Those Who Are Ready To Serve

Some of my recent posts eg. ‘The Village’ and ‘The Turn Of The Screw’ and additions to my posts by the use of the ‘comments’ facility have mentioned how a number people in Somerset with links to the Tory Party who knew me before I went to UCNW (Bangor University) in 1981 found out about my battles with Dafydd and the sex trafficking gang and put this information to good use, receiving large quantities of dosh from persons unknown in return for their silence in the face of the horrific things which were happening to me and my friends as well as in return for their silence if I went to prison or was found dead.

I continue to receive information about – and yet more names of – those who knew me who decided to take advantage. I did notice at the time that a number of people whom I’d known in Somerset seemed to do spectacularly well for themselves, inexplicably so.  I have been told that less fortunate people who knew Brown and me who drifted into petty crime were paid to smear us and for info, but it was of course those who aspired and with influential connections whom I have been told really spotted the potential.

So let me introduce one of my playmates from when I was about six yrs old, along with some information regarding her later career – Janet Mitchell. Janet was Janet Sims when I knew her and most unusually for a girl in Somerset in those days, Janet became an engineer. Janet’s dad Fred Sims was a lecturer in mechanics at Bridgwater College. Janet wanted to follow in her dad’s footsteps, but had rather more academic aspirations so she aimed for an engineering degree. She didn’t do very well in her A levels, so she didn’t go to university after the sixth form, she took up an apprenticeship and completed academic qualifications when she was a bit older.

In 1982 Janet began working as an engineer at Westland Helicopters in Yeovil. Westland was a company which struggled all the way through the 1970s. It was a major news item on ‘Points West’ if somebody actually bought a helicopter, or even looked as though they might be reaching for their chequebook. In mid-1980s, by the time that Brown and I had begun writing to Ministers and the GMC about the Top Docs et al in north Wales, Westland became world famous as a result of the then Secretary of State for Defence Michael Heseltine’s robust support for the ailing company. People in Somerset thought it entirely reasonable that Heseltine seemed to be staking his career on the future of Westland, but the big wigs in politics and the London-based media ranted on about Heseltine’s inexplicable interest in a ‘small West Country company’.  It was a company which employed my former childhood playmate who’s mum and a few others knew what was happening to me at the hands of a branch of the Westminster Paedophile Ring and that had at some point been brought to Heseltine’s attention. Securing Heseltine’s backing was a real coup for Westland, it ailed no more and Janet’s career soon took off like a meteorite.

 

The Westland Affair involved Thatch and Heseltine going public over a Cabinet dispute with questions raised about whether the conventions of Cabinet Gov’t were being observed and about the integrity of senior politicians.

Westland was Britain’s last helicopter manufacturer and in 1985 was to be the subject of a rescue bid. Heseltine favoured a European solution, integrating Westland with a consortium including British Aerospace (BAe), Italian (Augusta) and French companies, but Thatch and the Trade and Industry Secretary, Leon Brittan, while ostensibly maintaining a neutral stance, wanted to see Westland merge with Sikorsky, an American company.

Heseltine refused to accept Thatcher’s choice and claimed that Thatcher was refusing to allow a free ministerial discussion about the matter, even suggesting she had lied about cancelling a scheduled meeting. When Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for his European consortium, he resigned and walked out of a Cabinet meeting in Jan 1986. Brittan was then forced to resign for having (on the orders of Thatcher’s aides, as he admitted some years later) previously ordered the leaking to the press of a confidential legal letter critical of Heseltine and for his lack of candour to the Commons about his efforts to persuade BAe to withdraw from Heseltine’s consortium. Thatcher’s survival as PM appeared to be in question, although she rode out the crisis. The episode was an embarrassment to Thatch’s Gov’t and undermined her reputation.

Now for the details of the scrap and those involved.

 

The rescue of Westland came as a great relief to the MPs in the area, Westland having previously been in deep trouble and an embarrassment. MPs with an interest included Tom King (Tory, Bridgwater), Paddy Ashdown (Lib Dem, Yeovil); Bob Boscawen (Tory, Somerton and Frome), David Heathcoat-Amory (Tory, Wells) and Jerry Wiggin (Tory, Weston-Super-Mare).

I have mentioned that Tom King was personally known to the people in Somerset who knew me and who received money in return for their silence, but at least one of them knew Jerry Wiggin as well and one of them aspired to get up close and personal with Paddy Ashdown, but I don’t know if that plan succeeded.

 

At the beginning of the Westland crisis Tom King was Secretary of State for Employment and his Minister of State was Sir Peter Morrison, who was abusing kids in north Wales, Cheshire as well as in other locations. On Sept 2, 1985, King was made N Ireland Secretary, where he was involved in concealing the scandal at the Kincora Boys’ Home, which was even worse than, but linked to, Dafydd and the gang in north Wales. On Sept 2, 1985, Peter Morrison was appointed Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan – who was involved in the decisions regarding Westland…

Tom King was given a peerage in 2001, the year after the Waterhouse Report was published, as the voices denouncing it as a whitewash began to fade.

 

Sir Jerry Wiggin was a farmer who was on the right of the Tory Party, a member of the Monday Club and a supporter of Ian Smith in Rhodesia. Wiggin was something of a bon viveur with his own ‘set’, usually high-living and right-wing Sir Bufton Tuftons. I remember well the Sir Buftons from my youth. Wiggin’s judgement was doubted by senior Tories and ‘Private Eye’ called him ‘Junket Jerry’ because of his frequent trips abroad. In 1981 Wiggin became a junior Minister at the Ministry of Defence, covering the armed forces; it was left to him to defend the withdrawal of the naval ice patrol ship Endurance from the South Atlantic, which is often seen as having been the trigger for the Argentine invasion of the Falklands in 1982. Wiggin was dismissed from the post a year later. On the eve of a Gov’t reshuffle in June 1983, Wiggin anticipated a promotion and was surprised to be sacked. Despite his pleading and invocation of his experience as a major in the TA, Thatch was unmoved. It was speculated that she may have heard rumours that Wiggin was something of a ‘chancer’ who had diverted an RAF helicopter to visit a girlfriend. At the time, he and his wife Rosemary Orr had recently divorced and Wiggin claimed massive trauma.

Wiggin’s son from his first marriage, William, the Conservative MP for Leominster from 2001, was a year ahead of David Cameron at Eton and married a former girlfriend of Cameron’s. Wiggin’s son Thomas is an asset manager and his daughter Audrey an ‘executive coach’. Wiggin married for a second time in 1991 when Morella Bulmer – who had previously married into the family of the cider group – became his wife.

After Wiggin’s sacking, he ‘seemed to nourish a grudge’ against Thatch. In 1989 he voted for Sir Anthony Meyer when Meyer made a token challenge for the leadership, an extraordinary step given Wiggin’s political views. I have no idea whether Wiggin was aware of this, but Anthony Meyer knew about the havoc that Dafydd and the gang were causing in north Wales and Meyer not only decided to wound Thatch, but also fought a battle to prevent the toxic Beata Brookes, Dafydd and Lucille’s partner in serious organised crime, from becoming the MP for Clwyd West (see post ‘The Celtic Iron Lady And Yet More Recent History’).

Wiggin frequently rebelled in the Commons. In 1996 he defied the Whips over the Firearms Bill, which tightened the use of guns after the massacre of children in Dunblane. His objection was that the proposed level of compensation for those affected by the banning of firearms was inadequate, adding, ‘I am deeply ashamed of my government’. As indeed should he have been, but not for that reason.

Wiggin was knighted in 1993, at about the time (or shortly after) the North Wales Police wound up their investigation into child abuse in north Wales and announced that there was no evidence of a VIP paedophile ring in the region subjected to a high level cover-up. Wiggin retired from Parliament in 1997. Just as the Waterhouse Inquiry got going.

William Rees-Mogg, a former Editor of ‘The Times’, described Wiggin as ‘a shrewd politician — though perhaps closer to the intellectual tone of the rugby XV than of All Souls’. Mystic Mogg lived in Somerset himself whilst all this was going on.

 

I note that Jerry Wiggin was a junior Minister in the MoD at the time of the Falklands conflict. The village in Somerset where the people who knew me and received thousands of pounds in hush money also contained a family with two sons who had both joined the Army after leaving school – they both went to school with me. The older boy joined the Army first and then two years later his younger brother followed. The younger boy alleged the most terrible experiences – what would now be described as very, very serious bullying from NCOs, the sort of thing that was alleged to be happening at Deepcut. This young man was rash enough to try and give back what he was receiving – or at least claimed to be – and he belted an NCO. He was subjected to MoD disciplinary measures, but everything just backfired. He went wild, absolutely beserk, was transferred to what I think must have been a military prison and then there was some sort of Top Doc’s intervention. According to him, he was ferociously beaten constantly, kept naked in cells for days on end, denied contact with anyone etc. Eventually he was discharged and went straight home to his family, which was the first that they knew about it all, because he had not been allowed to communicate with anyone.

This young man’s father was a trade union activist – he was a farm worker who had been involved with the union for years – and he hit the roof when he heard what had happened. He approached the union movement, numerous politicians, lawyers, he really was determined to elicit an investigation into what had happened. He fought for quite a few years and got absolutely nowhere. Meanwhile, his eldest son, who seemed to get on much better in the Army, had been sent to serve in the Falklands conflict. When he returned to Somerset, he was angry and disillusioned with the Army, claiming that the other ranks had been put at risk by the incompetence of the officers and that his mates had died as a result. No-one wanted to hear what he had to say – Somerset was True Blue and nearly everyone supported Thatcher’s adventure in the South Atlantic. This man was viewed not as a voice from the front line but as a wicked traitor.

I don’t know how much substance there was in the allegations made by the two sons of this family, but I imagine that the same politicians who spent years doing the most disgusting deals in order to keep a lid on Dafydd et al crushed these two young men and their family underfoot.

 

Jerry Wiggin was the MP for Weston-super-Mare. Jeffrey Archer grew up there and his mother used to write a column on the ‘Weston Mercury’. When Archer was given a peerage, he became Lord Archer of Weston-super-Mare. I imagine that he will have retained many links with the area, despite being based in Cambridgeshire and London. Archer and his wife had a number of connections with people known to Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘Tuppence And His Fragrant Wife’). Peter Morrison succeeded Tuppence as Deputy Chairman of the Tory Party.

 

Paddy Ashdown, the MP for Yeovil at the time, is a former Royal Marine who was in the SBS and worked as an intelligence officer with MI6. Yeovil was Paddy’s wife Jane’s home town and in 1976 when Paddy was selected as the Liberal Party’s prospective parliamentary candidate for Yeovil, he took a job with Normalair Garrett, then part of the Westland Group. Paddy wasn’t elected until 1983. In 1981 he became a youth worker with Dorset County Council’s Youth Service, working on initiatives to help the young unemployed.

In the early 1980s, Rob Evans, the senior manager in Gwynedd Social Services with responsibility for child protection when the children’s services in Gwynedd hosted a paedophile ring, had been a social work Team Manager in Dorset. In 1992 Evans was given responsibility for managing the community mental health services in Gwynedd. Patients were threatened, assaulted and fitted up for crimes by mental health staff. The area had one of the highest suicide rates in the UK. Complaints were never investigated and even when Evans condescended to meet patients who had the most terrible experiences, Evans simply talked around the subject and nothing was ever resolved (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’).

 

Paddy Ashdown knew about Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith and the numerous other Parliamentary molesters. He knew about the biggest, most dangerous bag of shit of all, Kincora Boys’ Home in Belfast, as well as much else because of his work with MI6. Paddy was living the high life in Geneva before he rocked up scratching a living in Yeovil. It wasn’t an obvious career move and it is highly probable that Paddy had been deployed to the West Country by the security services because of Thorpe’s shenanigans in north Devon at the time. At the time of Westland, David Steel was leader of the Liberal Party and the Liberals had formed their Alliance with Dr Death’s bunch. David Steel was told about Cyril Smith abusing boys and ignored it and Dr Death was mates with some of the Top Docs in north Wales with whom I was having such terrible problems. Paddy became leader of the newly merged party, the Lib Dems, in 1988 and was always a one for attempting back room deals with the paedophiles’ friends in a desperate attempt to get into Gov’t.

At the time of the Westland Affair, the brother of the former Liberal MP John Pardoe lived in the same village as those receiving the dosh to keep quiet about events in north Wales. John Pardoe had been the MP for North Cornwall who lost his seat in 1979, because, it was perceived, as a result of his strong support for Jeremy Thorpe, who was at the time standing trial at the Old Bailey for conspiracy and incitement to murder Norman Scott (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). In the 1987 General Election campaign, John Pardoe was campaign manager for the SDP-Liberal Alliance. When he was at Cambridge, John Pardoe was in Footlights with Top Tosser Jonathan Miller, who was called upon himself to come to the rescue of the paedophiles’ friends of north Wales (see post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’).

I have not been told that John Pardoe’s brother was involved with those we know and love – Brown and me knew him quite well and liked him, we spent a summer working on his farm, as did friends of ours – but this was such a heap of crap with the security services and others nobbling people who knew Brown and me and either bribing them to shaft us or wrecking the lives of those who stood by us, that I would be very surprised if Robin, John Pardoe’s brother, had not been approached. Furthermore, Robin Pardoe’s son Simon was an Aberystwyth graduate who at that time was working for ILEA, an organisation which was complicit with kids from inner London being sent to children’s homes in north Wales and his daughter Rachel had recently graduated from Sussex University. I really don’t think that Dafydd’s protectors will have been able to resist the opportunity.

 

At about this time, a company which could only be described being run by crooks and spivs, FPS (Financial Planning Services), arrived in Somerset. For a short while one of the Somerset contingent known to me took a job as a ‘financial consultant’ with FPS. She was told at the time that FPS were conmen and after she had spent a few weeks working for them, this became evident. She did eventually wave a fond farewell to them, but not before she found out that one of the leading lights in FPS was a former SBS action man of a Paddy-type. The SBS man was also a complete thug who terrorised everyone and sexually exploited young women. Was he known to you Paddy? Because you were all down there near Yeovil at the same time.

If you were sent to Somerset on Lilibet’s secret service Paddy, you did a bloody awful job. DAFYDD!!?? For God’s sake, was he really worth protecting??

 

Robert Boscawen, Tory MP for Wells, was the fourth son of Evelyn Hugh John Boscawen, 8th Viscount Falmouth. Boscawen’s ancestors included PM Charles Grey, 2nd Earl Grey.

After serving in the British Army during WWII, Boscawen served during 1947-48 in Hamburg, with the British Red Cross civilian relief teams organised by his mother, Lady Falmouth, a Vice-Chairman of the Tory Party. From 1948, Boscawen spent two years with Shell Petroleum before joining the family-owned Cornish china clay business, Goonveen. He became a Lloyd’s underwriter in 1952. Boscawen’s political career began in 1948 when he joined the Young Conservatives.

Boscawen was a member of the Monday Club and was MP for Wells, 1970-83 and then, as the result of boundary changes, he moved over to the nearby constituency Somerton and Frome. Boscawen supported the restoration of capital punishment, drastic cuts in the welfare state and student grants, but opposed abortion. He also became a leading supporter of Ian Smith after Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence.

Boscawen was interested in the NHS and sat on its London Executive Council, 1954-65. He was on the backbenchers’ Health Services Committee and Vice-Chairman, 1974-79. So it wouldn’t have been too difficult for leading Tories to lean on Boscawen if they thought that Dafydd et al were about to be exposed.

Boscawen served as a Lord Commissioner of the Treasury from 1981. Peter Morrison had been Lord Commissioner of the Treasury, 1979-81, during which time Boscawen had been an Assistant Gov’t Whip.

Boscawen was Vice-Chamberlain of Her Majesty’s Household 1983-86 and Comptroller of the Royal Household until 1988. Peter Morrison’s sister Dame Mary Morrison spent most of her life as Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Lilibet.

Boscawen became a member of the Privy Council in 1992, the same year that he retired from the Commons. Days after his retirement, the Brighton firebomb killed the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

Boscawen married Mary Codrington in 1949 and they had two daughters and one son, who followed him into the Coldstream Guards. Boscawen was a rower and yachtsman. He stroked the Trinity boat and rowed in the University trial eights. He was a member of the Royal Yacht Squadron and regularly sailed in international races, including the Fastnet.

 

Now here’s a funny thing. The MP who succeeded Boscawen in 1992, days before that firebomb did its best, was Mark Robinson. Mark Robinson was the man who wrote to me when I first raised concerns about Tony Francis, Dr D.G.E. Wood and Gwynne the lobotomist witholding my medical records from me and in the case of Gwynne, altering them. At the time, Robinson was the Tory MP for usually safe Labour seat of Newport West. He ended up writing to me because in 1985 Robinson was appointed a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, under Secretary of State Nicholas Edwards and it was Robinson who wrote to me after I paid a visit to Keith Best, the Tory MP for Ynys Mon, who was not only my constituency MP, but also a Minister in the Welsh Office (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). I had no idea at the time that Best was a crooked barrister who had previously lived in the Brighton area, had served as a Brighton Councillor when John Allen was trafficking kids in care in north Wales to brothels owned by Allen in Brighton and from the moment that Best arrived in north Wales concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang. Indeed I expect that’s why Best was sent to Ynys Mon as part of the reinforcements to assist the paedophiles’ friends.

Nicholas Edwards was still Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the Westland Affair (see posts ‘The Cradle Of Filth’ and ‘Old Nick Bites The Dust’).

Mark Robinson was born in Bristol to John Foster Robinson and Margaret, née Paterson. Mark Robinson’s father was High Sheriff of Avon in 1975, so he almost certainly knew Brown’s dad.

Dr D.G.E. Wood’s family came from Bristol, where his father worked as a Top Doctor. Wood went to medical school in Bristol. Lord David Hunt, who has spent most of his career concealing and colluding with Dafydd and the gang, did his degree in law at Bristol University and then in 1970 unsuccessfully contested Bristol South for the Tories. For some unfathomable reason, in the 1973 Birthday Honours Hunt was awarded an MBE for ‘political services in the west of England’. After unsuccessfully contesting Kingswood in 1974, Hunt was sent to contest the Wirral in a by-election in 1976 to provide back-up for Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Hunt subsequently provided the best of services to the paedophiles’ friends for decades, in his various roles at the Welsh Office and in his capacity as an international lawyer acting for the MDU and others.

By the mid-1970s, John Allen and others were flocking into north Wales purchasing isolated old buildings which were converted into children’s homes or residential schools. Nearly all of these establishments were part of the same paedophile ring. After the Children Act 1975, business really boomed. The Children Act 1975 was the work of Leo Abse who skilfully bullied and manipulated others into getting it onto the statute books. It was Dr Death who was roped into doing the crucial bit, introducing the private member’s bill that was necessary. See posts ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’ and ‘The History, Boys…’. Just before the Act was passed, Peter Morrison was selected as the Tory candidate for Chester, was then elected and a local authority reorganisation resulted in the creation of Gwynedd and Clwyd County Councils, which kicked off with Chief Executives David Alun Jones and T.M. Hadyn Rees respectively (see posts ‘I Know Nuzzing…’ and ‘Ain’t Nothing Clean – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists’). North Wales had opened for business as a production line for trafficked young people.

 

John Robinson’s family ran ES & A Robinson, the paper and packaging conglomerate that later became Dickinson Robinson Group. Apart from paper, the Robinsons were famous for cricket: Mark Robinson’s grandfather, Sir Foster Robinson, was captain of Gloucester; other members of the family played for, and captained, Gloucestershire. Mark Robinson was educated at Harrow and Christ Church, Oxford, where he read Modern History.

Mark Robinson spent six years at the UN: at the UN Relief Operation to Bangladesh; in the Office of the Under-Secretary General; and in the Office of the Secretary General, Kurt Waldheim. From 1977–83 Robinson was Assistant Director in the Office of the Commonwealth Secretary-General, who was then Sir Shridath Ramphal.

 

‘Sonny’ Ramphal was born in British Guiana. After attending schools in Georgetown, Ramphal studied law at King’s College London and was called to the bar at Gray’s Inn in 1951. So Sonny will have known Sir William Mars-Jones, who grew up in Denbighshire, a leading light at Gray’s Inn who was a mate of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse and President of UCNW. Mars-Jones and his family in north Wales provided years of protection for Dafydd et al.

As a pupil barrister Ramphal worked with the British politician and lawyer Dingle Foot. Sir Dingle Foot was born in Plymouth and was Liberal MP for Dundee, 1931-45. He joined the Labour Party in 1956 and was the Labour MP for Ipswich, 1957-70. John Allen came from Ipswich before arriving in north Wales in the late 1960s and opening the Bryn Alyn Community. Ipswich was also the base of Dr John W. Paulley and his wife. Paulley carried out harmful experimentation on his patients and Paulley’s wife ran a counselling and family therapy centre, which I suspect concealed organised abuse. Paulley was involved with the establishment of the University of Buckingham. See post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’ for further information on Paulley and his network.

Dingle Foot was Solicitor General, 1964-67, in Harold Wilson’s Gov’t. Wilson’s Gov’t concealed the abuse and criminality in north Wales and of course the sexual offences of George Thomas, who got on very well with Harold Wilson. Thomas was a junior Minister in the Welsh Office whilst Dingle was Solicitor General. The Secretary of State for Wales above Thomas was Lord Cledwyn, Labour MP for Anglesey, 1951-79 and friend of the Windbag and his extended family (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’).

Dingle Foot was the eldest son of Isaac Foot, solicitor and founder of the Plymouth law firm, Foot and Bowden. Isaac was Liberal MP for Bodmin, 1922-24 and again from 1929-35 and also a Lord Mayor of Plymouth. Dingle’s brother was Michael Foot, who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang and of course of George Thomas (see post ‘Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks…’). Another brother was Lord John Foot, a Liberal politician; another was Hugh, Lord Caradon, Governor of Cyprus and British Ambassador to the UN and yet another brother was Christopher, a solicitor who joined the family firm. Dingle also had two sisters. His nephew, Hugh’s son, was the journalist Paul Foot. Who campaigned on behalf of many people experiencing injustices but not anyone who was the victim of the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles or their friends.

Dingle Foot died on 18 June 1978 in a hotel in Hong Kong, after choking on a bone in a chicken sandwich. I don’t know if anyone actually witnessed his death. Peter Morrison, who had been the Tory MP for Chester since 1974 and who was looking forward to a Cabinet career when his mate Thatch became PM, must have been quite relieved when old Dingle pegged out. As must have been a great many other people, who weren’t Labour supporting paedophiles like George Thomas, but were paedophiles who supported the Tories. Croesor in north Wales was a village where many radicals and activists on the left spent the summer and they knew about Dafydd and the gang (see post ‘The Village’). Bertrand Russell, who lived in nearby Penrhyndeudraeth, was friends with some of this crowd and he knew about Dafydd et al as well. I suspect that Dafydd proved quite useful to Russell. Many of the Croesor contingent were lefties who knew Michael Foot and would have been delighted to bring Thatcher down, but the problem was that many people on the left were colluding with the sexual exploitation of young people as well.

 

Dingle’s pupil barrister Ramphal also studied law at Harvard. Ramphal started his legal career as a Crown Counsel in the Attorney-General’s Office in 1953, becoming Solicitor-General and then Assistant Attorney-General of the short-lived West Indies Federation. After a period in private practice in Jamaica he returned to Guyana in 1965 to be the Attorney General. Two years later Ramphal was also appointed Minister of State in the Ministry of External Affairs, later becoming Minister of Justice (from 1973) and Minister of Foreign Affairs (from 1972). In 1975 he left Guyana to be Commonwealth Secretary-General.

Ramphal served as the Chancellor of the University of Warwick, 1989-02, was at the University of the West Indies until 2003 and was then Chancellor of the University of Guyana. In 1995, along with Swedish PM Ingvar Carlsson – who became PM after the assassination of Olof Palme in 1986 – Ramphal was one of the co-chairs of the Commission on Global Governance. In the same year, the Commission on Global Governance produced a controversial report, ‘Our Global Neighbourhood’. The report was attacked because it calling for UN reforms that would increase the UN’s power. It was also criticised for the use of the term ‘global governance’ rather than ‘world federalism’.

The Commission on Global Governance was established in 1992 with the full support of the UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who oversaw the UN at a time when it dealt with several world crises, including the breakup of Yugoslavia and the Rwandan genocide. Neither of which were the UN’s finest hour.

 

Mark Robinson’s background at the UN and Commonwealth resulted in his appointment to the Foreign Affairs Select Committee after his election for Newport West in 1983, a position he held until in 1985 when Thatch transferred him to the Welsh Office. By 1985, I had already written to the GMC about Gwynne and raised concerns with UCNW (Bangor University) regarding his presence in the Student Health Centre. By that time Mary Wynch had been given leave by the Master of the Rolls Lord Donaldson to sue Dafydd et al after she was unlawfully arrested and imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and then in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and Alison Taylor had raised concerns about the abuse of children in care in north Wales.

At the time of the Westland Affair, Mark Robinson was still a Minister in the Welsh Office, colluding with Dafydd and the gang.

Robinson lost his seat at the 1987 General Election and was re-elected in 1992 for Somerton and Frome. By that time I and my two friends who worked in the media had been hounded out of our jobs (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). Robinson was appointed PPS to the Minister for Overseas Development, Baroness Lynda Chalker and the Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary, Douglas Hurd. Robinson has since served as a Commonwealth election observer.

 

Lynda Chalker was Tory MP for Wallasey, 1974-92. Wallasey is a constituency in Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Chalker was educated at Roedean, Heidelberg University, Queen Mary University of London and the Poly of Central London (now the University of Westminster). She worked as a statistician and market researcher, including a spell with Shell-Mex, before entering the Commons. Chalker held a number of Gov’t posts, including spell at the DHSS, 1979–82. Being a statistician, Chalker would have noticed the very high suicide rate in north Wales, the high number of deaths at Risley Remand Centre, the fact that Dafydd had more patients on 12 month sections than any other Top Doc in the UK and the enormous number of children in care from right across the UK who had been placed in the numerous children’s homes in north Wales. Chalker would have noticed the dire state of the finances at Gwynedd Health Authority and Clwyd County Council. She’d have known about Mary Wynch’s case as well because the shit hit the fan as a result of that in 1979-80.

Chalker served as a junior Minister at the Dept of Transport, 1982–83. In 1983 she became Minister of State at Transport and she was Minister for Europe, 1986-89. Professor Oliver Brooke of St George’s Hospital Medical School was jailed for the possession of child porn in Dec 1986. Brooke was a key figure in a pan-European paedophile ring and was involved in an international trade in child porn. Brooke’s colleagues at St George’s continued to facilitate and collude with Dafydd et al in north Wales and a paedophile ring in south London. John Allen owned a villa in the south of France where he took kids in care ‘for holidays’ and Dafydd ‘held clinics’ in France.

Chalker was Minister for Overseas Development and Africa, 1989-97.

In June 1974, Chalker was awarded an Honorary Citizenship from President Guebuza for services to Mozambique.

Chalker was given a peerage in 1992, after losing her seat in the General Election, days before that Brighton firebomb.

Chalker is the Founder and President of Africa Matters Limited, an ‘independent consultancy providing advice and assistance to companies initiating, developing or growing their activities in Africa’. She is a member of the international advisory board of Lafarge, a French company which produces cement, aggregates and concrete. The victims of Dafydd probably end up in their products as parts of flyovers. Chalker sits on the Board of Trustees of the Investment Climate Facility for Africa. She is a Consultant for Uganda’s Presidential Investors Roundtable (PIRT) that advises the President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, on ways to improve Uganda’s investment climate and competitiveness.

Chalker is a founding Member of the Global Leadership Foundation, an organisation which works to ‘support democratic leadership, prevent and resolve conflict through mediation and promote good governance’ in the form of democratic institutions, open markets, human rights and the rule of law. Chalker’s having great success on that front then. The Global Leadership Foundation achieves its aims ‘by making available, discreetly and in confidence, the experience of former leaders to today’s national leaders’. Is Blair involved? It sounds like the sort of thing that would appeal to him. The Global Leadership Foundation ‘is a not-for-profit organisation composed of former heads of government, senior governmental and international organisation officials who work closely with heads of government on governance-related issues of concern to them.’

Chalker is a Member of the Board of Trustees of Sentebale, a ‘charity set-up to reach Lesotho’s neediest children, many of whom are the victims of extreme poverty and the HIV/AIDS epidemic of that area’. Chalker founded the Chalker Foundation, which seeks to support the improvement of healthcare in Africa. Somehow I doubt that the needy children of Africa are going to benefit from Lynda’s largesse.

Chalker held the position of Non-Executive Director and Chairman of the Corporate Responsibility and Reputation Committee for Unilever, retiring in May 2007 having served three terms of three years. She joined the Board of Unilever as an Advisory Director in 1998, becoming a Non-Executive Director in 2004.

Professor Fergus Lowe’s empire at the School of Psychology at Bangor University was built on the back of huge grants from the ESRC and Unilever in 1992 (see post ‘Feet In Chains’). Fungus created his empire by overthrowing Dafydd’s influence in the School and then holding everyone who had colluded with or concealed Dafydd’s crimes over a barrel. Including Liverpool University, Dafydd’s alma mater, which employed – and continues to employ – many of Dafydd’s friends and associates. Philip Lever – Lord Leverhulme – was an advisory Director of Unilever  and was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1980-93 (see post ‘Heart of Darkness’).

Dr Death was MP for Plymouth Sutton and Plymouth Devonport, 1966-92 and was friends with some of the Top Docs associated with Dafydd and the north Wales gang. The Foot family were still very much a presence in Plymouth when Dr Death was the MP down there. Dr Death was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1996-09.

 

Lynda Chalker has served on the Africa Advisory Board of Renaissance Capital. She is a former Chairman of the Medicines for Malaria Venture and a former Non-Executive Director of Group Five. Chalker was shortlisted for the Grassroot Diplomat Initiative Award in 2015 for her work with ‘Africa Matters’.

In 2018, it was announced that Chalker would take over as President of the Royal Geographical Society.

Here she is, lest any disadvantaged children encounter her and need to run for their lives:

Official portrait of Baroness Chalker of Wallasey crop 2.jpg

 

Lynda Chalker holds the 20th-century record for continuous Gov’t service, along with Kenneth Clarke, Malcolm Rifkind, Tony Newton and Patrick Mayhew, as she held office for the entire duration of the Conservatives’ 18 years in power. Clarke, Newton and Mayhew knew about the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales and elsewhere, saw mountains of documentary evidence and actively concealed everything for years.

 

Chalker succeeded Ernest Marples as MP for Wallasey. Ernest Marples was a Minister under Macmillan and Douglas-Home throughout the Tory Gov’t, 1957-64. Marples was embroiled in much controversy throughout his political career, as a result of allegations of conflict of interest and dodgy financial deals, often involving companies which had been given Gov’t contracts.

In the late 1940s Marples was a director of a company called Kirk & Kirk, which was a contractor in the construction of Brunswick Wharf Power Station. Marples met civil engineer Reginald Ridgway, who was working as a contractor for Kirk & Kirk. In 1948 the two men founded Marples Ridgway and Partners, a civil engineering company. The new partnership took over Kirk & Kirk’s contract at Brunswick Wharf and in 1950 Marples severed his links with Kirk & Kirk. Marples Ridgway’s subsequent contracts included building power stations in England, the Allt na Lairige dam in Scotland, roads in Ethiopia and (significantly) England as well as a port in Jamaica. The Bath and Portland Group took over Marples Ridgway in 1964. Brunswick Wharf Power Station (also known as Blackwall) was built by Poplar Borough Council after WW II. Poplar was a borough where the organised abuse of children had existed for generations – by the 1970s, those children were being sent to children’s homes in north Wales.  By the 1990s, the stench of the scandal was so bad that people in north Wales and very rich high places in London were busy scratching each others backs to ensure that the truth never emerged (see posts ‘Apocalypse Now’ and ‘The Bodies Beneath Canary Wharf’).

Blackwall Power Station was built for the BEC (British Electricity Company), the predecessor of the CEGB. Walter McLennan Citrine, 1st Baron Citrine was Chairman of BEC/CEB (Central Electricity Board), 1947-57. Citrine was a leading British and international trade unionist. He was General Secretary of the TUC, 1926-46 and helped transform the Labour Party into a substantial force for government from 1939. Citrine was also President of the then influential International Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU), 1928-45. He was joint Secretary of the key TUC/Labour Party National Joint Council from 1931 and a Director of the UK ‘Daily Herald’, 1929-46, a mass circulation Labour paper.

Citrine was highly influential in the Labour movement. His involvement helped secure its recovery after the crushing defeat which followed the fall of the British Labour Gov’t in 1931. Citrine played a key role from the mid-1930s in reshaping Labour’s foreign policy, especially as regards re-armament and through the all-party anti-Nazi Council in which he worked with Churchill.

Citrine strengthened the TUC’s influence over the Labour Party. After Ramsay MacDonald formed a coalition with the Tories to force his policies through, Citrine led the campaign to have MacDonald expelled from the party. Citrine later supported the Attlee Gov’ts policy of nationalisation and served on the National Coal Board as well as Chairman of the CEB.

Citrine was in Liverpool and left school at the age of 12. He was a member of the ILP from 1906 and joined the Electrical Trades Union (ETU) in 1911. He was soon the leading activist for the ETU in Merseyside, the first full-time District Secretary in 1914, a post he served in until 1920, gaining much experience negotiating with major employers all round Birkenhead docks, as well as with electrical contractors in the area. Citrine became Secretary of the regional Federation of Engineering and Shipbuilding Trades (FEST) in 1919 and was elected Assistant General Secretary of the ETU in 1920. In 1924, he was appointed Assistant General Secretary of the TUC. Citrine was an enthusiastic acting General Secretary of the TUC during the General Strike of 1926 and was confirmed in that position afterwards.

With other leading figures, such as Ernest Bevin, Citrine helped change the face of British trade unionism. They took the unions from class conflict rhetoric to co-operation with employers and Gov’t in return for union recognition and industrial advances, ie. ‘from Trafalgar Square to Whitehall’.

Citrine accepted the position of Privy Councillor and this gave him total access to Churchill, the then Prime Minister and considerable influence with all Ministers on behalf of the TUC throughout WW II. Who’d have thought that Walter Citrine, born into the working classes on Merseyside and who left school at 12 would be sitting there drinking Chateau de Chasselas…

Citrine acted as an envoy for Churchill with the U.S and Soviet trade unions. This strengthened the position of the Labour ministers in Churchill’s Gov’t of 1940-45 which greatly assisted Labour’s election in 1945.

Citrine’s battled with the Communist International (the Comintern) after the General Strike. The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) and its front organisation in the unions, the Red International of Labour Unions (RILU)/later the Minority Movement, blamed the TUC leadership for the defeat of the strike. Citrine exposed this attempt by the Comintern to subvert the leaders of the British trade unions and this helped isolate British communists in the trade unions and Labour Party.

Many of the summer visitors to Croesor in north Wales during the middle years of the 20th century and their friends and colleagues who knew what Dafydd et al were up to (see post ‘The Village’) were members of the Communist Party of Great Britain and will have known about Walter Citrine and his battles. Such as Ed and David’s dad Ralph Miliband.

Citrine had originally been a keen supporter of the Russian Revolution and trade with the Soviet Union. He was one of the first to visit the Soviet Union in 1925 and did so again in 1935, 1941, 1943 and 1956. However, as President of the IFTU, based in Berlin from 1931-6, Citrine saw the rise of Hitler and the destruction of the huge German trade union and labour movement as partly the fault of the communists’ divisive tactics. He and Bevin were determined to prevent such an occurrence in Britain and this perhaps gave them a heightened sense of communist conspiracy in their dealings with internal opposition within the unions and the Labour Party. This caused much hostility to him amongst minority Left forces, such as the Socialist League, which would colour the attitude of many on the Left to him thereafter. Michael Foot’s biography of Nye Bevan is indicative of this.

In April 1940 Citrine and his colleagues in the TUC sued the ‘Daily Worker’ (which later became the ‘Morning Star’) for libel. Mr Justice Stable found for Citrine and the TUC. Sir Ronnie Waterhouse was friends with Justice Owen Stable’s son Philip. Citrine and his colleagues were awarded substantial damages and costs, but these were never paid, as the ‘Daily Worker’ changed publishers two days after the judgement. The TUC subsequently published the full judgement in a pamphlet by Citrine entitled ‘Citrine and others v Pountney: The Daily Worker Libel Case 1940’.

Citrine visited Finland in Jan 1940, at the height of its Winter War against the Soviet Union. In Oct 1941, a TUC delegation under Citrine’s leadership travelled to the Soviet Union as part of Churchill’s diplomatic efforts following the German invasion of Russia to bring the Soviet Union into the alliance against Germany.

It was at the invitation of the Minister of Fuel and Power, Manny Shinwell MP, that in 1946 Citrine was invited to join the newly nationalised NCB and given a welfare role for its then 700,000 or so miners (pithead baths, Summer Schools and machinery for joint consultation). Citrine served for a year until Shinwell again recommended his appointment as Chairman of the BEC (from 1955 the Central Electricity Authority) and in 1947, PM Attlee confirmed this appointment. Citrine served in this capacity for ten years, then remaining on the Board until 1962 in a part-time capacity.

Walter Citrine was given a peerage in 1946 and was an active attender of debates in the Lords in the 1960s.

 

In his capacity as Chair of the BEC/CEA, Walter Citrine will have been involved with Windscale Power Station. It is possible that Windscale was built by Marples Ridgway, but I haven’t been able to confirm this. On 10 Oct 1957 a fire at Windscale led to Britain’s worst nuclear accident. The reactors at Windscale had been built as part of the British post-war atomic bomb project. Windscale Pile No. 1 was operational in Oct 1950 followed by Pile No. 2 in June 1951. The 1957 fire burned for three days and there was a release of radioactive contamination that spread across the UK and Europe. On the morning of 11 Oct 1957, when the fire was at its worst, eleven tons of uranium were ablaze. Temperatures became extreme (one thermocouple registered 1,300 °C) and the biological shield around the stricken reactor was in severe danger of collapse.

The fire released an estimated 740 terabecqueres (20,000 curies) of iodine -131, as well as 22 TBq (594 curies) of caesium-137 and 12,000 TBq (324,000 curies) of xenon-133, among other radionuclides. Later reworking of contamination data has shown national and international contamination may have been higher than previously estimated. The Three Mile Island accident in 1979 released 25 times more xenon-135 than Windscale, but much less iodine, caesium and strontium. Estimates by the Norwegian Institute of Air Research indicate that atmospheric releases of xenon-133 by the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster were broadly similar to those released at Chernobyl and thus well above the Windscale fire releases.

Radioactive releases compared (TBq)
Material Half life Windscale Three Mile Island (compared to Windscale) Chernobyl Fukushima Daiichi
(atmospheric)
Iodine-131 8.0197 days 740 much less 1,760,000 130,000
Caesium-137 30.17 years 22 much less 79,500 35,000
Xenon-133 5.243 days 12,000 6,500,000 17,000,000
Xenon-135 9.2 hours 25 × Windscale
Strontium-90 28.79 years much less 80,000
Plutonium 6,100

 

The presence of the chimney scrubbers at Windscale was credited with maintaining partial containment and thus minimising the radioactive content of the smoke that poured from the chimney during the fire. These scrubbers were installed at great expense on the insistence of John Cockcroft and were known as Cockcroft’s Folly until the 1957 fire.

In 2007, tapes released to the BBC revealed that there had been a major cover-up regarding the Windscale fire and the reasons why this was. Scientists had been warning about the dangers of an accident for some time and the safety margins of the radioactive materials inside the reactor were being further and further eroded. Physicists at the Nuclear Research Laboratory in Harwell, Oxfordshire, were among those highlighting the potential dangers. However politicians and the military ignored the warnings; instead they increased demands on Windscale to produce material for an H-bomb. A succession of British PMs since WW II had been determined to persuade the Americans to share the secrets of their nuclear weapons with Britain. Harold Macmillan believed that if Britain could develop an H-bomb on the scale of the Americans, Britain would be treated as a nuclear equal and an alliance would be formed. At the very time that the fire at Windscale was being fought, with everyone involved unsure of whether they’d be able to bring the incident under control, Macmillan was arranging a summit in Washington. It laid the foundation of Britain’s ‘special relationship’ with the US.

Macmillan realised that if the American Congress knew that the fire at Windscale had been the result of reckless decisions taken in an attempt to produce an H-bomb, they might veto Macmillan’s and Eisenhower’s plans. Thus Macmillan covered up the true cause of the fire and issued a report saying that the accident had been caused by an ‘error of judgement’ by the Windscale workers. For 50 yrs, the official record on the accident was that the men who had in fact averted a potentially devastating accident were to blame for causing it. A subsequent inquiry cleared the Windscale workers.

 

Gov’t lies about the cause of the fire at Windscale might explain the roots of one of the many mysteries in which I have taken an interest. It does of course concern Dafydd. Before Dafydd embarked upon his glorious career in medicine at Liverpool University, in the early 1950s, he had already been thrown out of another degree course – I think that it was chemistry – at another university. Dafydd had been given a prestigious scholarship and the world was very angry when the Bethesda boy who had been given such an opportunity screwed it up. I don’t know why Dafydd was kicked out, but I expect that the wrongdoing involved will have been substantial, Dafydd doesn’t do things by halves. Yet somehow, after this huge disgrace that was very well-known and on his record, Dafydd subsequently bagged a place to do medicine at Liverpool – and the money to support himself while he did it. Back in Dafydd’s day, places at medical school weren’t as precious as they are now and medicine was not such a prestigious subject academically, but if one had previously buggered up a university place, one did not get another chance.

So how did Dafydd get through the doors of Liverpool University? It will have been nepotism because Dafydd and Liverpool Medical School only operate on nepotism, but knowing Dafydd, it won’t have been based on the nepotistic kindness of someone thought that he was a lovely young man who would make a good doctor. Dafydd will have had shit on someone so great that arms were twisted.

Before Dafydd went to Liverpool University, he worked at Windscale. The Legend of Dr DA that has been handed down through the Welsh mists tells us that it was whilst he was working as ‘an atomic scientist at Windscale’ that Dafydd decided that his future lay in medicine. Dafydd won’t have been an atomic scientist, but he was doing something at Windscale. Being Dafydd, if he was just cleaning the loos he’d have been creeping around variously ingratiating himself to or threatening people. Dafydd found something out whilst he was working at Windscale, which must have been very soon after Windscale opened, that had people jumping when he told them to jump for the rest of his life…

Dafydd’s adventures at Windscale might also explain why Gov’ts of all hues appointed nuclear physicists to preside over Top Docs when the Top Docs became even more uncontrollable than usual. Nuclear physicist Sir Alec Merrison Chaired an Inquiry regarding the pay and conditions of the Top Docs set up by Keith Joseph in 1973 (which reported in 1975) as well as the Royal Commission on the NHS, set up in 1976 by Barbara Castle, which reported in 1979. Barbara Castle as Secretary of State, along with her Health Minister Dr Death, allegedly chose Merrison to Chair the Royal Commission because he was a supporter of the NHS (see post ‘The History, Boys…’). It was of course nuclear physicist Lord Brian Flowers of Imperial College who was given domain over the Top Docs of London University whilst they committed huge research frauds and colluded with Dafydd’s sex trafficking gang.

Merrison and Flowers both had years of experience in the nuclear industry. Merrison had worked at the Atomic Energy Research Establishment Harwell, 1946-51. It was the physicists at Harwell who raised concerns about the dangerous design of/practices at Windscale. Merrison left Harwell for a post at the University of Liverpool. He was in that post when Dafydd was given a place to study medicine at Liverpool. Sir Alec Merrison remained at Liverpool until 1969, when he became VC of Bristol University. Dr D.G.E. Wood studied medicine at Bristol in the late 1960s and of course David Hunt had an association with Bristol University. Somehow I don’t think that Merrison being a supporter of the NHS will have been the driver behind him Chairing Royal Commissions concerning that organisation.

Even if Dafydd didn’t find out about the cause of the fire at Windscale, he probably did know that there had been some sort of cover-up. Dafydd would have also known something else that would have given him great blackmailing potential and ideas for his future business. That Ernest Marples, the MP for Wallasey, Minister in Macmillan’s Gov’t and the Director of the company that was building power stations and many other major infrastructure projects for the Gov’t, was using prostitutes. As of course were Harold Macmillan’s friends and Ministers (see post ‘In Memoriam – Bronwen, Lady Astor’). Macmillan’s wife was enjoying herself with various people as well, including the Conservative politician Lord Bob Boothby, who was bisexual and hanging out with gangsters, including the Krays (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’).

 

When Lord Denning conducted his 1963 investigation into the security aspects of the Profumo Affair and the rumoured affair between the Minister of Defence Duncan Sandys and the Duchess of Argyll, Denning confirmed to Macmillan that the rumour that Marples regularly used prostitutes was true. The story was suppressed and did not appear in Denning’s final report. By that time, Dafydd was working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and had been put in charge of the women’s wing. Nine hundred women, virtually all of them banged up because they had pregnancies which were inconvenient to other people or were saying things that might cause embarrassment to other people. For example that certain people were having sex with them or others when those certain people really didn’t want anyone to know that. Furthermore, not so far away from Denbigh, in Croesor were Sir Clough Williams-Ellis and his wife Amabel, who was a member of the Strachey family of ‘Bloomsbury set’ fame. Then there were all Clough’s friends who visited him or rented cottages on his estate, an assortment of alternatives and radicals. Including Bertrand Russell, who was highly sexually exploitative and had a few members of his family banged up on the grounds that they were insane as evidenced by their outrageous allegations about him (see post ‘So Who Was Angry About What?’).

 

Ernest Marples was given a peerage in 1974, but then in early 1975 suddenly fled to Monte Carlo, just before the end of the tax year, fearing that he would otherwise be liable for a substantial tax bill.

The flight came at a time when Marples was facing problems on several fronts. Tenants of his block of flats in Harwood Court, Upper Richmond Road, Putney, were demanding that he repair serious structural faults and had threatened legal action. Marples was being sued for £145,000 by the Bankers Trust merchant bank in relation to an agreement made with the French company Ernest Marples et Cie. He was also being sued by John Holmes, the chartered surveyor and Director of Marples’ property company Ecclestone Enterprises, for wrongful dismissal and who was claiming £70,000 in damages. The Inland Revenue was demanding that he pay nearly 30 years back taxes on his residence in Eccleston Street, Belgravia, London, as well as capital gains tax on his properties in Kensington. In addition, in 1974, Marples had lost 130 cases of wine to a fire in a store he owned under a railway line in Brixton and he had been convicted of drinking and driving for which he received a one-year ban and a £45 fine.

Marples’s departure came in the wake of the failure of a plan to avoid paying tax on his properties by involving a Liechtenstein-based company with which he had been involved for more than ten years. He was to sell his Harwood Court block of flats for £500,000 to Vin International which would refurbish and sell them for between £2.25 million and £2.5 million. Marples would only be liable for capital gains tax at 30% on the transfer to Vin which, as an offshore company, would only be liable for stamp duty at 2%. The plan failed following the change of Gov’t in 1974. After reports of this plan were published in the ‘Daily Mirror’, the Treasury froze Marples’ assets in Britain. In Nov 1977, he paid £7,600 to the British government in settlement of his breach of exchange control regulations, following which Marples made a return to London.

Marples’ final years were spent on his 45-acre vineyard estate in Fleurie, France. He died in a Monte Carlo hospital on 6 July 1978.

 

It is only since researching for this blog post that I have found out who Marples was and the extent of his wrongdoing. But there is someone in north Wales who knew of Marples – the Hergest patient, F, whom I discussed in my posts ‘Killing Floor – I Know Cos I Was There!’ and ‘An Appalling Vista’.  F is the man who claimed to have detailed information about the death of Jimi Hendrix and F alleged medical negligence; it was F who was fitted up for drugs and violently assaulted by the North Wales Police and who then experienced a psychotic episode as a result and set fire to his house after being refused help by Til, the thuggish neighbour in Carneddi who worked for S4C; F who was then arrested by the officers who had fitted him up and was detained in Risley Remand Centre where he heard the other inmates screaming as the screws beat them up; F who was then sent into the care of Dafydd at Denbigh although by that time he was no longer psychotic, but was given amphetamines by one of Dafydd’s drugs patients and was then kept in Denbigh for a year. There was never any investigation into any part of this. F disappeared within the psychiatric system and was forever after dismissed as a ‘chronic schizophrenic’.

F however had a sense of humour and thought that Dafydd was ‘a bit of a twat’. F knew that Dafydd was sexually exploiting female patients and F also knew that Mary Wynch’s mother died in questionable circumstances in one of Dafydd’s ‘nursing homes’. So F used to take the piss out of Dafydd. It was F who said to Dafydd after Dafydd accused him of lying, ‘I lied, you murdered’.

F used to talk about the Minster for Transport Marples a great deal, although for some reason F confused Ernest Marples with his wife, Lady Marples. But the reason why F made frequent references to ‘Mrs Marples’ was that F’s mother, a middle class business woman in Surrey, took part in a campaign to have Marples removed as a Minister back in the 1950s. F’s mother had attended an angry meeting of concerned people who confronted Marples and she lost her temper and hit Marples with a placard that read ‘Marples Must Go’. F’s mum then rushed back to the family home and there was concern that she might be arrested, but she wasn’t. F told everyone he knew about the day that his mother ‘hit Mrs Marples over the head with a placard and nearly got arrested’.

The game that the Angels played in north Wales was to maintain that the patients were all completely mad and could not be believed. However, if a high profile name was mentioned, or a mention of an influential friend or relative, those Angels clocked it, noted it and it was conveyed back to Dafydd Central. On every occasion. Even if F had never mentioned ‘Mrs Marples’ in front of Dafydd or an Angel – which he almost certainly had – F sat in my house and told me about it, several times and he told Brown as well. We now know that the security services had us under surveillance and had been bugging us and just about everyone else back as far as at least the early 1980s. They will have known about F’s mum and Ernest Marples and they were using all info gathered to protect Dafydd and the paedophile gang, not us.

The mountain of manure which was being concealed became ever higher with every minute that passed.

 

Now to return to Mark Robinson, the junior Minister who was the first umbrella of Dafydd’s to write to me and who subsequently found himself as the MP for a constituency near many people from my days in Somerset who were paid to keep quiet about what was happening to me.

Mark Robinson’s boss after Lynda Chalker was Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd. Hurd’s stint as Foreign Secretary, 1989-95, followed his time as Home Secretary, 1985-89. It was while Hurd was Home Secretary that Dafydd and the paedophile gang fitted people – including me – up with the assistance of the Home Office and corrupt police officers. Kids in care and mental health patients in north Wales were the victims of serious crimes on the part of the paedophile gang and their associates, but there were no investigations. Documentation was forged and this was happening in the Home Office as well. Hurd was the nephew of the botanist Prof Edred Henry Corner, who was known to some of the botanists at Bangor University who were colluding with Dafydd and the gang, one of whom was Dr D.G.E. Wood’s wife. For further details see posts ‘Security, Security’ and ‘Additional Security Measures’.

Hurd had been a favourite pupil of Baroness Jean Trumpington’s husband Alan Barker when Hurd was at Eton and in her autobiography Trumpers boasts that it was Hurd who, at the request of Barker, in 1979 secured her the position of UK delegate to the UN Commission on the Status of Women, in which role Trumpers managed to cause a few diplomatic incidents. In 1980 Thatch made Trumpers a Baroness and before long a junior Health Minister and it was in this capacity that Trumpers appointed Jimmy Savile to the management of Broadmoor Hospital – where some of the victims of Dafydd and the gang were ending up (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’). Savile visited Bryn Estyn on one occasion and a former resident of Bryn Estyn alleged that Savile witnessed him being sexually assaulted by a group of men.

Hurd also knew that kids in care were being found dead in Risley Remand Centre and that a visiting clap clinic was deemed necessary for the ‘medical wing’ – which was full of Dafydd’s patients. It was Hurd who was Home Secretary when Risley finally erupted into an uncontrollable riot in 1989. For details of the shameful state of Risley under Home Secretary Hurd, see post ‘Include Me Out’.

 

David Heathcoat-Amory, the Tory MP for Wells, 1983-2010, was another Somerset MP who would have had an interest in Westland. Heathcoat-Amory is the son of Brigadier Roderick Heathcoat-Amory and the nephew of Harold Macmillan’s Chancellor of the Exchequer, Derick Heathcoat-Amory.

David Heathcoat-Amory was educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford. He was President of the Oxford University Conservative Association and was a contemporary of John Redwood, William Waldegrave, Edwina Currie and Gyles Brandreth. Redwood was Secretary of State for Wales, 1993-95, when Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends made repeated attempts to have me imprisoned on the basis of their perjury. By that time, the dosh was certainly rolling into the pockets of people in Somerset. Waldegrave was Health Secretary, 1990-92, so his term of office covered the stuffing over of me at St George’s Hospital Medical School and my friends at that the Royal Television Society and the BBC (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). It was in about 1990 that the fortunes of the Somerset contingent seemed to take an inexplicable upward turn. Edwina was a junior Minister in Health at the same time as Trumpers and Trumpers allowed Edwina to take the blame for Savile being let loose in Broadmoor. Edwina admitted in 1990 in her ‘Diaries’ that it was widely known that Peter Morrison was molesting children and such was the panic in the Tory Party that she feared what people would do to conceal this.

Well now you know Edwina, they tried to murder my friends and I and had already succeeded in killing one of us by the time that you wrote that entry.

Gyles Brandreth succeeded Morrison as the MP for Chester. He discusses in his autobiography how local people and members of the constituency association openly shuddered at the recent memories of Morrison molesting ‘little boys’. See posts ‘I Want Serious Money Now Please’ and ‘It’s The Sun Wot Won It’.

Heathcoat-Amory qualified as an accountant in 1974 and joined Price Waterhouse. In 1980, he was appointed as the assistant finance director of the British Technology Group (BTG) where he remained until he was elected as MP in 1983. He is also a farmer with employees. Heathcoat-Amory’s various positions in Parliament included PPS to John Moore in 1985, when Moore was Financial Secretary to the Treasury. Moore was Secretary of State for Social Services/Social Security, 1987-89, in which capacity he concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al. Heathcoat-Amory was PPS to Douglas Hurd, 1987-88, when Hurd was Home Secretary. Heathcoat-Amory was Minister of State for Europe, 1993-94.

Heathcoat-Amory’s younger son, Matthew, committed suicide in 2001. His nephew Edward Heathcoat-Amory used to write for the ‘Daily Mail’ and has written for ‘The Spectator’. Paul Johnson, who was a youthful Labour supporter and mates with Sir Ronnie Waterhouse but then evolved into a right wing journalist involved with ‘The Spectator’, purchased an estate at Over Stowey in Somerset in approx the late 1970s. Johnson’s son Cosmo was friendly with at least one of those known to me who found themselves in receipt of so much money. Johnson’s wife is psychotherapist and former Labour parliamentary candidate Marigold Hunt, daughter of Dr Thomas Hunt who was physician to Churchill, Attlee and Eden. Johnson’s son Luke is the former Chairman of Channel 4. Marigold’s niece is Celia Walden, who is married to Piers Morgan.

 

There was another politician whom I believe played a major role in the good fortune of some of those who knew what was happening to me in north Wales – in particular Janet Mitchell – and that was Graham Watson, the Lib Dem MEP for Somerset and North Devon, Somerset and North Devon, 1994-99 and for South West England, 1999-14. Graham Watson might not have been a player at the time of the Westland Affair, but he certainly proved useful a few years down the line.

Watson was born on the Isle of Bute. His father was an officer in the Royal Navy and his mother a teacher. Watson was educated at the City of Bath Boys’ School and attended Heriot-Watt University where he studied languages.  He worked as an administrator at Paisley College of Technology (1980-83). He now speaks four European languages.

Watson had begun his political activity in the National League of Young Liberals in 1972. As international officer of the Scottish Young Liberals he became involved in the International Federation of Liberal Youth, becoming a Vice-President (1977) then General Secretary (1979) of the organisation. Watson was a founder of the European Communities’ Youth Forum. He served as a Council member of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party, 1983-93. Between 1983-87 Watson also served as head of the private office of then leader of the Liberals, Sir David Steel. 

Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith, Paddy Pantsdown, Dr Death… I need not continue. Graham had accumulated dynamite on a great many people.

In 1988 Graham Watson began work for HSBC in London and Hong Kong. His work there included three months with the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and gave him an interest in the Far East. He is now an adviser to the Asia Pacific Public Affairs Forum and is learning Mandarin Chinese.

Watson was Leader of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party in the European Parliament, 2002-04. He was Leader of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe in the European Parliament, 2004-09 and President of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party, 2011-15. Watson is a supporter of the Campaign for the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly, an organisation which advocates for democratic reformation of the United Nations. Obviously, Watson will want to be their leader.

Watson and his wife lived in Langport for years, but they now live in Brussels and Edinburgh, having extracted every drop of capital possible from the victims of a vicious paedophile gang and having found that they have bled Somerset and its opportunities dry.

 

The Westland Affair originated with Alan Bristow’s £89 million bid for the company in April 1985. Thatcher’s Gov’t forced the Westland Board to accept the bid from Bristow Rotorcraft. By June, Bristow was threatened to pull out unless the Gov’t assured him that there would be future orders for the company from the MoD and that the repayment of over £40 million of launch aid for Westland’s newest helicopter from the DTI was waived.

 

Alan Bristow was born in south London and after serving in WW II, he joined Westland as its first helicopter test pilot but was sacked after attacking the company’s sales manager. Bristow worked as a freelance helicopter pilot and then started his own helicopter trading and operating company in 1949. Bristow then provided helicopter spotting services for Aristotle Onassis’s pirate whaling fleet in the Antarctic. Bristow started operating flights in aid of oil exploration in the Persian Gulf. Bristow Helicopters Ltd eventually expanded to cover most of the globe outside Russia and Alaska, with notable profit centres in the British North Sea, Nigeria, Iran, Australia, Malaysia and Indonesia.

In 1968, Bristow took over from Freddie Laker as the Chairman of British United Airways. After leading the 1970 merger with Caledonian Airways to form British Caledonia, Bristow then returned to Chair Bristow Helicopters.

 

Bristow’s reign over the British helicopter sector came to an end in 1985 after he fell out with Lord Cayzer, whose family holding company British & Commonwealth was one of the shareholders brought in by Freddie Laker. Bought out by the Cayzers, Bristow retired and the company’s fortunes declined with the North Sea oil industry.

A keen equestrian, Bristow represented Great Britain at four-in-hand carriage driving with Phil the Greek.

Bristow claimed to have been offered a knighthood if he would return to the negotiating table to help Thatcher’s Gov’t out of its embarrassment re Westland.

 

Defence Secretary Heseltine was uninterested in Westland helicopters when initially approached by Tebbit, the then Trade and Industry Secretary, because plenty of American helicopters were available to meet Britain’s defence requirements. Heseltine attended two meetings about Westland’s future in June 1985, Chaired by Thatch. It was decided that Tebbit should persuade the Bank of England to co-operate with the main creditors in the hope that a recovery plan and new management would end the threat of receivership.

Brown and I had raised serious concerns with the Top Docs and Bangor University about Gwynne the lobotomist in the summer of 1984, after which Brown and I were threatened several times by Dr D.G.E. Wood. I also wrote to the GMC. It was in approx June 1985 that I also raised concerns about Dr Tony Francis. Francis had lied to me, denied that he had lied and was unlawfully witholding my medical records. For a long time I thought that perhaps Francis had simply made a mistake, not felt able to admit to it and the situation escalated unnecessarily. It was only relatively recently that I have discovered that Francis was actually fully on board with Dafydd, Gwynne and the paedophiles, was doing some pretty terrible things to patients without their knowledge and was probably far more dangerous than Dafydd and Gwynne because he wasn’t obviously identifiably mad to anyone within five minutes of meeting him. However, everybody who worked with Tony Francis did know that he was a troubled and dangerous doctor. No-one was warned. Patients remained on his list, were told by Angels that he was doing his best for them and were urged to return for more appointments  if they said that they didn’t want any more ‘services’ and new patients were referred to Francis as well.

 

Bristow withdrew his bid and in late June Sir – later Lord – John Cuckney was brought in as Chairman of Westland. Cuckney was educated at Shrewsbury School and then read medicine at the University of St Andrews, returning to the University after service with the Royal Northumberland Fusiliers and the King’s African Rifles during WWII to study history and economics. He was recruited by MI5 ‘with whom he served until 1959’. Although I doubt if he stopped serving then. ‘No-one leaves the Mafia’ after all. Particularly if there are lefties and service users Who Know to be dealt with and a load of greedy bastards from Somerset.

 

Cuckney’s time in MI5 featured in Peter Wright’s book ‘Spycatcher’ where Wright described him as ‘a tough, no-nonsense’ officer. After leaving MI5, Cuckney worked in the City at stockbrokers Standard Industrial Group, before joining merchant bank Lazards, where he became the first Director to resign in over 100 years. Cuckney then established Anglo-Eastern Bank with Sir David Alliance, specialising in trade finance between Britain and the Middle East.

Cuckney was appointed Chairman of the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board in 1970. He left in 1972 to become the first Chief Executive of the Property Services Agency to set up to manage the Gov’ts property estate. In 1974 Cuckney moved to the Crown Agents, which was in financial difficulty. He joined as Chairman and separated out the military sales arm as International Military Services (an MoD company), which he also became Chairman of and served until 1985. He left the Crown Agents in 1978, and briefly joined the Port of London Authority.

Cuckney subsequently became Director and/or Chairman of various companies, including travel company Thomas Cook, Midland Bank, tea company Brooke Bond, engineering firm John Brown, Westland, Royal Insurance, Investors in Industry (later 3i), Glaxo and Orion Publishing Group.

Cuckney had gained a reputation as a ‘the company doctor who never lost a patient’ following his involvement with the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board, Crown Agents, and John Brown. As Chairman of Westland, Cuckney’s favoured option of Sikorsky merging with Westland prevailed. You might not have lost your patient Westland Lord Cuckney, but a great many patients in north Wales died.

Following the Westland Affair, in 1992 Cuckney was appointed as an adviser to Peter Lilley, Secretary of State for Social Services – who also concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang – following the death of Cap’n Bob and the discovery that the Cap’n had stolen hundreds of millions of pounds from his companies’ pension funds. Cuckney headed the Maxwell Pensioners’ Trust and in 1995, brokered a £276 million out-of-court settlement, known as the Major Settlement, between the pension schemes and those institutions against which the schemes had potential legal claims.

So Cuckney sorted out the mess left behind by Cap’n Bob, but Dafydd was too much for him. If your mates from MI5 had helped extract my medical records for me Lord Cuckney, I could have published an insider’s account of the Top Docs’ criminality for you all years ago. You wouldn’t have had to keep paying the BMA whatever they demanded and Blair would never have become PM on the basis of his knowledge of the sordid business involved in concealing the Westminster Paedophile Ring and then caused a few more hundred layers of problems.

John Cuckney was given a peerage in 1995. When the world was told lies about Dafydd retiring, about the North Wales Hospital closing down, about there being no paedophile ring in north Wales, oh you all get the picture. John Cuckney sleeps in the Lords as a Conservative. Don’t bother to wake him up, he couldn’t stop a firebomb being thrown into a building with five key witnesses in there when his MI5 colleagues had every hospital, docs surgery, university, phone line and even the houses of targets bugged, whatever would he be able to contribute to the the Lords.

 

Re Westland, Cuckney proposed that a new minority shareholder of 29.9% be introduced. No British firm was willing, but Sikorsky was interested. Cuckney proposed that Westland merge with United Technologies Corporation, of which the US company Sikorsky was a subsidiary. Heseltine opposed this plan after realising that Westland would probably become responsible for assembling the Sikorsky UH-60 Black Hawk, which the Ministry of Defence would then be under great pressure to buy, whereas he preferred Westland to go into receivership so that British companies GEC and BAe could buy the viable parts of the business.

In mid-Oct 1985 Heseltine suggested a European consortium which would include French Aerospatiale, German MBB and Italian Agusta (Sikorsky was now negotiating a strategic linkup with Italian Fiat). Leon Brittan, who had replaced Tebbit as Trade and Industry Secretary in Sept 1985, at first urged Thatcher to consider a European option (Heseltine later claimed Brittan preferred this option, although Brittan denied this).

By mid-Oct 1985 I had contacted MPs, Ministers and the GMC about the mental health services in north Wales. People in Somerset knew that I was encountering very serious problems in north Wales. The security services had placed Brown and me under surveillance and we had already had extraordinary and upsetting encounters with two people whom we now know were working for the security services, a man called Leslie Gore, who was a psychotherapist working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’ and ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’) and a Jewish teacher from Stoke Newington, Naomi Grunfeld (see post ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’).

Leon Brittan knew all about the criminality in north Wales, as well as about the other sex trafficking rings across the UK with which the north Wales gang was linked, because Brittan had been Home Secretary, 1983-85 and was one of those concealing what was happening. It was Leon Brittan who as Home Secretary ‘lost’ files naming Westminster figures who were alleged to be abusing children and it was on Brittan’s watch that the Home Office gave a grant to an organisation campaigning on behalf of paedophiles’ rights.

By mid-Oct 1985, Alison Taylor had told the North Wales Police about the abuse of children in care in north Wales which she had witnessed. She was accused of lying and malice.

On 2 Sep 1985, Peter Morrison was moved from his position as a Minister for Employment, where his boss had been Tom King, to the role of Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan, who was at the centre of the Westland Affair.

 

Two other people who played a major role in enabling the abuse and crime in north Wales to continue unchecked also lived in Somerset at the time of Westland. Clifford Graham, who in the late 1980s and the early 1990s was the Dept of Health’s mandarin responsible for mental health as well as much else, lived in Somerset. My post ‘The Old Devils’ discusses how Cliff Graham not only presided over a totally corrupt Dept, but how everything that Cliff Graham did ensured that the abuse of patients continued to be embedded deeper and deeper into the mental health system. Graham was at the highest level of the DoH when patients were murdered in Ashworth and Broadmoor and while Savile was dropping into secure hospitals raping whichever patient he felt like. Ian Dunlop, the tame Prison Service Governor whom Hurd appointed to conduct the Inquiry after the 1989 Risley Remand Centre riots, also lived in Somerset (see post ‘Include Me Out’).

 

The Gov’t was officially neutral regarding the deals involving Westland (ie. arguing that it was a matter for Westland directors and shareholders) but by Nov 1985, Heseltine was lobbying hard for the European option. In late November Peter Levene, Chief of Procurement at the Ministry of Defence, had a meeting at the Ministry with his French, West German and Italian counterparts (the National Armaments Directors or NADs) and the representatives of the consortium, and agreed to ‘buy European’ for certain classes of helicopters. If Westland went ahead with Sikorsky, then its helicopters, under this new agreement, would be unable to be bought by the four governments. The meeting was later praised by the House of Commons Defence Select Committee. Thatcher, who only learned of the meeting through Cuckney, was displeased, as were Brittan and the Treasury, who thought the US option might be cheaper, although Thatcher and Leon Brittan kept to their official pretence of neutrality.

In Nov 1985, Sikorsky made an offer which was favourable to Westland’s management.

On 5 and 6 Dec 1985 Thatcher had two ad hoc meetings with Heseltine, Brittan, Tebbit, Willie Whitelaw (Deputy PM), Geoffrey Howe (Foreign Secretary) and Nigel Lawson (Chancellor of the Exchequer).

All of the above people knew about the crimes of Dafydd et al in north Wales. Willie Whitelaw had concealed them in numerous different roles, most obviously as Home Secretary, 1979-83, but also in his capacity as Lord President of the Council, 1983-88, which gave Whitelaw the role of visitor for the University of Wales. At the time, Wood, Dafydd, Gwynne and many others in UCNW were facilitating the trafficking ring. Carlo was Chancellor of UCNW and the sister of Peter Morrison who was a member of the sex ring was of course Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Carlo’s mum.

Geoffrey Howe, a good friend of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse, had worked for years as a lawyer on the corrupt Chester and Wales circuit and was Solicitor General under Heath. Howe was Lord President of the Council, 1989-90. It was of course Geoffrey Howe who put the fatal boot into Thatcher towards the end of 1990 for which many people were grateful, but it really was too little too late, look at the scale of the problem.

Nigel Lawson also damaged Thatcher and got rid of the idiot Alan Walters, but again, huge damage had already been done. Lawson’s constituency was in Leicestershire, bang in the middle of the paedophile gang of which Frank Beck and Greville Janner were part, which was being concealed by Top Doctors who also colluded with Dafydd (see post ‘An Expert From England’), as well as scores of people in Leicester University (see posts ‘Radical Leicester And Some More Free Radicals’ and ‘Gwlad y Menig Gwynion’), local lawyers and judges as well as Leicester City Council. And Keith Vaz of course. After Beck was jailed, the Kirkwood Report admitted that the degree of negligence on the part of the police was inexplicable. Although Kirkwood himself forgot to mention a few salient facts regarding Greville Janner.

Nigel’s daughter Nigella had been friends with some of the members of the Dangerous Sports Club when she was at Oxford. Some members of the DSC were personal friends of one of those in Somerset who bagged all that dosh (see post ‘The Village’).

Tebbit, like Whitelaw, concealed the criminality in north Wales in every way that he could. Tebbit was Chairman of the Tory Party whilst Peter Morrison was Deputy Chairman, Sept 1986-June 87 and has latterly admitted that perhaps there was a little bit of a sort of cover-up of Morrison’s  crimes.

 

Regarding the possibilities for rescuing Westland. Brittan argued that the NADs’ opposition should be set aside, but Howe and Tebbit were not unsympathetic to Heseltine’s proposed consortium, and the decision was deferred to the Cabinet Economic Affairs Committee (E(A)) on Monday 9 Dec 1985. Cuckney and a Westland financial adviser were invited to attend the E(A) meeting. Cuckney said that it was the management’s view that the Sikorsky option was the best one. A majority of the E(A) meeting agreed to dismiss the NADs’ opposition. Thatcher, who complained that three hours had been spent discussing a company with a market capitalisation of only £30m (a tiny amount in Gov’t terms), allowed Heseltine until 4 pm on Friday 13 Dec to submit a viable proposal for a European deal. He did (with BAe and GEC now part of his consortium), but Westland’s Directors rejected it and chose Sikorsky.

Heseltine had expected that there would be a second meeting of E(A) to discuss his consortium, but no such meeting was called; Thatcher later claimed that the Monday meeting had agreed to leave the decision to Westland to take, but it later emerged that Nicholas Ridley and Lord Young had placed such a meeting in their diaries and had been told by No 10 that it had been cancelled. Heseltine threatened resignation for the first time.

At Cabinet on Thurs 12 Dec 1985 Heseltine had an angry exchange with Thatcher about the allegedly cancelled meeting (Thatcher claimed that no such meeting had ever been scheduled). Westland was not on the Cabinet agenda that day and Thatcher refused to permit a discussion on the matter, arguing that Cabinet could not do so without the necessary papers. Heseltine asked for his dissent to be minuted and this was not done, although Cabinet Secretary Robert Armstrong claimed that this had been an error and added it himself.

 

Robert Armstrong was Principal Private Secretary to Ted Heath, 1970-75. Between 1979-87 he was Secretary to the Cabinet under Margaret Thatcher. He was elevated to the peerage in 1988 and sits as a crossbencher. It was Robert Armstrong who, in 1986, coined the phrase ‘economical with the truth’ when he was giving evidence in the Spycatcher trial. Armstrong was a key witness for the British Gov’t, which sought to suppress the publication of the book written by Peter Wright, a former senior member of MI5. Wright’s lawyer at the time was Malcolm Turnbull, who later became the PM of Australia. The British Gov’t were ultimately unsuccessful and Spycatcher was published.

Armstrong was Chancellor of the University of Hull, 1994-2006 and until 2013, the Chairman of the Sir Edward Heath Charitable Fund.

Armstrong has admitted that he knew about the paedophilia of Sir Peter Hayman, the British diplomat who was a member of PIE. Armstrong stated: ‘I was aware of it at the time but I was not concerned with the personal aspect of it’. It was Armstrong who gave Thatcher a veiled warning not to give Jimmy Savile a knighthood because of the allegations of child sexual abuse swirling around him – advice that Thatcher ignored.

It July 2015, the ‘Mail Online’ reported that in 1986, the then head of MI5 Sir Antony Duff wrote to Armstrong and told him that an MP had a ‘penchant for small boys’. Armstrong’s response was that ‘at the present stage…the risks of political embarrassment to the Government is rather greater than the security danger’.

In 2015 Armstrong told the ‘Mail Online’ that ‘if there is evidence it would have been properly examined at the time. I don’t think this is a matter of important people being protected. You  can’t pursue inquiries unless you have evidence on which you can base the enquiry’.

See post ‘Lord Robert Armstrong’ for more background on Armstrong.

 

On Mon 16 Dec 1985 Brittan told the Commons that the decision was up to Westland; on Wed 18 Dec Heseltine won the backing of the Commons Defence Committee for the European Consortium’s latest bid. On Thurs 19 Dec the matter was discussed at Cabinet for ten minutes: Cabinet approved leaving the decision to Westland and Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for the European option.

Over Christmas, Thatcher discussed with close colleagues the option of sacking Heseltine, as Brittan had urged her to do so, but Chief Whip John Wakeham cautioned against. Thatch later admitted in her memoirs that she shrank from sacking Heseltine as he was too popular and weighty a political figure.

Wakeham would later become Lord President of the Council, 1988-89 and following that, he was Peter Morrison’s boss at the Dept for Energy, when Morrison served as Minister of State in that Dept (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’).

 

Thatcher and ministerial colleagues spent two and a half hours writing three successive drafts of a letter threatening Heseltine with the sack, but did not send it as her Press Adviser Bernard Ingham advised that Heseltine might use it an excuse to resign.

By now the political row was being discussed in the media, ‘partly because of the lack of other news in Dec 1985′. There was plenty of news worth reporting in north Wales but no-one actually gave a stuff because the victims of the serious organised crime prevailing were kids in care and psych patients.

John Cuckney wrote to Thatcher, at her behest, asking for reassurance that the Sikorsky deal would not damage Westland’s business prospects in Europe. Heseltine was not satisfied with Thatcher’s draft reply when he saw it and consulted Sir Patrick Mayhew (Solicitor-General and acting Attorney-General as Sir Michael Havers was ill) on the grounds that the Gov’t might be legally liable for any incorrect advice.

Patrick Mayhew, in his capacity as Attorney-General, 1987-92, authorised a number of prosecutions of me for contempt of court – my imprisonment was sought on each occasion – on the basis of the perjury of the Top Doctors and Gwynedd Social Services. Forged documents were also involved. The MDU lawyers acting from Tony and Sadie Francis admitted that there was not the evidence for the claims that were being made about me in Court. Andrew Park, the crooked lawyer who was employed by the Welsh Office, also admitted in writing that the evidence for claims being made about me on oath did not exist.

Mayhew was N Ireland Secretary, 1992-97. While in office, Sein Fenn accused Mayhew of using forged documents. Now there’s a surprise.

Mayhew’s assistance to Top Docs abusing vulnerable people went back a long way. It was Mayhew who was the QC at the 1970s GMC’s fitness to practice hearing involving Dr Morris Fraser, a Top Doctor (child psychiatrist) from Belfast who had been convicted of sexually abusing a child. Fraser was allowed to continue practising and subsequently worked at St George’s/Springfield and UCH. Fraser had been involved with the Kincora Boys’ Home.

 

Heseltine supplied extra material about the risk of Westland losing European business, which Thatcher did not include in her reply to Cuckney. Thatcher replied to Cuckney to the effect that the British Gov’t would continue to support Westland in gaining orders in Europe.

In early Jan 1986, Heseltine wrote to David Horne of Lloyds Merchant Bank, who was advising the European consortium (in reply to planted questions from Horne which had been dictated to him over the phone by one of Heseltine’s staff), giving him the advice which Thatcher had declined to include in her letter to Cuckney. Contradicting Thatcher’s reassurances to Cuckney, Heseltine claimed that the Sikorsky deal would be ‘incompatible with participation’ in European helicopter projects. Heseltine’s letter was leaked to ‘The Times’. This was a blatant challenge to Thatcher’s authority as Heseltine had not consulted Downing Street, the DTI or Mayhew before writing to Horne.

Heseltine’s letter to Horne, on Thatcher’s request, was referred to the Solicitor-General, Patrick Mayhew. Mayhew sent a reply to Heseltine, noting ‘material inaccuracies’ in Heseltine’s letter, and asking Heseltine to write to Horne again, correcting them. Mayhew’s letter of rebuke to Heseltine – marked ‘Confidential’ – reached Heseltine at lunchtime on Mon 6 Jan and was immediately and selectively leaked to the Press Association by Colette Bowe, Chief Information Officer at the DTI, at Brittan’s request.

Bowe’s leaked letter led to the resignations of both Heseltine and Brittan, for which someone must have been grateful because Colette Bowe is now Dame Colette.

Bowe was Chairman of Ofcom, 2009-14, Chairman of Electra Private Equity plc, 2010–14 and Chairman of the Council of Queen Mary University of London, 2004–09. She has also served on the boards of Thames Water Utilities, London and Continental Railways, Axa IM, Morgan Stanley and the Yorkshire Building Society. She founded and was first Chairman of the Telecoms Ombudsman Service (now Ombudsman Services) in 2002–3. She was the first Chairman of the Ofcom Consumer Panel (2003–08) and has worked as the Executive Chairman of the distribution arm of Fleming Asset Management.

Bowe is the Chairman of the Banking Standards Board and the Associated Board of the Royal Schools of Music. She is the President of the Voice of the Listener and Viewer, a Trustee of The Tablet and of the Nuffield Foundation. Bowe is also a visiting fellow of Nuffield College. She is also a Board member of the UK Statistics Authority and a non-executive Director of the Dept for Transport.

An extra safe pair of hands is clearly possessed by Colette.

There was controversy over whose orders Colette Bowe was following when she dropped the clanger. The Attorney-General, Sir Michael Havers, ‘took a stern view of leaks’, especially of confidential legal advice and threatened to resign if an official inquiry was not set up to look into it. Thatcher agreed to do this.

It was Michael Havers who in his capacity as Attorney-General blocked the prosecution of a number of VIP child sex offenders, including the diplomat Sir Peter Hayman. Michael Havers was the Tory MP for Winbledon, 1970-87. A lot of Top Doctors from St George’s lived at Wimbledon, including Prof Geoffrey Chamberlain. Chamberlain was a friend of Prof Oliver Brooke, who was jailed for child porn offences in Dec 1986. Havers was Lord Chancellor, 13 June 1987-26 Oct 1987. Oliver Brooke was released on appeal in June 1987, after Lord Chief Justice Geoffrey Lane heard the appeal in May 1987. Lane compared Brooke’s enormous collection of kiddie porn – Brooke was a major figure in a pan-European paedophile ring – to a collection of cigarette cards.

I was illegally arrested and imprisoned in Denbigh by Dafydd in the same month that Oliver Brooke was jailed. Alison Taylor was suspended from her job as a social worker by Gwynedd County Council in the same month.

Havers’s sister was Lord Elizabeth Butler-Sloss, who Chaired the Inquiry into the havoc that Dafydd’s mates caused which resulted in the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal and utterly failed to grasp the enormity of what was happening (see post ‘Twas The Night Before Christmas And The Culprits Were Named’).

Cabinet met on the morning of Thurs 9 Jan 1986, with Thatcher already having agreed her position with close colleagues at Chequers that weekend and arranged that Scottish Secretary George Younger should take over as Defence Secretary if Heseltine resigned. Westland was first on the agenda, and Heseltine and Brittan were permitted to put their cases. Heseltine had won the moral high ground over the leaking saga, but Nigel Lawson recorded that he seemed obsessive at Cabinet and attracted little sympathy. Thatcher reiterated her position, which had already been endorsed by the Cabinet, that Westland’s future was a matter for Westland to decide and announced that as this was a time of business negotiations, all answers to questions about Westland must be cleared through the Cabinet Office. Heseltine agreed. In response to a question by Nicholas Ridley, Thatch then confirmed that this also applied to statements which had already been made. Heseltine argued that he should be allowed to reaffirm statements he had already made but Thatcher disagreed, arguing that Cabinet collective responsibility should be observed. Heseltine protested that there had been no collective responsibility, gathered up his papers and left.

Although eyewitness accounts differ as to the exact details, Peter Jenkins claimed that Heseltine lost his cool and proclaimed ‘I can no longer be a member of this Cabinet’. Heseltine then walked out of Downing Street and announced his resignation to the assembled media.

Thatcher then adjourned the Cabinet for a brief break. George Younger was then offered and accepted the office of Secretary of State for Defence, which Heseltine had just relinquished. The Prime Minister’s office then requested Malcolm Rifkind to take up Younger’s previous job, Secretary of State for Scotland, which he accepted. Cabinet then resumed.

At 4 pm that day – 9 Jan 1986 – at the Ministry of Defence (rather than waiting to make a statement to the Commons when it resumed four days later) Heseltine delivered a 22 minute resignation statement detailing his grievances. He blamed Thatcher’s intransigence, saying his views were ignored. He may well have prepared this earlier, although his Private Secretary Richard Mottram says not. To Thatcher’s fury, Defence officials had helped him throughout the crisis and in preparing this document. Thatcher sent a letter to Heseltine, as is customary on these occasions.

Sir Richard Mottram  entered the civil service in 1968 aged 22 after graduating from Keele University. At that time -and indeed since – Keele employed a number of people who were either paedophiles’ themselves, such as social work academic Peter Righton, or concealed and colluded with organised abuse.

Mottram served in the Defence and Overseas Secretariat of the Cabinet Office, 1975-77. He was then the Secretary of two study groups on the rationale for and system options for a successor to the UK’s strategic nuclear deterrent which led subsequently to the decision to adopt Trident. Mottram was then appointed Private Secretary to the Permanent Under Secretary, of the MoD, Sir Frank Cooper. From 1982-1986, Mottram was Private Secretary to a succession of Secretaries of State for Defence – John Nott, Heseltine and George Younger.

In 1985, as Private Secretary to Heseltine as Secretary of State for Defence, Mottram was a witness for the prosecution in the trial of Clive Ponting who was later acquitted of an offence under the Official Secrets Act for passing information to Labour MP Tam Dalyell regarding the sinking of the Belgrano. When Mottram was asked whether answers to parliamentary questions should be truthful and not deliberately ambiguous or misleading, there was a long silence before he replied: ‘In highly charged political matters, one person’s ambiguity may be another person’s truth’.

Mottram: they were trying to kill us and they did kill other people. There is no ambiguity in that.

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From 1986-89, Sir Richard Mottram was the Under-Secretary responsible for the defence programme and from 1989-92, the Deputy Secretary with responsibilities for UK defence policy and strategy and defence relations with other countries at the time of the end of the Cold War.

Mottram retired in 2007 from his most recent senior post as Permanent Secretary, Intelligence, Security and Resilience in the Cabinet Office.

This lot were so resilient that they couldn’t even deal with Dafydd.

Mottram serves on the Board of a number of private and public sector organisations, including Chairing the board of Amey PLC. He is a Visiting Professor at the LSE and member of the Advisory Board of LSE IDEAS. Mottram is a Trustee of the Royal Anniversary Trust, which oversees The Queen’s Anniversary Prizes for Higher and Further Education.

 

As a fairly high ranking British Army officer who lived in Somerset at the time, Brown’s dad will have known a number of the people involved in all of this.

On 13 Jan 1986, Thatcher held a meeting with Whitelaw, Brittan, George Younger and John Wakeham to decide what should happen. The conclusion was that Brittan, rather than the PM, should reply to Heseltine’s statement on that day.

In his resignation statement in the House of Commons Heseltine accused Brittan of pressuring Sir Raymond Lygo, CEO of British Aerospace, to withdraw from the European Consortium. In response to questions in the House from Heseltine, Brittan denied that he had received a letter from Lygo, but later had to admit that he had received a letter from Sir Austin Pearce, Chairman of British Aerospace; he had not disclosed it, he claimed, because it was marked Private and Strictly Confidential. He was forced to return to the House a few hours later to apologise.

Admiral Sir Raymond Lygo joined the Royal Navy in 1942 during WW II. He was appointed the commanding officer of the frigate Lowestoft in 1961, the frigate Juno in 1967 and the aircraft carrier Ark Royal in 1969. Lygo was Director General, Naval Manpower and Training,  Feb 1974-June 1975. He went on to be Vice Chief if the Naval Staff in 1975 and retired in 1978.

After retirement, Lygo joined British Aerospace, becoming Chief Executive in 1986.

Lygo will have known Admiral Sir Alec Bingley and all the other senior figures in the Royal Navy and Admiralty who concealed the organised sexual abuse of young people or who were alleged to have been abusing underaged children themselves, such as Lord Louis Mountbatten (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’).

Sir Raymond Lygo
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Juno
Goddess of marriage and childbirth
So that is why there is so much child abuse, sexual exploitation and repressed homosexuality in this sorry tale!
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Raymond Lygo was also Chairman of the Rutland Trust in 1991, Chairman of TNT (Express) UK Ltd in 1992 and Chairman of the Liontrust First UK Investment Trust in 1997. He was Patron of the Fleet Air Arm Association.

 

Sir Austin Pearce, was Chairman of British Aerospace, 1980-87 and steered the company through its privatisation by Margaret Thatcher’s Gov’t. Although Pearce had spent his entire working life with Esso, of which he had been Chairman and Chief Executive for eight years, he had some experience of the aerospace industry: in 1976 he had been appointed to the organising committee for the nationalisation of the industry and the formation of British Aerospace.

The Gov’t sold 52 per cent of BAe in 1981. Four years later it decided to sell the remaining 48 per cent, Pearce arguing successfully for a price of 375p, rather than the 400p which the government originally wanted.

Known to his colleagues as ‘Tin’, Pearce faced a number of problems at BAe, including inefficiency and over-staffing. During his tenure there were unsuccessful attempts by Thorn EMI and GEC to take over the company. Also, the Nimrod Airborne Early Warning programme was running four years late and substantially over budget; eventually the Gov’t cancelled the programme.

Pearce also faced difficulties over BAe’s involvement in the project to build the Airbus. At first the British Gov’t refused to support the BAe application for aid for the A 320 aircraft. The other partners in Airbus – the French, Germans and Spanish – already had their Gov’ts’ approval and would be happy to take over BAe’s work on the wings. Without financial help, Pearce knew that BAe would be out of Airbus and would consequently be faced with massive redundancies. Without telling either his colleagues or the DTI, he asked for a personal meeting with Thatch. He got the money. During the Westland affair, because BAe hoped to become a partner in a European consortium it aligned itself with Heseltine against Thatch. At one stage, at a meeting with the MoD, Pearce was asked if BAe would take over Westland, but he refused on the ground that BAe had enough spare capacity to take on Westland’s entire workload without assimilating more than a few of its employees.

Austin Pearce was born in Plymouth in 1921. He was educated at Devonport High School for Boys and then went to Birmingham University. As a member of the University Senior Training Corps of Royal Engineers, Pearce was assigned to the Petroleum Warfare Department, working on flame-thrower fuels and incendiary bombs. At the same time he completed a PhD in Chemical Engineering.

In Sept 1945 Pearce joined the AGWI (later the Esso) refinery at Fawley as a junior engineer. In 1950 he was promoted to process superintendent, in charge of the running of all the refinery units. In 1956 Pearce became general manager (refining) for Esso in the UK. In 1963 he joined the Esso Board, with responsibility for the marine and pipelines systems; this included taking charge of the tanker fleet and overseeing the building of the pipeline from Milford Haven to the Midlands and Manchester. In 1968 he was appointed Managing Director and 1972 Chairman and Chief Executive of Esso UK.

Austin Pearce was the first President of the UK Petroleum Industry Association and as Esso’s representative, participated in the negotiations with the Department of Energy, British National Oil Company and Shell on the North Sea participation agreements.

In 1973 Pearce joined the board of Williams and Glyn’s Bank, becoming its last Chairman before it was incorporated into the Royal Bank of Scotland, of which he was appointed a Vice-Chairman.

In 1985 Austin Pearce was appointed Chairman of the Trustees of the Science Museum. He Chaired the meeting that introduced entrance charges; this helped the museum to improve and create new galleries and to rebuild the Railway Museum at York.

Pearce served on the Council of Surrey University, the site of so much skulduggery when I worked there in 1988. He was a Director of Jaguar, Smiths Industries, Pearl Assurance and was Chairman of Oxford Instruments.

Austin Pearce was married first to Maglona Twinn and then to Dr Patricia Grice.

On 15 Jan 1986 there was a debate on Westland in the Commons in which Thatcher replied to the Windbag. Thatcher listed all the ministerial, committee and Cabinet meetings on Westland. Heseltine then made a speech criticising the way collective responsibility had been damaged over Westland.

Sir Robert Armstrong, the Cabinet Secretary, held an inquiry into the leaking of Mayhew’s letter and reported his findings to Thatch on 21 Jan 1986. Armstrong concluded that Brittan had told Colette Bowe to leak Mayhew’s letter through a telephone conversation to Roger Mogg, Brittan’s Private Secretary. Thatcher is said to have asked Brittan four times: ‘Leon, why didn’t you tell me.’ Havers, who demanded the inquiry, later claimed: ‘Unless the PM is the most marvellous actress I’ve ever seen in my life she was as shocked as anybody that in fact it was on Leon Brittan’s instructions.’ At the time Brittan claimed he had misunderstood Thatcher’s wishes but later (on the TV programme The Thatcher Factor on 7 April 1989) admitted that he had acted on the ‘express’ instructions of Charles Powell and Bernard Ingham, Thatcher’s two senior advisers. On 23 Jan 1986, Thatcher had to make a speech to the Commons on Armstrong’s inquiry.

Brittan was being heavily criticised because of the fallout from the leak of the Mayhew letter and because of his lack of candour about the letter from British Aerospace. At a meeting of the 1922 Committee, Conservative back-benchers, demanded Brittan’s resignation. The Chairman of the 1922 Committee at the time was Cranley Onslow, a former MI6 agent who was forced to stand down as Chairman in 1992 by Thatcher’s old mates, who partly blamed him for her previous departure. On 24 Jan 1986 Brittan resigned, because ‘it has become clear to me that I no longer command the full confidence of my colleagues’.

On 27 Jan 1986, Labour set down an adjournment motion. Whitelaw, Howe, Wakeham, John Biffen and Douglas Hurd helped Thatcher draft her speech for this occasion.

In Jan 1986 John Biffen was Lord Privy Seal. John Biffen grew up on a farm about three miles away from where I lived in Somerset. Biffen went to Dr Morgan’s School in Bridgwater along with my father and many others who remained in Somerset. Biffen’s parents remained living at their farm in Combwich and occasionally made trips to London to marvel at their famous son and his associates. John Biffen was a swotty kid who was badly bullied by the locals and he didn’t waste his time with his former tormentors and he did fall out with Thatcher eventually. However, I can’t imagine that he will have resisted if pressurised over all this, there will just have been far too many careers of ruthless dangerous nutters at stake.

Biffen was MP for Oswestry and then North Shropshire. John Allen had a children’s home in Shropshire, there was an abuse ring in operation in the region and many children’s home staff migrated between Bryn Estyn and Shropshire. The family seat of the unfortunate Ormsby-Gores was at Oswestry and David Ormsby-Gore aka Lord Harlech preceded John Biffen as MP for Oswestry. Ever since Lord Harlech served at US Ambassador during JFK’s Presidency, the Ormsby-Gores have had a penchant for dying young and in unfortunate circumstances. The biography of Francis Ormsby-Gore, who farmed near Harlech and was found dead at his home relatively recently, had all the signs of one of someone who was under sustained attack by the paedophiles’ friends (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’).

Douglas Hurd was Home Secretary, presiding over the carnage in north Wales.

Ronald Miller, one of Thatch’s friends, was asked to help revise the speech and Thatcher remarked to him that she might not be PM by six o’clock that evening if things went badly.

The Windbag, who knew Tony Francis from their days as students in Cardiff, was generally thought to have made a poor opening speech.

Heseltine was frustrated at the Windbag’s failure to exploit the moment and claimed that Thatcher’s statement brought ‘the politics of the matter to an end’ and that he would support the Gov’t in the lobby.

Sikorsky then bought Westland, aided by mysterious prior purchases by mystery buyers, suspected by Cuckney and others, although without clear proof, of being an illegal concert party.

 

Westland damaged Thatcher’s credibility and made her look anti-European for the first time. It has been suggested that Thatcher’s keenness on American control of Westland may have been linked to the Al-Yamamah arms deal which was mired in allegations of corruption, or that the US might have wanted Westland to sell Black Hawk helicopters to Saudi Arabia in circumvention of Congressional rules which prevented US arms sales to that country at the time.

Leon Brittan’s behaviour was thought in part to have been motivated by resentment at his demotion from Home Secretary to the Secretary for DTI in Sept 1985. He also thought Heseltine’s mooted European consortium to be monopolistic and anti-competitive.

Apart from his clash of personalities with Thatcher, it was thought that Heseltine, concerned at having to take responsibility for Defence cuts which had been put back until 1986 and worried that Thatcher was unlikely to promote him further, was looking for an excuse to resign. Resigning would put him in good stead to be elected Party leader after, as seemed likely at the time, the Conservatives lost the next election, due by summer 1988.

Heseltine retired to the back benches and spent nearly five years conducting an undeclared campaign for the Party leadership. Although the Thatcher Gov’t was re-elected in 1987, Heseltine eventually challenged her in Nov 1990, polling well enough to hasten her resignation.

Three months after Heseltine ‘resigned from the Cabinet as a matter of honour’, my close friend and house mate on Anglesey was killed in a head-on collision with another car. Our friend Geoff Johnson was a passenger and was left severely brain-damaged. The young man who drove the TR7 straight into Anne somehow only walked away with a broken arm. It was acknowledged that Anne had not been at fault – the other car had been driving on Anne’s side of the road at high speed – but there was no investigation and no prosecution. Anne knew everything that was happening to me at the hands of the Top Docs. Weeks before she was killed, D.G.E. Wood remarked that he always knew when Anne drove past his house – he lived in the same village as us – because he could recognise her car.

Two days after Anne was killed, Liz Stables, the Angel who worked in the UCNW Student Health Centre, took Anne’s file out of a locker and wrote ‘DEAD’ in capital letters across it in front of me. Liz then said that I couldn’t hang around mourning, there were things to do. Some two weeks later Wood yelled at me to ‘forget about everything that has happened here and go away and make a new life for yourself’. Presumably so Wood’s accomplices could kill the rest of us off miles away from Bangor to avoid the fickle finger of suspicion ever being pointed at them.

Heseltine, the man who would do anything, anything at all to become PM, came from Swansea. Heseltine never became PM. Another procession of empty headed narcissistic oafs did instead.

Lord Heseltine (6969083278).jpg

All together now -‘I’m ready to serve’.

Lord Heseltine (6969083278).jpg

 

Now for a bit more info on the lady who worked in a junior capacity at Westland when the almighty ding dong broke out and who – along with a few others – did very nicely out of it all. This blog post is already quite long, so I won’t dissect Janet’s career bit by bit, highlighting who assisted her and when they did so, I’ll leave it up to readers to make the links to police investigations, the Waterhouse Inquiry etc. Regular readers will by now be familiar with the skulduggery and those involved.
 Janet Mitchell, CEng FRAeS:
Janet worked as a Stress Engineer, Westland Helicopters, Product Support Division, 1982-87.

Then Janet was Future Projects Engineer, Airbus, 1987-89: Reporting to Head of Future Projects for BAE Commercial Aircraft Division.

Janet was Stress Engineer, Stresswork Ltd, 1989-91.

supported the Aerospace, Automotive and Civil Engineering Industries. It also covered Nuclear Power, Engineering Design of a Composite Commercial Vehicle Chassis and engineering project management of the structural certification for the A340 Wing Composite Components.
From 1993-94, Janet was Senior Principal Engineer on the Future Large Aircraft Composite Wing Study for BAE Systems.
Between 1994-95, Janet worked on the Airbus Composite Wing Strategy for BAE Systems. She was:

‘Accountable for leading and delivering the BAE/AIRBUS Composite Wing Strategy, this was a significant business transformation programme, I successfully led all business functional specialists to deliver a Strategy for acquiring the Composite Capability for Airbus Wing Business including programme plans and costs of the Technology Development programme. This was delivered to the Airbus Senior Management Board at AUK and BAE SYSTEMS Head Quarters – Directorate for Engineering.’

From 1995-99, Janet was Project Manager of the Low Cost Composite Technology Research for the Airbus Group. She was: ‘Accountable for developing the capability in low cost, low weight Composite Technologies for Airbus UK Wing Technology including materials, manufacturing processes, design and analytical methods and assembly technology. Successfully delivering the bid content for the wing contribution to the 83 million euro EC Framework 5 “TANGO” programme, the DTI funded AMCAPSII programme, private venture, national collaborative projects with research institutes, universities and national industries. Development of specific research project management and financial management processes and the Composite Strategy in line with business objectives’.

Between 1999-02, Janet was Head of Research and Technology Programme, Airbus UK Airbus Group. She was the: ‘Executive accountable for all Airbus UK Research and Technology Projects in Composites, Metallic’s Systems and Advanced Wing Technologies ( including Aerodynamics,Structures, Manufacturing, Assembly Technology and Wing Integration). This team was in excess of 250 people and an annual budget in excess of 100 million euros. Accountabilities included the R & T Operational Business Plan for the UK, contribution to the Airbus Technology Strategy, Technology Plan for UK, Primary interface for Airbus UK into the DTI and European Commission (EC) and Academia for technology projects. Project management of the Airbus Composite Wing technology programme which was funded by the EC and called TANGO’.
Between Oct 2002-06, Janet was head of A400 Military Transport Aircraft Wing Programme for Airbus.

In Jan 2007 Janet Mitchell set up her own consultancy, McSquared Consultants Ltd, of which she has been the CEO since its foundation

When we were kids, everyone had great difficulties playing with Janet although she was a good laugh, because she used to cheat in all the games. Everybody’s mother used to say ‘ooh it’s because Janet’s an only child, she’s not used to playing with others or sharing’. That may well have been the case when we were seven Janet, but I’m not sure that’s an excuse for the last 30 years.

Janet’s family were unusual among the people whom I knew when I was young in that they were not from Somerset. They were from Chorley and Janet’s entire extended family, to whom she and her parents were still close, all lived in Chorley. She was also much doted upon by the Chorley clan because she was the only grandchild of a big family. Chorley is an area which suffered badly in the 20th century post-industrial decline. There were two main employers in the area until recently – Leyland Trucks and BAE Systems. BAE systems closed its doors in 2008. That was OK though, Janet had set up her own consultancy by then and all her elderly relatives whom I remember who always batted so hard for Janet will have died by 2008.

I receive more names every day of those in Somerset whom I am told maxed out on their knowledge of what happened to me. I’m not putting them all up here, because I’m loathe to do so without a degree of evidence, at least circumstantial. However I have been told to enquire into the means by which a farming family by the name of Hill near Fiddington transformed their farm into a premier equestrian centre, Stockland Lovell Manor. The Hills were never at all horsey, but at the height of my difficulties with those we known and love, they raised an enormous sum of money and came up with very flash equestrian centre. Neighbouring farmers could not work out how the Hills had persuaded an investor to part with so much money, even if the farm had been used as security. The Hills had a daughter whom they told everyone was ‘working in the financial services’ in Europe, but she wasn’t a trader or a banker, didn’t possess professional qualifications and from what I was told it sounded as though she was actually a PA. Another daughter was a midwife – in Nottingham. Where I used to work and where a big research fraud between the Cancer Research Campaign and an American drug company was taking place in labs located at Nottingham University (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’). The Hills also had a son, whom I am told now works for Somerset County Council Social Services, with disadvantaged youngsters.

The Hills used to give one of those who received money in return for their silence about what was happening to me a lift to Fiddington Church every Sunday. Mr Michael Hill was a churchwarden and a leading light in Somerset Cricket Club, so there’ll have been a few hobnobbing opportunities there. Ah the good old days, when stars like Ian Botham and Viv Richards played for Somerset, who would get pissed down the Anchor Inn in Combwich, in the company of the man who suddenly found himself with so many celebrity friends and so much money from about 1990 onward…

I think that Michael Hill and his wife Lavinia have both died now, so perhaps their offspring Diane, Jenny and Martin could explain how the family laid their hands on such a huge amount of dosh. Jenny Hill is probably the person to ask.

Series titles over a docklands terrace street

Two other Top Tossers who were tripping over themselves in the 1990s to make unlikely friendships with people in Somerset who knew what was happening in north Wales were Dangerous Sports Club members Ding Boston and Martin Lyster. Boston and Lyster are both veterans of pointless dangerous activities dressed up as ‘extreme sports’ in which people sustain injuries or even die (only a prosecution for manslaughter, not murder and even then that nice lady judge at Bristol Crown Court directed the jury to acquit!). The dear old Dangerous Sports Club had the wind taken out of its sails some years ago, what with its founder the conman David Kirke going to prison and then the death of that Bulgarian student, but I note that Ding now describes himself as ‘Co-Ordinator, Oxford Universities Motorsport’. Don’t ask me what Ding’s real name is, he refuses to give it, even in toadying media profiles. ‘Dickhead’ will suffice.

Ding’s mate Martin Lyster did a first degree and then a PhD in physics at Oxford in the 1980s and then years later a Masters at Loughborough University in Renewable Energy. His Linked In profile describes his present position as an R&D Project Manager for SSE Power Distribution.

So who with links to Thatcher/Major – apart from Tommy Leigh-Pemberton’s father obviously – was the source of all the dosh then Ding and Martin?

When I was discussing all this with Brown, he remarked that the emissaries of Thatcher’s and Major’s Gov’ts will have seen me as doubly dangerous. Not only had I gathered huge amounts of crap on Dafydd and related sex trafficking rings in other parts of the country with links to Tory Ministers, but coming from Tory stock myself I’ll have been seen as a renegade who really had to be stopped. Brown commented that while we were having our friends murdered and our careers destroyed, a lot of older people in Somerset would have been able to remember my grandfather, who was the leading campaigner for Sir Gerald Wills, the Tory MP for Bridgwater, 1950-69. Indeed. The vacuous shite Tom King built on the solid Tory support that had accumulated in Bridgwater.
I reminded Brown that I think that Tom et al will have seen me as far more than doubly dangerous. My grandpa was a high Tory who hung out with the Sir Bufton Tuftons, but he did a few things that pissed people like Tom King off. Such as: denouncing Edward du Cann as a crook (du Cann was later demonstrated to be, er, a crook); turning down a knighthood – Lord King and Lady Jane would never have found it within themselves to do that; refusing an invitation to a Buck House garden party; taking the piss out of the Freemasons and, I understand, the Water Buffaloes as well.
In 1979, one day at school I and my friends were in the library reading the ‘Bridgwater Mercury’ and we happened upon the ’25 years ago today’ column. Everyone howled with laughter, because the snippet chosen was a speech that my grandfather had made to the Somerset Tories, in which he had said that ‘the Conservative Party today is not what it used to be’. Well it certainly wasn’t by the late 1980s, it was trying to murder his granddaughter because she’d stumbled across the Westminster Paedophile Ring.
Anyone for a Buck House garden party?
Charles Prince of Wales.jpg

People With Energy

I have just finished reading Rhodri Morgan’s memoir and there are some real gems of information in that book. One thing that I discovered from Rhodri’s book is the identities of those who made up the Windbag Kinnock’s Shadow Energy team in 1988. Before readers roll around laughing at my complete nerdiness for being interested in such a matter, let me just remind everyone that between 11 June 1987-23 July 1990, one of Thatcher’s Ministers in the Dept of Energy was Sir Peter Morrison – who at the time was sexually abusing kids in care in north Wales, Cheshire and in London. Morrison was Minister of State for Energy with responsibility for oil (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’). Senior Tories from the time have admitted that Morrison’s conduct with under-aged boys was widely known and extensively gossiped about. Thatcher was directly warned about it but she continued to appoint Morrison to Gov’t roles nonetheless.

Morrison’s Secretaries of State whilst he was at Energy were Cecil Parkinson (13 June 1987-24 July 1989) and John Wakeham (24 July 1989-11 April 1992).

Morrison’s Tory colleagues have admitted that they knew about him, but Westminster being what it was – and still is – those on the opposition benches will have known as well, particularly those who had to shadow him and his colleagues in Energy. So who was in the Shadow Energy team in 1988? Well it was Rhodri Morgan, Frank Haynes, Kevin Barron, John Maxton – and they were led by the Shadow Secretary of State, a man called Tony Blair!

Rhodri remarks in his memoir that although Blair didn’t understand the facts underlying global warming – although in the light of some of the comments made by Rhodri about climate change I’m not at all sure that he did either – Blair was a man who was very sharp, picked up on everything that was going on around him and quickly identified which political angle would benefit him. So I really don’t think that Blair would have missed what Peter Morrison was up to. Particular as Blair had previously worked as a junior barrister in the corrupt barrister George Carman’s chambers and George Carman knew all about the North Wales/Cheshire paedophile ring (see posts ‘No Ordinary Methods’ and ‘No Ordinary Methods – Supplementary Post’). Blair was of course married to Cherie, who had also worked in the same chambers as Carman  – Cherie was friendly with many of the lawyers who knew that kids from London boroughs were being sent to north Wales children’s homes where they had complained of being seriously abused…

Whilst Blair was busying himself as Shadow Secretary at Energy, the need to protect Peter Morrison was causing havoc. Alison Taylor, Mary Wynch and I were all desperately trying to raise the alarm about serious criminality in north Wales. Alison had been sacked and found that her family were being targeted by the paedophiles’ friends, Mary had gone into hiding in England and my life was one long round of being arrested and fitted up, being subjected to rumour and gossip, being targeted by sex offenders and other nasties or losing jobs. Brown and my friends were also being targeted.

 

History has it that it was whilst Blair was at Energy that he was spotted as a real star who gained a following and was predicted to be cut out for great things. How did you impress everyone so much at that particular point in your trajectory then Blair?

Rhodri Morgan mentions that Anji Hunter, Blair’s right hand woman for years, was ‘intensely loyal’ to the 1988 Shadow Energy team. What a worthless piece of trash ‘Anji’ must be. People were found dead in north Wales Anji because of your ‘intense loyalty’ to a gang of fools who concealed serious crime – people who’s parents had died or been too ill to look after them when they were kids, so they were taken into care and handed over to a gang of paedophiles. They were battered, raped, buggered and illegally imprisoned in a dungeon at the North Wales Hospital by a madman who also wanted to have sex with them and some of them were murdered.

As the Top Doctors say to each other when they are in really deep shit – perhaps when someone gets their hands on 10,000 previously unlawfully witheld documents and starts writing a blog – ‘do you think that you could have done anything differently Anji?’

Tough on crime, tough on the causes of crime!

For further details of the horrors of what was going on in the mental health services in Wales as well as in the wider UK whilst Blair’s Energy Team were bonding – including the appointment of Jimmy Savile as manager of Broadmoor – please see post ‘Socio-Political Context Of The North Wales Mental Health Services In The 1980s’.

Whilst researching for this post, I noticed some discrepancies in terms of the dates given regarding Blair’s term as Shadow Secretary of State for Energy. Blair’s online Parliamentary biography states quite clearly that he was Shadow Secretary of State for Energy from Jan 1988-Jan 1989. Yet Rhodri Morgan maintains that Blair was in that post for two and a half years. Furthermore Morgan’s book relates an anecdote concerning a reply that Blair had received from John Wakeham in Wakeham’s capacity as Secretary of State for Energy after Blair wrote to him – Wakeham didn’t take up that post until 24 July 1989. So Blair must have still been in the Shadow Energy team by then, not – as Blair’s biography states – in the Shadow Employment team.

Tony Blair is not known for telling the truth about matters which could prove politically difficult and it would seem that for some reason Blair only wants to fess up to having spent 1988 as Shadow Secretary of State for Energy.

Blair did become Shadow Employment Secretary after his stint as Shadow Energy Secretary, but when exactly that was is unclear. What is clear is that after Blair had been in a position to dig up the dirt on Peter Morrison, it was agreed by everyone, including John Smith who took over as Blair’s boss when the Windbag stood down, that Blair was a man with a great future ahead of him.

 

Rhodri’s colleague in Blair’s team, Frank Haynes, was the Labour MP for Ashfield, 1979-92. Haynes was born in Wandsworth but moved to Nottinghamshire – before he became an MP Haynes was a miner. As an MP he was sponsored by the NUM and during the 1984-85 strike he remained loyal to the NUM rather than support the majority of Nottinghamshire miners who broke away to form the UDM.

Haynes’s obituary in the Indie was written by Tam Dalyell, who when writing the obituaries of his Parliamentary colleagues, excelled at dressing up the characters of some very unpleasant people and maintaining that they persuaded others to do what they wanted by charm or simply because everybody just loved them so much.

Dalyell wrote of Haynes:

‘Unquestionably he had the loudest voice in Parliament and the commentator Matthew Parris wrote that, when Mr Speaker Thomas [George Thomas, a child molester himself] called Frank Haynes, they turned off the televisions in St Thomas’ Hospital and listened. Haynes was effective at going to see Conservative ministers, who liked him very much, even if his opening remark to them was ‘You know I hate Tories’ with his big beaming smile.

Within 18 months of becoming an MP [Haynes] took up Mrs Thatcher’s offer to any member who had a problem with industry or unemployment in their constituency to come and knock on the door of No 10 Downing Street. Haynes had a group of factories which had run into severe difficulties and wanted to lay off some 400 people, so he got an appointment. He would regale his friends with how she met him at the door and offered him a drink. ‘I told her I didn’t think Dennis Skinner would approve! She loved that and it broke the ice; the end result was that she gave me 10 minutes to put their case and, after looking at their export record, agreed to help them. As a result, no one was laid off.’

Haynes was spotted by Michael Cox, then the Opposition Chief Whip, as a likely member of his office. This was a perfect niche for him as he was both popular and dedicated to the good of the Labour Party and those whom he represented in Parliament. It gave him an authority as an opposition whip where people have to be cajoled by force of the whip’s personality.’

So there we have it – Frank Haynes didn’t become a Whip and get everybody to jump when he ordered them to (even the Tories whom he hated) because he had some grade A dirt on one of Thatcher’s inner circle, he did it by the use of his big beaming smile and his popularity. Furthermore St Thomas’s Hospital took an interest in his Commons utterances not because they were one of the institutions playing a key role in concealing the Westminster Paedophile Ring – after all Professor Jim Watson, Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’s mate, ran his sex therapy empire from St George’s Hospital Medical School whilst the institution was concealing a paedophile ring and subsequently from Tommy’s and Guys (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’) – but because they just loved old Frank’s voice.

It was said that ‘Haynes frequently highlighted the problems of the very poorest in society when putting questions to Thatcher and her Ministers’. But not those very poorest in society who were being found dead up in north Wales or who were being illegally imprisoned in the North Wales Hospital though.

Haynes specialised in energy, coal and health. So he was yet another politician who gained knowledge of the Westminster Paedophile Ring who ended up specialising ‘in health’ – although Haynes was an NUM sponsored MP who had spent his life as a miner before entering the Commons. After Haynes died it was remembered that he was so over-awed that a man like him had ended up in Westminster that he frequently commented on this and how he sometimes felt that perhaps he shouldn’t be there.  Any politician specialising in health soon finds out that a lot of Top Doctors are very conscious of what they perceive to be their own elevated position in society and don’t take kindly to advice from oiks, particularly oiks in Parliament. But down at Tommy’s – the most elitist medical school in the UK – they turned off the TV to catch what Haynes said in the House. Frank Haynes must have been doing them some really big favours.

 

Kevin Barron was another member of the Shadow Energy team under Blair as Shadow Secretary – like Rhodri, Barron remained a member of the opposition Energy team until 1992. Barron has been the Labour MP for the Rother Valley since 1983 – he was sponsored by the NUM as well. Barron was born in Tadcaster, Yorkshire and went to Maltby Hall Secondary Modern School (now known as Maltby Academy). After leaving school Barron spent 23 years working in the coal industry. He attended Ruskin College and Sheffield University, where he gained a Diploma in Labour Studies in 1977. Whilst at Sheffield Barron was reportedly a member of Militant.

Matt Arnold and Peter Howarth, two key members of the paedophile ring which operated in north Wales and Cheshire, met at Ruskin College in 1966 – Arnold was a tutor and Howarth a student (see post ‘A Study In Tyranny’). Ruskin has a strong alumni association in which many former students are active. Arnold and Howarth both worked at Bryn Estyn whilst Peter Morrison was known to visit that establishment – on one occasion Morrison was seen driving away from Bryn Estyn with a boy in his car.

In 1982 Barron became President of the Rotherham TUC. The Rotherham which recently hit the world’s media when the en masse trafficking, rape and violent assault of kids in care – which had been going on for decades, was known about by all authorities but had been ignored by everyone – was revealed.

Barron was a member of the NUM, but was later expelled for speaking out against Arthur Scargill. On picketing duty outside Maltby colliery he was struck on the arm by a police baton – he successfully sued South Yorkshire Police for this. He was in those days a political ally of Scargill and assisted in Scargill’s campaign for Presidency of the NUM.

Barron was PPS to the Windbag, 1985-88. During those years the Windbag covered up the abuse of children and psych patients in north Wales as well as the associated serious criminality (see post ‘Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks’) and the child abusing activities of George Thomas (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’).

Barron was Shadow Health spokesman under Blair, Jan 1995-Jan 1998, ie. whilst the Waterhouse Inquiry took evidence and many former kids in care and psych patients in north Wales became destitute or died. Barron became a member of the GMC in 1999 – just before the Waterhouse Report was published – and has remained a member ever since. So Barron was a member of the GMC whilst they were found to be in possession of a letter allegedly written by me that had been forged (see post ‘The General Medical Council And Yet Another Forged Document’) and when they also refused to take action against a phenomenally violent junior psychiatrist working in the Hergest Unit who’s children were taken into care on the grounds of severe neglect. Barron was Chairman of the Health Select Committee after the 2005 General Election.

Not only does this former Militant supporting ally of Arthur Scargill sit on the GMC but he also became a New Labour moderniser. Kevin Barron was a leading figure in the campaign to rewrite Clause IV –  although it came as a surprise that there was no job in Govt for him after Blair’s 1997 General Election victory. You can’t trust him Kevin.

Barron served for eight years on the senior Intelligence and Security Committee and was made a Privy Councillor in 2001. He was knighted in 2014.

 

John Maxton, another member of the Shadow Energy team, was MP for Glasgow Cathcart, 1979-01. Maxton joined the Labour Party in 1970 and became a prominent campaigner as Vice-Chairman of the group Scottish Labour Against the Market during the 1975 referendum on continuing British membership of the Common Market. He was selected to oppose the sitting Tory MP, Teddy Taylor, at the 1979 General Election. The changing demographics of the area and Labour’s increasing popularity in Scotland made it a winnable seat and Maxton’s victory was made more likely by the Tories strident opposition to the SNP, which drove some of its voters back to Labour.

In Parliament, Maxton allied with the left in the Tribune Group and voted against the Falklands War. In 1983, his constituency was redrawn to his disadvantage, but Maxton ruled out a move to any neighbouring and more favourable areas; he therefore notionally gained his seat from the Conservatives again in the 1983 General Election. Maxton was a popular backbencher, but did not obtain much support when he stood for election to the Labour Shadow Cabinet. He was Labour’s Scottish Whip in 1985 and a spokesman on Scottish Affairs from 1985-1992.

Maxton stood down from the Commons at the 2001 General Election. So what became of this lifelong backbencher who opposed the Falklands War whilst the leadership of his party supported it and who remained loyal to the left whilst the Labour Party moved very firmly to the right and excluded or demonised those on the left? Why, in 2004 Blair gave him a peerage of course. What ever could have been behind that?

 

Rhodri states that whilst Blair was Shadow Secretary of State for Energy, he and Blair ‘lived in each others pockets’. Rhodri talks about a ‘team dinner’ that was held at Blair’s house in Highbury at which Cherie was present. Until 1988 the head of Cherie’s chambers was George Carman.

The Windbag gave Blair’s Shadow team the remit of opposing the privatisation of the electricity supply industry. John Wakeham’s wiki entry states that it was Wakeham who drew up plans for the privatisation of electricity. So that too puts Blair in the Shadow Energy team after Jan 1989, which according to Blair’s online Parliamentary biography is when Blair waved them all a fond farewell.

Rhodri boasted that the Opposition Energy team had an unofficial ‘back up research team  just as good as the one advising the Secretary of State’. The crack team didn’t manage to stop Thatcher privatising the electricity supply, but I am sure that they too will have got wind of Peter Morrison attending sex parties with under-aged boys. Rhodri mentions that in 1988 Blair took receipt of an anonymous hand-delivered leaked position paper – regarding the future shape of the electricity industry after privatisation – from the CEGB (Central Electricity Generating Board). Rhodri claims that it was this leaked document that enabled Blair’s Shadow team ‘to get off to such a good start with the nuclear tax bombshell which Blair was able to launch’ at Cecil Parkinson.

 

John Wakeham was elected as the Tory MP for Maldon in Essex at the Feb 1974 General Election. His first wife, Roberta, was killed in the Brighton hotel bombing in Oct 1984 and he was trapped in rubble for seven hours, suffering serious crush injuries to his legs. Wakeham married his secretary, Alison Ward, in 1985 – before being Wakeham’s secretary, Ward had been Thatcher’s secretary. So Alison Ward would have known all about Peter Morrison as well before she ever got near Wakeham either as secretary or wife.

During the late 1980s Wakeham served as Leader of the Commons.

Wakeham was given a peerage by John Major on 24 April 1992. Just at the time that a firebomb killed five witnesses to the paedophile ring of which Peter Morrison was a member (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’). Wakeham then served as Leader of the Lords until 1994.

After Edwina Currie spoke publicly about her shagathon with John Major, Major fessed up that he had indeed had an affair with Edwina and stated that it was the thing that he was most ashamed of in his entire life. Which is interesting because I would place concealing the organised abuse of children and the murder of witnesses above having an extra-marital affair in the ‘regrets’ list if I’d done both…

John Wakeham became chairman of the Press Complaints Commission in 1995, retiring in 2001. In 1997 he was appointed a Deputy Lieutenant of Hampshire. In 1999 Blair appointed Wakeham to head a Royal Commission on the reform of the Lords. The resulting Wakeham Report suggested a mainly-appointed Lords be maintained, with a small elected component. Which was how Blair ended up appointing so many people who had concealed the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal to the Lords. 

 

Whilst Parkinson and Wakeham were Secretaries of State, Michael Spicer was Morrison’s junior Ministerial colleague. Whereas Morrison had responsibility for oil, after Spicer joined Energy in 1987 he was given responsibility for electricity and coal until Jan 1990.

Michael Spicer was MP for South and then West Worcestershire, 1974-10. Spicer was educated at Wellington College and Emmanuel College, Cambridge. After graduation, he worked as a financial journalist for ‘The Daily Mail’, ‘The Sunday Times’ and ‘The Statist’. From 1968–70, Spicer was Director of Conservative Systems Research Centre and from 1970–80, he was Managing Director of Economic Models Ltd.

Spicer was Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party 1983-84. In the 1996 New Years Honours, after Peter Morrison was safely dead and buried, Spicer was knighted. He picked up his peerage in 2010.

Spicer was Chairman/President of the Association of Electricity Producers, 1991-12 and since 2012 he has been Chairman of Energy UK.

David Tombs, Director of Hereford and Worcester Social Services, 1974-94, has been named as someone in a senior position who concealed the organised abuse of children both on his own patch and on a national level (see post ‘Another Episode Of Friends…’).

 

In my post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’ I discussed some of the consequences of Gov’t policy regarding oil, Morrison’s portfolio. I will make a few observations here about the consequences of Gov’t policy re gas, Spicer’s bag.

British Gas plc was an energy and home services provider in the UK. It was formed when the British Gas Corporation was privatized in Dec 1986 by Thatcher’s Gov’t. On 8 Dec 1986 British Gas plc shares were floated on the London stock market. To encourage individuals to become shareholders, the offer was intensely advertised with the ‘If you see Sid…Tell him!’ campaign. The ‘Tell Sid’ campaign was the ultimate Tory campaign to try to encourage working class people to take an interest in being share-holders, hence the mythical ‘Sid’ character, rather than a Piers or a St John.

The initial public offering of 135p per share valued the company at £9 billion, the highest equity offering ever at the time. The Gov’t also created an industry regulator, the Office of Gas Supply (Ofgas), to protect customer needs. It later became part of the Office of Gas and Electricity Markets (Ofgem).

In June 1991, the Chairman of British Gas, Robert Evans, sparked controversy by accepting a pay rise of 66%, ten times above the rate of inflation at the time. This took his salary from £222,000 to £370,000, a pay rise which was condemned by the Labour Party as ‘sheer unbridled greed’. This followed allegations of greed against the organisation a month earlier, when it reported a 42% rise in pre-tax profits.

The Sids of the UK did quite well out of the great gas giveaway, but Robert Evans was in clover.

 

Whilst I’m on the subject of Gov’t cons under the umbrella of ‘Energy’, I’ll retell the story of the travesty that was the Baglan Energy Park, which gets a mention in Rhodri Morgan’s book.

Baglan Energy Park was a grand plan for a piece of land in Port Talbot.

When Rhodri became First Minister in 1999, one of his first tours of the different sections of the civil service was that of the Baglan Energy Park team. The team responsible told Rhodri that Baglan Energy Park would produce 6000 new jobs. It later ‘became clear no jobs would arrive at Baglan Energy Park’. It was Helen Liddell aka Stalin’s Granny (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’) who explained to Rhodri why no jobs were actually expected.

This blog is very rude about politicians, but I really must compliment them on their excellence in the coining of entertaining nicknames for their colleagues – Stalin’s Granny, The Widow Ruddock, The Crack of Doom, they are all pretty good, so at least one or two people in the system have a brain and a sense of humour. Can I ask them to perhaps turn their attentions to running the country instead of getting bladdered, shagging people to whom they are then obliged to give jobs which those people can’t do and covering up the wrongdoing of their colleagues? Some real progress could then be made.

Stalin’s Granny was the UK High Commissioner in Australia when she enlightened Rhodri. Stalin’s Granny maintained that in 1997 Blair’s Gov’t issued a moratorium on new gas fired power stations. The American multi-national GE wanted to build the first ever H Series combined cycle gas turbine power station at Baglan on the site which had been vacated by BP. This was part of BP’s exit strategy from south Wales in order to secure GE’s brand new and revolutionary design of the power station on the former Baglan site. Then Blair’s moratorium came along. Bill Clinton received a phone call from Jack Welch aka ‘Neutron Jack’ asking for help in getting around the moratorium.

Jack Welch is an American business executive and chemical engineer who was  Chairman and CEO of GE (General Electric), 1981-01. GE is an American multinational conglomerate incorporated in New York – its HQ is in Boston, Massachusetts. Not Port Talbot.

During the early 1980s Welch was dubbed ‘Neutron Jack’ for eliminating employees whilst leaving buildings intact. Welch stated that GE had 411,000 employees at the end of 1980 and 299,000 at the end of 1985. In return, GE had increased its market capital tremendously.

Clinton rang Blair and asked/told Blair to lift the moratorium for GE – thus GE acquired the permit to build the power station. However, a display had to be made of a special case for the exemption, lest anyone suggested that Clinton was telling Blair what to do. So it was agreed that electricity from the Baglan power station could be supplied directly – without paying grid charges – into proposed energy intensive industries which could it was claimed be sited on the empty Baglan site, which would be known as Baglan Energy Park. An estimate of 6000 jobs arriving at the Baglan Energy Park was made on the basis of absolutely no evidence – but it did sound good.

Before the power station opened, Rhodri asked to visit the site. GE’s site director Bill Cooney took  Rhodri around. Rhodri asked to meet the engineering team – he was told that the team was located in a mass of portakabins. Cooney refused Rhodri entrance to the portakabins because Rhodri didn’t have a US passport – although Baglan Energy Park was located at Port Talbot. Cooney told Morgan that he couldn’t go in without breaching the US Export Control Act – because ‘sensitive technology’ was involved, only US citizens were allowed in. Cooney mentioned that an exception was made for the young people who delivered Dominos Pizzas to the team working in the portakabins.

In his memoir, Rhodri expressed outrage that as FM he was being denied access to a place which granted access to Dominos Pizza boys. He didn’t comment on the huge scam that was being worked between Blair and Clinton which would be of no benefit to people in Wales – or the lies that were told in order to make this scam ‘fit’ with a Gov’t policy which Blair himself had thought up and wanted implemented, but breached when Clinton told him to. If I know anything about the way in which ‘businesses’ are ‘attracted to Wales’ – particularly businesses which do not benefit Wales or the people living in Wales – someone somewhere will have paid Welch handsomely to condescend to arrive in Wales, refuse to tell anyone exactly what he was up on the grounds that it involved ‘sensitive technology’ and rip everyone off.

This is the sort of thing that has gone on in Wales for decades – whilst people in Wales have been left with nothing and have then been berated for being part of a ‘benefit culture’ with ‘low aspirations’. The Plaid MP Adam Price has just made a speech at Plaid’s Llangollen Conference making the point that Wales is not a poor country – it is actually a rich country with a lot of poor people living in it. Brown and I have been arguing this for years. For literally centuries, wealth has been exported out of Wales in deals which have excluded most people living in Wales from benefiting. Adam Price is an unusual thing, he is a politician with a brain – most of the others seem to be too stupid to have understood what has gone on and all they can do is make lame comments about empowering and including people. If anyone actually took any notice of people like Adam Price, a great many more people would be empowered and included because they wouldn’t have been fleeced by the likes of Clinton and Blair and before them Thatcher and Nicholas Edwards.

As for Baglan Energy Park now – I recommend that readers visit the website www.npt-business.co.uk  it’s a real laugh. Underneath the heading ‘Baglan Energy Park – A Neath Port Talbot Success Story’ we are told that ‘Baglan Energy Park is one of Wales’ premier business and industrial locations. The 180 acre park is helping transform the area, secure a green industrial future and create thousands of jobs. Situated on the M4 motorway the Park has already attracted national and international companies as well as world class facilities.’

So what exactly has been attracted to Baglan Energy Park? The following:

Ecolab’s Centre of Excellence for Contamination Control – which ‘provides some of the most innovative technology in the industry, including state-of-the-art clean rooms and laboratories’.

GE Energy – which ‘has provided the park with a £300m power station, which provides competitively priced electricity to businesses locating on the park’.

Hi-Lex Cable Systems Ltd  – ‘a Japanese owned company which manufactures components for the automotive industry employs over 230 people at its European Head Office on the park’.

Italian company Intertissue – ‘part of Sofidel Group produces supermarket own-brand facial tissues, bathroom tissues and kitchen roll from its 1 million sq.ft. papermill’.

Mardon Properties – ‘recently completed work on the first phase of a £20m mixed-use development of office premises and industrial units which is attracting a variety of companies’.

Montagne Jeunesse – ‘is an environmentally aware company that markets cosmetic products such as face packs’.

One Talbot Gateway – ‘is a prestigious office facility located right at the entrance to the park. Dwr Cymru Welsh Water and the NHS partnership have relocated to the site’.

Baglan Bay Innovation Centre – ‘provides an environment for young, innovative, high tech, sustainable technology led businesses to grow. 39,000sq ft of accommodation, over four floors includes 32 incubator units, meeting rooms, a business support facility as well as close links with universities’.

The Solar Centre – ‘meeting facility located in the centre of the park forms an annex to the Baglan Bay Innovation Centre building. The facility generates its own electricity from surplus electricity fed into the grid system, symbolising the ethos of the park’.

Wales’s first Renewable Hydrogen Research and Demonstration Centre – ‘provides facilities for hydrogen production, conferencing, research, demonstrations and education all run from renewable energy sources is (sic) based at the park’.

 

So there’s big spaces which haven’t yet been filled, a small number of foreign owned businesses and the NHS and Dwr Cymru have moved in, as has a bog roll company. The bog roll company isn’t even a posh one which produces the aloe vera impregnated luxury bog roll, let alone the ‘moist wipes’ which are sold in those plastic containers, it is one which produces ‘supermarket own brand’.

As for the Solar Centre – that was originally constructed for a G8 conference in Birmingham for PM Tony Blair and the Heads of State from the G8 nations. So Blair and the G8 didn’t go to Baglan for their conference then.

 

We are told that ‘once the park is completed there will be a total investment of approximately £400 billion’. ‘Investment’ in Wales means the Gov’t giving money to businesses to persuade them to set up shop in Wales and then pay people in Wales low wages. Regarding the jobs – well there isn’t 6000, but Stalin’s Granny admitted to Rhodri that that particular figure was plucked out of thin air anyway in order for Blair to pretend that he had a good excuse for doing a favour for Bill Clinton’s mate Jack Welch. We are told that ‘more than 1,600 people are now working on the park, and once the project is completed, it will have the capacity to accommodate 3,000 jobs’.

We are not told how near to completion the park is. Furthermore, the jobs in the bog roll factory and most of the other companies that are on the Park will not be well-paid jobs – many of the workers will probably have to claim in-work benefits to get by. However the US engineers working in the bit of GE through which non-US passport holders are not allowed to pass – unless they are delivering a pizza to hungry Americans – will be highly paid.

Like a lot of things which are not what they claim to be, the Baglan Energy Park has won an award from the HSJ (Health Services Journal). It received the BURA (British Urban Regeneration Award), Insider Award for Regeneration and the Local Government Chronicle & Health Services Journal Sustainable Communities Award in recognition of its work to create a cleaner, greener industrial future for the area.

Port Talbot is of course famous for being the location of the steelworks upon which the whole town depends. As the steelworks has gradually diminished, things have become worse and worse for Port Talbot. Baglan Energy Park has not made a great deal of difference.

One person who did really well out of Baglan Energy Park however was Neutron Jack. During his tenure at GE, the company’s value rose 4,000%. In 2006, Welch’s net worth was estimated at $720 million. When Jack retired from GE he received a severance payment of $417 million, the largest such payment in history. He didn’t earn that from working in the bog roll factory at Baglan.

 

I have not experienced the joys of Baglan Energy Park myself, although I was invited to an event at Neath Port Talbot about three years ago by a Third sector organisation who were holding a one day conference on the problems experienced by women who provide unpaid care for family members and others. I was unable to attend the said event because I couldn’t get there. I was told that the event was to be held at Port Talbot and because I didn’t have a car at the time, I planned to travel there on the train or bus. I couldn’t. The event for women providing unpaid care was held at the Orangery at Margam Country Park – I was told by the Third sector organisation who had organised the event that the Orangery was lovely. Which I’m sure that it was, but it was also miles away from the railway station and two miles away from the nearest bus stop.

When I saw the list of invited speakers I realised that I wasn’t missing anything – it was a list of paedophiles’ friends who have been responsible for wrecking the health and social care services in Wales for years. That lot are the reason why so many women in Wales are having to provide unpaid care. I very much doubt that any woman providing unpaid care would have been able to attend the one day conference, even if they did have a car. They’d be far too busy providing the unpaid care – or working a few shifts cleaning the Orangery. So a group of middle class wimmin had a day out at the Orangery, funded by the Welsh Gov’t, whilst scores of badly paid women maintained the infrastructure of Margam Country Park…

 

The travesty that is Baglan Energy Park was dreamt up pre-devolution. It will have come under the umbrella of Industrial Policy for Wales, so I presume that Sir Derek Jones had something to do with it.

 

Sir Derek Jones was Head of Industrial Policy at the Welsh Office in 1989 and prior to that held a number of positions in the DTI. Derek Jones served as Permanent Secretary to the Welsh Gov’t, 2013-17.

Rhodri Morgan mentions in his book that he got on very well with Sir Derek.

Derek Jones was born and educated in Cardiff and went to Cardiff University. On graduation he joined the civil service in Whitehall. After undertaking the post-graduate civil service training scheme Jones joined the Treasury, then the DTI and then the Welsh Office in Cardiff in 1989 as Head of Economics and Industrial Policy. He was subsequently Head of Finance Programmes; Director of the Industry and Training department and Director of Economic Affairs. In 1999 Jones became a key figure in the setting-up and early operations of the newly created Welsh Assembly Gov’t – which was choc full of paedophiles’ friends from its inception.  Jones was Senior Director, April 2003-April 2008 – as havoc reigned in the NHS in north Wales, as the suicide rate continued upwards and as I and other people were the victims of the perjury and wrongdoing of the paedophiles’ friends.

In 2008 Jones left the civil service to join the Governing Board of Cardiff University as Director of Business and Strategic Partnerships with an Honorary Chair, tasked to commercialise the University’s research and engage with business.

Jones was a member of the Welsh Gov’ts Ministerial Advisory Board BETS, Dec 2011-Oct 2012;  Chairman of the membership selection panel for Dwr Cymru Welsh Water, Jan 2010-Sept 2011; Chairman, South East Wales Economic Forum, Sept 2011-Oct 2012; Board member of the EADS Foundation Wales, Aug 2011-Oct 2012.

In Sept 2012, Jones was announced as the new Permanent Secretary to the Welsh Assembly Government, replacing that very loyal paedophiles’ friend Dame Gillian Morgan (see post ‘A Major Coup – Or A Complete Disaster?’). Jones subsequently became a member of the UK Civil Service Board and Senior Leadership Committee. He stepped down as Permanent Secretary early in 2017.

In April 2017 Sir Derek was appointed Chair of the Prince’s Trust in Wales. He is a non-executive director of IQE plc; an independent adviser to Cardiff University, where he is also an Honorary Fellow and Professor and is a Vice President of Cardiff Business Club.

 

There has been a great deal of fuckwittery of the Baglan Energy Park sort in Wales ie. people giving their friends large sums of money to establish businesses which provide no real benefits for anyone but the people who have received the ‘investment’ to set their business up. The fuckwittery did not stop when the Welsh Gov’t came into being. The sums of money were no doubt less than Thatcher and Blair were able to give to their friends, but the way of conducting business remained the same. I know small business people in north Wales who were fuming at the corruption that they alleged was happening – they claimed that friends and bedfellows of key figures in the Assembly were receiving ‘investment’ for non-viable businesses whereas other people who were making a real go of businesses providing employment for local people  received no help at all and sometimes were actively obstructed. Should the business people involved ever go public on what was happening, it could prove very embarrassing for the Welsh Assembly – some of the most successful SMEs in north west Wales were excluded from Gov’t help when they were setting up because, they alleged, they did not ‘know people’ in the Assembly.

 

One of the people who was involved with the Economic Development portfolio in the early days of the Welsh Assembly Gov’t was Alan Pugh, who was Deputy Minister for Economic Development, Oct 2000-03, in Rhodri’s Gov’t.

Alun Pugh was the AM for Clwyd West, 1999-07. Pugh was born in Mid-Glamorgan into – according to his wiki entry –  ‘a poor coal mining family’.  I don’t know anything about Alan Pugh’s family, but I have developed a very high degree of sceptism concerning people who are members of the affluent middle classes laying claim to deprived backgrounds. Yes, occasionally people from severely disadvantaged families do sneak into the professional classes, but it is very unusual. Every piece of research into the subject has shown that that even in the 1960s and 70s, the decades of social mobility, people who entered university or the professions from the working classes came from families or networks where they had gained large amounts of cultural capital. It is a harsh fact that children who have no economic or cultural capital only very rarely experience the amazing social mobility that politicians like to claim for themselves. Pugh might have not had any money, but I bet that there was someone around him who was well-read or an autodidact.

After Alan Pugh left the cardboard box in’t middle of t’road in which he grew up, he completed a degree in business finance and then postgrad qualifications in computer science and education. He moved to north Wales from Newcastle-Upon-Tyne. I am wondering if Pugh was therefore a student in Newcastle.

Pugh was Head of Business Studies at Coleg Llandrillo Cymru and four years later he was promoted to an Associate Principal post at West Cheshire College. Pugh resided in Deganwy, Conwy for much of his time in north Wales.

This biography tells me that for much of his life Alan Pugh has been in close proximity to the paedophiles’ friends. If he was not a politician he might have been unaware of them – but someone with political ambitions will not have missed what was going on around him or had gone on around him in the past. There was organised abuse of children in Mid-Glamorgan where Pugh originally came from. When he entered politics at least, Pugh will have heard about John Owen from Mid-Glamorgan (see post ‘Yet More Inglorious Bastards’) whom local authorities and exam boards protected and who was supported by the BBC, S4C and Welsh youth groups and theatres  even after his molesting of his pupils became public. Pugh will also have known about George Thomas molesting children and young people (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’) and he will have been aware of the rumours surrounding Ron Davies and his cruising and cottaging activities in south Wales – the Ron Davies who was an adviser to Mid-Glamorgan Education Authority whilst they ignored John Owen’s conduct towards his pupils.

I will be writing a post soon on the subject of just how many people knew that Ron Davies would one day blow up in their faces.

The paedophile ring in north Wales was fuelled by the arrival of Matt Arnold and Peter Howarth from Gateshead – where there was a paedophile ring in operation (see post ‘A Study In Tyranny’), which was afforded protection by, as well as others, Ernest Armstrong, the Labour MP for North West Durham, whose daughter Hilary succeeded him as MP for that constituency and became a member of Blair’s inner circle (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’). There were numerous connections between people working in medicine and mental health in Newcastle and north Wales (see post ‘The Newcastle-Upon-Tyne Connection?’) and the hideous Lord John Walton, Mr Medical Establishment in Newcastle, protected Dafydd and the paedophiles of north Wales for years (see post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’). Alan Pugh might not have known about that when he was in Newcastle but politicians are great gossips and are obsessed with the possibility that people might acquire dirt on them or their associates – as soon as Pugh began moving in political circles, he’d have found out all about such matters.

Furthermore Pugh lived in Conwy – stomping ground of Lord Wyn Roberts the best friend that the paedophile gang in north Wales ever had, as well as scores of others who colluded with them (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). Of course Pugh knew about the serious criminality wreaking havoc in north Wales concealed by the paedophiles’ friends of the professional classes along that part of the north Wales coast – Dafydd was running his sex therapy business just down the road from Pugh’s place of residence.

Pugh’s job at Coleg Llandrillo will also have left him in no doubt as to some of what was going on. Llandrillo trained the health and welfare staff who worked with the paedophiles’ friends and Pugh will have been part of the system that ensured that whistleblowers were removed from circulation and didn’t usually work again. Coleg Llandrillo also ran a counselling course which trained people who then counselled distressed people who had encountered the paedophiles and their friends. My post ‘A Convenient Arrangement With The Private Sector’ detailed the activities of Prestwood Homes, a chain of abusive ‘nursing homes’ for people with learning disabilities and/or mental health problems which was actually a front for trafficking vulnerable people into sex work. Prestwood had a number of homes in the Conwy area – residents and staff were enrolled upon courses at Coleg Llandrillo. That may have been after Pugh had left the employment of the Coleg, but whilst he worked there the two women who ‘managed’ Prestwood, Lynda Holland and Suzanne Hamlet, met on the counselling course at Coleg Llandrillo. Holland was a student and Hamlet was a tutor on the course. They began a relationship whilst Hamlet was teaching Holland and Hamlet was dismissed for sexually exploiting a student.

OK, Coleg Llandrillo did the right thing in dismissing Hamlet, which was probably a first for the paedophiles’ friends of north Wales. But how did Hamlet ever land such a job at Coleg Llandrillo? Not only did Hamlet only have the most basic of qualifications, but whilst she ‘managed’ Prestwood Homes I witnessed her: telling support workers to lock clients in their rooms if they became distressed; telling support workers to tell clients to ‘go on and do it then’ if clients threatened to commit suicide – which resulted in two clients seriously injuring themselves when encouraged to attempt suicide; telling a 19 year old female client that if she didn’t co-operate with ‘therapy’ she would be taken back to Liverpool and ‘left to die on an embankment’ (the therapy consisted of viewing porn) (see post ‘The Mentor’). Oh – and not only did Hamlet tell support workers to threaten to hit clients, but she LAUGHED as she described how a ‘home manager’ had grabbed a female client around the throat, slammed her up against a wall and threatened to punch her in the face.

If Pugh tells us all that these incidents at Prestwood happened after Hamlet had been dismissed from the Coleg in which he was a manager, I’ll remind him that when his establishment employed Hamlet as a counselling tutor, she was a chronic alcoholic in middle age who had spent many years as a patient of Dafydd’s in and out of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh – although she told everyone that she had been a nurse at the North Wales Hospital. Who wrote Hamlet’s reference then Pugh? Was it Dafydd? Because there was no way that Hamlet was suitable to have been employed as a counselling tutor.

As for the College which employed Pugh as Associate Principal – West Cheshire College has campuses at Crewe and Chester, which were locations of the activity of the north Wales/Cheshire paedophile ring. Sir Peter Morrison was the Tory MP for Chester and Dafydd held ‘clinics’ at the Grosvenor Nuffield Hospital in Chester.

Of course Alun Pugh knew what was happening and could be relied upon to keep quiet – that’s how he landed the nomination for the candidacy as Labour AM for Clwyd West. It’s a highly marginal seat, no-one was going to risk upsetting the paedophiles’ friends, so the Labour Party fielded a puppet.

Pugh was re-elected in 2003 and appointed as Minister for Culture, Welsh Language and Sport in WAG (Welsh Assembly Gov’t). Pugh remained an AM until his 2007 defeat by Conservative Darren Millar.  Following the 2007 election Pugh took a mountaineering sabbatical in the Himalayas and on his return to Wales was appointed as Director of the Snowdonia Society, an environmental charity. He was a columnist for the Daily Post (North Wales) and ran consultancy projects.

Pugh stood as the Labour candidate for Arfon in the 2010 Westminster General Election, but lost to Plaid’s Hywel Williams, another paedophiles’ friend who formerly worked as a psychiatric social worker and at one point featured on Dafydd’s twitter feed. I met Alan Pugh when he was out campaigning in Bangor for that election. He was very frosty to me considering that he was asking people to vote for him and I did wonder if he knew who I was, because by that time I was experiencing maximum harassment and threats from the paedophiles’ friends. I asked Pugh what he intended to do about the abuses of the mental health services in north Wales – he turned tail and fled and decided to do a bit of canvassing with a group of students further down the road instead.

When I bumped into Pugh with his rosettes and gang of supporters I didn’t think of the hideous Hamlet and Coleg Llandrillo. I thought of something else for which Alun Pugh was much more famous in Bangor University – Alun Pugh was the former bedfellow of Meri Huws aka The Crack of Doom. As with all Meri’s liaisions, allegations were flying that Pugh was being used to land Meri jobs that she couldn’t do and should never have had (see post ‘Let Me Enlighten Lord Gnome…’).

Meri was Chair of the Welsh Language Board in 2004-12 – well Alun was the Minister for Culture, Welsh Language and Fun, although the most common allegation at the time was that Meri had landed that particular post as a result of her affair with Andrew Davies, another Welsh Gov’t Minister. But then there were those who claimed that Meri’s success with the Welsh Language Board selection panel was a result of her fling with Rhodri Morgan. Who could ever know?

After that particular scandal Meri entertained the nation by making noises about joining Plaid. There was only one question on everyone’s lips – who the hell is she shagging now???

Meri however when she was younger had been party to a great deal of information which her bedfellows will have found very useful but which will have also provided Meri with great blackmail capacity when people finally desperately wanted to be rid of her. Meri – it was getting pissed and abusive at official Bangor University functions that did it, people in high places wanted to know why the hell anyone had given you a job as PVC. And of course having yourself photographed completely bladdered, wearing that bacofoil jumpsuit with a zip that was undone rather too low among a crowd of ‘old students’ of Bangor University, not one of whom was under 80 years of age. The University magazines with that photo in mysteriously disappeared en masse when I and a few others were spotted howling with laughter at the photo.

However, the gerontocracy that runs Bangor University have to shoulder some of the blame for the appointment of Meri to high office. It was openly discussed that the VC knew damn well what a disaster putting Meri in charge of anything was going to be, but the Welsh Gov’t – ie. Rhodri – and the gerontocracy demanded that Meri and her talents be elevated to the post of PVC. Why did the old farts want a mad, drunken, abusive slapper appointed to a role which effectively was a diplomatic/ambassadorial one? Perhaps because many moons ago when Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends ran Bangor University and Sir William Mars-Jones the late corrupt judge was President of the institution, Meri was employed as a community social worker by Gwynedd County Council. Dafydd’s mistress Lucille Hughes was Director of Gwynedd Social Services and at that time the paedophiles were running the children’s homes in north Wales. The children’s homes in Bangor, Ty’r Felin – which was located on the Maesgeirchan estate – was supplying under-aged boys for sex parties in Dolphin Square and other locations outside of Wales whereas under-aged girls were taken to local pubs and to the Octagon nightclub in Bangor and sold for sex to predatory men (see post ‘Are You Local?’). I don’t know who accompanied the boys to London and Brighton and other locations, but the girls were taken to local pubs and to the Octagon by social workers employed by Gwynedd Social Services.

Meri worked as a community social worker on Maesgeirchan.

 

One thing that is worthy of observation since Alun Pugh was defeated by Darren Millar in Clwyd West in 2007, is that although every liberal and leftie in north Wales groaned when Darren was elected on the grounds that Darren was one for articulating relentlessly right wing opinions of the sort that are quite unusual in Wales, Darren has been quite a star where bringing attention to the atrocities of the NHS in north Wales has been concerned. He has demanded prosecutions and even wrote to the Chief Constable to say that. Another Tory MP in north Wales, Mark Isherwood, has also been very supportive to the victims of the paedophiles and their friends and has tried very hard to effect change. Meanwhile just about every other politician remains deeply in denial and if they do mention the slaughter that has gone on for years – and continues – it is simply to tell everyone that they’re going to empower service users. Then, much more volubly, they demand that Carwyn should give a great deal more money to the paedophiles’ friends.

 

To return to those with responsibility for Economic Development in Wales. Alan Pugh’s boss, the Minister for Economic Development, was the Lib Dem AM for South Wales East, 1999-10, Mike German. German was Leader of the Welsh Lib Dems, 2007-08 and was Deputy First Minister, 2000-01 and then again 2002-03, because the Welsh Gov’t was a Labour-Lib Dem Coalition, Oct 2000-May 03.

Mike German was educated at the Open University and St Mary’s College, Strawberry Hill, Twickenham (now St Mary’s University). In his early life he was a member of 28th Cardiff Sea Scout Group.

German trained and worked as a  music teacher before becoming Head of the European Unit at the WJEC (Welsh Joint Education Committee). Has also been a school governor.

The sexual abuse of John Owen’s pupils by John Owen was for years concealed by Mid-Glamorgan Education Authority and the WJEC (see post ‘Yet More Inglorious Bastards’).

Mike German was a Councillor and Leader of the Lib Dems on Cardiff City Council, 1983-96 and joint Leader of the Council, 1987-91. Mike German sat on Cardiff City Council with Alun Michael, who knows a lot more about the paedophiles and their friends than he has ever let on. Alun Michael, many many years ago, was involved with the Liberal Party – so he will have known about Jeremy Thorpe and Cyril Smith. Alun Michael also shared a flat with Paul Flynn, the Labour MP for Newport, for a long time. In the 1990s Paul Flynn appeared on TV programmes along with Dafydd. Paul Flynn did challenge the nonsense that Dafydd spouted about reefer madness, but Paul Flynn knew about Dafydd’s other activities but didn’t say a word – because in 1974 Paul Flynn stood as the Labour candidate in Denbigh and just about everybody in the town worked at the North Wales Hospital.

Alun Michael is also an old friend of paedophiles’ friend, former social worker Jane Hutt. Rhodri’s memoir comments that Michael and Hutt worked together on various charities and causes, including the Cardiff Broadcasting Company. So Hutt and Michael’s media connections must have been why the logic of Alun Michael resigning as FM literally as the Waterhouse Report was submitted to the Secretary of State for Wales was never explained (see post ‘News From Sicily’).

Rhodri Morgan mentions in his book that Tom Middlehurst supported Alun Michael for the Welsh Labour leadership. Tom Middlehurst was the AM for Alyn and Deeside, 1999-03. Middlehurst was among the paedophiles and their friends for years – before he became an AM he was the Chief Executive of Flintshire County Council, one of the successor Councils after Clwyd County Council disappeared in a puff of smoke in 1996 after the Jillings Report admitted that there had been serious inexcusable abuse of children in the care of Clwyd County Council for many years. Middlehurst also managed to save the paedophiles’ folly, Theatre Clwyd, when it had one of its many financial crises and once more the coffers of the Council were inexplicably empty. HOW Tom Middlehurst saved Theatre Clwyd was never explained, a great deal of money will have had to have been obtained from somewhere, but Middlehurst did manage to snare some big names to drum up a high profile for the Theatre (see post ‘Workers Play Time’).

Jane Hutt’s proud boast is that she founded Welsh Women’s Aid. I have mentioned previously on this blog that it is not possible to be involved with Women’s Aid and not know that a paedophile gang is operating in the area, because such matters affect women and their children. I knew people who worked for Women’s Aid in north Wales who admitted that they knew about the organised abuse of children but they could not make themselves heard within that organisation. I also have in my possession two copies of letters written by Bangor and District Women’s Aid after they were approached by a Hergest Unit patient who was faced with homelessness after leaving a difficult relationship. The first letter is a referral for ‘services’ in terms of the client being rehoused. The second letter was written some four weeks later, discharging the client from the Women’s Aid service. Had the client been rehoused or indeed received any ‘services’ at all? No. But she had complained about the paedophiles’ friends. The dates on those letters are during Hutt’s time as Health Minister.

One of the biggest problems with Bangor and District Women’s Aid was that one of the leading lights in that organisation – who I think genuinely did want to help people – had been the victim of the paedophiles’ friends herself when she had been referred to the mental health services. She knew that they were appalling and she was frightened of them. She will also have known that her job will have somehow have come to an end if she had dared speak about what was happening to her clients at the hands of the health and social care services.

Rhodri Morgan’s book mentions in passing that when the agreement to form the Labour-Lib Dem Coalition Gov’t was formed, Hutt – who was then the Health Minister ignoring the serious abuse of vulnerable people in north Wales – appeared with a near final draft of a partnership agreement.

Alun Michael and Jane Hutt will have both known that George Thomas was sexually assaulting young people (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’).

Just to ensure that there were no loose ends, Mike German’s first wife Georgette was also a Cardiff City Councillor. So they could have discussed the corruption in the City Council together, as well as the abuse of children in care in south Wales.

German had been involved with politics for many years before he was elected to the Assembly. He contested Cardiff North in Oct 1974 and 1979 for the Liberals. Cardiff North is a seat in which it seems to be essential to be a paedophiles’ friend to be nominated let alone win (see post ‘The Paedophiles’ Friends Of Cardiff North’). German then fought Cardiff Central in 1983 and in 1987 for the SDP-Liberal Alliance, but was unsuccessful.

So – like Alun Michael – German will have known that the Liberal Party concealed everything with which Jeremy Thorpe was involved, including their knowledge that he was openly discussing the need to have Norman Scott murdered years before someone did try and murder Norman (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). Rhodri Morgan’s book provides a bit of info about Jeremy Thorpe’s 1979 trial that I hadn’t previously come across. Morgan was mates with Lord Gareth Williams, who was counsel for George Deakin when Deakin stood trial with Thorpe for conspiracy to murder. I knew that an incriminating tape existed in which Thorpe discussed the need to have Norman Scott murdered and I knew that Williams had called for the tape to be played in full knowing that some of the contents were so excruciatingly embarrassing to the Royal Family that no-one would actually dare do this and it was as a result of this ploy that George Deakin was acquitted.

Rhodri’s book mentions that what was causing the precise difficulty was Jeremy Thorpe’s status as someone who had conducted affairs with both Princess Margaret and Lord Snowdon. But between them Thorpe, Ma’am Darling and Lord Snowdon certainly did a great deal of bed hopping, so Marjorie Wallace is by no means the only person with the dirt on the Snowdons (see post ‘One Dangerous Fucker’) and their connections to the abuse of vulnerable people and the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal.

Gareth Williams QC did of course successfully represent the former senior North Wales Police officer Gordon Anglesea in 1994 when Anglesea sued for libel after he had been named as someone who had abused boys in care in north Wales. Anglesea was awarded nearly £400k in damages. Some weeks after the trial, Mark Humphreys was found dead, hanging from the stairwell in the block of flats in Wrexham in which he lived (see posts ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd’ and ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd – A Few Additional Comments’). In 2016 Anglesea was convicted of historic sex offences against boys in care in north Wales and imprisoned.

Rhodri Morgan had a very high opinion of Gareth Williams the paedophiles’ friend. Rhodri believed that Gareth Williams was, like John Smith, a barrister-politician who had principles, unlike Blair. Gareth Williams grew up in Prestatyn and went to Rhyl Grammar School before Cambridge University. He practised as a barrister and was then a recorder on the Chester and Wales Circuit for years whilst there was a major problem with corruption on the Circuit. Williams was a member of the Bar Council and at one point Chair of the Bar Council. He eventually became a Deputy High Court judge and leader of the Chester and Wales Circuit, again whilst corruption was endemic. Williams picked up his peerage in 1992 after the firebomb killed the five witnesses to the paedophile ring in north Wales/Cheshire (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

In 1999 Blair appointed Gareth Williams as Attorney General for England and Wales and Attorney General for N Ireland. Well who better than a man at the heart of a rotten circuit which has concealed a murdering paedophile gang and fitted up their victims? Williams remained AG until 2001. So he was in post when the Waterhouse Report was published .

Rhodri’s book explains that Gareth Williams died suddenly at his home in 2003 whilst the Labour Party Conference was in full swing at Bournemouth. Williams, the paedophiles’ – and indeed aspiring murderers’ – friend, was ‘posthumously voted the best peer of all time’ by ‘his fellow lordships’. Well Gareth Williams certainly did them a few favours, the Lords is rather more congenial than a prison cell on the sex offenders wing.

Rhodri observed that if ever he had to hire a defending barrister, it would have been Gareth Williams rather than John Smith or Tony Blair. So if you had been recorded on tape organising a murder after shagging both Princess Margaret and Lord Snowdon or you were suing various media outlets after they had named you as a child abuser when indeed you were one, Gareth was the man for you.

When Williams died, the British state certainly pushed the boat out to give him a good send off. The RAF flew the whole of the British Cabinet and Rhodri – although he wasn’t a member of the Cabinet – from Hurn Airport in Bournemouth to Brize Norton in Oxfordshire in a transport aircraft and they were then bussed across to Great Tew, the village where Gareth Williams and his wife Veena lived and where the funeral was held.

So Gareth Williams received a rather better send off than one of the victims of the paedophiles’ and their friends whom I knew when I lived in Bethesda. This man had grown up in care, arrived into adulthood destitute, had spent a lifetime circulating between mental health facilities and ended up being utterly neglected by the Hergest Unit, who placed him in Neuadd Deiniol in Bangor, famously unsuitable accommodation which was categorised as a ‘nursing home’ and was run by one of Dafydd’s business associates. Because of his multiple health problems this man was supposedly being observed in the ‘nursing home’ every 20 mins. He was found dead after having choked on a ham sandwich but no-one managed to explain why he had been dead for a lot longer than 20 minutes before he was found.

Not only was this man’s death in 1999 or 2000 part of the Great Holocaust of potential witnesses whilst the Waterhouse Inquiry was underway, but he also was a witness to the whole sorry saga of the framing of an innocent man as a potential danger to his own baby by Gwynedd Social Services, whilst two other real abusers from the family which assisted in fitting that man up were protected by the Social Services, as well as to the suspicious death in a road accident of someone else who knew the details of all of this. The full story is detailed in my post ‘It’s All About Protecting Children’. The wrongdoing involved was extensive and serious and involved Gwynedd Social Services, the North Wales Police, the North Wales Housing Association, a crooked solicitor in Bethesda, all the GPs in Bethesda Surgery, the Hergest Unit, the Arfon Community Mental Health Team and Councillor Dafydd Orwig of Gwynedd County Council. And that’s just the bit that I know about it.

So a great many people might have breathed a sigh of relief when they heard that man had been found dead in Neuadd Deiniol.

After this witness to serious crime was found dead, there was an enormous row over what to do with his body. He had left no money and he only had one living relative – he had been married but had divorced some years before he died – and no authority would agree to bury him. So he remained ‘in the freezer’ (as another Hergest patient explained to me) for many months whilst the local authority tried to coerce his ex-wife (who was a Hergest patient and grossly neglected and penniless as well), his ex-wife’s brother (who was also a penniless, neglected Hergest patient) and his elderly great aunt – who hadn’t seen him since he was about eight years old – to cough up. None of them could even afford dentistry and spectacles let alone a funeral, so the local authority finally relented and a ‘pauper’s funeral’ was held, which was attended by a few patients. No mental health staff attended the funeral, not even the Rev Wynne Roberts, the Elvis-impersonating, singing, parishioner-shagging, disgraced vicar who doubled up as the chaplain at Ysbyty Gwynedd and who later joined the management of the Betsi Board and sat on the ethics committees for Ysbyty Gwynedd and Bangor University’s School of Healthcare Sciences (see post ‘Music Therapy Anyone?).

After writing those paragraphs and remembering it all, I am sorely tempted to ask any members of mental health staff from north west Wales who might be reading this if they feel at all ashamed of how they have conducted themselves. But the answer will of course be ‘no, not at all, we’re holding out for a pay rise’.

Gareth Williams knew Sir William Mars-Jones, a barrister and High Court judge who grew up in Flintshire and was also a paedophiles’ friend working on the Chester and Wales Circuit. Mars-Jones was President of UCNW (now called Bangor University) whilst the paedophiles’ friends were running the place and whilst Dr DGE Wood, a corrupt GP and T. Gwynne Williams, the lobotomist from the North Wales Hospital, were employed in the Student Health Centre – they were both facilitating the sex abuse ring in north Wales. I have documents in my possession which demonstrate that a Mrs Mars-Jones was being CC’d into letters from NHS bodies in north Wales which named people who had complained about the North Wales Hospital, as well as into letters regarding visiting Commissioners from the Mental Health Act Commission who had also complained. Mrs Mars-Jones appears to have been sent a hit list of people who dared challenge the paedophiles’ friends. I will be blogging more about this soon.

William Mars-Jones was a big name in London as well as in north Wales – he was a leading light in the Garrick as well as in the London Welsh Society.

 

Mike German will also have known Dr David Owen – who personally knew some of the Top Doctors who were facilitating the sex trafficking ring in north Wales (see post ‘Dr Death’).

I have read no accounts of anyone publicly challenging Mike German about his knowledge of serious criminality on the part of members of the Liberal Party, but German did end up at the centre of a police investigation by the South Wales Police and the audit experts at the WJEC in 2001 following allegations that German had claimed expenses fraudulently when he worked for the WJEC before he became an AM in 1999. German stood down as Deputy FM whilst the investigation took place. He hired his own legal team at considerable expense to himself – he had to sell his house and downsize in order to foot the bill. German was cleared and resumed his position as Deputy FM in 2002.

 

Rhodri Morgan states that the WJEC was a body which was completely under the control of Labour councillors in south Wales, in particular Jeff Jones, the Leader of Bridgend Council. Morgan mentions that Jeff Jones was a man who never had the political career in the Assembly that Jeff Jones and everybody who knew him expected him to have. Rhodri doesn’t explain why, but he claims that whilst it was still assumed that Ron Davies would be Wales’s FM after the formation of the Welsh Assembly – before that unfortunate business with Boogie on Clapham Common obliged Ron to resign as Secretary of State for Wales, just as Blair was about to appoint him as First Minister (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’) – Jeff Jones and everybody else expected that Jeff would be the Education Minister in Ron’s first Cabinet. Sadly for poor old Jeff he didn’t get as far as becoming an AM despite the best laid plans by Ron and him.

Rhodri states in his memoir that he knew that whatever allegations were levelled at the WJEC, it was a fundamentally sound organisation because his own mother had been an examiner for the WJEC for decades….

As it seems does every paedophiles’ friend who falls under suspicion but is somehow cleared, Mike German was given a peerage. In May 2010. So who filled the yawning gap left behind in the Assembly as a result of Mike’s departure to the Upper House? His wife did of course. In June 2010 Mrs German (by then Lady German), Veronica, became the Lib Dem AM for Mike’s old seat of South Wales East. However, Veronica could not be accused of not having the necessary experience – she had lived in south Wales for decades and had been a Councillor in Newport as well as in Torfaen.  

The MP for Torfaen 1987-2015 was Paul Murphy. Murphy was Secretary of State for Wales, 1999-02 and 2008-09. It was Murphy who took delivery of the Waterhouse Report in 2000 and he stated that he was glad that the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal had now been investigated in a transparent manner, that there had not been a whiff of a cover-up and that there was no link with any paedophile gang outside of north Wales. Murphy forgot to add that Sir Ronnie Waterhouse was a personal friend of many of those who ran the bodies which managed the services in which children were abused or which colluded with the abuse and that Ronnie refused to take evidence regarding or investigate any links with abusers outside of north Wales so it was no surprise that he failed to find any such links.

Before Murphy was elected, the MP for Torfaen was Leo Abse. Abse was a close friend of George Thomas, threatened and paid off people who claimed to have been sexually abused by Thomas and told the media a pack of lies when Thomas ended up in hospital after contracting an STD (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’). Abse was also the subject of a police investigation into historical child sex abuse. Paul Murphy was a Torfaen Councillor for years whilst Abse was the local MP.

Paul Murphy was also Secretary of State for N Ireland and was party to whatever sleazy deal Blair did there. The deal involved the suppression of the truth about the abuse of children at the Kincora Boys Home.

Murphy was the Chairperson of the Intelligence and Security Committee, 2005-08. Let’s hope that the security services don’t actually let that Committee know what they’re up to.

Murphy joined the slumbering hordes in the Upper House in 2015.

 

Veronica German was a school teacher in Gwent for 25 years. There was abuse of children happening in Gwent.

 

What with Mike German under investigation by the South Wales Police, in Feb 2002 Rhodri had to tweak his Cabinet as he was in need of a Minister for Economic Development after German had stepped down. So Andrew Davies, the Labour AM for Swansea West, 1999-11, was promoted to the position. The Andrew Davies who was busy having an affair with Meri Huws at the time…

Andrew Davies was the former Chair of Swansea West Labour Party, a member of the Welsh Labour Executive Committee and was a regional party official from 1984-91. Davies was one of the architects of devolution as the main organiser of the Labour Party Yes Campaign in 1997.

Davies is a graduate of Swansea University which is effectively run by Rhodri Morgan’s friends and relatives (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’).

Between 2007-09, Andrew Davies was Minister for Social Justice and Public Service Delivery and Minister for Finance and Public Service Delivery. Two things that were absolutely not happening in Wales whilst Davies held those positions were social justice and public services delivery.

Andrew Davies was born in and went to school in Herefordshire, but his parents are Welsh. His mother is from Llandeilo and his father is from the paedophiles’ friends heartland of Flintshire. Davies trained as a teacher as well as a counsellor and has worked in further, higher and continuing education. Something tells me that Andrew Davies knew all about the paedophiles and their friends in north Wales a long while before he ever encountered Meri Huws.

Davies left the Welsh Gov’t when Rhodri Morgan stood down as FM.

 

Before Rhodri was FM himself, Blair famously imposed Alun Michael on Wales as FM after the National Assembly was formed, although no-one but Blair really wanted Alun Michael as FM. Rhodri put up a battle but Blair rigged the process in numerous ways and Wales ended up with Alun Michael as FM but not for very long. Rhodri was given the job as Economic Development Minister in Alun Michael’s Cabinet.

Rhodri’s memoir is littered with anecdotes regarding the various dodges and fiddles that were carried out over the years in order to ‘bring business to Wales’ – as far as I can see in every case because a rich powerful person desired a particular outcome. Wales became a laughing stock as a result of the Korean LG deal in which £247 million of Welsh Office money was pissed down the drain and left a financial black hole that screwed the Assembly for the first ten years of its existence. LG and Corruption Bay were simply the most highly publicised cons which ripped off the tax payer, there were many, many more. LG was actually the handiwork of Lord Hague of the Massive Cover-Up of the Paedophile Ring…

I was interested to read Rhodri’s account of how the 5 star St David’s Hotel at Cardiff Bay was built. St David’s Hotel is a very nice place in which to stay but the Welsh political class don’t seem to view it as a privilege to live it up in the luxury of St David’s. This motley crew of not very bright ex social workers and local councillors see it as their God given right to crash out at St David’s at the tax payers expense, nowhere else could possibly be good enough for them. There is an Ibis Hotel in Cardiff which is so ‘budget’ that the rooms don’t even have a chair – there are only the most basic facilities and it seems to serve principally as a crash pad for people after hen and stag parties when they have got so wrecked that they can’t use public transport to get themselves elsewhere. I think it is about time that someone organised a conference for the paedophiles’ friends of the Cardiff Bay bubble and booked the whole lot of them into the Ibis for the night whilst allowing them to believe that they’ll be sleeping in their usual luxury suites at the St David’s Hotel. Then they’ll all have to go to Gregg’s for breakfast, because the Ibis doesn’t supply so much as a morning coffee.

According to Rhodri, Cardiff only ended up with the St David’s Hotel because when William Hague was Secretary of State for Wales he desperately fought for the 1998 European Summit to be held in Wales, but the Foreign Office said that this was out of the question because Wales didn’t have a 5 star hotel. So Hague went to see his mate Rocco Forte who had several hundred million quid on his hands after the Forte family lost out in the takeover battle against the Granada Group – and Hague asked him to build the St David’s Hotel. Of course Rocco Forte didn’t do this without a huge bribe – he received a grant of several million from the Cardiff Bay Development Corporation (see post ‘Corruption Bay Special’ for the lowdown on the CBDC). The Foreign  Office then agreed that the European Summit could scrape the barrel and drop in at Cardiff in 1998.

Not that the St David’s Hotel was built in time for the Summit, the Summit was actually held in Cathays Park – the Cardiff University buildings and the civic centre were all taken over for the week to host it. But at least Rocco Forte received millions of pounds to build a fantastic hotel that very few people in Wales can actually afford to stay in – but then that means it’s always available for the politicians and businessmen who do so well out of the taxes paid by the people who can’t afford to stay there themselves.

Hague – you and your mate Rocco must have known that the St David’s Hotel wouldn’t be finished in time for the summer of 1998, it was another year before it was finished. Did Rocco perhaps want to build an hotel in Cardiff anyway, so you thought up a way in which the tax payer would fund it?

Rhodri mentions that whilst he was FM, he was scrutinised by the Economic Development Committee, which was Chaired by Ron Davies. Ron resigned as Secretary of State for Wales after the Boogie business, but he didn’t actually go away, he remained as an AM for quite some time and then had to be effectively bribed to go away. I will be blogging the details of Ron’s exit arrangements soon.  Rhodri states that Ron remained seething about not being FM for a long time and allowed himself to be used by lobbyists for their own ends. Rhodri names Sir David Rowe-Beddoe as one such lobbyist. Rowe-Beddoe was Chair of the national embarrassment that was the WDA (see post ‘Corruption Bay Special’ for details of some of what Rowe-Beddoe was involved in), who along with Ron attempted to get the Trade and Export Promotion Unit in Rhodri’s Dept transferred to the WDA, although Rowe-Beddoe was supposed to have been working for Rhodri at the time.

What is clear is that everybody involved in business/economic development was fighting each other and using their knowledge of each others wrongdoing to ensure that huge amounts of money were channelled to their friends. Whilst they were doing this, they also duplicated each others work as they tried to build their own empires. Sadly none of them seemed to have any idea what they were doing – no wonder the business people that I knew during my years in Wales were tearing their hair out dealing with this bunch.

When I was a student I had a gardening job for a businessman who lived near me on Anglesey. I always found this man very pleasant and as far as I know he wasn’t a paedophiles’ friend – although I have found out that many people whom I always presumed were OK were involved in the most appalling conduct. Many years after I spent a summer working for this man he appeared on Welsh news having been fleeced by the WDA. The journo actually told him that he ‘had been rather naive’ to trust the WDA and my old associate explained aghast that he actually expected people to behave with a degree of integrity in business…

 

I heard two other people on the ‘Today’ programme this morning who know about the abuse of children and mental health patients but who have kept very quiet about it all.

I picked up the tail end of an interview with Paddy Pantsdown talking about regulation of the energy industry no less. Paddy was explaining that the population is well-educated and rather than state regulation of energy prices, ’empowered citizens’ can exercise a choice and thus the market can be regulated in that way. That would work if citizens were all well-educated – which they are not – and if politicians didn’t keep lying to the nation.

Paddy – you remained silent about Cyril Smith abusing children for years, which enabled him to carry on abusing them. You also worked with Dr Death, who knew about the most appalling criminal behaviour on the part of some of his Top Doctor colleagues. Did you warn anyone about this? No, you didn’t. If you didn’t warn people about this sort of criminality which resulted in yet more unsuspecting people being referred to Top Doctors who tried to traffick them into a sex abuse ring and more very vulnerable kids being taken into care and handed over to a gang of paedophiles, how can we trust you to give us the information that is needed to make ’empowered’ choices about purchasing energy?

Before being elected to Parliament, Paddy worked for the security services. The security services knew exactly what Peter Morrison, Dafydd et al were up to. They protected them, not their potential victims. Never mind advising us all on energy regulation Paddy, Brown and I would have really appreciated it if when we were 21 someone had just said to us ‘don’t ever go near those fucking Top Doctors again, they’re running a sex trafficking ring with connections to serious organised crime and witnesses have been found dead’. But no-one did – instead all those people who knew what they were doing not only dismissed our concerns but they pressurised me to go back and see the people traffickers…

You really could have warned us O Paddy of the Special Boat Service and High Representative of Bosnia and Herzegovia to whom people turn in a war because you’ve been a soldier – then at least we could have protected ourselves. I bet that you never sent your men into machine gun fire with no cover.

About an hour after Paddy dispensed his pearls, Owen Smith was interviewed, having been sacked from the Opposition front bench by Jeremy Corbyn yesterday. Owen’s been a naughty boy – he’s been talking about another EU referendum to try and overturn the result of the last one because the nation didn’t do what it was required and vote remain, so Jeremy has given him the boot.

I saw Owen speaking on a panel a few years ago and he was much brighter and more compos mentis than the drips who accompanied him, but the thing about Owen is that I don’t believe what he says. If Owen wanted, he could write a blog like this. Owen grew up in south Wales and his dad is a Labour historian who has worked at BBC Wales, the Universities of Cardiff, Swansea and Glamorgan and he is Chair of the Arts Council of Wales. Dai Smith knows as much about the paedophiles’ friends as I do and he’s given some of them money from the budget of the Arts Council of Wales. Owen is good mates with his dad, what Owen hasn’t picked up from elsewhere his dad will have told him.

Owen also knows all the funny little ways of the Top Doctors – he was previously an executive with Pfizer at a time when Pfizer was fiddling like there was no tomorrow. Pfizer must have liked Owen because they paid him a great deal of money.

Most intriguingly, Owen was Paul Murphy’s special advisor. In fact Owen was boasting about this on the radio this morning, telling the listeners about Murphy’s sterling work in N Ireland.

Owen – I can write lots about the wrongdoing of the paedophiles’ friends, the Top Doctors and  medical research/Big Pharma, because like you I’ve witnessed it. But I’d love to know what the basis of the deal that Blair and Paul Murphy thrashed out in N Ireland was – oh and who was the member of the Royal Family who was alleged to have been implicated in the Kincora Boys’ Home Scandal? Could you please start writing a blog asap?