Normal Skelhorn demonstrated repeatedly, in the 1970s there was a huge reluctance to challenge yet alone prosecute ‘respectable’ men over allegations of child sexual abuse. If the police were recommending four charges of gross indecency, whatever Trevor Huddlestone was alleged to have done must have been quite serious and there was probably some very convincing evidence.

Jim Rose took over as Chairman of the Runnymede from Dipak Nandy and remained as Chairman until 1990, then Anthony Lester Chaired the Trust, 1991-93. Between 1993-98 Trevor Phillips was Chairman.

Trevor Phillips spent his childhood in north London and British Guyana and did a chemistry degree at Imperial College. Whilst at Imperial he was President of the Students Union and then became the first black President of the NUS, 1978-80, during the NUS’s Particularly Mad phase. Trevor’s associates at the NUS included future New Labour big wigs Charles Clarke and Peter Mandelson, both of whom know something about organised child abuse and wrongdoing in the NHS (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part IV’). Phillips worked with his mate Mandy again at LWT – Mandy was best man at Phillips’s first wedding in 1981. Phillips was a researcher and a reporter for LWT, 1980-86 and then Head of Current Affairs at LWT, 1992-94. Phillips wrote and produced ‘The London Programme’ for LWT and also worked on projects for the BBC and Channel 4. It was Phillips who gave Richard Littlejohn his first break in TV. Phillips established Pepper Productions, an independent TV production company from which he made a great deal of money. Through Mandy Trevor became friends with Blair and he joined the Labour Party in 1996.

Phillips was a Labour candidate for London Mayor but his plans in that direction fell apart when it was discovered that he had sent his daughters to very upmarket public schools – namely the North London Collegiate School and Westminster School. However the Labour Party did designate Trevor as a member of the London Assembly in 2000 – he was Chair of the Assembly until 2003, when he resigned his seat in order to take up the position of Chair of the CRE. The CRE was abolished in 2006 and replaced with the EHRC and Tevor was appointed Chair of that body – he remained Chair until 2012. A lot of people in the EHRC know a great deal about abuse and criminal activities involving vulnerable people. Ann Beynon who’s husband Leighton Andrews was at one point Minister for Public Service Delivery in the Welsh Gov’t – whilst criminal conduct went unhindered in the NHS in north Wales and when the social services and mental health services had been destroyed by those who had protected the paedophile gang fifteen years previously – was a member of the EHRC. So unbelievably was Rachel Perkins. Perkins is a clinical psychologist who was clinical director of Springfield Hospital, the psychiatric unit attached to St George’s Hospital Medical School and who then sat on the Board of the St George’s University Hospitals NHS Foundation Trust. Whilst Perkins was clinical director of Springfield, staff there concealed child abuse and associated serious criminal activity, a number of patients were sexually assaulted and even murdered and at least one member of staff was murdered as well. A subsequent public inquiry condemned Springfield and suggested that the problems were such that the hospital was probably irretrievable. Whilst she was clinical director, Perkins ran a work scheme for ‘service users’ – one placement was found for one young woman as a pole dancer. Perkins herself is of course a lesbian feminist – the last place she will be working is in a strip joint. But then she doesn’t have to – she sat on the EHRC as a consequence of her ‘lived experience’ as a service user.

Trevor might be a black man – but more importantly very rich and a friend of Tony Blair and Mandy – but Rachel really claimed the street cred when she metamorphosed into a service user. Rachel had suffered from depression for many years and had taken a great deal of time off work – although she managed to write books about her Great Suffering whilst she was not going to work. Of course if Rachel really had been clinically depressed it is entirely understandable that she would need time off. But Perkins claimed to be so ill that she was literally never there  – but she remained as clinical director. Whilst people murdered each other. Rachel did finally step aside – I suspect it was the dreadful press coverage re Springfield that was behind that particular decision rather than Rachel’s putative poor health – and popped up on the Board of St George’s as the service user representative! I haven’t read much of Rachel’s work, but I’m wondering that if I did whether I might recognise some of it from other places. Because just before Rachel was appointed to the EHRC, I recognised part of something that Brown and I had published in an article that dear old Rachel had written. Feel free to reproduce this blog Rachel, I’ll be delighted.

Trevor’s time as Chair of the EHRC was not a smooth ride. Six commissioners walked out after expressing concern about his leadership and probity. Perhaps that’s how Rachel got in there.

In 2007 Trevor was awarded the Chevalier de la Legion d’Honnuer after he made a few comments following the race riots in France in 2005 that caused Sarkozy to insult black people who lived in the banlieue in Paris.

In 2010 Phillips was investigated concerning his attempts to influence the Joint Committee of Human Rights – a Parliamentary Select Committee – whilst they were writing a report on him. A Lords Committee cleared him of the allegations that had been levelled against him but described his behaviour as ‘inappropriate and ill-advised’.

Trevor Phillips is a Vice-President of the Royal Television Society – the RTS whose manager Tony Pilgrim remarked that it was a pity that one of their employees who was known to be a paedophile had been caught molesting a 10 year old boy and the RTS who employed manager Claire Price. The lovely Claire harassed and then unlawfully dismissed a close friend of mine who knew what happened to me in north Wales and wanted to make a documentary about it. The President of the RTS at the time was Sir Paul Fox, who was very anti-union and presumably a keen Thatcherite (see ‘Their Trade Is Fuckwittery’).

Among other things Trevor Phillips is: Deputy Chair of the Board of National Equality Standard; Chair of Green Park Diversity Analytics; Director of WebberPhillips; Director of Pepper Productions; member of the Board at the Barbican Arts Centre; member of the Council of Aldeburgh Music; Trustee of the Social Mobility Foundation. At present Trevor is President of the Partnership Council of the John Lewis Partnership.

For 28 years Trevor was married to Asha Bhownagary, a child psychotherapist. Asha trained at the Tavistock Clinic and has worked for education and social services, in a hospital paediatrics department and in a special care baby unit. She has a private practice and lectures at the Tavistock. I suspect that Trevor knows a great deal about the abuse of vulnerable people but Asha will know so much that she’ll be in a position to give evidence in Court. But they will of course both remain completely silent on such matters.

Lady Diana Brittan was Chair of the Runnymede Trust 1998-99. Diana is the widow of Leon Brittan, former Home Secretary and the man who was investigated by Operation Midland for sex offences. It was reported earlier this year that Lady Diana had received approx £100k in compensation – which was accompanied by a confidentiality clause – from the Metropolitan Police for them daring to investigate Leon. Thatcher appointed Leon as Minister of State at the Home Office in 1979 under Willie Whitelaw and then in 1983 Leon became Home Secretary himself. Whilst Leon was Home Secretary organised child abuse was concealed, the dossier naming Westminster figures who were allegedly molesting children  that was given to Leon by Geoffrey Dickens MP was ‘lost’, the police abused their powers repeatedly but action was never taken against them – there was a feeling that the police had become a private army of Thatcher’s Gov’t (see post ‘A Few Of The Relevant Politicians Re Mary Wynch’s Case’). Just about everything that was the responsibility of the Home Office was riddled with corruption under dear old Leon. Whilst Leon was Home Secretary the Home Office gave funding to PIE. Leon left the Cabinet as a result of the scrap over Westland and it has been alleged that he was the fall guy to prevent it being exposed that Thatcher had lied – Leon was given a job as a European Commissioner as compensation. Leon has been named repeatedly as a child abuser himself which is partly what caused him to come to the attention of Operation Midland – that and the allegation from a woman that he had raped her many years ago.

In 2002 ‘The Independent’ ran a toadying article about Diana, identifying her as a ‘new-style Tory wife’, explaining that she was actually very similar to Tony Blair: ‘She’s just where Tony is, she doesn’t act as a result of a traditional, party political, ideological perspective, but from a moral perspective. She does something because its the right thing to do.’ We all know how moral Tony is and how he had a penchant for doing the right thing. He was after all a pretty straight kind of guy – which will be why he lied to Parliament, was mates with Berlusconi and now acts as an advisor to various dictators and kleptocrats.

The Indie was writing about Diana because she had had an upsetting experience. In her capacity as Chair of the National Lottery Community Fund Diana had OK’d grants to what ‘The Daily Mail’ had described as ‘bizarre and politically correct’ causes and ‘The Daily Mail’ had unleashed a ‘hate campaign’ against her. Paul Dacre had become vexed that Diana had given her blessing to grants to a gay choir and an organisation breeding Andean guinea pigs, but the last straw for Dacre was the funding of an organisation helping unsuccessful asylum seekers fighting deportation. The hate campaign was unleashed – the Mail urged readers to WRITE TO DIANA’S OFFICE. That is what poor old Diana was having to deal with, which is what prompted the Indie to describe her as a ‘brave woman with a moral sense of what is right’.

Diana the Brave and Moral has had her fingers in many pies. She sat as a magistrate on the City of London bench from 1984 – whilst she was married to the Home Secretary whilst the police did what they like including amending statements in order to fit people up – and was appointed a member of the EOC in 1989 and then its Deputy Chair, 1994-96. Diana became Deputy Chair of the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Authority in 1990 – whilst IVF clinics lied to their patients and generally fleeced them (see post ‘Every Sperm Is Sacred – Particularly In Scotland’). She was Chair of the Race in Europe Network, Chair of the European Union of Women, Chair of the OU Foundation and a member of the Lord Chancellor’s advisory committee on legal education and conduct.  The Indie mentions that Diana is a ‘committee person’ because those are the people who get things done and that the world of committees like people with good networks. Perhaps such as people who are married to other people who concealed serious crime for years and then popped over to Brussels to help out. I expect that Diana has had Dominique Strauss-Kahn to dinner – a delightful man…and Christine Lagarde as well, Christine who Woman’s Hour really loved and put on their Power List. The Christine who was found guilty of ‘negligence’ by the French courts regarding that business of the 403 million euros ‘arbitration’ in favour of Bernard Tapie and would have gone to prison except that she was MD of the IMF and you’re not allowed to put them in prison.

Between 1977-89 Diana was the managing editor of a ‘technical press agency’ – I wonder what sort of sins were involved there. Being the brave moral woman that she is, she ‘advised’ Jonathan Aitken after he was found guilty of perjury and was facing prison.

Diana is involved with the Carnegie UK Trust.

Diana and Leon kept a home in London where they troughed with the rich n famous, but they also had a home in Wensleydale, North Yorkshire, what with Leon being the MP for Richmond. The North Yorkshire which was the centre of a paedophile ring. William Hague succeeded Leon’s seat in Richmond, became Secretary of State for Wales despite all that boasting about being a Yorkshireman through and through and having shown bugger all interest in Wales. Upon his appointment he organised the cover-up into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal which was the Waterhouse Inquiry. When William was running for the Tory Party leadership he found himself in urgent need of a wife – the Tories were expressing great concern that he was ‘single’, which seemed a little inconsistent in so far as they had no problem with Sir Peter Morrison attending sex parties with under-aged boys from children’s homes in north Wales. Fortunately for William a suitable woman arrived as if to order – Ffion, who had been a senior civil servant in the Welsh Office whilst it concealed criminal conduct in the children’s services and mental health services in north Wales. Love blossomed, although Thatcher was disgusted that Ffion and William shared an hotel room before they were married. I have just purchased a copy of Thatch’s autobiography ‘The Downing Street Years’ – I’ve only read the foreword and introduction so far but I’ve noticed that Peter Morrison is one of those thanked by Thatch in the book. I’m looking forward to reading Thatch’s fond reminiscences re her old mate Jimmy Savile.

Following Diana’s brief stint at the Runnymede, Samir Shah was Chair of the Runnymede Trust until 2009. Samir is a media executive who certainly ticks all the boxes. He was a student at St Catherine’s College, Oxford in the 1970s as were Mandelson and others known to this blog (see post ‘A Study In Tyranny). In 1977 Samir worked for the Intelligence Unit at the Home Office whilst Merlyn Rees was Home Secretary busy concealing criminal activity in north Wales, so he’ll have found out a few interesting things and made a few contacts there (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’). Then in 1979 he joined Mandy and the gang at LWT where he was a researcher and a producer on Eastern Eye, Credo, Weekend World and The London Programme. In 1987 Samir was appointed head of BBC’s TV current affairs and in 1994 he was appointed head of BBC’s Political Programmes, TV and Radio. In 1998 became Chief Exec of Juniper, an independent production company.

Shah was a Trustee for the Medical Foundation of the Victims of Torture, 2004-06 – who I seem to remember a few years ago were found to be harbouring a Top Doctor who had played a key role in the Rwandan Genocide. He was the former Chair of Screen West Midlands and  was a non-executive Director of the BBC Board, 2007-10. Shah is on the Board of BAFTA, is or was Deputy Chair at the V&A Museum and in 2014 was appointed Chair of the Geffrye Museum. He is a visiting Prof at Nottingham University and sits on the advisory panel on Oxford University’s Humanities Division. Samir was also on the Advisory Group of the dear old Royal Television Society’s Cambridge Convention in 2015.

Samir Shah was followed as Chair of the Runnymede by Chris Jones who is at present still in post. Chris Jones is another broadcaster and media executive…

 

So those are the Chairs of the Runnymede Trust. What about the Directors? Well obviously Dipak Nandy was in place until 1973, but then he handed over the reigns to others. The Runnymede has had a few Directors with CV’s and networks as interesting as Dipak.

Usha Prashar was Director, 1977-84. Usha was born in Kenya but came to the UK – Yorkshire – with her family in the 1960s. She went to the independent Wakefield Girls School and then Leeds University, graduating in 1970. A post-graduate course in Social Administration at Glasgow University followed. Directing the Runnymede Trust certainly launched Usha into the action. She was a Fellow of the Policy Studies Institute – a think tank which later merged with Westminster University – between 1984-86 and was then appointed as Director of NCVO – the umbrella organisation for so many charitable organisations concealing serious wrongdoing. Usha was non-executive Chair of the Parole Board, 1997-2000. That was when the Parole Board appointed Colin Berry, David Mawson and Chris Hunter – three Top Doctors who concealed the abuses of psychiatry and the associated paedophile gang in north Wales – as members, as well as a number of other very questionable people.

Usha was appointed a Civil Service Commissioner in 1990 and was First Civil Service Commissioner, 2000-2005. She was a non-executive director of Channel 4, 1992-99 and a non-executive director of UNITE Group plc, 2001-04. UNITE Group plc is ‘the UK’s leading manager and developer of student accommodation’. So they’ll be the ones who built those extravagantly luxurious apartments which were ruthlessly marketed to students including those who couldn’t afford them and ended up in financial trouble. Never mind the quality of your courses, just look at the accommodation that you’ll live in if you come to study here… Usha became a Governor of De Montfort University in 1996 and was Chancellor, 2001-2006. In recent years after the arrival of a new Vice-Chancellor, DMU has became a much happier less dysfunctional place. Whilst Usha was on board however a lot of very odd things went on at DMU and a number of recent graduates ended up in scandals, including a social worker who was caught illegally smuggling a baby into the UK which she had purchased in Africa. The staff at the time kept flagging up that things were unravelling on the ground, but they were ignored.

Usha was also appointed a Trustee of the BBC World Service Trust in 2002 and a non-executive Director of ITV plc in 2005. She is or was President of the Royal Commonwealth Society and Deputy Chair of the British Council. She was Chair of the National Literacy Trust, 2001-05.

Usha served on the Hutton Inquiry into Iraq. The inquiry into the conduct of Usha’s friend Tony Blair who had given Baroness Usha her peerage in 1999.

Usha is a Trustee of Cumberland Lodge, ‘an educational charity initiating fresh debate on the burning questions facing society’. The website of  Cumberland Lodge has no sign of anything educational or anything remotely fresh, although the slogan ‘creative thinking and inclusive dialogue’ is emblazoned across the site – but they do hold their meetings in a lovely castle and there’s plenty of photos of that. The castle in question is Windsor Castle. That’s so inclusive that I might drop into a meeting of Cumberland Lodge myself.

The intellectual powerhouse that is Usha is also a Governor of the Ditchley Foundation, which was established to ‘promote international understanding and relations, especially Anglo-American’. The Ditchley Foundation was founded in 1958 by Sir David Wills, a descendant of W.D. and H.O. Wills, the tobacco barons. It is based in Ditchley Park, another splendid building for Usha to do her thinking in, near Chipping Norton. So Rebekah Brooks and Cameron are just down the road then.

The Chair of the Ditchley Foundation is Lord George Robertson, Secretary of State for Defence under Blair, 1997-99 and then NATO General Secretary, 1999-2003. That went well then. The Chairman of the Ditchley Foundation between 2000-09 was Sir John Major, former PM, one time bedfellow of Edwina Currie and the protector of the paedophiles of north Wales via the vehicle of William Hague.

The Director of the Ditchley Foundation from 2010-16 was Sir John Holmes, a former diplomat who also held a senior role with the UN. Sir John was Principal Private Secretary to Blair whilst Blair was PM and he was also involved in the N Ireland peace talks – in which whatever happened at the Kincora Boys Home was used as a negotiating tool. Sir John Holmes has just been appointed Chair of the Electoral Commission.

The Director of the Ditchley Foundation, 1999-04 was Sir Nigel Broomfield, a former diplomat who was Chairman of Leonard Cheshire Disability, 2004-09.

Virtually all the Directors are of this ilk – former diplomats who have done a stint with the UN and who often have links to defence officials.

What about Usha’s fellow Governors at the Ditchley Foundation? Here are the names of some of them:

Lord Adonis, David Cameron, Margaret Beckett, Virginia Bottomley, Lord Carrington, Robin Butler, Shami Chakrabarty, Menzies Campbell, David Hunt, Geoffrey Howe, Neil Kinnock, David Miliband, Pauline Neville-Jones, Malcolm Rifkind, Jack Straw, Shirley Williams, Peter Jay, Paul Boateng.

There is only one question to be asked – WHERE IS DR DEATH?

 

Ann Dummett was Director of the Runnymede between 1984-87. Ann went to Somerville College and was married to the philosopher Sir Michael Dummett. Ann and Michael were high profile anti-racism campaigners and along with the MP for Oxford Evan Luard founded the Oxford Committee for Racial Integration (previously the Oxfordshire Council for Community Relations). Ann then worked at the Institute for Race Relations and for the Joint Council for the Welfare of Immigrants.

Michael Dummett was Wykeham Professor of Logic at Oxford, 1979-82 and whilst he held that position was also a Fellow of New College – where else? Dummett also held teaching posts at Birmingham University, UC Berkeley, Stanford University, Princeton University and Harvard University. In 1944 Dummet converted to Catholicism and enthusiastically engaged in Catholic debates.

Evan Luard, the MP with whom the Dummetts campaigned and worked, was a graduate of Kings College, Cambridge. In 1950 he joined the Foreign Service but resigned in 1956, in protests at Britain’s involvement in the Suez Crisis. He became a research fellow at St Antony’s College, Oxford in 1957 and was a Labour Councillor on Oxford County Council, 1958-61. Luard then served as Labour MP for Oxford, 1966-70 and again, 1974-79. He was Parliamentary Under-Secretary for State in the Foreign Office, 1969-70 under Foreign Secretary Michael Stewart and again, 1974-79 – under dear old Dr Death.

Evan Luard was sufficiently attached to Dr Death to follow him into the SDP shortly after Shirl et al founded it in 1981. Luard contested the 1983 General Election for as the SDP candidate – he was deselected in 1987 in favour of Chris Huhne, but I haven’t found out why.

The Rev Ken Leech was the Director who followed Ann Dummett – Ken Leech was Director until 1991. The Rev Ken was an Anglican priest and a Christian Socialist who was born and grew up in the Cheshire/Lancashire area. He was inspired in 1956 after he heard Trevor Huddlestone speak.

In 1958 Ken moved to the East End of London where he lived whilst he studied at Kings College, London. In 1961 he began his theological studies at Trintiy College, Oxford whilst at the same time training for the priesthood at St Stephen’s House. He was ordained in 1965. He then spent many years working in some of the poorest parishes in London, in places like Hoxton (1965-67), Soho (1967-71) and Bethnal Green (1974-79). The Rev Ken took a special interest in drug addicts, prostitutes and homeless young people. In 1967 he set up the Soho Drugs Group. It was Ken who in 1969 – along with Anton-Wallich-Clifford and the Simon Community – established Centrepoint, which dealt with youth homelessness. Centrepoint’s first Patron was Diana, Princess of Wales.

The Rev Ken spent most of the years between 1965 and 2004 working on the ground  with the very people who would have been witnesses to the abuse of kids in care and the trafficking of them into prostitution and the involvement that some Westminster figures had in this, as well as the collusion on the part of the mental health services, the police and the legal and criminal justice system. There is no way that the Rev Ken did not know about this. Anyone who listens to homeless young people, care leavers, drug addicts, prostitutes and mental health patients finds out about it. I did and my CV is not half as good as Ken’s in that respect. Just on one occasion, in London in 1987, Brown and me stopped to help a young homeless man who had been taken ill in a subway after going overboard sniffing glue. Because we stopped to help we were within minutes surrounded by his mates and his girlfriend – they were kids in care who had run away, some of them from Swansea. We found out about it after one brief stop to help their friend. If you help people having a hard time, you do find out what is happening to them, it is dishonest for people who work with those folk to claim that they ‘didn’t know’. The Rev Ken will have almost certainly been given the names of the members of the Westminster Paedophile Ring – repeatedly. Furthermore in Hoxton 1965-67 the Krays and their notorious mum were still living in Vallance Road, Ken will have been their neighbour – I’m sure that he noticed.

Ken’s obituaries tell us that he fought against the NF and other racist and fascist groups in the East End, that he campaigned for CND, for gender equality, for gay and lesbian rights. But Ken never opened his mouth about the organised sexual abuse of kids in care, the associated criminality in swathes of ‘respectable’ society – or about sexual abuse within the Church. But then if he had have done this, he wouldn’t have become Director of the Runnymede Trust. Or started up the Jubilee Group with Rowan Williams. Or sat on the Church of England’s Board of Social Responsibility. Or indeed have persuaded Diana to become Patron of Centrepoint. Neither would his ventures have received funding.

 

Sukhvinder Kaur-Stubbs was Director of the Runnymede, 1996-2000. Sukhvinder had all the ingredients for success as measured by ‘The Guardian’ – she was a Punjabi girl who grew up in Birmingham after her dad arrived in the UK with only a few fivers in his pocket, who got into Oxford and then learned the disciplines of management, marketing, budgeting and PR in the public, private and voluntary sectors. Obviously at the age of 33 it was inevitable that Sukhvinder would be appointed as Director of the Runnymede and that ‘The Guardian’ would write a profile which obsessed about the colour of her silk blouse, her jewellery and her ‘power hairstyle’ (which sounds like the sort of thing that Hillary Clinton probably has).

After four years at the Runnymede Trust, Sukhvinder became CEO of the Barrow Cadbury Trust, but she left there in a hurry in 2009 on the grounds that she wanted to spend more time with her adopted daughter. It was probably very much more preferable than working in what the Third Sector has now become.

Sukhvinder was/is also a member of the Council at Birmingham University, Chairwoman of the European Network Against Racism, a non-executive Director of Severn Trent, a member of the Board of the Black Country Development Corporation and of Advantage West Midlands, as well as a Director of the Home Group Ltd.

Sukhvinder is a Director at Swan Housing Group and Chair of the Social Care Institute for Excellence. I have laughed at the Social Care Institute for Excellence and taken its name in vain for years because it was one of the key vehicles that promoted the idea of ‘service user involvement’ in mental health. Whilst service users were mistreated, abused, unlawfully denied treatment, fitted up for crimes that they had not committed and died, whilst no complaints about anything anywhere were ever investigated properly, the SCIE continued publishing laughable guides to service user involvement. The guides aimed at service users themselves contained illustrations of cartoon-like characters sitting around in meetings – there was always an Asian lady among them – with think or speech balloons saying things like ‘what if I don’t feel comfortable?’ or ‘should I ask my social worker about this?’ and a few lines about how as a service user you were now empowered. As the media gradually moves towards a tiny bit of honesty regarding the state of social care in the UK, I think that we should now be asking where the fucking excellence ever was, why the SCIE were allowed to publish lies for so many years, who established that organisation and who footed the bill for the mountains of crap which emanated from it. Perhaps Professor Peter Beresford could enlighten us.

Recently Sukhvinder has become a non-executive Director of the Lewisham and Greenwich NHS Trust, an organisation recently created out of other NHS organisations – I suspect because the previous organisations were scandal ridden and bankrupt, so a rebranding exercise was needed. Sukhvinder’s colleagues on the Trust Board are the regulation collection of Angels who have undertaken MBAs and moved into management, managers and social workers previously affiliated to organisations where the most terrible disasters and scandals have occurred, accountants and former employees of the Dept of Health.

 

So that’s an account of a few free radicals, some of whom should not be free at all after their role in colluding with some of the most serious child abusers that have operated in the UK.