The Banality Of Evil

I have previously detailed how bare-faced lies were documented about me and other patients by the mental health services in north Wales and a perusal of our records demonstrated quite clearly that on numerous occasions the staff were well aware that they were documenting fallacies, just as they cheerfully perjured themselves in attempts to secure convictions against patients who had made serious complaints. My recent posts ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’ and ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’ provided accounts of how serious complaints that I made were simply never investigated yet various managers then wrote to me telling me that their investigations had not upheld my complaints; how managers either ignored correspondence from the Mental Health Act Commission or lied to Commissioners; how patients were repeatedly lied to when they attempted to follow up complaints and were told that accounts provided by third parties who had witnessed wrongdoing had not been received whilst those accounts were lying in files with instructions not to reply to the witnesses; how the solution for dealing with patients who produced evidence of serious wrongdoing was to serve them with High Court injunctions preventing them from writing repeatedly to follow up complaints and then to prosecute them and declare that representation from those patients could be ignored because they were, after all, lying criminals.

In ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’ I provided details of documentation in my medical records that was fairly obviously forged, amended at a later date or at the very least not compiled on the dates given.

The staff of the mental health services in north Wales were characterised not only by their callous, brutal treatment of patients but by their callous, brutal treatment of each other – I have given previous examples of staff being unfairly dismissed, having nervous breakdowns, committing suicide and the claims of one female member of staff who worked with the Arfon Community Mental Health Team leaving the area after she was sexually assaulted by one of her male colleagues following her complaint of workplace bullying. The culture within the health and welfare sector in north Wales was – and remains -toxic.

So here are a few more gems from the records that my lawyers managed to obtain after the mental health services unlawfully witheld them for the best part of 25 years and a few more names of people who knew just how serious the criminality was and who should now be speaking to the police.

 

On 7 Jan 1991 a Debra Lewis made a note regarding me phoning Gwynedd Health Authority and telling her that I had been told by my colleagues in London that a sleazy looking person had turned up saying that he had come to serve court papers on me. I remember this well – I was working in London but had gone away for a few days and my colleagues and my house mates in London contacted me to say that a rather dodgy man in possession of a stack of papers was looking for me. I presumed that it would be something to do with Gwynedd Health Authority – the bailiffs used by the courts often looked as though they were on their uppers – so I rang in order to find out what was happening. Gwynedd Health Authority told me that they had no idea what I was talking about so I rang Hempsons, the MDU solicitors. Hempsons refused to discuss anything at all with me. Debra Lewis’s note explained that the seedy looking man was indeed in pursuit of me after Gwynedd Health Authority had ordered him to serve papers on me, but she explained in her note how everybody was to lie to me and profess complete ignorance of what was happening. So what was the outcome of this stupidity? Well the sleazy man tracked me down to where I was staying – with relatives in the west country, so I presume that once more someone had unlawfully accessed a confidential database in order to find those details, because I hadn’t given them to anyone – and the sleazebag served the papers on a relative of mine. Unlawfully. When the seedy old bailiff realised that the person to whom he’d just handed the bundle wasn’t me, he panicked…

Why everybody felt obliged to lie to me about this I do not know. I wasn’t trying to escape the country, I was trying to find out what on earth was going on. But it was business as usual – a stream of lies, the telling of which was faithfully recorded in the records that these people unlawfully refused to hand over every time that I or my lawyers requested them.

In the early months of 1991 I finally got so fed up of the threats, the harassment and being bullied out of jobs when it was discovered that I had dared take on Dafydd and the paedophiles that I sought a barrister’s opinion. I was told that I had a case against the NHS for false imprisonment and trespass to the person. What happened over the next few months was exactly what happened on the two occasions since when I have tried to begin legal action against the mental health services – crucial papers disappeared and then even the lawyers did as well. One barrister in north Wales who provided his opinion but after which everything inexplicably fizzled out – Wyn Williams – was married to a psychiatric nurse in the Ablett Unit. The senior psychiatrist in the Ablett Unit at the time was Dr Neil Davies. Who was Dafydd’s colleague at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and was involved in falsely imprisoning me….

On 22 March 1991 Alun Davies wrote to Tracey Jones, a lawyer employed by AJ Beale – the legal firm in the Welsh Office who also employed the corrupt lawyer Andrew Park who documented that Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and Tony Francis (Dr X) were lying about my alleged assaults on people but was happy to begin proceedings against me nonetheless – re my proposed action against Gwynedd Health Authority for false imprisonment and trespass to the person. Davies explained to Tracey Jones that Gwynedd could not be held responsible because it was Clwyd Health Authority who managed the North Wales Hospital and held Dafydd’s contract. Davies had failed to explain that although Dafydd was employed by Clwyd, he held clinics in Gwynedd and had beds at Ysbyty Gwynedd – and that I had been unlawfully detained in Ysbyty Gwynedd and told by Tony Francis that Dafydd was now my doctor. It was indeed in Ysbyty Gwynedd where I first encountered Dafydd. Furthermore, I had been unlawfully arrested in Ysbyty Gwynedd no less – on the orders of Dafydd – and then been taken to the North Wales Hospital, where I had been held illegally. The North Wales Hospital was used for patients from Gwynedd and Clwyd. So Gwynedd were pretty bloody culpable but began wriggling desperately when I mentioned legal action.

On 23 April 1991 Alun Davies wrote to Tracey Jones to confirm that Dr Neil Davies was the RMO for Bryn Golau Ward in the North Wales Hospital, where I had been illegally imprisoned. Davies also admitted that Dafydd  ‘still provides a service to Gwynedd’.

On 20 May 1991 Alun Davies writes to Mrs T.L. Jones – who as far as I can work out is the Tracey Jones to whom Davies had written just days previously in AJ Beale’s firm, but who was now working for DG Lambert, Solicitor, Crown Buildings, Cathays Park. DG Lambert was obviously another legal firm working for the Welsh Office, but I don’t know why they were involved at that point, particularly as Andrew Park of AJ Beale’s company had not gone anywhere. Park continued to send me threatening letters and ‘advise’ the paedophiles’ friends as to how to secure convictions against me. Davies explained to Tracey Jones the latest problem that he had with me – that I had now written to Huw Thomas, the General Manager of Gwynedd Health Authority. Tracey came up with the usual solution and wrote back to Davies telling him that she would write to me and threaten me with court action if I did not stop writing to Gwynedd Health Authority.

In spring 1991, under John Major’s NHS modelled on business principles, the idiot Davies was no longer styled as ‘Priority Services Administrator’, but was now ‘Business, Planning and Contracts Manager’. Such was the fuckwittery of every NHS reorganisation – the same old crooks and fools were left in place and given new job titles. Older readers will remember the Tories ‘internal market’ which they imposed upon the NHS. Ooh yes, GPs and managers would be able to buy services from the best provider, thereby increasing patient choice and enabling patients to ‘shop around’ for the best care. What happened in north Wales? Hilarious, Gwynedd Health Authority took out full page adverts in the local papers explaining that they would be buying mental health services from – Dafydd and the North Wales Hospital! How Brown and me laughed. Here’s your choice under the Tories’ internal market – Dafydd and the paedophiles. Again.

When I mentioned this to the fat fool Davies, he snapped at me that in north Wales there wasn’t any choice. Yes, I had noticed – I escaped to London and was still told that Dafydd was my doctor. Professor Nigel Eastman of St George’s Hospital Medical School told me to go back to north Wales for ‘care’, even though Eastman had been told by his colleague Dr Robin Jacobson that Dafydd had described me as ‘attractive and seductive’, that Dafydd ‘had a soft spot for me’ and that Jacobson had noticed that Dafydd and Tony Francis had ‘lost their boundaries’ (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London…’). Escaping from Dafydd trying to get his leg over? We’ll say nothing about the perjury taking place in an attempt to imprison you and when the case collapses we’ll send you back to Dafydd whilst telling everyone that you’re the dangerous one…

‘There was no evidence of any criminal conspiracy in north Wales with people outside of the region in order to conceal sexual abuse.’

The criminal conspiracy of course had begun back in 1987, when Dr James Earp of the Towers Hospital Leicester had colluded with Dafydd, Tony Francis and Gwynedd Social Services after the first time that I had been unlawfully detained and exposed to Dafydd’s highly inappropriate conduct (see post ‘An Expert From England’).

What else happened in the early months of 1991? My friend who worked at the Royal Television Society who knew what had happened to me in north Wales and who wanted to make a documentary about it was unlawfully dismissed and blacklisted – her husband who worked at the BBC was told by his boss that they would make sure that he ‘never worked in this town again’. He was transferred to Manchester and made redundant some months later. Another friend of mine from our Bangor days who was working for a pharmaceutical company in Kent found that he was driven  out of his job as well. Brown discovered that his colleagues had been told by someone that ‘he could not be trusted around children’. Then the workplace harassment of Brown at Aston University began in earnest.

The other thing that happened in early 1991 was that my solicitor – who was amazingly supportive – had done his best to secure what he thought would be an independent second opinion in the face of the constant charges brought against me by the north Wales mental health services. My solicitor found someone called David Mawson who was certainly pleasant and friendly and didn’t conduct himself in the manner of Dafydd et al (see post ‘Doctors Who Disappeared From The Medical Register’), but I have now found out that Dr Mawson knew all about Dafydd and the paedophiles and like absolutely everybody else he was not going to say a word about their criminal activities. Everyone took the same view – the solution here is to stress that it is the patients who are the problem not a bunch of professionally qualified gangsters who are into serious organised crime. Documents in my possession show that Alun Davies and Tony Francis (Dr X) made it their business to contact David Mawson without my or my solicitor’s knowledge or consent and ask him what he was going to say in his report….

 

Documents in my possession show that after they feared that I was going to sue, Gwynedd and Clwyd simply sent letters back and forth to the lawyers in the Welsh Office in which everybody claimed that it wasn’t them who had been responsible for my unlawful arrest and detention. The Welsh Office’s solution? Threaten me with legal action to stop me writing to anyone. Meanwhile, crucial evidence – such as the identity of Ann Williams, the one honest social worker who was a key witness (see post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’) and documentation – was witheld.

I suspect that it might have been at about this time that Alun Davies et al forged the documentation that I detailed in my post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’. Gwynedd Health Authority knew that if I began legal action against them at some point, documentation could be extracted by a High Court order – as indeed it was many years later – and all would be revealed. So a load of paperwork was compiled to make it look as though legal procedures had been followed in 1988-89 when Professor Robert Owen (see post ‘In Memoriam – Professor Robert Owen’) at the Welsh Office conspired with Professor Robert Bluglass and Dr Colin Berry to conceal the wrongdoing of Dr Tony Francis, Gwynedd Social Services and Dafydd (see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’).

 

By the spring of 1991 the authorities were having great trouble convincing everyone that something terrible was not happening in north Wales. Former residents of children’s homes were being found dead at an alarming frequency and some members of staff of the children’s homes had been convicted of violent and/or sexual assaults on children. There had been many more allegations of abuse which had been dismissed as untrue. From spring 1991 matters snowballed.

In May-June 1991, the by now sacked Gwynedd social worker Alison Taylor took her allegations that children in care were being abused to Wrexham Councillor Dennis Parry. On 10th June 1991 Wrexham Labour Councillors Dennis Parry and Malcolm King held a crisis meeting with John Jevons, the Director of Social Services for Clwyd County Council. On 17th July 1991 a letter was sent to the Chief Constable of North Wales stating that there were allegations circulating that a paedophile ring was in operation in the children’s homes of north Wales. On 30th July 1991 yet another member of staff of the children’s homes in north Wales was convicted of rape and indecent assault.

On 2nd August 1991 the North Wales Police launched an investigation into Clwyd children’s homes. In Sept Wrexham Councillor Dennis Parry contacted ‘The Independent’ newspaper, alleging a North Wales Police ‘cover up’. On 19 Sept 1991 Dennis Parry met journalist Dean Nelson at a London hotel and on 26 Sept 1991 HTV screened a film outlining complaints about Nefyn Dodd, the manager of the Ty’r Felin children’s home in Bangor. On 12 Oct Dean Nelson met Alison Taylor at her home in Bangor and on 7 Nov 1991 ‘The Independent’ newspaper formally commissioned Dean to report on the North Wales allegations.

On 14 Nov 1991 police warned Alison Taylor about ‘contacting witnesses’. On 30 Nov Frank Beck, the Leicester social worker and associate of Greville Janner, received three life sentences for the abuse of children in his care. There were links between the Leicester gang and the gang in north Wales… On 1 Dec 1991 the ‘The Independent on Sunday’ published an article about child abuse in North Wales. North Wales Police merged the Clwyd and Gwynedd child abuse inquiries on 2 Dec 1991 and on 6 Dec two former kids in care in north Wales launched a joint compensation claim against Clwyd County Council.

 

So who in high office presided over this carnage? The Secretary of State for Wales during this time was none other than this blog’s friend David Hunt who had already loyally served the paedophiles’ friends for years (see post ‘The Paedophiles’ Friends Of Cardiff North’).

The Secretary of State for Health was William Waldegrave and the Secretary of State for Social Security was Tony Newton. Alison Taylor had previously written to Newton on 28 Feb 1988 and described a brutal assault that she had witnessed on a child in care.

 

The havoc and concerns in north Wales continued throughout 1992. Two former residents of north Wales children’s homes Heath Kelvin Jones and Barry Williams were found dead in their bedsits/flats. In Jan and Feb Dean Nelson continued seeking evidence regarding the paedophile gang in north Wales.

On 15 March 1992 police arrested sixteen men and one woman in dawn raids in and around Wrexham. All but one of these had once worked at Bryn Estyn. ‘No child pornography’ was found and there was ‘no evidence’ of any paedophile ring. By the end of that day the police had no alternative but to release twelve of the sixteen without bringing any charges. Of the four that remained – Stephen Norris, Peter Howarth, Paul Wilson and David Birch – only Norris made any admissions.

On 9 April 1992 John Major won the General Election. Just days later, Adrian Johns died along with Mabel Roberts, Paul ‘Tony’ Jones, Tim Sharpe and Andrew Manners when a firebomb was thrown into a building where a party was taking place in Brighton. Two people – AIDS counsellor Mabel Roberts and Andrew Manners – died from multiple injuries trying to jump to safety. Seven people managed to escape by clambering down a drainpipe at the back of the building. One, Tim Sharpe, fell to his death after losing his grip. Several people were impaled on the spiked railings as they jumped to safety from the upstairs windows. Adrian Johns, 32, and another man, Paul ‘Tony’ Jones, 33, remained trapped in the flat and died of smoke inhalation. Their bodies were so badly charred that they had to be identified by dental records. A number of those caught in the fire had been in care in north Wales. Days later the man who allegedly confessed to starting the fire was found dead. One survivor claimed that witnesses to the abuse of children in north Wales were being murdered. This man was later found dead after giving evidence at one of the trials of John Allen. For full details of the fire and its aftermath, see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’.

On 13 Sept 1992 a story about the abuse of kids in care in north Wales was published by ‘The Observer’. On 17 Sept Mark Humphreys and Steven Messham appeared on TV and accused Gordon Anglesea of abusing them whilst they had been in care in north Wales. Carl Holden watched them at home on television and then telephoned the BBC. During Oct-Nov 1992 Carl Holden was visited by BBC journos and on 30 Nov the BBC filmed Carl Holden accusing Gordon Anglesea of abuse.

Anglesea subsequently sued HTV, ‘Private Eye’, ‘The Observer’ and the Indie on Sunday for libel and in 1994 was awarded nearly £400k damages (see posts ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd’ and ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd – A Few Additional Comments’). Shortly after giving evidence at the trial, Mark Humphreys was found dead, hanging from the stairwell in the block of flats in which he lived in Wrexham. In 2016 Gordon Anglesea was jailed for the historical abuse of children in care in north Wales.

 

So I was interested to discover from my medical files that on 12 Nov 1992 Alun Davies wrote to Rob Evans, the Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services, demanding that an approved social worker should be allocated for the specific purpose of being on hand to ‘assess’ me, because they never knew when I might require sectioning under the Mental Health Act. Who did Davies ask to perform this service? A Terence James, as recommended by Tony Francis.

Terence James was one of Dafydd’s mates. Whilst I was in the North Wales Hospital being unlawfully imprisoned and threatened, Dafydd called upon the services of Terence James to section me – after I had been unlawfully arrested and held for three weeks. So why did Dafydd need to do this? Because the next day I was due to appear at Bangor Magistrates Court on a charge of assaulting a junior doctor. I was pleading not guilty because I hadn’t assaulted him – unbeknown to me, the doctor himself had admitted this and the charges were going to be formally withdrawn but no-one told me that. Dafydd and the paedophiles’ knew though and thus sectioned me the day before I was due to appear in court. So I was taken in the clutches of Angels across to Bangor Magistrates Court, told when I arrived that the charges had been dropped – and was taken straight back to the North Wales Hospital because Terence James had sectioned me the night before. James had sectioned me on the grounds that I was suicidal – he agreed with the charge nurse Mike Williams that the atmosphere on Bryn Golau Ward was ‘difficult and oppressive’ and that was why I had become suicidal. So there was only one answer – I had to stay in the ‘oppressive’ atmosphere which had made me suicidal….Just to emphasise how important it was for me to stay banged up, Dafydd contributed his ha’porth – I was ‘excitable and potentially dangerous’. Which is hardly consistent with being depressed and suicidal, but when did coherent thought ever have a role to play with this lot? For details of the conflicting evidence, the lies and the fuckwittery, see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE ‘.

When I was in Bryn Golau Ward in the North Wales Hospital, because the paedophiles’ friends were indulging in their usual practice of refusing to identify themselves, every time that I found out who one of them actually was, I made a note of it. I had a list of the guilty parties on a sheet of paper on my pillow. One day it disappeared. Just like that. However, I’ve found it! It turned up in my medical files! So a helpful Angel must have swiped that when they realised that I was identifying the culprits. One of the names on my list was ‘Terence James, social worker’.

I had no idea in Nov 1992 that Davies and Francis were trying to persuade one of the paedophiles’ friends to be on stand by until they gave him the signal to bang me up again. However I note from my records that Terence James was ‘unwilling to make himself available’. I wonder if Terence was a bit shaken by the police investigations and newspaper exposes regarding matters in north Wales?

Terence would have good reason to be. I have discovered that Terence was a member of the Aberconwy social work team. The Aberconwy team were rather heavily implicated in the abuse of children. From 1987, the Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services – whilst the paedophile gang carried out business unhindered – responsible for the Children’s Section was Rob Evans, who had been the Area Officer for Aberconwy since November 1984. Rob Evans had graduated in Social Sciences from Leicester University and obtained his CQSW in 1976. Whilst Evans was in Leicester, the paedophile gang involving Frank Beck and Greville Janner were busy and were being concealed by a number of people in Leicester University (see post ‘Radical Leicester and Some Other Free Radicals’). In 1992 Rob Evans was appointed Assistant Director (Mental Health) in Gwynedd.

No wonder Terence didn’t introduce himself when he imprisoned me in Bryn Golau Ward – and no wonder my piece of paper with Terence’s name on disappeared.

‘We didn’t know.’

‘There was no evidence of any criminal conspiracy.’

Some witnesses at the Waterhouse Inquiry were not considered credible because they consistently misidentified staff whom they claimed had assaulted them.

It was all a pack of lies to claim compensation!!!!

 

In April 1992 Virginia Bottomley took over as Secretary of State for Health and Peter Lilley took over as Secretary of State for Social Security. Anyone remember Peter Lilley’s ‘little list’ of all the social security scroungers whom he wanted to eliminate? You bloody idiot Lilley, just look at what was happening to the ‘scroungers’ at the hands of a bunch of white collar serious criminals.

 

Now here’s the name of someone else who has info for the police – Bethan Jones, who was working as Dafydd’s secretary in March 1993. Dafydd’s secretaries didn’t hang around for long because he used to do things like ask them to dress up and come to work wearing ‘a brief mini skirt and smokey grey stockings because that’s my favourite’.

#ME TOO!!

Except in wasn’t a case of #Me Too, these snivelling invertebrates freely admitted to each other that they were leaving because they couldn’t bear Dafydd propositioning them – and worse – but on every occasion that a patient described similarly offensive conduct from Dafydd, the same invertebrates were happy to do as they were told and complain about these dangerous patients making ‘wild allegations’ about Dr DA Jones and oooh they were ever so frightened and they thought that the deranged patient in question was probably going to ‘attack’ them. If any patient ever attacked a member of staff it will have been in self-defence.

Another man who might have been up to no good with the patients at the North Wales Hospital was Frank Riley. He was some sort of occupational therapist. I didn’t have the pleasure of the Frank Riley Experience myself, but I did hear about him. From female patients. I was told by a male Angel that Frank Riley was ‘a sex symbol for the over 60s’ in Denbigh. Frank could have been innocent – Dr David Healy used to have a following when he was younger and I don’t think that he was indulging in Dafydd-like pursuits – but in my experience, much of the ‘harassment’ that staff in north Wales were alleged to be receiving from patients was actually sparked off by the conduct of the staff themselves.  If Frank Riley wasn’t sexually exploiting patients himself he knew people who were.

 

Previous posts have mentioned Bob Ingham, a thug of a CPN employed in the Arfon Community Mental Health Team. In 1988 Slob Ingham dragged me along a corridor and injured me. Whilst telling me that he was Keith Fearns. I only found out that Slob had misidentified himself after I tried to make a complaint about him assaulting me. I told Jeff Crowther, a nursing officer at Ysbyty Gwynedd, that Keith Fearns had just assaulted me and Jeff told me that I was lying because ‘Keith Fearns isn’t in work today’. I later found out that my assailant had been Slob.

My medical records reveal exactly why Keith Fearns wasn’t in work that day – he was on strike. Along with the rest of the social workers in Gwynedd. Whilst it is tempting to observe that for once the patients would have been safe if the paedophiles and their friends were on strike, they weren’t because Slob assaulted them instead.

The notes that Slob made on that day refer to a Mrs Nancy Jones and a Mrs Crowley being the only other people in the building. Perhaps Mrs Nancy Jones and Mrs Crowley would like to make a statement re Slob assaulting me, they could hardly have missed it. I don’t know Mrs Crowley, but I do remember Nancy. Nancy was an utter incompetent who for a long while worked as Tony Francis’s receptionist in Ysbyty Gwynedd. Nancy was rude to patients and she kept screwing up the appointments – so people wouldn’t receive their appointment through the post until after the salient date had come and gone. Francis knew that Nancy was doing this because so many people complained about her. So he did what he seemed to have done a great deal of – he was charm itself to the patients and their relatives, told them that it would never happen again and then fumed and planned revenge. The first bit of ‘evidence’ that Francis sent to the MDU solicitors Hempsons regarding my irrationality and dangerousness was a complaint that I had made about Nancy – after the fouth time that I received a little yellow card through the post telling me that my appointment had been the day before the card arrived.

Being dragged along a corridor was not my only encounter with Slob Ingham. Following that incident, I was partaking of my usual habit ie. reading the newspapers in the supermarket – namely Safeways in Bangor – when I felt a drunken thuggish presence next to me. Then the presence elbowed me and I realised that it was Slob. I asked him what he thought that he was doing and Slob insulted me and walked off. So unsurprisingly I followed him. Slob then told me that he would be calling the police to report me for ‘harassment’. It got better. Slob then supplied a statement to the police explaining that he knew that I was in Safeways (how?? ESP???) and he also knew that his colleague Jackie Brandt was shopping in Safeways at the same time. So in order to stop me ‘attacking Mrs Brandt’, he ‘distracted me’. How I was supposed to have even known that Brandt was shopping in Safeways let alone be getting ready to attack her whilst I was reading ‘The Guardian’ I cannot fathom. Furthermore, if danger was really imminent the most sensible course would have been for Brandt to do her shopping somewhere else. This incident was faithfully logged as yet another occasion on which a paedophiles’ friend narrowly escaped with their lives after a chance encounter with me.

Brandt appeared in court on several occasions and perjured herself in an attempt to secure convictions against me, on one occasion with Slob, Keith Fearns and their partner in crime Maggie Fookes, on another with Keith Fearns and in 1993 by herself (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’). On one occasion Brandt started crying after my solicitor demonstrated that I had not – as she alleged – screamed and yelled at her, indeed I hadn’t even spoken to her. I was fined £60 quid for looking at her. Yes, honestly – Gwynfor Evans, the Chairman of Bangor Magistrates Bench, claimed that by looking at Brandt I had caused her to feel fear and distress as defined under the Public Order Act. Gwynfor was a retired bank manager from Holyhead. God knows what sort of decisions Gwynfor was making when he managed the bank. He also deported an overseas student at Bangor University who nicked a credit card from another student. Gwynfor was quoted in the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ as saying ‘this is what we call organised crime and we will not tolerate that in Bangor’. I showed the article to Brown’s brother and he pissed himself laughing and said ‘organised crime, that’s the Mafia isn’t it?’

Well Gwynfor, I’ve got news for you – there was organised crime in Bangor, Dafydd and his mistress Lucille Hughes were running a paedophile ring with interests in drug dealing and child porn. But Gwynfor almost certainly knew that at the time, which was why he was fining the victims of Dafydd and the paedophiles £60 for looking at them in Safeways. I don’t know whether Gwynfor simply just worked in Holyhead or whether he lived there as well, but the children in the children’s home in Holyhead were being abused.

In May 1993 John Redwood took over as Secretary of State for Wales.

In the summer of 1993 an exceptional cousin of mine who had a place to do a PhD with Stephen Hawking found that his career was unexpectedly derailed (see comments following my post ‘Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks’).

In Oct 1993 Ron Davies – of moments of madness and looking for badgers fame (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’) – was appointed Shadow Secretary of State for Wales.

 

Just weeks after I was find £60 for looking at Jackie Brandt, I had yet another encounter with Slob Ingham. I was standing in a corridor at Ysbyty Gwynedd chatting to an Angel, when Slob advanced towards us and stood right next to me glowering at me. He didn’t move until I finished the conversation and I had walked away. I – and other patients – had by then had such a bellyful of the constant aggro from Slob and the gang that we agreed that if we could be fined for looking at them whilst they continued to conduct themselves like this, it left us in a very vulnerable position. So I made representation about Slob and two other patients backed me up, having witnessed his intimidation.

My medical records contain a fascinating account of what happened behind the scenes after we complained about Slob. On 30 Nov 1993 Alun Davies wrote a letter about it all. Davies’s letter explained that ‘a member of staff, Mrs Penny Phillips’ witnessed everything and that Penny barely noticed Slob’s presence let alone any silent intimidation.

Penny Phillips was married to another Hergest Unit nurse, Gareth. Gareth Phillips developed back problems a few years later and was unable to continue working as an Angel. I was told by a former member of staff that the North West Wales NHS Trust had ‘looked after Gareth’. This looking after of Gareth consisted of the Trust giving Gareth a job as the RCN rep and in this capacity Gareth obediently gave interviews to the local papers explaining how many psychiatric patients were carrying out violent attacks on Angels after every allegation that there was abuse of patients happening in the Hergest Unit. I never saw Gareth or Penny abuse patients themselves but they certainly knew that some of their colleagues were doing so.

But then Gareth and Penny had an idyllic existence on their smallholding on Ynys Mon with their horses and horses don’t come cheap. What would have happened if the Phillips’s had to live in poverty like the patients?

Alun Davies had certainly prepared for all eventualities after he received representation about Slob. Before he even asked the tame Angel Penny for her opinion, Davies had written to Tony Francis – for his opinion on my ‘mental state’ no less, immediately after Davies received my complaint about Slob. I could see the logic in such a course of action if, for example, an acutely ill patient had complained that there was a spaceship parked in the hospital grounds and he wanted someone to remove it. Even so, the opinion about someone’s ‘mental state’ should be sought with the complainant’s knowledge and consent and in tandem with – or following – an appropriate investigation.

Well if Davies was hoping that Francis was simply going to declare me insane and he could therefore ignore my complaint as the rantings of a lunatic, he was to be disappointed. Francis – for a man, who without my knowledge spent much time and energy sending letters to the BMA, Hempsons and the MDU demanding that I be prosecuted and locked up on the grounds of the enormous imminent danger that I presented to the world – had an interesting response.

On 25 Nov 1993 Francis replied to Davies, but Francis refused to comment on my ‘mental state’. Because it would have been thoroughly unethical? Er, no. Because Francis noted that a member of staff had witnessed the incident – so Francis knew that Penny was on hand to lie – and that it was important ‘therapeutically’ for people to view this situation sensitively and ‘through [my] eyes’.

I suspect that the reason why Francis had not done the usual – put on his jackboots and told Davies that I should be ignored because I was nuts – was because they had already been stung after using this approach. After I complained about Gwynne the lobotomist’s lechery at the Student Health Centre at UCNW (Bangor University), the corrupt GP Dr DGE Wood had tried the ‘you’re mad and we’re right’ approach and it backfired. Brown was livid and wrote to them as well, we gained evidence of complaints by other students against Gwynne the lobotomist, we contacted the Students Union so they all began crapping themselves up there (see post ‘Just A Language Divide?’) and eventually we wrote to the Vice-Chancellor.

So obviously a different approach had to be adopted – particularly, as with the students at Bangor University a few years before, there was no shortage of people ready to testify as to Slob’s previous.

 

The police investigation into a possible paedophile ring in north Wales ended in 1993. The North Wales Police claimed to have found ‘no evidence’ of a paedophile ring, just a ‘few evil men’. Which is odd because I found absolutely scores of evil men and as many evil women as well, so obviously the North Wales Police weren’t looking in the right places. They obviously were just searching behind the cushions instead of in the NHS, the BMA, the GMC, the MDU, Hempsons, the social services, MIND, the Samaritans, the County Councils, the Houses of Parliament, the Magistrates Courts, the Crown Courts, the High Courts and their own police stations. Easy to miss I suppose.

 

My records show that on 20 Jan 1994, Alun Davies sent a memo to Rob Evans, Slob, Ella Fisk (the nurse who ran the very popular day centre), Jeff Crowther (a nurse manager), Keith Fearns (the thug who was leader of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team), Jackie Brandt and Bruce Napier (a clinical psychologist who had a much nicer manner with the patients than did most of his colleagues and who for a while had a management role at the Hergest Unit). The memo purports to have been sent by Alun Davies but it is signed D. Parsons. The memo states that there is a ‘need to discuss the issues’ raised in Jackie Brandt’s letter to Bruce Napier of 23 Dec 1993 and Brandt’s solicitor’s letter to me.

There is no copy of any letter from Brandt to Bruce Napier in my files, but Brandt did send me a solicitor’s letter at about this time. I had been in Bangor on a Saturday morning and had walked past her and her husband in Bangor High Street, near the clock which is in the main thoroughfare through Bangor town centre. About 30 mins later I passed them again in the shopping centre. Brandt’s solicitor accused me of following her – although it was Brandt’s husband who breached the peace by shaking his fist at me and shouting. Bangor is a small town and if one is in town at the same time as someone else, it is highly likely that you’ll see that person – particularly near the clock where you have to pass to get from one end of the town to the other or in the shopping centre. There is only one shopping centre and it doesn’t have that many shops in it.  It would be possible to miss someone if one of you was visiting the cathedral because that’s at the other end of town, but go to Bangor on a Saturday morning in a car or on the bus to do some shopping and you’ll all end up in pretty much the same place. As my solicitor explained to Brandt when she threw a hissy fit and her husband shook his fist at me.

As for Brandt’s letter to Bruce Napier, I never saw it, but I was told that Brandt hit the roof because I walked past her in a corridor in the Hergest Unit. Brandt explained to Bruce that she had been with ‘a reluctant paranoid client’ – yes, that was Jackie Brandt being nice about a client – and just the sight of me could have had a deleterious effect on this ‘reluctant paranoid client’. As opposed to her mate Slob dragging them down a corridor or Brandt illegally detaining them in Ysbyty Gwynedd where Dafydd then shuts himself in a room with them and talks about sex with no prompting. After seeing me in the corridor, Jackie Brandt declared that she would no longer be prepared to attend Ysbyty Gwynedd lest she see me there again.

Brandt clearly pushed the boat out on this occasion. Not only had she sent me a solicitor’s letter and banged on to Bruce Napier about a reluctant paranoid client, but Brandt had also made contact with Gwynedd County Council’s legal dept – the legal dept that employed the crooked lawyer Ron Evans, who’s assistance not only kept a lot of people out of prison after the Jillings Report caused everything to hit the fan and was then followed by the Waterhouse Inquiry, but who was also involved in the rigged court case in Chester in July 1990 when Lucille, Fearns, Brandt, Slob and Maggie Fookes tried to have me imprisoned by perjury par excellence (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’).

 

Brandt ‘advised’ Ron Evans and Gwynedd’s legal dept that Slob was ‘subject to a spurious complaint’ from me and referred to my ‘abusive behaviour’  which, according to Brandt, was interfering with Slob’s ‘clinical work’ no less.

The correspondence regarding the terrible threat that I presented to Jackie and Slob and the need to have a meeting to discuss it – on Jan 24 1994 – was CC’d to Mrs J. Hughes, legal dept and to Rob Evans, the Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services.

I presume that Mrs J Hughes was Janet Hughes, of Gwynedd County Council’s legal dept. Although Gwynedd County Council was a separate body from the various incarnations that the NHS in north Wales passed through, they were always happy to put their heads together in their efforts to shaft patients. Andrew Park, the crooked lawyer employed by the Welsh Office – who’s lawyers the NHS used – wrote to Gwynedd County Council and asked them to ‘share information’ with him because he thought that the injunction which Gwynedd County Council obtained against me was ‘more favourable in its terms’ than the injunction that Gwynedd Health Authority obtained.

It certainly was – the reason why I was a punchbag for Fearns and Brandt was that after my second letter of complaint to Gwynedd Social Services about Brandt unlawfully detaining me, Lucille Hughes asked Ron Evans to obtain an injunction against me preventing me from writing to anyone in Gwynedd Social Services or visiting any of their properties. Park wanted to know how they obtained such a wonderful and far reaching injunction. Easy. Brandt and Fearns lied their arses off on oath and Ron Evans took the request before a judge in Leeds, a paedophiles’ friend called Sir John Kay (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’). So Brandt and Fearns did whatever they wanted and I could not even make written representation, unless I splashed out for a lawyer and paid them to write to Gwynedd Social Services on my behalf.

Ron Evans seems to have been on tap quite regularly. Ron had a trademark signature, a distinctive R which was underlined – it appears on a number of NHS documents concerning me to which Ron should had not have had access. Ron was also on hand to advise when Alun Davies and Tony Francis tried to entrap me over the phone – Ron was advising them on which recording equipment to invest in.

It was Ron’s wife who told me that Ron kept the paedophile gang out of prison – I worked with her at Bangor University. She had no idea that he had tried to have me imprisoned and it was a while before I realised that her husband was the Ron who had caused me such problems.  She told me that Ron was the best and they all used to go to him for advice. Well he was not as daft as the rest of them, I’ll give him that. I’ve got documents that were forged by Ron and they are far superior to Alun Davies’s efforts at forgery (see post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’). Ron remembered to sign them, he was careful to get the date right when he pre or post dated them AND he forged the Gwynedd Health Authority stamp with the appropriate date on. So how do I know that Ron forged them? Because unlike Ron, the silly fuckers who were finally forced to hand my records over to my lawyer in 2005 or see Keith Thomson – the CEO of the North West Wales NHS Trust – go to prison for contempt of court, handed the whole lot over without sifting through them when my lawyer sent the bailiffs in to search all the Trust buildings and seize everything relating to me. So all the documents that Ron would have had the brains to remove were handed over as well – the original copies, the plans and the instructions to people to lie in court.

I’ve got the lot Ron!

 

Following Penny Phillips’ bearing false witness and Alun Davies writing to me telling me that Slob Ingham had not tried to hassle me in any way whatever, I and another patient decided to take this further in the light of the number of patients who had told us about the naked abuse and aggression that they had experienced from Slob. One family told us how on a ‘home visit’ Slob threatened to hit a member of the family, his ‘client’. The family were so frightened of Slob that they were locking themselves in their house. We had all had years of getting absolutely nowhere with the mental health services no matter what had happened to us, so I suggested that we should go outside of the mental health services, above their heads. I discovered that there was a Director of Nursing for the Gwynedd Community Health Trust, a Nerys Owen, who was probably not a psychiatric nurse and I wrote to her.

Nerys wrote back and met both I and another patient. She actually seemed to take the matter very seriously and we noticed that none of the Hergest Unit staff tried their usual fuckwittery in front of Nerys. They were incredibly polite to her, even Slob Ingham kept a civil tongue in his head which I had never seen before or saw since. We had a private meeting with Nerys and told her just how serious some of the allegations against Slob were. She gave us a supply of her business cards and virtually begged the other people who had been threatened and hassled by Slob to get in touch with her. (They wouldn’t – they simply pointed out to us that he knew where they lived, he knew confidential information about them and that he or Fearns and/or another member of the gang could turn up at any point and section them and that would be it. Which is a fair point – someone said to me two years ago ‘you complained about them and look what happened to you’.)

Although our meeting with Nerys left both I and the other patient with the firm impression that Nerys really was doing her best, the truce was short-lived, as I shall explain.

When I obtained my records, I found a copy of the letter that Nerys wrote to Slob after I and the other patient contacted her. On 16 Feb 1994 Nerys wrote to Slob ordering him to a meeting with her on 21 Feb 1994, ‘to discuss in detail comments and complaints that [my name] has made in relation to your behaviour…the areas to discuss with you will be limited to your attitude and behaviour in a professional capacity…my intention is to address issues raised by [my name] and then to move forward endeavouring to create an atmosphere of understanding rather than confrontation which the current situation appears to be’. The letter was CC’d to Alun Davies.

My perception is that Nerys’s letter was excellent. Slob was rude, aggressive and threatening and this was well-known. His attitude towards patients was dreadful and he was also very unpleasant and confrontational with a lot of other staff. Slob, Fearns and the alcoholic alcohol counsellor Tom Harney –  who was another totally abusive member of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team – could be seen every day in Safeways in Bangor between 9-30 am and 11-30 am enjoying a cooked breakfast in the cafe. They were supposed to be in their office on duty and incredulous patients who had been told that the Arfon Team were ‘too busy’ to fulfil various simple basic functions would watch this every morning. Then other people would see Slob enjoying a round of golf on the golf course in Bangor on many a weekday afternoon.

The Hergest patients gained the impression that Slob backed off after Nerys intervened. Then came the backlash. Slob did back off, but the other paedophiles’ friends advanced fully armed.

Meanwhile, on 12 May 1994 Labour leader John Smith died unexpectedly after the Top Doctors at Barts just could not revive him after a heart attack. When Smith had his first heart attack, he was absolutely reassured by Top Doctors that the problem was not his heart. See post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’ for details of how the Top Doctors just didn’t seem to get it right with John Smith.

Tony Francis was most interested when he heard me telling everyone at Hergest that I’d just heard on the radio that John Smith had died.

 

Dafydd led the post-Slob charge. He was making constant representations about my very presence in the day centre – where I used to go to meet my friends and for appointments with my key worker, who was by then the Hergest whistleblower and was always very, very helpful. Dafydd made constant demands that I should be legally prevented from going to the Hergest Unit. He put in a complaint literally every time he saw me. Even on the occasion when Dafydd walked through the front door and was traumatised because he saw me sitting on a chair talking to an Angel. Not even Penny Phillips’ witness testimony managed to cause any problems on that occasion.

At about this time the Mental Health Act Commission paid a visit to the Hergest Unit. I and another patient made an appointment to see them. We told them of the suicides, the constant aggression from certain members of staff, the fact that complaints were never investigated – and we also told them about Dafydd’s conduct towards female patients. One of the Commissioners laughed. We asked him what he was laughing at and he told us that he was laughing in despair because he’d heard this so many times.  Jeff Crowther, the nursing manager, sat in on the meeting. He told us later that the second Commissioner, an older lady, had spoken to him after our meeting and had commented that she had been involved in inspections of North Wales Hospital in the 1960s ‘and it was exactly the same story then’.

To remind readers of just a bit of Dafydd’s previous in relation to patients: in 1987 a worker for MIND had collected statements from five female patients all independently stating that they had had a sexual relationship with Dafydd. He cohabited with a number of female patients, at one time with two at once. Dafydd’s conduct towards women, including patients, was the subject of jokes among the staff and many years later I was told by a former social worker who had given up with Gwynedd and walked away that it was an ‘open secret’ that Dafydd was sexually exploiting patients. In 1991 Dr Robin Jacobson of St George’s Hospital Medical School/Springfield Hospital documented that Dafydd and Tony Francis had ‘lost their boundaries’ after Dafydd told Jacobson that I was ‘attractive and seductive’ (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London…’). Jacobson did not tell me that Dafydd had made these comments. In the mid 1990s Alun Davies received a series of anonymous letters about Dafydd and after what was said to me (Davies thought that I was behind the letters) I suspect that Dafydd’s sexual relationships with patients were the topic.

Any comment or a complaint from patients about such matters resulted in it being diligently recorded but not as a complaint. My post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’ mentions how even documenting the numerous complaints about Dafydd’s sexual misconduct was said to be ‘publishing libellous material’. Instead comments from patients were recorded and used to demonstrate how mad the patients were.

One the first occasion on which I mentioned Dafydd’s sexual exploitation of patients Tony Francis was so livid that he documented that I was a ‘very disturbed individual’ and whoever had given me information about Dafydd’s ‘private life’ should be hunted down and sacked. After I raised the subject of Dafydd’s sexual exploitation of patients with two different members of admin staff at the North Wales Hospital, they passed on my comments ‘behind the scenes’ and Andrew Park made a written note that I was making a nuisance of myself again and that I had to be stopped. My files reveal that on 23 July 1990 Lilian Roberts, a temporary secretary to Dafydd, wrote to Alun Davies after I mentioned Dafydd’s conduct with female patients; that on 23 July 1990 an A. Howells, another secretary or administrator, took a phone call from me about the matter and that on 29 July 1990 a Dr Fear, ‘registrar, psychiatry’, made a note that I had mentioned it to him as well.

What did not happen at any time was any sort of investigation. Finally in about 1995 after I dared raise the subject of Dafydd again, Alun Davies bellowed at me that I should ‘put up and shut up’.

 

The situation was so widely known that it was the subject of piss-taking among patients. One person quipped that when the first female patient tried to report Dafydd they probably refused to document the complaint because she didn’t know the Welsh for ‘rape’. It wouldn’t actually surprise me if someone really had used that excuse.

English immigrants to north Wales who have learnt Welsh will be very familiar with the conversational Welsh course which is taught absolutely everywhere, WLPAN. WLPAN comes highly recommended and is good fun, but you don’t always get the vocabulary that you need to deal with Dafydd. So here’s a quick guide to learning Welsh the Dafydd way. Vocabulary which could be needed includes –

paedophile – pedoffilydd

rape – trais rhywiol

hooker – putain (plural = puteindra)

brothel – putaindy

testicles – carreg gwr (this is a nice one, it translates as ‘men’s stones’)

People who live in Caernarfon will be familiar with ‘Wenglish’, the slang Welsh which contains many English words which many younger people speak. Hence the reference to the need to ‘kick him in the carregs’ as explained to me by one of the bar staff in Wetherspoons one day.

Should pigs ever fly and Dafydd ends up under investigation but tries the Max Clifford excuse as to why he cannot possibly be a sexual predator, the Welsh for ‘small penis’ is ‘pidyn bach’. Just so that everyone understands Dafydd’s excuse of last resort.

Sadly there is a catch for anyone who even learns the appropriate vocab in an attempt to make a complaint about Dafydd. Welsh grammar is complex and difficult (but not as complex and difficult as English grammar) and no doubt if someone arrives at the office of Andrew Park/Alun Davies/Ian Rickard or indeed anyone else and makes their complaint in Welsh, they’ll be told that they haven’t mutated properly and dear oh dear we cannot possibly take down this complaint.

 

I did not hear any more from the Mental Health Act Commissioners, so I presumed that once more complaints about the most serious misconduct had been ignored.

 

On 9 June 1994 the head of Bryn Estyn, Matt Arnold, died of an ‘unspecified blood disease’. On 13 June the trial of Peter Howarth – Arnold’s colleague and long time friend – and Paul Wilson on sexual abuse charges began. Howarth was found guilty at Chester Crown Court on 8 July 1994 and was sentenced to 10 years imprisonment. Paul Wilson was acquitted of all charges, although on 28 Nov 1994 Wilson pleaded guilty to three counts of physical assault.

My files show that on 13 June 1994, Ian Rickard replied to a letter from Dafydd re Dafydd’s ‘extreme concern’ regarding the safety of him (Dafydd), his colleagues and patients ‘in relation to the above woman’ (ie. me). This letter was rather different in tone to the letter from Francis a few months earlier, regarding the need to see things through my eyes and show sensitivity to patients’ anxieties. Rickard finished the letter by offering to discuss me with Dafydd any time at Dafydd’s convenience…

On 4 July 1994 Ian Rickard wrote to Francis regarding me bothering Dafydd and the possibility of banning me from the hospital, although here were no examples given of whatever I was supposed to be doing that was causing such distress. Rickard also asks Francis if I should be assessed by a forensic psychiatrist. At this time Rickard’s job description was that of a ‘mental health advisor’ for Gwynedd Community Health Trust.

 

My files contain a copy of a letter from Mrs Joyce Kaye of the Mental Health Act Commission (Maid Marian House, Nottingham) written to Alun Davies on 7 July 1994, reminding Davies that on a visit to Ysbyty Gwynedd the Commissioners had spoken to him about me and asking Davies for an update re his investigation of my concerns.

On 4 Aug 1994, Joyce Kaye from the MHAC wrote to Alun Davies again. This letter was from Joyce on behalf of the Chief Exec of the MHAC and mentioned that it was further to her letters of 7 July 1994 and 12 July 1994 wanting an update on Davies’s investigation of my concerns.

 

In the wider world, on 21 July 1994 Tony Blair became leader of the Opposition. The Pretty Straight Kind Of Guy who is married to a lawyer who was mates with and indeed mentor to so many of those ‘radical lawyers’ who ignored the plight of kids in care and psych patients who were being so seriously abused. Tony and Cherie know many lawyers who are personal injury specialists – who undoubtedly know folk who have worked for the MDU and/or Hempsons.

 

On 26 Aug 1994 Alun Davies wrote a memo which was circulated to Rob Evans, Tony Francis, Keith Fearns, Ella Fisk and Jackie Brandt confirming a meeting on the same day to discuss my ‘present needs’ and to formulate a response to the Mental Health Act Commission.

The one really helpful person – my keyworker, the Hergest whistleblower – was not invited to the meeting to discuss my ‘needs’. Yet Fearns and Brandt – who had made it crystal clear that they hated me and had even lied on oath a few times in their attempts to have me imprisoned – had been invited to discuss my ‘needs’.  Fearns and Brandt had no part in my ‘care’ – although they were invited to nearly every meeting and CC’d into confidential letters about me.

On 1 Sept 1994 Alun Davies wrote to Joyce Kaye, giving details of my ‘care’ – presumably on a separate sheet, because I do not have those details. Alun Davies also told Mrs Kaye that Rob Evans – the Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services – would meet with me.

Rob Evans had graduated in Social Sciences from Leicester University and obtained his CQSW in 1976. Whilst Evans was in Leicester, the paedophile gang involving Frank Beck and Greville Janner was concealed by a number of people at Leicester University (see post ‘Radical Leicester And Some Other Free Radicals’). In 1992 Rob Evans was appointed Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services (Mental Health).

I was told that my meeting with Rob Evans was to discuss the constant aggro between Brandt, Fearns and me. However Rob didn’t discuss that. Instead Rob gave me a tutorial on ‘changing social work practice’. He explained that what was once acceptable is not any more. As an example, Rob Evans explained that when he used to take children into care, he would take their shoes away because if he didn’t they would run off. (People who had been in care in north Wales explained when they were adults that they had tried to run away from the beatings and the buggery but social workers took their shoes away so they couldn’t escape.) Rob told me that he knew some people in north Wales hated him but he didn’t care because he knew that he had done the right thing by taking their kids into care because they didn’t know how to look after them. I spent a long while wondering whether Rob Evans was just stupid, but I have come to the conclusion that he is pure bloody evil.

I last saw Rob Evans just before I left Bangor, in Tesco no less. When he saw me he told me that if ‘arrassed him he’d call the police.

Rob Evans made a record of his meeting with me and what happened afterwards. After meeting me, Evans held a meeting with Keith Fearns and asked Fearns what he wanted him (Evans) to do with me. Fearns replied ‘lock her up’. Evans documented that he told Fearns that wasn’t possible. Fearns repeated ‘lock her up’. Evans recorded that there was no solution to this situation and because he was being transferred to a new role the following day the matter would no longer be his responsibility.

When Rob Evans gave evidence to the Waterhouse Inquiry he explained that after running the children’s services in Gwynedd, he transferred to mental health. Rob told Waterhouse that the mental health services in north west Wales had been recognised as being among the best in Europe. But then Dafydd kept appearing in the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ describing himself as ‘Europe’s leading forensic psychiatrist’.

For the details on Rob and his child molesting colleagues, see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’.

 

In the autumn of 1994 Dafydd was writing to the MDU making ludicrous allegations, such as that I had thrown a rock through the glass door of his house at 3 am one morning, for which he did not have a shred of evidence (see post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’). When Dafydd described events that had actually taken place as opposed to those events he described which had simply never happened at all, it was the actions of people other than me that Dafydd detailed. But nonetheless, Dafydd knew that I was the wicked genius behind it all. It was certainly true that Dafydd was the subject of much piss-taking and the butt of many jokes, but I didn’t need to encourage anyone to do that, Dafydd himself was quite sufficient. One example of ‘criminal damage’ to Dafydd’s Range Rover with which the MDU was supplied occurred when a Hergest patient drew a cartoon and carefully tucked it under one of the windscreen wipers. The incident had arisen because a group of patients had watched Dafydd arrive at the hospital, park illegally, ignore the pleas of the parking attendant – who was actually one of the patients, a man called Emlyn (one of those who died shortly after the day centre was shut and scores of patients became destitute) – and had started exchanging Dafydd anecdotes. One woman said ‘well he says the most dreadful things to you, but I think he’s trying to shock you into getting better’. Whereupon someone else said ‘what do you think he is, a Zen master??’ and drew a cartoon of a Buddha with Dafydd’s face under the slogan ‘prepare for Nirvana’ and placed it under Dafydd’s wiper. Not only did Dafydd attribute the incident to me – no I wasn’t responsible, but I did think that it was quite entertaining – but Dafydd maintained that his windscreen wiper had been wrenched back, buckled and needed repairing at the garage.

The MDU did not ask Dafydd to produce any evidence for any of his allegations. They presented them all in court as uncontested matters of fact.

On 11 Oct 1994 Dafydd wrote to John Mullen, the CEO of Gwynedd Community Health Trust, telling Mullen that he’d ordered the MDU to raise an injunction against me. Dafydd CC’d this letter to Keith Thomson. I don’t know what Thomson’s job title was at the time, but Keith Thomson eventually became the CEO of the North West Wales NHS Trust. Thomson refused to investigate serious complaints and also refused to co-operate with external NHS investigations. He declared me and a number of other people to be ‘vexatious complainants’ and on those grounds refused to answer our correspondence. On Keith Thomson’s watch, north west Wales had the second highest suicide rate among women of any area in England and Wales. It was Thomson who was summoned before the High Court in Cardiff in 2005 and ordered to hand over all documentation relating to me or face imprisonment for contempt of court. Hours later Thomson resigned. An article subsequently appeared in the ‘Daily Post’ entitled ‘Ten Years At The Top For Keith’ waxing lyrical about Thomson’s glorious career and how he was now retiring. Thomson was then awarded an OBE. He didn’t retire. Thomson went down to Pembrokeshire and became CEO of the NHS Trust there. Where there was havoc in the NHS and a paedophile ring in operation.

Rhodri Morgan was FM when Thomson was let loose on the NHS in west Wales. There was a paedophile gang in operation in west Wales which had links to the one in north Wales – Ioan Bowen Rees, the Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council who was in post whilst the paedophile gang in were busy on his turf, had previously been County Secretary of Dyfed County Council, whilst a paedophile gang were busy there (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’). Rhodri’s wife Julie is a former social worker who was Assistant Director of Barnardo’s. Some Barnardo’s staff were involved with the abuse of children in north Wales.

 

More recently I heard that Barry Shingles had always expected to become CEO of the NW Wales NHS Trust, but Thomson knifed him and usurped. Shingles committed suicide.

 

On 3 Nov 1994 Dafydd obtained a High Court injunction against me on the basis of a truly extraordinary affidavit in which he discussed his anus of all things (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’). The official who served the injunction on me had read it and was laughing, I was later told that the Bangor police heard about the contents and were having a good laugh and I took it into the Hergest Unit to show everyone. Tony Francis was attempting to section one patient on that day for unclear reasons and interestingly enough when this man recited the contents of the injunction and told the assessing ‘second opinions’ that it had been passed around the day centre to great amusement, all talk of sectioning him was quietly dropped. This man was yet another person who disappeared without trace after the day centre closed. He was a lecturer from Bangor University who had experienced a breakdown. Bright, well-read and someone who would have been in a position to witness just how outrageous and crazy Dafydd’s conduct was if there was ever any sort of inquiry into the abuse of vulnerable people in north Wales.

So is Dave Nunn now dead along with all the rest of the witnesses then Dafydd?

 

Someone who will be in a position to give the police information concerning the mistreatment of patients during this time is Sharon Thomas  who worked as Tony Francis’s secretary in 1994.

 

An injunction wasn’t enough for Dafydd. He also demanded that an alarm system be installed in the Hergest Unit – because of the danger that I represented to him. On 1 Nov 1994 Alun Davies wrote a letter to John Mullen regarding the alarm system as required by Dafydd. Alun Davies estimated the cost at 25k and told Mullen in his letter that he wanted to discuss the funding with Mullen.

Meanwhile, I had made representation about Dafydd’s injunction. Not about the fact that Dafydd had discussed his anus in the affidavit or the crazed allegations that another patient losing his temper with Dafydd and telling Dafydd that he was going to stick a hand-grenade up Dafydd’s bum was evidence that I was about to murder Dafydd using a rectal method. I had made representation because among the gossip, speculation and mad fantasy in Dafydd’s injunction, he had breached confidence. He had provided clinical details of a matter involving me many years previously which had no relevance to the injunction or to any of Dafydd’s claims re the danger that I presented to him. I remembered how many times people had told me that they wouldn’t complain about Dafydd ‘because he knows things about me and he’ll tell people’. I knew enough to know that Dafydd was not on sound ground including some of the comments that he had in his affidavit. So I wrote to the NHS authorities in north Wales making it clear that Dafydd had now done what he was constantly alleged to do in the face of challenge – he had breached confidence and this time in the High Court in Liverpool.

On 11 Nov 1994 John Mullen wrote to the Medical Director of Gwynedd Community Health Trust, Jeremy Corson, asking him to investigate my complaint re Dafydd and the breach of confidence.

On 16 Jan 1995 Ian Rickard, now styled as the ‘Head of Mental Health Services and Project Manager’, wrote to me concerning my complaint re Dafydd’s injunction. Rickard stated that ‘any personal information about you was likely only to have been read out in open court in Liverpool, I feel that this is sufficiently far enough away to offer you anonymity…I conclude therefore that in this case confidence has not been breached’.

However Ian Rickard didn’t actually send the letter to me.

On the same day –  16 Jan 1995 – Rickard also wrote to Tony Francis saying ‘perhaps you will be kind enough to show my letter to Dr DA Jones when you next see him. I am not sure of the appropriateness of sending him a copy.’ Rickard also stated that I ‘may become quite upset by the outcome of my deliberations’ and thus he had sent the letter to me to Ella – the nurse who ran the day centre – ‘to discuss with me’.

So Ian Rickard didn’t actually carry out an investigation – his response was a result of his ‘deliberations’. He had sought no advice at all, let alone legal advice and had just written back telling me that because Dafydd only breached confidence in OPEN COURT in Liverpool and I lived near Bethesda, that wasn’t really breaching confidence. Furthermore Ian Rickard knew that he shouldn’t have sent a copy of his letter to me to Jones – so he sent a copy of it to Tony Francis, so that Francis could give a copy to Jones. Rickard also knew that I was likely to be highly unsatisfied with his response – so he was sending the letter to Ella. Perhaps to stop me from picking up a phone and calling a lawyer?

Ian Rickard, soon after doing all this, was appointed Head of Mental Health for Gwynedd Community Health Trust. Is it surprising that the Hergest Unit was in crisis and the suicide rate in north west Wales was one of the highest in the UK?

 

Dafydd, Rickard and Francis had their arses fully covered. On 24 Jan 1995  Tony Francis wrote to Dr Chris Jones, consultant forensic psychiatrist for the North Wales Forensic Service, Unit 2, Clwydian House, Wrexham Technology Park, asking for a forensic opinion regarding the danger that I posed to Dafydd. Francis told Chris Jones that there are ‘extensive notes available about her…which I refer you to’. These were of course the notes that Francis, Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends had written about me. Detailing assaults on Top Doctors and Angels that I had not carried out, rocks that I had not thrown through Dafydd’s door, Top Doctors that I had not tried to stab or throttle and people whom I had not tried to kill. Except that Dafydd, Francis et al forgot to mention that although they had lovingly documented all of these crimes there was absolutely no evidence at all that the crimes had even been committed let alone that it was me who had committed them.  Francis CC’d his letter to Jeremy Corson and to Dr Madelin Osborn.

 

Madelin Osborn – her name is spelt thus on my documents, although it is probable that the correct spelling is different, this lot did not know how to spell the names of their own colleagues or their patients – is someone else who needs to make a police statement. Madelin Osborn was a Top Doctor at the Hergest Unit who joined the exodus as the publication of the Waterhouse Report drew near. Madelin Osborn was the doctor of the female patient who was unlawfully sectioned by Jackie Brandt and kept at Ysbyty Gwynedd for three days with no clothes or access to her relatives. When the young woman’s parents complained, they claimed to have been told ‘lie after lie after lie’. Then the young woman was evicted from her rented house after she locked the door to try to stop Brandt coming in – Brandt called the police who broke the door down and Brandt then sectioned the young woman. This young woman used to appear to make a good recovery on a number of occasions and would begin new jobs and undertake postgrad courses – whereupon Tony Francis would state that she was becoming ill, alter her medication and within a month she’d be sectioned again. Before this patient ended up in the Hergest Unit she’d been leading a rather yuppyish life in London working for Marco Pierre White when a number of things happened to her that she found very upsetting. She was ‘sent home’ (she came from Gwynedd) by a Top Doctor in London and ended up in Ysbyty Gwynedd after her encounter with Brandt. Her only wish was to recover and resume her life in London but she kept being told by mental health staff in north Wales that ‘people in London don’t want to see you again’. I wonder why that was? Then there was the occasion on which she was sectioned in Ysbyty Gwynedd and she swore blind that Tony Francis had tried to get into her room and had exposed himself to her. Well she was completely bonkers, how could anyone ever believe such a thing. Her complaint was not upheld.

Step forward Madelin Osborn, you are needed in north Wales – to tell the truth for once in your life.

 

I’m not sure what a forensic psychiatry service was doing on a technology park in Wrexham, such services are usually in hospitals. However the two children homes where very serious abuse of children was happening in north Wales – Bryn Alyn and Bryn Estyn – were located close to Wrexham and forensic psychiatrists were constantly being called upon to assess the kids. Whilst Chris Jones was in business on the Wrexham Technology Park, a full police investigation into the possibility of a paedophile ring in north Wales had been undertaken, the Jillings Investigation into the abuse of children in the care of Clwyd County Council was well underway and Nicola Davies QC was conducting a review of the documentation concerning child abuse in north Wales in order to ascertain whether a public inquiry was justified. Dead former kids in care and psych patients were turning up everywhere.

Not that the police had found any evidence at all of a paedophile ring, despite a number of ‘care’ staff and teachers going to prison for abusing the children in their care. The month before Francis wrote to Chris Jones asking for a ‘forensic opinion’ on me, Gordon Anglesea won his libel case…

 

On 9 Feb 1995 John Allen, the owner and manager of the Bryn Alyn Community, was convicted of indecent assault against six former residents and received six years imprisonment.

 

On 13 Feb 1995 Gwynedd Community Health Trust’s solicitor Tony Lane wrote to John Mullen re Dafydd’s breach of confidence in Court in Liverpool. Lane mentioned that Hempsons – the MDU solicitors – had acted for Dafydd.

On 27 Feb 1995 Hefin Davies, the Chairman of Gwynedd Community Health Trust wrote to Tony Lane requesting his advice. Was Hefin’s letter seeking legal guidance re Dafydd and the breach of confidence? No. Hefin was asking Tony Lane if there was any more that they could do to have me prosecuted.

On 9 March 1995 John Mullen wrote to me maintaining that Dafydd’s affidavit was not read out in open court, it was presented to a judge ‘in High Court chambers in a private hearing’. Mullen knew that Rickard had previously written to me stating that there was no breach of confidence because the case had only been heard in open court in Liverpool because Mullin mentioned Rickard’s letter.

So either Ian Rickard was lying or John Mullen was.

On 16 March 1995 John Mullen wrote to Dafydd. Mullen refers to Dafydd sharing my complaint regarding the breach of confidence with Jeremy Corson and makes a reference to the MDU’s ‘latest letter’. Mullen asks Dafydd to ask the solicitors who dealt with the injunction – Hempsons – whether they considered a breach of confidence likely to occur.

I suppose that is an advance on Ian Rickard spouting lies as he thought of them, telling Ella to break the bad news to me and then giving Francis a copy of a letter to give to Dafydd when he knew damn well that Dafydd should not have been given access to the letter, but nonetheless I doubt that John Mullen made much headway asking Hempsons – who had breached confidence – whether they thought that they had breached confidence.

The issue of the breach of confidence on the part of Dafydd was never resolved. Neither did anyone ever explain why so many lies were told about the ‘investigation’ of the complaint.

The merry go round continued after this date – there were further attempts to have me declared dangerous and to prosecute me…

As for Chris Jones, the forensic psychiatrist most conveniently placed near to Wrexham. Well he came up trumps amazingly enough – Chris Jones effectively told Francis that he thought that he was making a fuss about nothing and that the chance of me launching a murderous attack on Dafydd was really rather low. So Francis just made another referral for me to see Chris Jones after a decent interval had passed, stressing to Chris Jones that I really was potentially very dangerous.

The one thing that I remember discussing with Dr Chris Jones was the abuse of vulnerable people in institutional care. Chris Jones agreed that it was a substantial problem – he commented that the abuse of elderly people in care homes was a major problem and he thought that it would soon break as a major scandal.

I heard years later that Chris Jones was one of the mental health professionals from north Wales who had a nervous breakdown and left the area. Chris Jones didn’t seem to be quite so mad and sadistic as many of his colleagues, which was probably why he didn’t survive working with that bunch of lunatics. Take it as a compliment Dr Jones, you weren’t barking mad and you wouldn’t lie about me. At least you’re not looking at a prison sentence for being an accessory.

Not being mad and abusive certainly took a high toll on mental health staff in north Wales. My post ‘The Blog Post Which Was Hacked Can Now Be Read’ detailed Dafydd’s missile that he fired at Don Campbell the Assistant Director of Nursing Services (Psych), in July 1988 after Campbell refused to break the law and lock me in a room. Dafydd went absolutely wild and wrote to Huw Thomas, the General Manager of Gwynedd Health Authority, accusing Campbell of ‘gross impertinence’ and demanding his head on a plate.

Bruce Napier, the very pleasant clinical psychologist who didn’t hate the patients, left Hergest and took up a mental health research job at Bangor University. I was told that before long Bruce Napier announced his desire to ‘get out of the NHS’ and he went to England to live on a canal boat. I don’t know for sure but I suspect that Bruce Napier was hounded out. He crossed the path of Dafydd. When Gwynedd Health Authority were not doing a very good job of trying to persuade Dafydd to retire, it was left to Bruce Napier to tell Dafydd that Dafydd didn’t have an office in the Hergest Unit. Dafydd did of course have a room in which to work for the one day a week that he spent at the Hergest, but it didn’t have a brass name plate on the door and Dafydd was fuming. The others were too frightened to tell Dafydd, so they got Bruce Napier to do it. Then Bruce Napier had to go on Welsh news and defend the Gwynedd Community Health Trust when Dafydd was making guest appearances on Kilroy, the Kane Debates, Welsh news, S4C and telling everyone that in making him retire the Trust was ensuring a certain death for the many patients whom depended upon Dafydd. The matter would have been settled had anyone just gone on tele and said ‘look he’s sexually exploiting the patients, running a paedophile gang, flogging drugs and dishonest expert witness reports and what’s more he’s got a load of people shut in a dungeon at the North Wales Hospital’. But no-one did, not even Bruce Napier, even later on from the safety of his barge. He probably feared being torpedoed.

I also wondered if Nerys Owen might have been ‘dealt with’ after challenging Slob Ingham. On our last meeting with Nerys, Nerys told me and the other patient who complained about Slob with me that if ever we needed her again we should not hesitate to get in touch because she would not tolerate the mistreatment of patients. My post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’ described how in 1997 I and another person – the same person who made representation with me about Slob Ingham – were arrested and prosecuted after Bridget Lloyd, one of Slob’s colleagues, told a pack of lies about us threatening her. The case collapsed – but not until after we had both been banned from the hospital and yes, referred to Dr Chris Jones and the forensic team again as dangerous nutters – and there was a flat refusal to apologise to us. We contacted Nerys but only received a weak frosty letter saying that the law had taken its course. There is a document in my collection signed by Nerys during that period of time which demonstrates that she obediently went along with the general insanity of the paedophiles’ friends, signing off records of meetings as ‘fair and accurate’ when the meetings were held by people who never made fair and accurate records of anything.

I presume that Nerys Owen was probably a wolf in sheep’s clothing all along. She reached a senior position in a totally corrupt organisation and was in that position between 1994-1999 and possibly for much longer. It’s unlikely that she’ll have been able to do that without being complicit with some dreadful things. I don’t think that she was a psych nurse, so she’ll have been a general nurse or a midwife and someone knew about those psych patients at the North Wales Hospital being sterilised in order to stop them becoming pregnant because the staff were having sex with them, the theft of the babies of the female patients who had not been sterilised, the disappearance of the girls in the children’s homes who had become pregnant after being raped by the ‘care staff’ and the horrors of the St David’s Laundry in Bangor (see post ‘The BMA And It’s Ethics’).

Nerys Owen must also have been complicit with the running down and then the closing of the day centre at the Hergest Unit during the duration of the Waterhouse Inquiry, which ensured that a considerable number of psych patients became destitute and died.

Let’s have a chorus of that old favourite by The Jam, ‘A Town Called Malice’…

 

In May 1995 it was announced that the Welsh Office had appointed Nicola Davies QC to conduct a review of the documentary evidence related to the abuse of children in north Wales in order to ascertain whether a public inquiry was warranted. Nicola subsequently discovered that all the paperwork from 1989 onwards was missing!

On 26 June David Hunt returned as Secretary of State for Wales until 5 July 1995. Just for a few days – whilst the deal to pretend that Dafydd was being retired off was completed (see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’) and the public were told that the North Wales Hospital had been shut (see post ‘The Paedophiles’ Friends Of Cardiff North’). It hadn’t. Gwynfryn Ward remained open and there are allegations that it remained open until 2000. But no-one can be sure, because no-one will come clean about when the hospital did eventually close, why so many lies were told about it and what happened to the patients whom were imprisoned out there illegally when it closed. Or failed to close.

So what was Gwynfryn Ward? It was a mother and baby unit. A mother and baby unit is usually a cause for ‘ah’, but it bloody well wasn’t at Denbigh. If anyone knows why an institution which was notorious for brutally warehousing women – often under-aged girls – whose pregnancies were inconvenient to other people, continued to provide that service after the rest of the building was literally falling down, please do let me know.

On 5 July 1995 Stephen Dorrell was appointed as Secretary of State for Health, succeeding Virginia Bottomley. William Hague became Secretary of State for Wales on the same day.

On 13 July 1995 Sir Peter Morrison was found dead at his house. Brown was sacked from his job at Aston University in the same month.

Hansard records that in April 1995, Julia Lomas of the Lord Chancellor’s Department replied by letter to a question from Alex Carlile confirming that at some point in 1994 Mary Wynch had been paid a paltry sum of money in full and final settlement regarding her litigation against the Public Trustee (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). Mary had been unlawfully arrested by Dafydd, had been illegally imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and then illegally imprisoned in the North Wales Hospital for a year. She had won her case against Dafydd, Clwyd Health Authority et al but they then simply refused to pay Mary her compensation unless Mary returned to court to enforce payment. Mary continued with the case, as well as with the case against the crooked cartel of lawyers and the Public Trustee who had, in collaboration with Dafydd, fleeced her of her money and property in the first place. The Home Office under Michael Howard dealt the final blow in 1994 – without any public announcement – and ruined Mary. Mary was by then an old lady who had been screwed by a bunch of rural gangsters who had enjoyed the full backing of every Gov’t since she had been unlawfully arrested in 1979 by Dafydd. But the real problem went back to the early 1970s – when Mary’s mother died in the ‘care’ of one of Dafydd’s nursing homes. Mary told me that she was convinced that her mother had been killed. But Mary was nuts wasn’t she. Ooh – except that no, she wasn’t, as was admitted when she won her case against Dafydd.

The patients in the Hergest Unit used to openly talk about how Dafydd had killed Mary Wynch’s mother. It was just a standard topic of conversation, in much the same way that everybody else’s other extraordinary Dafydd-related anecdotes were. Mary always maintained that her mother had been killed by an overdose of barbiturates. One Hergest patient had the measure of Dafydd’s bare-faced lies and used to do a Dafydd voice and rant on about how he only told the nurses to give Mary Wynch’s mother half a Kalm before bedtime and of course that was nothing like an overdose of barbiturates. In fact the patients got so used to the staff just closing their ears to terrible Dafydd-horrors that dares would be undertaken to see if staff could be moved. One such dare involved one patient carrying a rubber plant and walking up to a senior nurse in Ysbyty Gwynedd and saying ‘I did not murder Mary Wynch’s mother and this plant was not the murder weapon. It was Dr DA Jones wot dun it and he used an overdose of barbiturates’. And the nurse said ‘yes dear’ and walked off, leaving a gang of Hergest patients rolling around laughing.

‘We didn’t know’.

The same patient was accused by Dafydd of lying on one occasion, so he responded by saying ‘I lied, you murdered’.

DAVID HUNT WAS SECRETARY OF STATE FOR WALES WHILST MUCH OF THIS WAS HAPPENING. THE MAN IS A FUCKING LAWYER.

In Dec 1995 Secretary of State for Wales William Hague announced that Nicola Davies QC’s review had concluded that a public inquiry into the abuse of children in north Wales was not justified. William changed his mind a few months later and orchestrated the Waterhouse cover-up.

Nicola is now Dame Nicola and has been the Presiding judge of the Wales Circuit.

In Feb 1996 the Jillings Report regarding the abuse of children in the care of Clwyd County Council since 1974 was completed. I can’t say that it was published because it wasn’t. It was heavily redacted and the only people who saw the Report were the insurers and legal advisors of Clwyd County Council – even the Council officers and Councillors were forbidden from reading it. The legal advisor to the Council’s insurers Michael Beloff QC advised that if any Councillor did get their paws on a copy the Council’s insurance should be withdrawn and the Councillors should be held personally responsible for the damages claims that would inevitable follow from former children in care suing. Beloff admitted that this would be a consequence because the abuse of children had been so serious and so well organised over decades that the Council had no defence. Beloff also advised that if Malcolm King, the one Councillor who would not stop asking questions about the abuse of children in the care of the Council, ever found out what was in the Report and publicised it he should be sacked (see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’).

Michael Beloff is a colleague and a friend of Cherie Booth. Michael’s dad Max had some years previously helpfully plugged a book on local gov’t and democracy written by Ioan Bowen Rees. Bowen Rees was the Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council whilst Dafydd’s mistress Lucille was Director of Gwynedd Social Services and the paedophile gang flourished on their watch (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’). Alison Taylor was sacked by Lucille after raising concerns about the abuse of children in care.

Just to be on the safe side, on 1 April 1996 Clwyd County Council was dissolved as a result of a local authority reorganisation days after the Jillings Report was completed. So even if someone did get hold of a copy of the Report there was no-one to sue. I haven’t been able to find out who makes decisions regarding local authority reorganisations but the disappearance of Clwyd days after that Report was finished really was far too convenient to have been an accident.

The Report was pulped, although in 2013 somebody actually found a copy that had escaped the pulping machine and at last the world was allowed to see what was within. It was so heavily redacted that it was virtually meaningless. All that was known was that something dreadful had gone on in Clwyd for decades and that a great many people had colluded with it.

After Clwyd County Council was dissolved, John Jevons, the Director of Social Services for Clwyd who had worked so successfully with the paedophiles and their friends for so many years (see posts ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’ and ‘Ain’t Nothing Clean – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists’), found himself in need of a job. Director of the Social Services which played host to the biggest child abuse scandal in the UK? No problem. Cardiff City Council snapped him up and Jevons took up the post as Director of Social Services for them almost immediately.

Two of those with a sense of humour who were sitting on Cardiff City Council at the time that Jevons was given a warm welcome were Julie Morgan and Sue Essex. Julie, the social worker and Assistant Director of Barnardo’s – the Barnardo’s who’s staff abused kids in north Wales. Sue Essex – who later became Minister for Finance, Local Gov’t and Public Services in Julie’s husband Rhodri’s Gov’t – was Deputy Leader and then Leader of the Labour Group of Cardiff City Council, 1995-99. Sue had previously graced Leicester University with her presence. I presume that it was Julie and Sue who head-hunted Jevons then. For more Julie n Sue fun, see post ‘The Paedophiles’ Friends of Cardiff North’.

In Sept 1996 – virtually as soon as Jevons touched down in Cardiff City Council – the South Wales Police announced a major investigation into the physical and sexual abuse of children at the Taff Vale children’s home in Whitchurch, Cardiff, which had been run by Cardiff City Council. It was feared that hundreds of children had possibly been abused before the home had closed. The police were particularly interested in investigating what had gone in between 1985-91 – there was a belief that a paedophile ring had infiltrated Taff Vale.

Before Alun Michael became an MP he was the Labour Group Whip on Cardiff City Council. Alun Michael was imposed as FM of Wales by Blair and resigned as soon as the Waterhouse Report was submitted, whilst his mates caused a distraction (see post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’).

Of course Rhodri himself and the paedophiles’ friends went back a long way. In 1966 Rhodri began work in the endemically corrupt Welsh Office with George Thomas et al and in 1974 Rhodri found himself working in City Hall Cardiff.

On 17 June 1996 Welsh Secretary William Hague announced the North Wales Child Abuse Inquiry  aka the Waterhouse Inquiry. On 25th Oct eighteen families were left homeless after a fire at a warehouse engulfed their houses. Eight people were taken to hospital and more than 100 residents of Lightfoot Road, Chester, were evacuated as the blaze destroyed a Pickfords storage depot on the neighbouring Hoole Bridge industrial estate. ‘The houses spontaneously combusted because of the intense heat’, said a Cheshire Fire Service spokeswoman. The warehouse held the care records of children from the Bryn Estyn and Bryn Alyn homes.

On 21 Jan 1997 the Waterhouse Inquiry began at Ewloe, Flintshire.

On 2 May 1997 Tony Blair became Prime Minister.

Peter Howarth died of a heart attack at HMP Wakefield on 24 April 1997, so if anyone was worried about him naming a few people involved in abusing kids in care who were rather grander than bottom feeding social care workers they didn’t have to worry any longer. Particularly as Ioan Bowen Rees had died suddenly in 1999, just before the publication of the Waterhouse Report, so as the man who ran Gwynedd County Council for years whilst the paedophile ring’s business boomed under his steady hands, Ioan wouldn’t be dropping any clangers either. Ioan was considered an expert on local gov’t and had advised Dafydd Wigley as well as the working party who set up the infrastructure of the National Assembly for Wales under Ron Davies whilst Ron was Secretary of State for Wales.

The Waterhouse Inquiry held its last hearing on 7 May 1998 and on 30 Sept 2000 the Waterhouse Report was handed to the Secretary of State for Wales, Paul Murphy. Murphy stated that he was delighted that a full and transparent investigation had taken place, that there had been no cover-up and that there was no evidence of a paedophile ring outside of north Wales, let alone the involvement of Westminster or Whitehall figures.

For details of the well-planned co-ordinated attempt during 1997-98 on the part of the north Wales mental health services to have me banged up, please see post ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’.

 

 

A website that is well worth a visit is the site of the North Wales Hospital Historical Society. It is not an historical society, it is a forum for the former staff of the North Wales Hospital and what a source of entertainment it is. Staff leave messages reminiscing about the old days and breaching patients’ confidence, just as they did when they were employed as Angels there. There are messages which are alleged to be from former patients who remember the kindness and the wonderful treatment and who have now become Angels themselves, which I do find a little unbelievable. I suspect that like the positive feedback left on the patient feedback websites about the awful Dr Giles Harborne, a former Denbigh psychiatrist, the messages from grateful former patients have actually been written by former staff.

The North Wales Historical Society website has an observation that no patients from Avallon, the adolescent unit, have left any messages. Avallon was the unit in which Mary Wynch told me that Dafydd encouraged the teenagers to have sex with each other and then the staff would gather around and watch the action. The same correspondent to the website asks if Dafydd is still alive. Yes he’s Chairing his drugs charity CAIS. It is not a surprise that no former patients of Avallon have left messages, they were introduced to a life of street prostitution and hard drugs whilst they were teenagers and most of them died before they were 30.

 

On 31 July 2013 John Allen was charged with 22 indecent assaults and one offence of gross indecency, alleged to have taken place between 1968 and 1989 at Bryn Alyn. The second trial of John Allen on charges of historic sexual and physical abuse took place at Mold Crown Court and on 1 Dec 2014 Allen was sentenced to life imprisonment, with the recommendation that he serves at least 11 years.

 

There has been a great deal written about the collusion of the North Wales Police with Dafydd and the paedophiles. I and other people certainly noticed that when allegations of sexual misconduct/exploitation – or indeed more serious offences – were made against certain people, there was a flat refusal to investigate on the part of absolutely everybody. It didn’t matter how many first hand accounts there were, how many corroborating witnesses, how much supporting documentation, the allegations were simply ignored and if the complainants did not go away they found themselves being charged by the police.

However I do know that this immunity was only enjoyed by certain people. The North Wales Police were certainly not afraid to investigate complaints about other people even if the evidence was extremely shaky. I knew of a case in 1983 involving a teenaged girl from Anglesey who made a complaint of rape against a young man whom she met in a pub in Bangor. The girl was fairly notorious – she felt the need to tell tall stories, really ridiculous ones which even the most trusting person would in the end conclude could not be true. She was also capable of lying through her teeth under all circumstances if she thought that she would benefit from that. She went out boozing in Bangor one night, met a young man and they went up onto Bangor mountain with the intention of consummating the relationship which they had established about 60 mins previously. The young man was too drunk to do very much and he wandered off. Another young man found the girl crying and asked what was wrong. She replied ‘I’ve been raped’. This sort of comment from her wasn’t that unusual – she had told me some really worrying things and it was only when I and my friends had pitched in to help that we discovered that the various dramas hadn’t happened. The young man immediately rang the police and the police did conduct a full scale investigation.

I was involved in the investigation and I remember the detectives visiting me and a female police officer saying ‘I cannot help but be on the side of the girl in rape cases, but she’s told us so many lies that I can’t take that view here’. I hadn’t encountered Dafydd and the paedophiles at the time and I actually gained a very positive view of the detectives working on the case. They were stereotypical coppers – calling women ‘birds’ and wearing macs with the collars turned up – but unlike the drug squad whom I had heard about by then, they didn’t seem to be endemically corrupt. The investigation into the alleged rape took months. It transpired that no rape had occurred or indeed even an attempt at a rape. I wondered if the girl involved would be charged with wasting police time but she wasn’t. I presume that the police did get it right – the girl was alleged to have admitted to a number of people that she hadn’t been raped, she’d told a dramatic story and it had got out of control.

Like many other mental health patients in north Wales, with the exception of a few police officers whom I knew were corrupt, I generally found the police very much more helpful than the mental health services and they undoubtedly protected me and other people from the excesses of the mental health services on a number of occasions.

The problem will have been Westminster, the Attorney Generals – such as Sir Patrick Mayhew – and Whitehall, who were protecting Dafydd and the paedophile gang. A great many police officers would have dearly loved to have dealt with Dafydd et al but they couldn’t. They were being told what to do by organised criminals in high office.

 

What is very clear to me with regard to the documents that I have drawn on to write this post and some others such as ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’, is the key role that the MDU played in protecting a number of Top Doctors whom they knew were abusing patients and perjuring themselves to silence and indeed destroy patients who complained. The MDU and Hempsons were probably more responsible than anyone else for the serious criminality which pervaded north Wales for decades.

There will be a post coming soon naming the movers and shakers in the MDU during those years whilst the MDU ensured that Dafydd and the paedophiles remained in business.

 

Then I’ll be naming a few more of Rhodri Morgan’s circle who knew about it all…

 

One other person who disappeared along with others whom I have previously named on this blog. Nellie. An old lady who was in Bryn Golau Ward the night that I arrived. She was there the next morning and then like the girl who had been abducted, kept in an attic and sexually assaulted (see post ‘The Distressed Young Woman Who Vanished’) and the young man from Wrexham who vanished when another patient who had been in care recognised him, Nellie disappeared. No-one let her out of the front door which was a double door and locked – I last saw her in the kitchen with Angel Iola Edwards. Just near to the back door which was always heavily guarded and was only ever used ‘to bring the catering supplies in and out’. And patients who needed to be disposed of discreetly.

 

There is someone else who is worthy of a mention here. A man who was lurking in the Welsh Office throughout everything detailed in this post – Sir Jon Shortridge. Shortridge joined the Welsh Office in 1984 and  was Private Secretary to both Nicholas Edwards (see post ‘Old Nick Bites The Dust’) and Peter Walker (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). In 1995 Shortridge conducted the Senior Management Review of the Welsh Office and in 1997 he was Director of Economic Affairs, responsible for establishing the National Assembly for Wales. Shortridge became Permanent Secretary at the Welsh Office in March 1999, then for the newly established National Assembly in May 1999 and then for the Welsh Gov’t, 2007-08. In 2009 Shortridge was appointed interim Permanent Secretary at the Dept of Innovation, Universities and Skills – the Dept led by Mandelson. One of Mandelson’s most senior aides was the daughter of Ron Evans, the crooked lawyer employed by Gwynedd County Council, who did Dafydd and the paedophiles’ as many favours as the MDU. Sir John topped off his long record of public service with a stint as Chancellor of Glyndwr University, an institution run entirely by paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘A Vampire At Glyndwr University!’).

 

 

The news over the past few days has been very topical with regard to recent posts on this blog. The Welsh Language Commissioner Meri Huws – who has featured on a number of recent posts as a paedophiles’ friend and a bedfellow of other paedophiles’ friends who doubled up as Ministers in the Welsh Gov’t – has crawled out of hiding and tried to convince everyone that she has some sort of plan. Meri has been talking about everyone going on a journey. Meri isn’t very bright, so when she opens her mouth she tends to trot out whatever cliche she has recently heard bandied around in the media. When Meri worked at Bangor University at one point she was banging on about capturing ‘hearts and minds’. One academic with a great deal of knowledge with regard to Meri and her bedfellows observed that with Meri, ‘shock and awe’ was far more likely to be the order of the day. If Meri had known how much entertainment she had provided for the oppressed of Bangor University I think that she’d have probably resigned on the spot.

Cancer is absolutely everywhere in the media, with George Alighaia and Andrew Lansley both announcing that they have advanced bowel cancer and if only they’d ‘got screened’. It’s not that I’m unsympathetic to these two men, I can imagine they must be feeling quite dreadful, but the chances are that a screening programme would not have made much difference. Huge quantities of the research upon which the screening is based is fraudulent and many of the much publicised screening programmes are in chaos. At the same time other headlines screamed that there is now a new joined up cancer programme to be launched that will make care ‘excellent’. Which is weird, because we’ve been told for years that care is already excellent, indeed that the whole NHS is the envy of the world and that UK hospitals are bursting at the seams with Nigerian women who are pregnant with quins who just Come Over Here To Use Our NHS. More sober reflections on the rather poor clinical outcomes of the UK NHS when compared to other European healthcare systems are strangely absent.

Meanwhile amidst the constant PR, people in north Wales who have dared cross the paths of the paedophiles’ friends are refused care, refused pain relief for conditions such as kidney stones which send the Angels and Top Doctors straight for the opiates when they are afflicted and told to go ahead and do it then if they become suicidal. On the occasions when the paedophiles’ friends have been faced with relatives or the odd patient confronting them with their dreadful conduct the response is usually ‘we didn’t know you felt like that’. Well they bloody well know exactly how I feel about them now that this blog has gathered a readership.

BBC News Wales is trumpeting the new proton beam centre in Newport and how this is going to revolutionise cancer care and Save Lives. Only if you’ve got a lot of money – that centre is a private concern but that doesn’t seem to have received much media coverage.

Winnie Mandela has died and amongst all the tributes people are doing their best to play down the unfortunate business of the necklace killings and the murder of Stompie McKenzie. It is stressed that Winnie suffered at the hands of the South African police under apartheid. I’m sure that she did, the South African police were deeply unpleasant, but it wasn’t the South African police who were targeted in the necklace killings and I don’t think that Stompie McKenzie was a white South African policeman under apartheid either. I seem to remember that he was a 14 year old black boy…

The Mail Online had a Rolf Harris exclusive in which they revealed that Rolf has held a birthday party attended by friends at which he played the didgeridoo. It was a bit of a non-story but I did notice that according to the Mail, one of Rolf’s guests was his ‘old friend’ Timmy Mallett. Most people know Timmy Mallett as a rather over the top children’s entertainer from the 1980s, but I was gobsmacked a few years ago to discover that there is a Timmy Mallett suite at the Gladstone Library in Hawarden. The Gladstone Library – it was called St Deiniol’s Library until quite recently – is a residential library in north Wales. It’s got fantastic collections and you can just go and stay there for a few days and bury yourself in interesting reading matter. It has a strong theological side and is a favourite place for clergy and theologians to hang out. I was completely confused by Timmy Mallett’s association with the Gladstone Library until someone told me that Timmy Mallett’s dad was a clergyman with links there and Timmy Mallett, having made a great deal of money, is a benefactor of the institution. I have found out that the Rev Michael Mallett studied for ordination at St Deiniol’s – as it was then – in the mid 1960s. I’m sorry to go on about it all the time, but Flintshire – the location of the Gladstone Library – was at the heart of the powerbase of the paedophiles’ friends in the 1960s. Sir Ronnie Waterhouse and co came from Flintshire and many of them had connections with the Church. Timmy Mallett was born in Cheshire. Just down the road from Chester – where the north Wales/Cheshire paedophile ring which later numbered Sir Peter Morrison operated. A former Bishop of Chester has been recently named as having been involved.

 

The Mail Online also published a furious article by Daniel Janner, the late Greville’s son. Daniel was hurling venom in the direction of Alison Saunders, who has just announced that she will be standing down as DPP. Daniel maintains that it was Alison Saunders who cruelly put Greville through hell after demanding that there be a trial of the facts with regard to the allegations against Greville. Most people believe that Alison Saunders did Greville a very big favour – she did all she could not to prosecute Greville despite considerable evidence against him and she only announced a trial of the facts after public fury. The announcement came so late that Greville died before a trial of the facts could take place.

Daniel is furious that he was interviewed by the police himself and asked if Greville had ever abused him. I can understand that Daniel may not have been very impressed with that line of questioning, but presumably, Daniel was able to say no – Daniel is a barrister, he is not going to feel intimidated by the police. Daniel fumed about his father being degraded in public, as a doubly incontinent elderly man being accused. Well I didn’t know that Greville was doubly incontinent and I don’t expect that many other people did either, so Daniel seems to have been responsible for inflicting that particular bit of lack of dignity upon his father himself.

Daniel maintains that the CPS was great until Alison Saunders became DPP. Not only was the CPS deeply flawed and notably failed to prosecute certain people for serious offences – including some politicians – despite files of evidence being submitted, but the CPS prosecuted people like me for ludicrous trivial offences. In 1993 Daniel I was prosecuted for ‘staring at a social worker’. In 2002 I was prosecuted because I had told an NHS secretary over the phone that her boss was a fat idiot. The social worker whom I looked at and the fat idiot were both involved in facilitating a paedophile gang. Furthermore Alison Saunders was the first DPP to be appointed from within the CPS. She had worked for them for years.

 

 

 

 

Their Trade Is Fuckwittery

I mentioned previously that I was reading Greg Dyke’s book ‘Inside Story’, which he wrote in the aftermath of the enormous scrap that resulted in his resignation as Director General of the BBC. Dyke’s book is so full of gems that I’ll never have enough time to blog about them all, but I have decided to blog about the most glittering.

One particularly fascinating and illuminating part of Greg’s book is his account of life behind the scenes at the catastrophe that was TV-am. Although TV-am was famous for being a series of disasters, Greg provides interesting details of the action behind the scenes that led to public spats such as Anna Ford throwing wine over Jonathan Aitken. Greg has certainly provided a good description of how greedy, crooked and unscrupulous many of those involved with TV-am were.

TV-am came into existence in 1983 after David Frost created a consortium to bid for the ITV franchise. The consortium consisted of Michael Parkinson, Angela Rippon, Anna Ford and Robert Kee. Peter Jay, the former British Ambassador to Washington was both Chair and Chief Executive. Jay had already enjoyed a media career and was well-connected within the industry.

According to Dyke’s book, Dyke was approached by Michael Deakin, who was to be TV-am’s Director of Programmes, for a ‘chat’ before TV-am was launched. Deakin had previously worked as a documentary maker at Yorkshire Television. Readers may remember that in June 1989 Yorkshire Television approached Alison Taylor the Gwynedd social worker who blew the whistle on the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal regarding a programme about it. On 12 Sept 1989 Alison Taylor and a man who alleged that he had been abused whilst in care in north Wales were filmed extensively for Yorkshire TV, but in Feb 1990 the programme about child abuse in Gwynedd was abandoned for a film about child abuse in another region of the UK. I will return to this later in this post.

TV-am was dogged by problems from the outset. Peter Jay and Anna Ford were soon ousted in a coup engineered by Jonathan Aitken, who was thought to be the major shareholder – although it was revealed years later that he wasn’t, Aitken had deceived everyone and the company was actually bankrolled by Saudi money. Nevertheless Aitken was installed as Chief Exec.

Dyke was asked by Jonathan Aitken to rescue TV-am after Aitken took over – Aitken was also still the Tory MP for Thanet. At this point the Chair of TV-am was Dick Marsh, the former British Rail boss and former Labour MP.

Although TV-am was notorious for lurching from one financial crisis to the next, Jonathan Aitken certainly lived an opulent lifestyle. Dyke dined at Aitken’s house at Lord North Street in Westminster – Sir Peter Morrison the Tory MP for Chester who was known to have abused boys in care in north Wales also lived in Lord North Street – and discovered that not only did Aitken employ a butler, but the butler was so outrageously high camp that he was a talking point between Dyke and his wife for months.

Aitken was famous for hosting dinner parties to which powerful figures from the media, politics and business would be invited. It was at one of these parties that Greg met Clive Jones who was later Chief Exec of ITV News. Jones and Dyke became good friends. Aitken was also the convenor of the Conservative Philosophy Group and hosted the likes of Henry Kissinger, Richard Nixon and William Rees-Mogg a few doors down from Morrison the child molester.

Dyke describes a world in which crazed megalomaniacs from media, business and politics spend much time troughing and boozing at each others houses, but constantly knife each other in the back. For example, when Greg was told in confidence that Jonathan Aitken was to be the new Chief Exec of TV-am, Greg passed the info on to John Birt, who would later become Director General of the BBC. Birt leaked the information to the Guardian – but Dyke only found this out months later when he received a call from Birt asking Dyke to help him cover his tracks as being the source of the leak because he was now ‘helping the Guardian’ in their battle against Aitken. (In 1995 the Guardian and World In Action exposed Aitken as being involved in some very questionable business practices, to which I shall return later in this post.)

As an example of the degree of goodwill that the TV folk showed towards each other, when Dyke left LWT to take up his post at TV-am, Dyke’s immediate boss David Cox wrote the message ‘fuck off and good riddance’ in Dyke’s leaving card. Dyke’s book is full of such anecdotes – people setting out to embarrass each other in public in as vicious a way as possible at leaving parties, accessing confidential info about each other when they are promoted and thus have access to staff files and then reciting the info that they’ve read on the files at drinks parties etc. The corollary to this was to wreak one’s terrible revenge by gaining promotion and then a few years later returning to the scene of one’s humiliation to kick one’s old adversary in the teeth now that one was their boss. Greg certainly excelled at this – his whole career seems to have been based on the desire to seriously screw other people over. He took great pleasure in later becoming David Cox’s boss himself and crapping on him from a height. I can understand why Dyke would want to shaft these obnoxious people, but he spent years supping with them and treating them like his best mates whilst seething inside and planning to wreck their careers.

Not only do the TV execs in Greg’s world all screw huge quantities of money out of their employers, but they like to be seen to be raking it in – it is a very ostentatious business with much mindless consumerism. Greg boasts about a straightforward fiddle that the execs at TV-am were working to ensure that the bigwigs ended up with company cars nearly as good as the biggest wigs and definitely a lot better than the cars that the plebs were driving. The cars in question were all so expensive that none of them will have been in any danger of breaking down, so one wonders why Greg and his mates thought that it was worth fleecing TV-am over this  – particularly as the company was in a state of near bankruptcy throughout the time that Dyke was there.

Greg filled TV-am with either his friends or people whose careers that he ‘boosted’ who remained indebted to him – he boasts of ‘helping’ Lynn Faulds-Wood, Mark Damazar and Adam Boulton. He brought in one of his old colleagues from his days as a journalist in Newcastle, Peter McHugh, as well as Andy Webb and Eve Pollard. Pollard was recruited from Fleet street, specifically the Sunday People and later returned to Fleet Street to edit the Sunday Mirror and then the Sunday Express. Greg poached Nick Owen and Anne Diamond from Nationwide and then recruited Wincy Willis, Gordon Honeycombe and Lynn Faulds-Wood’s husband, John Stapleton.

TV-am succeeded in breaking broadcasting rules and conning the viewers by the use of Diana Dors and her ‘diet slot’, in which she advised viewers on weight loss, claiming to be following a diet herself. Dors religiously weighed herself on TV and claimed miraculous weight loss – Dyke admits that he was virtually certain that Dors was lying about her achievement and was concealing weights about her person for the early weigh-ins and then progressively shedding them. Why would Dors be doing this? Because she had a product to sell – a Diana Dors weight loss calculator, which she then promoted on TV-am, which Dyke admits was not permitted under broadcasting rules. Dors requested that viewers wanting to buy her product write to her at TV-am. Ten thousand duped viewers wrote in, but Dyke kept all the letters claiming that they were the property of TV-am. Dors went to Court to try and get her hands on the letters but lost the case. The letters remained in the clutches of TV-am and no viewers received the product that they were conned into trying to purchase. I bet they didn’t even receive an explanation.

Despite the way in which the viewers had been hoodwinked by both Dors and Dyke, after Dors died, TV-am screened a special tribute programme to her. One of the guests was Barbara Windsor who waxed lyrical on camera about how great Dors was and then told Dyke after the show that she’d hated her. Another guest was Dors’ ‘friend’ Jess Conrad who used the tribute programme to dear old Diana to plug his latest record.

You can see how the BBC ended up screening tribute programmes to Savile after his death, whilst not mentioning the side of his life that was most important to him. But then both Dors and Windsor had relationships with serious criminals who ended up in prison and that was always described very euphemistically by the media when Dors and Babs became too old to remain as sex symbols and had to metamorphose into the nation’s aunties instead.

I mentioned that Dyke was imported into TV-am in order to ‘rescue’ it – he is credited as having done so by introducing a puppet called Roland Rat. I never understood how a puppet could actually rescue an ailing TV company descending into debt, it’s not even as if Roland Rat was as good as Sooty and Sweep, but unbelievably media history does maintain that Dyke’s employment of Roland Rat did the trick. There was a worrying moment for Dyke when he received a phone call from the Daily Star telling him that they were going to run a story about the puppeteer who worked Roland Rat hosting a Soho club for rubber and latex fetishists, but it all turned out OK because when Dyke rang the IBA (Independent Broadcasting Authority) to warn them, the IBA told him that they were not in the least bit concerned about such matters. I can’t understand why Greg ever thought that they would be.

However I think that someone should have been very concerned indeed at a few other things at TV-am. Whilst Greg and his mates worked their scam to ensure that they always drove top of the range cars paid for by TV-am, there were masses of other fiddles perpetuated by the management as well as the staff, as the company drowned in debt. One creditor was owed £12k and there was no attempt to pay them. The company never had enough money for basics, staff were told silly lies such as ‘there’s been a computer glitch’ on a regular basis because there was not enough money to pay them, bills went unpaid, the local newsagents were owed so much that they refused to deliver the newspapers for the newspaper review spot, local taxi firms refused to do business with TV-am and thus guests due to appear on the TV couldn’t be collected, writs mounted up but were routinely ignored on the grounds that one has 28 days to respond to a writ, bailiffs arrived at the homes of researchers and tried to remove property after hotel bills that the researchers had signed off had not been paid, correspondents had to use phone boxes because the phone bill hadn’t been paid and the electricity was nearly cut off as well, but ‘somehow’ ‘someone’ found the cash from ‘somewhere’. One advertising agency tried to deal with TV-am by telling them that they wouldn’t make any further promotions until they had been paid the considerable sum of money that they were owed. Greg knew how to respond – he told them that if the advertising agency didn’t continue to work for TV-am Greg would take even longer to pay them the outstanding debt.

Whilst all this was going on, Greg and co drove their flash cars, Jonathan and Tim Aitken – who owned TV-am – continued to run their merchant banking business Aitken Hume International, Jonathan continued to employ his camp butler and hold lavish dinner parties for important folk and Tim’s office at TV-am was crammed with bottles of pink champagne. It was just the ‘staff’ that didn’t get paid – probably the cleaners, canteen staff, receptionists and secretaries ie. those who really needed the dosh. The bank accounts of the ‘talent’ will have remained healthy or they would have walked out. During this time of crisis, someone hit on the idea of paying Chris Tarrant to go out onto the streets and throw buckets of water over people who were smoking cigarettes – because Greg wanted an anti-smoking campaign. I’m surprised that no-one actually thumped Tarrant or even sued him for assault.

Where Roland Rat’s much publicised ‘rescue’ of this shambles came in I do not know.

TV-am had very few advertisers – they only had contracts with three regulars, one of which was Walls Pork Sausages. Lynn Faulds-Wood – a ‘consumers champion’ a la Esther – wanted to use the consumers slot to expose Walls after it had been discovered that Walls bangers contained rather more water than was deemed unacceptable. TV-am decided not to run this particular expose in the light of the advertising revenue that they were receiving from the folk who were selling water rather than sausages.

I found this anecdote illuminating because I remember Lynn Faulds-Wood on TV doing her exposes years ago and I noticed that only certain things were exposed – I concluded that Lynn was following the Esther model of not upsetting anyone important. But Faulds-Wood was considered to be rather less unscrupulous than Esther. John Stapleton, Faulds-Wood’s husband, hosted a daytime ITV show during the 90s called The Time The Place, which was thought to be rather less tawdry and dishonest than Kilroy, a daytime show on the BBC which was screened at the same time as The Time The Place – both shows covered similar topics. I have mentioned previously how Dr Dafydd Alun Jones actually turned up on Kilroy to talk about mental health problems whilst havoc reigned in north Wales and criminal investigations were held into the paedophile ring which he and his mistress Lucille Hughes facilitated and concealed. To my knowledge Dafydd never made it through the doors of The Time The Place, but as on Kilroy, when mental healthcare or child abuse was discussed by John Stapleton and his guests, it was very clear that only certain voices were ever allowed to be heard. Well if Stapleton’s wife wouldn’t even tackle pork sausages, whoever was going to take on institutionalised abuse in psychiatry and the Westminster Paedophile Ring? Particularly if the likes of Jonathan Aitken owned the TV company.

I say that Jonathan Aitken – along with his cousin Tim – owned TV-am, but as I mentioned earlier it was later revealed that Jonathan and Tim didn’t own the company. TV-am was effectively owned by some Saudis who were actually the major shareholders after a deal had been done by Jonathan Aitken to disguise this – an illegal deal, which Tim Aitken claimed to have no knowledge of. Tim Aitken might have claimed to Know Nuzzing about the Saudis who were bankrolling the company, but he did know that the company was trading when insolvent in early 1984 when he asked Greg Dyke to join the Board. Greg himself claimed ‘not to have known’ what trading when insolvent meant – although he does know now.

Greg didn’t like Jonathan but he ‘liked and trusted’ Tim. There was however a problem with Tim in that he was clueless about running a TV company and anyway was far too busy running his merchant bank to even try to run TV-am. It is clear that Tim was a bit of a liability.

TV-am hit yet another crisis in 1984 – obviously Roland Rat wasn’t pulling his weight – and they desperately needed huge quantities of dosh. They managed to tempt in two new investors – Fleet Holdings (who owned the Express Group) and the much loathed (by everyone but Thatcher if I remember) Aussie businessman, Kerry Packer. However Greg and ‘the management’ still needed to convince the other shareholders that they were a ‘strong’ management able to stand up to the unions. The broadcasting unions in the 1980s, like the print unions, were very powerful and their members earned very, very high salaries – it was Thatcher’s stated mission to break them after she had screwed over the NUM and then passed the legislation that Murdoch needed to break the print unions. TV-am were not actually able to stand up to the unions very well – the unions were unreasonable and greedy, but so were the management – the company was in meltdown. However Dyke and co set up a number of intrigues in order to convince the staff that a crucial vote had to go as the management (and shareholders) desired or the company would go into liquidation and no-one would have a job. On the day of the vote, Jonathan Aitken made a show of clearing his office in front of a shop steward, just to convince the unions that it was now crunch point. It seemed that Dyke et al either weren’t convinced that the vote would go their way OR they didn’t have confidence that the company would survive even if the staff did vote the way that Dyke et al were manipulating them to.

Dyke explains that the company was ‘near liquidation’ and that on the day of the vote, the managers all parked their cars outside the building lest they needed a ‘quick getaway’ – I imagine that the staff were pretty close to lynching them all anyway. Dyke calculated that TV-am owed him about £30k and he wanted his dosh – so he looked around for something that he could steal and sell. He couldn’t find anything suitable inside the building, so he stole the keys to the TV-am barge (TV-am was located at Camden Lock).

The staff were sufficiently panicked and manipulated into voting in the way that Dyke and the shareholders wanted, so TV-am lived to fight another day. And rip a few more people off. It was now vital that Tim Nice But Dim be removed as Chief Exec – so the Board hatched a plan to knife the Chairman Dick Marsh, which would then enable them to install Tim as Chairman. For some reason Tim couldn’t be removed altogether, so a vacancy had to be created at the top. It was Marsh who was clobbered.

So in 1984 a new Chief Exec arrived – Bruce Gyngell. I can’t quite work out from Dyke’s book who exactly hatched the plot to stuff Dick Marsh but Bruce Gyngell was brought in by Kerry Packer. Gyngell had come from Australia where he had worked for Kerry Packer’s empire and he became a favourite of Thatch, she really loved Gyngell. He became good friends with her and epitomised Thatcher’s idea of everything that a media executive should be.

Gyngell was of course ruthless, rather mad and some thought him predatory. He was noted for wearing pink to such an extent that his staff called him the Pink Panther, he was very superstitious and distributed company key fobs and watches to the staff and urged the staff to rub these objects to channel positive forces and although he was very rich and very greedy he maintained that he was deeply interested in Eastern spirituality and was enthusiastic about Zen, meditation and insight philosophy. Yet Gyngell was no monk. He was a notorious shagger – although he was happy to lecture the media industry about morality – and according to Greg, when Gyngell arrived at TV-am he asked Adrian Moore, the Director of Production, which of the women who worked there were an ‘easy lay’.

In 1986 Gyngell married Kathy Rowan who worked as a producer at TV-am. Rowan had previously worked at LWT.

During 1987-88, Gyngell became involved in the most enormous battle with the technicians union ACTT at TV-am, Murdoch-style. He was encouraged by Thatcher who maintained that the ITV unions were ‘the last bastion of restrictive practices’ and the dispute ended in a three month lock-out. Gyngell ran TV-am for a number of months without the union members – other people were simply recruited to do the jobs that they were doing. Gyngell did break the ACTT and 200 members at TV-am never returned to their former jobs, although Gyngell suffered a heart attack which was attributed to the stress of the dispute.

In his capacity as Chief Exec, Bruce Gyngell gradually booted out all of Dyke’s mates and then kicked out Dyke. Dyke joined TVS and his old mate Clive Jones followed him there shortly afterwards.

Gyngell did succeed in returning TV-am to profit by ruthlessly targeting programming costs and for a while it was the most profitable TV company in the UK – it was floated on the Stock Exchange.

However, in 1991 Greg wreaked his terrible revenge which led to TV-am going out of business. When the ITV franchises came up for auction, Greg – who was by then Chief Exec of LWT – put together the Sunrise consortium (which became GMTV) to bid for the ITV breakfast franchise. As a result of legislation that Thatcher herself passed, the bidding process was blind – so no-one knew what any other bidders had bid – and the franchise had to be awarded to the highest bidder. Greg’s Sunrise consortium put in an enormous bid many millions bigger than TV-am’s bid, so Sunrise/GMTV were awarded the franchise. Poor old Gyngell struggled on for a bit but in 1992 TV-am closed down.

Gyngell and Frost held a farewell party to celebrate TV-am going out of business and Gyngell was delighted to tell the guests that he had received a personal letter of apology from Thatcher, who was distraught that legislation that her Gov’t had passed to ‘encourage’ the likes of Gyngell had inadvertently blown up in their faces and led to his end. Thatcher couldn’t understand what had happened. Er – ill-thought out legislation and a bunch of backstabbing crooks conducting business in the way that you had encouraged Thatcher? It is documented that Gyngell broke industry rules when he arrived at TV-am by negotiating a £1.2 million advance payment for an advertising campaign by a toy company. There won’t have been any comeback…

 

After the death of TV-am Gyngell became Executive Chair of Kerry Packer’s Nine Network. In May 1995 Gyngell was appointed MD of Yorkshire-Tyne Tees Group (Yorkshire TV had merged with Tyne Tees), replacing John Fairley. Ward Thomas was Chair of YTT. Gyngell’s post ended when Granada took over YTT in 1997.

 

Bruce Gyngell died in 2000, but his wife Kathy lives on. Kathy Gyngell is described as a ‘right wing operative’ who is a research fellow for the Centre of Policy Studies. She is the co-editor of the website Conservative Woman and she’s even managed to find her way into the Guardian on a number of occasions. In July 1999 (whilst Bruce was still alive) she co-founded a right wing media monitoring company with David Keighley, the former Director of Corporate Affairs at TV-am. This company was dissolved in 2006 and superceded by another company, Newswatch, which was dissolved in 2009.

In 2006 Kathy co-authored a Centre for Policy Studies report with Ray Lewis. In this report, Gyngell was described as the Chair of the Addiction Working Group of the Social Justice Policy Group, the Conservative think tank established by Ian Duncan Smith.

Readers might not recognise the name of Ray Lewis, but I won’t forget it. Ray Lewis was appointed Deputy Mayor of London by Boris in 2008. Lewis had wowed Ian Duncan Smith with his ‘remarkable’ work with black youth in Newham at the Eastside Young Leaders Academy. Lewis had wowed a lot of people actually – Stephen Norris and Francis Maude were Trustees of Eastside, the Archbishop of York Dr John Sentamu was the Patron and donors included Morgan Stanley and Lehman Brothers. In 2005 Cameron’s first photo op as Conservative Party leader was at Eastside.

However two months after Lewis’s appointment as Boris’s deputy, Lewis resigned after a number of public revelations about his past activities. In 1990 Ray Lewis had been ordained as a Church of England priest and in 1993 he was appointed the vicar of St Matthews in West Ham. In 1995 Lewis was accused of exploiting vulnerable pensioners by borrowing a total of £41k and not repaying it. There were also allegations of sexual harassment and Scotland Yard had received a string of complaints, including blackmail. Lewis denied all the allegations and no charges were ever brought. In 1997 Lewis left the UK for Grenada where he organised a charity raffle – the first prize was a car, but the winner never received it. Then a Nigerian bishop complained that a charity that he had set up with Lewis had been drained of its funds, £8k – Lewis had been the Treasurer. The Diocese of Chelmsford reported the matter to the police – no charges were brought. Neither were any charges brought against Lewis in 2000 when he was arrested on suspicion of deception over a house sale. However, the Church barred him from Ministry and preaching. Lewis also claimed to be a magistrate – he wasn’t. In 2000 Lewis worked as a prison chaplain, then joined the Prison Service and for nearly two years worked as a junior governor at HMP Woodhill Young Offenders Institute. It was after that that Lewis set up Eastside.

After Lewis’s past became public in 2008, the man who stripped Lewis of his rights as a priest, the Rt Rev Roger Sainsbury, the retired Bishop of Barking, stated that he’d been an admirer of Eastside and believed that Ray Lewis had reformed. Sainsbury’s successor, the Rt Rev David Hawkins, saw Lewis with Boris at a day of prayer event and wrote to Boris telling him that Lewis was no longer an authorised Minister in the Church of England and suggested that Boris should get in touch. Boris did not respond. Several weeks later a TV journalist approached the C of E for the background on Lewis and it was then that the story came to light.

The longstanding Labour Council in Newham admitted reporting in 2005 on allegations of physical abuse at Eastside – Scotland Yard confirmed that five allegations were investigated, but were all dropped.

Duncan Smith suggested that all this dissatisfaction with Lewis was designed to ‘get at’ Boris. He stated that Newham Council ‘is on the left and hates Ray Lewis and his methods which are not for the fainthearted’. Duncan Smith does of course describe Eastside as dispensing ‘tough love’.

The chaplain at Eastside, the Rev Bruce Stokes, a Baptist Minister, maintained that anyone working ‘this way with kids’ was ‘bound to be investigated’ and that he thought that it was probably Lewis’s ‘personality and style’ to which people objected.

The London Evening Standard claimed that the mess was all the fault of the Church.

After Lewis’s resignation, everyone was very keen to distance themselves. The child protection officer at Eastside, Dapo Abidoye, had ‘nothing to say’. Neither did Richard Atterbury, the co-head of global finance at Lehman Brothers and a Trustee of Eastside. John Sentamu issued a statement explaining that he did not have ‘any involvement, or fiduciary obligation, relating to day-to-day management’ at Eastside.

Dear old IDS claimed that the media and Lewis’s political enemies were ‘crushing a good man’. The Rev Stokes stated that Lewis ‘comes up with answers. It feels he has been completely stitched up’. Stokes was saddened that in the wake of the controversy surrounding Lewis that similar academies planned elsewhere in the UK were unlikely to go ahead.

No-one ever got to the bottom of the Ray Lewis and Eastside business, because a planned Public Inquiry into the whole affair was scrapped after Lewis resigned.

However I think that Ray might have made his mark years before the shit hit the fan in the wake of all those complaints about him in the 90s after he’d managed to become ordained.

At the time that the Ray Lewis business became public in 2008 I was sharing a farmhouse in Gwynedd with my friends. One of my friends was a Buddhist and was a member of a Buddhist sangha which had connections to a number of other Buddhist communities. A few months before Ray Lewis hit the media, a Buddhist asked us if we could put someone up who had just left a community and was in need of somewhere to live. This lady subsequently moved into our house and although she was very friendly it soon became clear that she had serious mental health problems and seemed very traumatised and very angry. She stayed with us for many weeks and we got to know her quite well. Whilst she was staying with us, I had appeared in the newspapers talking about abuse in the mental health services and our guest asked me how I knew that such things were happening. I told her some of what had happened to me at the hands of the mental health services and said that I knew that it was a major problem.

Our guest – whom I will call D – had already told us that back in the 80s she’d been a social worker in London but had spent many years living in various different communities. I guessed that D had some sort of breakdown and had been unable to work. When she discovered that I had experience of abusive psychiatry, she did what quite a few other people have done and told me about her own bad experiences. D had been through a nightmare. She described receiving dreadful treatment after being sectioned in a London hospital – she had been diagnosed with psychotic depression, had been given ECT against her will and claimed to have been physically and sexually assaulted by staff in the hospital. When she finally got out of there – after many, many months, D got as far away from the mental health services and anyone connected with them as possible and started travelling around the UK living in alternative communities.

The problem that any patient who has been diagnosed with a serious mental illness finds if they try to communicate being on the receiving end of abusive mental health services, is that they are not believed. As I have detailed on this blog, diagnosing serious mental illnesses in people who have been abused by the welfare state or have been witness to things of which other people would rather remain unspoken is a remarkably common way of dealing with the problem. Everything that D told me rang true – she described the sort of casual institutionalised abuse that I witnessed in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, in Springfield Hospital, in the Hergest Unit and that I hear about frequently. But then D told me about the circumstances of her admission to hospital.

D had been working as a children’s social worker in inner London in the 80s. She was white and was a doctor’s daughter who’d grown up in Bath. The young people that she was looking after once she had qualified were predominantly from ethnic minorities, in inner London. That wasn’t the problem. The problem arose when D noticed that the practices of her colleagues were a very long way from the practice and theory that she had been taught whilst she was training. The shit really hit the fan when two of the teenagers whom she was responsible for – girls of 13 and 14 – told her that they were being forced to have sex with a man who was entering the children’s homes. This man was some sort of youth worker. D told her senior managers what the teenagers had told her. She was told to ignore what the girls had told her, not to speak about it again because the man whom the girls had named was ‘big in black politics and he’s untouchable’. D told me that the name of this man was Ray Lewis.

D was horrified. I gained the impression that when this happened she hadn’t been qualified long and she was still idealistic. She was very concerned for the welfare of the girls and became even more concerned when the two girls who had previously alleged that they were being sexually assaulted told D that other kids had experienced similar problems.

D returned to her managers – and made the fatal mistake of reminding them that the children in their care had been raped, were being put at risk further by the social services lack of action and that what was happening was illegal and contrary to all good social work practice. D was referred for ‘medical help’. D’s own dad was a Top Doctor  – she might not have realised what organisations use the less scrupulous Top Doctors for. D was told that she was depressed and unfit for work. Which she might well have been by then – I can imagine how distressing a young, newly qualified, idealistic social worker would have found all this. D was sent to a psychiatrist – she did of course tell them what was going on in her workplace and that she was not going to keep quiet about it as ordered. D was sectioned. Not only was she diagnosed with ‘depression’, but it was ‘psychotic depression’. Just in case anyone might be in danger of believing anything that she said…

The treatment was successful! D was destroyed, she left social work and indeed London and took up an itinerant lifestyle wandering around the UK staying in a variety of alternative communities. She had been doing this for years by the time that she arrived at our place. She knew that she had been very distressed by what had happened in London, both at her workplace and at the hands of the caring sharing mental health services and she had made a number of attempts to access therapy and care. On every occasion that she did so, once the therapist had heard her story somehow the therapy came to an end. D was untouchable – which tends to happen to people who have witnessed organised child sexual abuse. One manifestation of D’s distress was quite obsessional cleaning. She knew this and would offer to clean in return for a place to stay – our place was spotless whilst she was with us, it was incredible. We weren’t the only people who noticed how good at cleaning D was. Some of her therapists did as well. At one point she was offered a job in a Rudolph Steiner Care Home in the midlands. The deal was supposed to be that she would do a few hours cleaning each day in return for free training and tuition in Steiner care. Once she arrived however somehow she ended up on the cleaning full time and no tuition or training was forthcoming. After six months she realised that this wasn’t going to change so she left.

So how did D arrive in north Wales? D was offered a job as a cleaner at a place called Trigonos in the Nantlle Valley in Gwynedd. The Nantlle Valley is really beautiful and Trigonos is a conference centre favoured by alternative types – it is next to the lake, under the mountains and supplies organic food and other necessities of alternative life. Trigonos’s main custom seems to come from the Bangor University Mindfulness Centre – nearly all their courses for training Mindfulness practitioners and teachers are held there and they used to hold their conferences there as well. D knew about this and thought that it would be a suitable environment for her. However when she arrived, she found that she seemed to be working very long hours for very little pay. She moved out of Trigonos after a few months seeking somewhere else to live which is how D eventually ended up at our house. D stayed with us for many weeks and then moved on to a community in Scotland. It was just after she left that Ray Lewis hit the headlines. A few months after that I encountered one of the more irresponsible members of the family that runs Trigonos. When he found out which house I lived in he realised that I was one of the people who had taken in D. I asked him why she had left Trigonos. I was told ‘she was a fucking brilliant cleaner but she was a nutter so we got rid of her’.

The vast majority of the Mindfulness trainers who practice their loving-kindness and compassionate meditation at Trigonos are former social workers, many of whom were employed by Gwynedd and Clwyd Social Services – whilst the paedophile ring operated in those organisations. One of the leaders of many of those courses at Trigonos is a Judith Soulsby. Soulsby is a former psychiatric social worker with the Arfon Community Mental Health Team. Her colleagues were the people who perjured themselves in an attempt to have me imprisoned after I alleged serious abuse in the mental health services in north Wales. Not only does Judith train Mindfulness practitioners at the centre where the cleaners are not allowed to be nutters, but Judith has co-authored with Professor Mark Williams and was part of the original team who set the con that is Mindfulness Based Cognitive Therapy on the road (see post ‘The Biggest Expert Of The Lot’).

 

Now for a few more details on Jonathan and Tim Aitken who lived like kings whilst their TV company owed money to the little people.

Tim Aitken is the grandson of Lord Beaverbrook and is rather less illustrious than his cousin Jonathan. Since Jonathan ended up in prison Tim has distanced himself from him. A recent newspaper article suggested that Tim spends most of his time on his yacht.

Jonathan is the son of Tory MP Sir William Traven Aitken. Selwyn Lloyd, the Chancellor of the Exchequer under Harold Macmillan, was a friend of Jonathan’s dad which was how Aitken got to meet the PM whilst he was still an undergrad at Oxford reading law – Aitken wrote speeches for Selwyn in his summer holidays. At Oxford Aitken was Chair of the Oxford University Conservative Association – he did try to become President of the Oxford Union but was unsuccessful.

After Oxford he worked as a journalist and in 1970 ended up on trial the Old Bailey for breaking the Official Secrets Act, after passing classified information to a Tory MP Hugh Fraser, although he was acquitted. Between 1968-70 Aitken worked for Yorkshire TV, presenting regional news shows. Aitken had ambitions to enter Conservative politics from a young age and he struck up a friendship with Fraser – that ended after Aitken had an affair with Fraser’s wife Antonia. Aitken’s account of his life as a young man stresses how he had no money and therefore knew that he had to make his own way in the world. So he does what everyone who finds themselves on their uppers does – he launched a merchant bank and became Chairman of Slater Walker Securities.

In 1973 Aitken met Prince Mohammed bin Fadh of Saudi Arabia and became close friends with the Prince’s personal secretary after Aitken ‘organised hospital treatment’ in the UK for the Prince’s secretary’s mother. What all that was about I don’t know, but if Jonathan Aitken was involved it won’t have been clean.

In 1974 Aitken was elected as Tory MP for Thanet.  At about this time he had a relationship with Carol Thatcher but it ended in tears – literally – and Margaret Thatcher never forgave him. Aitken’s falling out with the Thatcher family was notorious ad it was suggested that it was the reason why he remained on the backbenches for so many years although he clearly thought that he ought to be PM.

In 1979 Aitken married a neighbour of Prince Mohammed’s personal secretary. He blotted his copybook soon after by having an affair with a prostitute, but his family forgave him.

In 1980 Aitken wrote to Thatcher alleging that Sir Roger Hollis, the former Director General of MI5, had been a double agent working for the Soviets. This info had been given to Aitken by CIA spymaster James Angleton. The allegation against Hollis caused an almighty row and led to Chapman Pincher’s 1981 book ‘Their Trade Is Treachery’, which in turn led to the publication of ‘Spycatcher’ in 1987.

Aitken’s Saudi friendships came in handy for propping up Aitken Hume International and for bankrolling TV-am. Aitken was forced to resign from TV-am when it was revealed that Aitken Hume was a front for Saudi control of TV-am.

Aitken cultivated friendships with some rather unsavoury people, including the well-known sexual harasser Tory MP Alan Clark, who described Aitken as ‘my old friend and standby for many a dirty trick’. Aitken was also known to leak damaging info about his fellow Tory MPs. Aitken was close friends with Tory MP Richard Shepherd and for some reason ended up as godfather to Diane Abbott’s son. One of Aitken’s book launch’s was attended by Christine Keeler.

Aitken complained in the Commons about the excessive secrecy of the security services, but maintained close contact with some present and former officers. Malcolm Turnbull – who later became PM of Australia – was Peter Wright’s lawyer when Wright was trying to get his book Spycatcher published and approached Aitken in an attempt to reach a settlement between the British Gov’t and Wright. Aitken ‘tried to help’ but failed.

In Nov 1990, three months after the Iraq invasion of Kuwait, Aitken flew to Oman as the Sultan’s guest to attend a meeting of Le Cercle, a right wing group formed by former intelligence agents, of which Aitken was Chairman. The dreadful Alan Clarke was present as well – Clark alleged that Le Cercle was funded by the CIA.

After John Major became PM, he appointed Aitken Minister for Defence Procurement – the Saudis were delighted with this appointment as were MoD arms salesmen, but a great many other people weren’t.

Between 1988-90 Aitken was a Director of BMARC, an arms exporter. Whilst he was a Cabinet Minister, he signed a Public Interest Immunity Certificate in Sept 1992 relating to the Matrix-Churchill trial which gagged documentation including that relating to the supply of arms to Iraq by BMARC when he was a Director of that company.

Aitken became Chief Secretary to the Treasury in 1994 and subsequently faced questions about defence contracts and Saudi money. He resigned in 1995 after allegations that he’d breached Ministerial rules, still lent his house to Michael Howard during Howard’s leadership campaign.

In 1995 the Guardian published an article regarding Aitken and Saudi arms deals. Journalists from Granada’s World In Action also helped with the expose. On the day that the article was published, Aitken held a press conference at the Conservative Party Offices in Smith Square and very pompously denounced the allegations. He stated that if World In Action screened the programme ‘Jonathan Of Arabia’ that was scheduled for that evening he would sue for libel. The programme was screened as promised and Aitken began a libel action against the Guardian and Granada.

In June 1997 the action collapsed after George Carman acting for the defence produced documentary evidence demonstrating that Aitken had lied during the trial. Evidence also indicated an arms deal scam with Aitken’s friend and business partner, the personal secretary of Prince Mohammed bin Fahd. It was also alleged that if the case had continued, Aitken had been prepared to have his teenaged daughter lie under oath.

Aitken was imprisoned for perjury and served seven months. Whilst he was in the slammer he experienced an almighty religious conversion and has since taken to writing about prayer and matters theological.

Aitken was faced with a legal bill of over £1 million – he was allowed to drop the case on promising to pay costs, but escaped from his liability by declaring himself bankrupt. The Guardian observed that most of Aitken’s assets were conveniently owned by other people.

Although Aitken lost his seat in the 1997 General Election, within a year was appointed as a representative of the arms company GEC-Marconi.

In 1999 a DNA test revealed that Aitken was the father of Soraya Khashoggi’s daughter – the Soraya Khashoggi’s husband became very rich by arms dealing.

In 2004 some Conservatives in Thanet proposed that Aitken return as the Conservative candidate, but this bright idea was vetoed by Michael Howard. In the same year Aitken declared his support for UKIP.

In 2006 Aitken became President of Christian Solidarity Worldwide.

In Nov 2007 he led the task force on Prison Reform with Ian Duncan Smith’s Centre for Social Justice to ‘help form Conservative policy’.

 

The names of two independent TV companies crop up constantly in Greg Dyke’s book – LWT and Yorkshire TV. The most powerful people in the media world seem to have passed through those organisations, as well of course as the BBC. Because the really big players in TV are so few, they all just rotated between the BBC and the independent companies as they climbed higher and higher. The same names pop up constantly and those names also toady shamelessly to Gov’ts of all hues. If you’re the BBC the Gov’t has got you over a barrel because you depend upon them for the continuation of the licence fee and the renewal of the Charter and if you’re an independent company you’re out in the free market depending upon the Gov’ts policies that affect the operation of that market. Gov’t can do great damage to TV execs, the execs dare not upset Gov’t. So one can see how easy it would be for the few influential people in the media to ensure that nothing was ever screened on TV that might lead to the identification of public figures abusing children in care for example.

My post ‘One Dangerous Fucker’ describes how Marjorie Wallace has done a really great job suppressing info concerning the use of psychiatry in concealing child abuse – Marjorie’s long term partner Tom Marjerison was the founder of LWT.

Yorkshire TV is as much as a key player as the BBC. As previously mentioned, it was Yorkshire TV who in Sept 1989 actually began filming a programme about child abuse in north Wales. By Feb 1990 the programme had been abandoned. So let’s look at Yorkshire TV.

The Director of Programmes for Yorkshire TV 1984-92 was John Fairley. Fairley was born in Liverpool and went to school in the north west of England. He began work with the Bristol Evening Post in 1963 and moved to the London Evening Standard in 1964. Between 1965-68 he was a radio producer with BBC Radio – so he’ll have known a Jimmy Savile then. Between 1968-78 Fairley was a TV producer for Yorkshire TV – Savile country. My post ‘A Very COHSE Relationship With Some Very Nasty People’ details how one of the paedophiles’ friends from north Wales migrated to Yorkshire and ended up in a position of very great influence. Fairley was MD of Yorkshire-Tyne Tees TV, 1993-April 1995. He then became Chief Exec of UKTV. Fairley lives in Ryedale in North Yorkshire.

Sir Paul Fox was Head of Programmes for Yorkshire TV, 1973-86, then MD of Yorkshire TV, 1977-88. Earlier on his career he had been Head of Public Affairs at BBC TV and Controller of BBC 1. Between 1986-88 he was Chairman of ITN and MD of BBC Network TV between 1988-91. My post ‘Ian Brockington’s Mischief’ details how a friend of mine who wanted to make a documentary about what had happened to me at the hands of the mental health services was subjected to an extended campaign of harassment and then unlawfully dismissed from her job at the Royal Television Society in 1991 – Paul Fox was President at the time. Fox picked up his knighthood in 1991.

Ward Thomas was CEO of Grampian TV between 1961-67, MD and Chair of Yorkshire TV between 1967-76 and then again between 1993-97. Between 1971-84 he was MD of Trident TV (and Chairman between 1976-84). Trident TV was formed as a holding company for Yorkshire TV. After 1980 Trident also purchased casinos, including casinos owned by Hugh Hefner – the deal included the Playboy Club and other ‘gentlemen’s clubs’. Ward is now very elderly but remains as non-executive Chair of Irving International, a media consultancy.

Yorkshire TV did battle with the technicians union in 1979 – Ward Thomas and Paul Fox were the two executives who were instrumental in fighting the unions. So they’ll have got on well with Thatcher then – as with Murdoch they’ll have been relying on her to pass the legislation to enable them to break the unions. They won’t have wanted to broadcast anything even hinting that her mate Savile and her aide Peter Morrison were molesting children.

In 1980 Jonathan Aitken had a go at owning a TV station based in Yorkshire. In the 1980 franchise round several Yorkshire TV staff submitted an application backed by Aitken, although they were unsuccessful.

In 1966 Jonathan Aitken co-authored a book with Michael Beloff. Michael Beloff was the barrister who in 1996 instructed the insurers of Flintshire County Council to suppress the Jillings Report into the abuse of children in the care of Clwyd County Council because what had happened to the kids was completely indefensible. The insurers told Flintshire that if they published the report they would withdraw insurance cover and the Councillors themselves would become personally liable for the damages payable to anyone who sued which would result in the loss of their homes and bankruptcy. The insurers also recommended that the Chair of the Social Services Committee, Cllr Malcolm King – who had been dangerously unco-operative with the paedophiles and their friends – should be sacked if he managed to discover what was in the Jillings Report and publicised it.

 

 

 

Don’t Be Silly, He’s Nice

Most of Ronnie Waterhouse’s whitewash was dedicated to excusing people employed in social care or social work who had abused children in care. However for those of us au fait with the mental health services in north Wales, there is a chapter that makes even more dreadful reading than the rest of the Waterhouse Report – the chapter concerning Gwynfa, a residential NHS unit for children with mental health problems, or in Ronnie’s parlance, ’emotionally disturbed and maladjusted children’. I need to remind readers yet again here that Ronnie’s definition of ‘disturbed’ and ‘maladjusted’, or indeed the mental health service’s definition, may well not be what the rest of the world – even in those days – would define as disturbed or maladjusted. In north Wales NHS speak it simply means that you’ve complained about a Top Doctor breaking the law or abusing their position. Ronnie’s chapter on Gwynfa demonstrates that this was as true in the children’s mental health services as it was in the adults’ services.

Gwynfa was a residential unit in Colwyn Bay that was a combined clinic and school. It was established in 1961 as an NHS psychiatric hospital for children with an on-site school. With the establishment of Clwyd County Council in 1974 the residential/clinic part became the responsibility of Clwyd Health Authority and the school became the responsibility of Clwyd County Council. Until 1982/83 the North Wales Child Guidance Clinic Service offered and monitored admissions, but after that it was administered by the Mental Health Unit of Clwyd Health Authority – yes, that bunch of goons who allowed Dr Dafydd Alun Jones to illegally bang up anyone who crossed his path, who oversaw a shagfest in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and who failed to investigate any complaints, even those of serious abuse of patients. Gwynfa by this time was an 18 bed unit for children below school leaving age, staffed by eight qualified nurses, six ‘other’ nurses (who won’t have actually been nurses if they weren’t qualified) and four psychologists. A child psychiatrist, Dr Barry Kiehn, was appointed in 1981 his remit being specifically Gwynfa and according to Waterhouse it was at this time that ‘the concept of a therapeutic community was introduced’. In April 1993 the administration of Gwynfa was taken over by the Clwydian Community Care NHS Trust after an NHS reorganisation. Of course the people managing and staffing the Clwydian Community Care NHS Trust were exactly the same corrupt old gits who had managed and staffed the previous organisations. Letters in my possession regarding my own case written after the ‘reorganisation’ are signed by exactly the same people and use exactly the same phrases as before. Believe me, nothing changed. The average stay for the patients at Gwynfa was five months, although some were there a lot longer.

The overall responsibility for managing Gwynfa was taken by the Principal Nursing Officer, who was responsible for recruitment and selection of staff. They reported to the Unit Nursing Officer (later known as the Director of Nursing Services) at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, who visited Gwynfa about once a month. So Gwynfa was ultimately run by the person who ran Denbigh. When I read that I knew that the tales from the children at Gwynfa would be bad. Gwynfa was shut down in 1997 – I wonder whether that decision had been made in anticipation of what former patients might say to the Waterhouse Inquiry.

Between 1972-1990 the Principal Nursing Officer for Gwynfa was Nigel Mannering Berry. By 1972 he had already been employed there for nine years. Waterhouse tells us that Berry qualified as a registered mental nurse in 1959 and had been previously employed at Denbigh. So the ‘therapeutic community’ for children was run by something out of the ark who had worked at Denbigh when Gwynne the lobotomist was in full swing. Waterhouse notes that Berry had no specific training in dealing with ‘disturbed’ children. Waterhouse states that since 1974 there had been five internal investigations/reviews of the conduct of specific members of nursing staff at Gwynfa.

In 1986 a male member of staff had head butted a boy patient. The nurse received a final warning (which suggests that he’d done similar things previously) and was transferred to ‘another hospital’ for adults. Probably the North Wales Hospital, presumably so he could head butt patients there.

In 1991 an investigation was held into the relationship between a 16 year old girl with a depressive disorder and a 45 year old auxillary nurse, Robert Martin Williams. We are told that the investigation began after a ‘letter’ was found, but staff were unable to encourage the girl to supply details of Williams’s activities. I wonder how hard they tried. Waterhouse notes that Williams had been previously ‘counselled’ (!) regarding his behaviour towards patients after other staff members raised concerns about him. He denied an unspecified ‘offence’ and resigned. Waterhouse goes on to explain that in 1996 the girl told the police that Williams had actually raped her twice. Waterhouse refers to a ‘highly incriminating letter’ which he had seen himself. Williams was charged with two counts of rape and in March 1997 was convicted at Mold Crown Court of both offences and sentenced to six years in prison. I note that like many other children at Gwynfa this girl had not been in care, so could not even be dehumanised and dishonoured like so many of the ‘troublesome’ young people in the children’s homes who were abused. Neither was she ‘disturbed’ or ‘maladjusted’ – even Gwynfa described her as ‘depressed’. So a 16 year old girl with depression was raped twice by a member of staff. And nothing happened until some years later when there was a major police investigation into the care of children in north Wales. Had there not been that investigation, Clwyd Health Authority and the North Wales Hospital would have sat on those rapes forever. Waterhouse notes that the girl who had been raped ‘did not feel able’ to use the complaints system. No-one asked her why. Of course, readers who have read my earlier posts will know that by the time that this teenager ‘did not feel able’ to use the complaints system, I had used that system and I had used it to raise concerns about, among other things, Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’s conduct towards female patients and staff at the North Wales Hospital physically assaulting patients. I got nowhere and interestingly enough at the time that this girl was being raped in Gwynfa, I was being dragged through the High Court by Sir Robert Francis QC – at the behest of psychiatrists in north Wales – who was demanding my imprisonment for ‘harassment’ because I was writing numerous letters alleging that patients were being criminally abused in the north Wales mental health services (see post ‘The Sordid Role Of Sir Robert Francis QC’).

But it transpired that there had been many other allegations of abuse by children who had been patients at Gwynfa and that by July 1993 it was clear that there was a problem with allegations of a ‘serious nature’. It was about this time that I was receiving letters from Laurie Wood, the former manager of the mental health services in Clwyd who then became Chief Exec of the Clwydian Community NHS Trust, refusing to reopen my own complaint and reassuring me that he was certain that no-one else was having the sort of experiences that I had – although of course at the same time maintaining that nobody had behaved improperly in my case at all. In July 1993 Detective Superintendent Ackerley from the North Wales Police was invited to conduct a fuller investigation into Gwynfa. That’s the North Wales Police whose officers conspired with Dr Dafydd Alun Jones to unlawfully arrest people and detain them in the North Wales Hospital – the same North Wales Police who returned children to children’s homes after they’d run away to escape the beatings and the buggery, the same North Wales Police who returned patients to Denbigh if they ran off even though they were being held there illegally. The same North Wales Police who employed Gordon Anglesea, who was abusing boys in care himself.

Waterhouse intriguingly tells us that ‘at some stage’ the NHS Trust ‘became aware’ that seven former patients had made serious allegations to the police against a member of staff who was still employed at Gwynfa, referred to only as Z. The Trust asked the police to ask the former patients who had made statements for their permission for the Trust to access the statements for internal disciplinary purposes. Only four patients gave permission. Waterhouse simply observes that because of this the NHS Trust had to investigate the matter ‘on an incomplete basis’. Ronnie doesn’t ask why the other patients had given statements to the police but wouldn’t co-operate with the Trust. Had they perhaps found themselves repeatedly up in Court after NHS staff made daft allegations about them? Ronnie tells us that the legal advice that the Trust Board received was that the available evidence was insufficient to justify Z’s dismissal. That advice would have come from the same source as the advice to repeatedly arrest me after I made serious complaint – that source being Andrew Park, the bent solicitor from the Welsh Office. Two members of staff were transferred to a day hospital. There’s a familiar pattern here – serious allegations made against a staff member, complaints mysteriously dropped or not followed up, the member of staff at the centre of the allegations transferred to work somewhere else with equally vulnerable people. Exactly what happened when I complained about the SEN Stephen Rose, employed at the North Wales Hospital, assaulting me. No investigation, but Rose relocated to Park Lane Hospital – an institution notorious for staff abusing patients. Regarding Z, it gets worse. Yet further allegations against Z were made at a later date and Z was finally suspended in July 1997. In March 1999 the CPS stated that a prosecution was not justified.

Altogether 27 people told the Waterhouse Tribunal that they had been abused at Gwynfa. 23 people complained about incidents between 1974-1987, 10 of them named Z. At the time that Ronnie submitted his Report, the police investigation into Z was continuing. Ronnie states that it would be ‘inappropriate to make any further comment’ because he had not heard any evidence from Z and Z’s ‘legal position was not clear to the Tribunal’. So even with all those lawyers, the team of paralegals and administrators from the Welsh Office and his numerous advisors, poor old Ronnie – a former High Court judge – couldn’t clarify Z’s legal position. So no more was said. Not that Ronnie had reached his zenith with this comment – he admitted that although there were allegations of sexual abuse against four members of staff, ‘they do not suggest a pattern of such abuse among staff’. His rationale for this thinking was bizarre – it was because each allegation of sexual abuse was made about a different member of staff, on a different occasion, by a different patient. Which suggests to me that there was one hell of a problem – particularly as one member of staff was already in prison for the double rape of a patient and dear old Z was at the centre of a police investigation. It’s also highly likely that there were many more allegations that no-one ever got to hear about. We learn from Ronnie’s Report that a 13 year old girl was indecently assaulted but did not report it at the time and that a 17 year old male patient was buggered in 1979/80, but that this allegation didn’t come to light until the police interviewed the complainant in 1992 – in 1993 there was a decision not to prosecute.

Ronnie didn’t just hear about sexual abuse at Gwynfa. Again and again bizarre stories – bizarre but all too believable to those of us who know how the mental health services routinely conducted themselves – were related by former patients. A boy who was described as ‘behaving disruptively’ at a private school in Llandudno was sent to Gwynfa – but he thought that he was going into hospital to have his heart investigated! Who told him this cock and bull story? And what was the nature of his ‘disruptive behaviour’ at the private school in Llandudno? Which school was it? We know that people were diverted into the mental health services if they crossed the paths of certain people or questioned abuses – is it possible that something was going on in the school in Llandudno that shouldn’t have been? This boy told Waterhouse that his year at Gwynfa had been a ‘waste of time’, that he hadn’t been helped, that the education at Gwynfa was inadequate, but he also told of two very serious assaults from male members of staff. On one occasion, a harness was made of rubber rings and he was yanked up on a door using this contraption – it was incredibly painful but he was told by the ‘nurses’ who did this to ‘take it in good spirit’. On another occasion he was dropped onto the ground outside from a first floor window. Each of these incidents was constructed as being the patient’s own fault. As every assault on a mental health patient in north Wales always is.

A girl felt so uneasy about Z that she told her (female) social worker that she didn’t like him. The social worker told her not to be silly, he was nice. The girl persisted with her concerns about Z – the social worker stated that she was ‘seeking attention’. Again this is depressingly familiar – over the last thirty years, I and others consistently raised concerns about staff who were doing things that they shouldn’t have been doing. We too were fobbed off constantly with idiocies – I lost count of the number of times that I was told that Dafydd Alun Jones had ‘helped people’, that ‘other patients like him’ or even, yes, that he was ‘nice’. He wasn’t, he was/is a fucking criminal who was abusing patients and everyone knew it. What chance did CHILDREN stuck in a residential unit for months have against staff who were groping them, raping them and throwing them out of windows? Ronnie admits that one witness at the Tribunal remembered being physically assaulted by Z – Ronnie simply states ‘we say no more about it’. Other former patients remembered being gagged with elastoplasts that were then ripped off, hit on the head with a pool cue, hung out of a window, regularly assaulted and beaten up. One witness described how a dog collar was put on him and he was led around on a lead – he was seven years old. One former patient compared Gwynfa to a prison. Which it was, but probably one with fewer safeguards.

Waterhouse details two ‘therapies’ that were used at Gwynfa. ‘Pyjama therapy’ – where the children had their clothes removed and could only wear pyjamas. (I witnessed an adult male patient subjected to this at Ysbyty Gwynedd in the early 1990s.) But Gwynfa also had ‘bed therapy’ – children’s clothes AND pyjamas were removed from them so they were forced to remain in bed. Presumably naked under the covers with a bunch of rapists ‘caring’ for them. Sexual assault therapy could well have followed.

Despite the graphic accounts of the daily abuse that so many children endured, Ronnie decided that ‘the picture we have received of conditions at Gwynfa has been incomplete’ and ‘we have not attempted to reach detailed conclusions about the regime at Gwynfa’. Ronnie does have a bit of advice concerning Gwynfa though. He notes that it was staffed by male adult psychiatric nurses with no experience of child care, so he recommended that there should be more social services involvement, with trained residential care staff being introduced and that senior staff should have qualifications in residential child care. So instead of being assaulted by a bunch of former Denbigh nurses, the children could be assaulted by the sort of children’s social care staff that the rest of Ronnie’s Report was concerned with.

It seems that the abuses at Gwynfa only came to light when in Sept 1991 a former Gwynfa patient appeared on TV and a police investigation followed. Clwyd Health Authority reacted by ordering an investigation and a report from Irene Train, who was at the time of the Waterhouse Inquiry, Divisional General Manager (North) of Clwyd’s Community and Mental Health Unit. Irene featured in a previous blog post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’. In 1990 after Stephen Norris the Officer in Charge of a children’s home called Cartrefle had been convicted of sexual assault, the ACPC (Area Children’s Protection Committee) was asked to conduct a review. Irene Train was Vice-Chair – and then Chair – of the ACPC. She was at that time Director of Public Health Nursing in Clwyd Health Authority. So Irene was someone else who was in a very senior position, was very well-networked and even Chaired the ACPC – who was just so taken aback by all the allegations of violence and rape that emerged after people started appearing on TV and in the press. Irene presented ‘written evidence’ to the Tribunal informing Ronnie that: there was now ‘confidential free telephone facilities for patients to obtain individual counselling’; the development of child advocacy services; and that patients were informed of their right to have their complaints dealt with by the Chief Exec and a right of appeal to a non-executive director of the NHS Trust. Right – there is no confidentiality in the north Wales mental health services, the entire system works on gossip and rumour; hardly any of the ‘counsellors’ employed know anything about counselling, nearly all of them have been ‘trained’ by the same lame abusive idiots that have spawned the disaster in the first place; the ‘advocacy’ services positively ensure that no competent ‘advocate’ is ever employed and most of the ‘advocates’ are ‘service users’ themselves who are dependent upon the system and far too frightened to challenge it; the Chief Exec was Laurie Wood, who was ultimately responsible for the abusive services and who was very much part of the problem; a non-executive director of the NHS Trust will not step on anyone’s toes. So I really don’t think that Irene Train’s bright ideas were ever going to stop any future patients being abused.

So the children at Gwynfa were raped and assaulted and as with the children in care I expect that many – if not most of them – will be dead by now. What of those responsible for the ‘service’? Such as Dr Barry Kiehn, the child psychiatrist specifically responsible for the ‘therapeutic community’ that was Gwynfa? Barry Kiehn is now retired and living the life of Riley. His twitter feed informs us that he lives in Colwyn Bay (as so many featured in the wrongdoing detailed on this blog do) and he enjoys opera, classical music, ballet, art, ceramics, travel, languages, science and singing. How did such a cultured man stand by whilst his young patients were sexually assaulted and battered by a bunch of ageing thugs who had been transferred from the North Wales Hospital Denbigh? What about Irene, the most senior nurse responsible for those thugs? Irene is now retired but she keeps busy. In 2003-2004 she was Secretary for St David’s Promotions Ltd – that’s the fundraising bit of St David’s Hospice. The St David’s Hospice in Llandudno that gave the former manager of the Hergest Unit Alun Davies a job as Chief Exec after his corruption and mismanagement left the Hergest Unit a heap of smouldering rubble; the St David’s Hospice who, once Davies finally went, gave the dreadful Trystan Pritchard a job as Chief Exec – the Trystan who was responsible for lies, deceit and mismanagement when he worked at Ysbyty Gwynedd, the Trystan with Masonic connections who was on excellent terms with the regime of managers previously employed by the North West Wales NHS Trust. Please see post ‘The CEOs Of St David’s Hospice’ for more information. In 2006 however, Irene Train turned up as a company director, along with a Howard Geoffrey Train and a number of other people with the surname ‘Train’, of an outfit called H Domestic Agency Ltd. H Domestic Agency’s address is 99 Blimco Grove, Cambridge, should anyone wish to contact Irene and ask her a few questions about her glorious career in Clwyd. As for Nigel Mannering Berry, the pig who was ‘Principal Nursing Officer’ at Gwynfa, who oversaw the brutality and the abuse after gaining so much ‘experience’ at Denbigh – well he lives in Colwyn Bay as well. Specifically at 40 Yerburgh Avenue, Colwyn Bay, LL29 7NB. But guess what? Between 1993-94 Nigel was a Director of Colwyn Bay Masonic Hall! Ah, the Masons that never provided any sort of protective network at all for anyone involved in the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal – we know that because Ronnie confirmed in his Report that there was no evidence of Masonic links and so did Stephen Crabb, who was Secretary of State for Wales when the cover-up that covered up Ronnie’s cover-up, ie. the Macur Review, was published. I invite Ronnie and Stephen Crabb to do what I’ve just done, google Nigel Mannering Berry and read that very long list of names that are associated with the Colwyn Bay Masonic Hall – and that’s just the Colwyn Bay contingent. And if they’ve got time Ronnie and Stephen can google dear old Mrs Train and her former associates at St David’s Hospice – they’re all there, the elderly negligent fuckwits from yesteryear who brought the north Wales NHS to it’s knees.

There is of course one elderly negligent fuckwit who was in a senior management role with the Clwyd mental health services whilst horrors were being perpetuated at Gwynfa who has not yet been put out to grass. That is Dr Peter Higson, the current Chairman of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board. Let me remind you Higson: a 16 year old girl with depression raped twice; a 17 year old boy buggered; a seven year old boy fitted with a dog collar and led around on a lead; children dropped out of windows; hit with pool cues; regularly assaulted and beaten.

Waterhouse makes an passing observation regarding Gwynfa that I find telling. That most of the patients there were actually from Gwynedd – and that Barry Kiehn was categorised as a child psychiatrist employed by Gwynedd Health Authority. So it was those fine upstanding Top Doctors from Gwynedd who were referring children to a ‘hospital’ where they were beaten and raped.

Do all these people not owe the world an explanation? Or am I just being silly because they’re nice?

 

 

 

More Post-Waterhouse Glittering Careers

Recent posts have described how many of the people involved with the Waterhouse Inquiry found their careers heading for the stars soon after the whole shameful travesty. There were so many lawyers at the Inquiry – nearly all of them acting for the people accused of seriously abusing children or concealing the abuse – that until now I’ve only blogged about the most high profile or the names that I recognised. However I have been sufficiently intrigued by the way in which defending a bunch of vicious criminals acted as a booster to so many otherwise mundane legal careers that I’ve taken the opportunity to research a few more of the names involved. I have not been disappointed. So here we go.

Anna Pauffley QC. Anna represented over 100 people who had received ‘Salmon letters’. These were letters sent out to people who were alleged to be guilty of physical or sexual abuse of children or who were likely to be the subject of criticism. The Salmon letter recipients included people who had been named by the former children in care as having abused them – some of these people had already been convicted and even imprisoned by the time that the Waterhouse Report was completed. Other Salmon letter recipients were people who had witnessed or been told about abuse but who did nothing. So the Salmon letter recipients included some Grade A scumbags. Anna represented people who had punched and kicked children, who had raped or buggered them or forced them to participate in oral sex. If the former children in care were to be believed – and of course Anna’s job was to suggest that they weren’t – some of their abusers took them to other locations where they were molested by unknown people as well. One of the many people whom Anna represented was Lucille Hughes, former Director of Gwynedd Social Services, whom it was acknowledged even by Waterhouse had known that a paedophile ring was operating in the social services but who had not acted.

Sir Ronald Waterhouse devotes part of his report to thanking all the noble lawyers who worked so hard to defend the indefensible and noted that some of the witnesses ‘were subjected to necessarily severe cross-examination by Counsel for those against whom they made specific allegations’. Ronnie admitted that a number of witnesses found giving evidence so distressing that they were admitted as psychiatric emergencies, others became so distressed that dear old Ronnie just refused to accept their evidence, scores of others needed counselling to support them through the Inquiry and yet others were referred for long term mental health care. Others left the Inquiry ‘holding each other’, which Ronnie interpreted as meaning that they had ‘left something negative behind’, rather than that they had been just about destroyed. It’s OK though! Ronnie notes that ‘we believe however, that the satisfaction in their minds of knowing that they have been listened to will substantially outweigh the disadvantages of providing that evidence’. (Of course they were not at all satisfied when they read Ronnie’s report which dissed nearly all of them and whitewashed the biggest child abuse scandal that the UK had seen.) Ronnie was however very mindful indeed of the traumas that those accused of abusing the youngsters might experience. He observed that for the Salmon letter recipients the Tribunal was ‘a particularly anxious time’, but that ‘anxiety has been mitigated…by the Tribunal’s anonymity ruling…in respect of any person against whom an allegation of physical or sexual abuse had been or was likely to be made’. Ronnie also ‘exercised restraint in naming names’. I note that none of the paedophile gang or their friends needed emergency psychiatric treatment or left ‘holding each other’. They probably left uncorking the champagne.

So what became of Anna who defended Lucille et al by severely cross-examining anyone who dared allege that they’d been abused? Like Nicola Davies QC, Anna is now a Dame of course! She was appointed a High Court judge in 2003, although she did end up in hot water in 2015 when she publicly stated that it was ‘Okay for migrant families to hit their children’ (it’s their culture you see). Gov’t spokespeople were wheeled out to explain that child abuse was unacceptable from anyone. But what did the Gov’t expect from a woman who was made a Dame after psychologically assassinating people who relived details of the most horrific abuse – sensitivity???

Dame Anna was assisted in her defence of people who had done some pretty dreadful things by Rachel Langdale. Rachel was appointed a QC in 2009 and she now advertises herself as a specialist in Children’s Law. Last month she featured in ‘Counsel’ magazine maintaining that ‘The Only Way Is Ethics’, discussing the importance of in house ethics training, underlining the importance of Ethics Committees and discussing ‘the integrity which lies at the heart of the Bar’. So has Rachel finally seen the light? Or is she a hypocritical unscrupulous cow who’ll do anything to advance herself?

Alistair Webster QC. Alistair acted for the senior managers of Clwyd County Council. A previous post (‘Ain’t Nothing Clean – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists’) detailed just how culpable and either dishonest or incompetent these people were. Alistair is still going strong and is a Crown Court recorder. He is a member of the Liberal Democrat Lawyers Association and describes his fields as ‘commercial crime, crime and regulation’. He boasts that he has acted for the defence in ‘large drug conspiracies’ and many ‘gangland murders’. (Many people who grew up in care in Clwyd were found dead, sometimes shortly after giving evidence against their abusers.) In 2015/16 Alistair defended Indranee and Meghadeven Pumbien, who owned Briarwood Rest Home in Preston, when they were accused of the serious abuse of elderly people in their care, as well as perverting the course of justice. Among the allegations were that a 99 year old woman was burnt after being dropped into a bath of scalding water. Another elderly person had two inexplicable black eyes and bruising on their arms. Alistair also represents Top Doctors in trouble with the GMC, both at Tribunals and in the High Court. Alistair was assisted in his defence of the Clwyd senior managers by Suzanne Goddard. In 2015 she became a circuit judge on the Northern Circuit.

Andrew Caldecott QC. Caldecott appeared at the Waterhouse Inquiry to act for Gordon Anglesea. Anglesea had of course recently won a libel case after ‘Private Eye’ and others accused him of molesting boys in care. Anglesea was awarded almost £400,000 in damages. One of the men who gave evidence at the trial was found dead some weeks later. In 2016 Anglesea was convicted of sexually abusing boys in care and was imprisoned. Caldecott describes himself as a leader in the field of defamation and he also has an interest in human rights law no less. Caldecott acted for Constance Briscoe, the former barrister and judge, when Briscoe’s mother sued her for libel after Briscoe published a book maintaining that her mother had inflicted dreadful cruelty upon her when she was a child. Briscoe won the case. In 2014 Briscoe was imprisoned after being found guilty of perverting the course of justice in an unrelated case. She is now an ex-judge.

David Knifton. Knifton defended, among other people, Nefyn and June Dodd, who were accused again and again of serious physical violence against children resident at a children’s home in Bangor. One of Dodd’s specialities was to make children lick his boots or sometimes his bare feet. At one point a forged letter purporting to be from one of Dodd’s accusers was sent to Lucille Hughes in support of Dodd and his wife. Not only did Ronnie brush this piece of very incriminating evidence to one side but he decided not to believe numerous former residents who claimed to have been assaulted by Dodd and his wife. A number of former staff accused Dodd of brutality as well. One of my former neighbours used to work in the children’s home that Dodd managed and she described him as being a ‘total fascist’. Knifton was appointed a Crown and County Court Recorder in 2002. He advertises himself as a specialist in clinical negligence and personal injury.

Steven Crossley. Crossley represented Roger Saint, the foster carer who sexually assaulted children repeatedly but who was nonetheless allowed to adopt and foster again and again (see post ‘Tower Hamlets, Paul Boateng And Tessa Jowell’). Crossley represents Top Doctors and Angels in trouble at GMC and NMC hearings and also specialises in helping police officers who’ve ended up in hot water. He has defended a number of doctors and police officers accused of sexual assault.

Barrie Searle. Represented a number of ‘care workers’ accused of abuse at Waterhouse. These days Barrie represents Top Doctors and Angels in trouble with their regulatory bodies. Barrie is based in Manchester and is a recorder.

Theresa Pepper QC and Charles Gratwicke QC acted for ‘care workers’ accused of physical and sexual abuse. Theresa is now a recorder on the Northern Circuit. Charles Gratwicke QC is the resident judge at Chelmsford in Essex and led the tributes when a ‘controversial’ colleague retired. This colleague seems to have made some positively dangerous decisions with regard to people convicted of serious offences, including sexual ones. Not that Charles minded – he really liked this bloke because he was ‘his own man’ and Chelmsford was fortunate to have been graced with his presence.

Jodie Swallow represented the dreadful Stephen Norris, a truly hideous specimen who was described as coarse, obsessed with sex and unsuitable to work with children by his fellow paedophiles, so one can only marvel at the depths to which Norris must have sunk. He was one of the ‘care staff’ who had already been imprisoned by the time that the Inquiry was held, so I’m not sure why he actually needed Jodie to represent him. So where is Jodie now? She hasn’t gone far geographically. She is an honorary lecturer with the Criminal Justice Team at Glyndwr University in Wrexham and a part-time postgraduate student at Chester University. When she was working as a lawyer her ‘area of expertise’ was ‘dealing with cases of sexual abuse especially involving children’ – well yes, she represented the people who molested them. Jodie gave up practising law in 2001 because she wanted to spend more time with her young children. Presumably she wanted to give them a bit of high quality parenting lest they ended up in care in the hands of someone like Norris. Jodie managed to get on the Radio 4 sociology programme ‘Thinking Allowed’ last year, talking about women’s experience of domestic abuse. No doubt she kept very quiet about acting for Stephen Norris when she was chatting to Laurie Taylor.

Now we come onto a real star – the late Anthony Jennings. Jennings acted for Peter Howarth, one of the most notorious paedophiles who worked at Bryn Estyn. Before he molested boys at Bryn Estyn, Howarth molested boys at an approved school in Gateshead. Like Norris, Howarth was already in prison by the time the Waterhouse Inquiry was underway. One might have thought that representing Peter Howarth would not be the best career move, but it certainly didn’t hold Anthony Jennings back. Jennings died in 2008, but his obituaries have nothing but praise for him – he was clever, skilled, full of fun, ‘larger than life’. He became a QC in 2001 and in 2002 was given permission to try rape trials. In 2003 he was appointed a Crown Court recorder. So how did the man who defended Peter Howarth describe his area of expertise? Civil rights of course! Howarth’s civil rights presumably, not those of all the kids whom he molested. Jennings was well-known in legal circles, but he wasn’t half as well-known as one of his colleagues. Jennings was a co-founder of Matrix – the chambers where Cherie Booth aka Mrs Tony Blair practised…. They’ll have known each other well.

I’ve kept the most stunning example of career progression until the end of this post. The lucky winner of this award has got to be Fiona Walkingshaw. Fiona was de facto solicitor to the Tribunal and remained so until Ronnie handed over the final documented whitewash. Fiona worked for the Welsh Office, had been on secondment to Europe and then returned to help Ronnie out. So Fiona loyally assisted Ronnie as witnesses collapsed in distress, as they were hauled off as psychiatric emergencies, whilst Ronnie discredited nearly all of them yet described the paedophiles who wrecked their lives as ‘kind’ and ‘generous’ or ‘strict but fair’. So what is Fiona doing these days? She’s a counsellor, what else would she be? Not just any old counsellor though – Fiona is a tutor with the Psychosynthesis Trust. She specialises in ‘bereavement, issues of love and loss, working with children and young people’. She enjoys her work because it gives her the ‘opportunity to witness and support the journey of other souls who open themselves up to transformative compassion’. She’s not in Wales anymore, she’s based in the south east of England and is listed as holding sessions with the Croydon Young Persons Service for girls between 11 and 18 who are refuges and asylum seekers. I think that Fiona ought to get her arse back up to north Wales and quickly, because there’s a few souls up there who are on a journey after spending years being raped and buggered in the children’s homes. They didn’t experience much love, but there was an awful lot of loss and quite a bit of bereavement as well, particularly after five of them died all at once in an arson attack (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’). Come on Fiona, Wales needs you and your therapeutic skills – and of course the empathy and compassion that you’re advertising in your biography…

 

 

This Is What Happened To Nicola, Niclas, Merfyn, Joan and Kathryn

It seems that there is a limitless source of blogging material for me with regards to the trajectories of the careers of those who have somehow been involved in concealing the abuses of the children’s services and mental health services. An e mail from a reader yesterday prompted me to follow up a few more of the names who were listed in the Waterhouse Report as having provided legal advice for the various witnesses and parties involved in the Inquiry. There were of course many lawyers named – some of them local lawyers from practices in north west Wales who were personally known to me – but I’ll just provide details of some who are of particular interest here.

However, I’ll just kick off with a lawyer who was involved with the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal before it all got as far as the Public Inquiry – Nicola Davies QC. Readers may remember that Nicola was appointed by the Welsh Office during the Jillings investigation into child abuse in children’s homes in Clwyd County Council to examine the need for a public inquiry. Nicola’s conclusion was that a judicial inquiry ‘would not be in the public interest’ – although the next year William Hague announced that there would be one and soon afterwards appointed Sir Ronald Waterhouse and his panel.

So who was Nicola Davies QC? Well she was originally from Bridgend but studied law at Birmingham University. Nicola was considered to be a ‘medical specialist’. What was it that established Nicola’s reputation in this area? It was her acting as junior counsel for Dr Marietta Higgs and Dr Geoffrey Wyatt, the two paediatricians involved in the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal! The scandal that kicked off just after Alison Taylor – the whistleblowing social worker from north Wales – approached Margaret Thatcher and told her that she’d witnessed child abuse in north Wales, just as I started making representation about criminal activities in the mental health services and just at the time that Mary Wynch was winning in Court against the mental health services and Risley Remand Centre (please see post ‘A UK Network’). So Nicola represented two doctors who were widely criticised by other doctors, who precipitated a crisis and a national scandal, who undoubtedly removed some children from caring homes and accused innocent people of sexual abuse, whose actions led to a complete breakdown in working relationships between professionals in the region and within a few months, a Judicial Inquiry.  So that was the ‘expertise’ that the Welsh Office utilised and did initially rely upon in deciding whether to hold a Judicial Inquiry in north Wales.

Following her work for the Welsh Office, Nicola’s reputation grew and grew. She ‘played a part’ in the Bristol Heart Surgery scandal. From what I’ve read I presume that she represented some of the surgeons – the surgeons at the Bristol Royal Infirmary who carried out operations beyond their competence, who refused to listen to warnings and whose own ‘expertise’ lead to the deaths of a lot of children. A judicial review also resulted in Nicola quashing a decision to close some NHS paediatric surgery units. I suspect that case was actually the one that followed the aftermath of Bristol, in which Top Doctors from various paediatric surgery units tipped buckets of slurry over each other, all called each other dangerous and incompetent in an attempt to save their own unit and in the event no-one ever got to the bottom of any of it – just like Cleveland! Clearly by now Nicola was rapidly becoming the choice of any Top Doctor in the shit – she must have overtaken even Sir Robert Francis QC on that measure – and she  subsequently represented Professor Sir Roy Meadow before the GMC, at the High Court and at the Court of Appeal. Roy Meadow was the paediatrician who invented a psychiatric syndrome – Munchausen’s by proxy – and subsequently spouted made-up statistics in Court in his capacity as an ‘expert witness’ which led to a number of innocent women being jailed for murdering their children who had in fact died of other causes. The most high profile of these cases was Sally Clark, a solicitor who had lost two children due to cot death. Sally was crucified in the press, banged up, repeatedly physically attacked by other prisoners who believed that she was a murderer and by the time that her conviction was quashed had just about been destroyed. She died not long after being released. Before she died however, another Top Doctor, Professor David Southall, vented his spleen on the Clark family (they obviously hadn’t been through enough, only having lost two of their children and Sally having being wrongly convicted and imprisoned for double murder) and reported Sally’s husband for the murder of the children, on the grounds of absolutely no evidence at all. Neither Southall or Meadow crawled off under a stone to retire after this series of unimaginable misjudgements and cock-ups – after the GMC finally took action against them in the face of much public outrage, they both continued to max-out the various appeals processes until they were returned to the Medical Register. And it was Nicola whom Meadow used to do it. This was not yet the pinnacle of Nicola’s career however.

Nicola’s reputation was well and truly sealed when she defended a man called Harold Shipman. Readers may have heard of him. Nicola did her best, but he was of course found guilty. Now I suspect that if I had defended the UK’s biggest serial killer and lost the case, I’d be finished, but I’m glad to say that Nicola was made a Dame in 2010 – of course she was, what did any of us expect? She was described in ‘Wales Online’ as ‘the highest medical defence QC in the UK’ and a woman who had ‘broken many glass ceilings’. (I thought that there might be bit of a role model for all us other women in there somewhere.) Nicola could only travel upwards though – since 2014 she has been the Presiding Judge of the Wales Circuit. (She was appointed a judge a couple of years after telling everyone that holding an inquiry into the biggest child abuse scandal in the UK would not be in the public interest.) Nicola is an honorary fellow of the University of Cardiff. One can only hope that Nicola has a very powerful washing machine because she’ll have more blood on her than Lady Macbeth had.

The research for this post was prompted when a reader sent me some links concerning a branch of a bikers club in Colwyn Bay, the ‘Outlaws’, some of whom have been involved in organised crime. In June 2012, at Mold Crown Court, the police sought a serious crimes prevention order against two members of the ‘Outlaws’, Stuart Dawson and Adrian Sheriff, to prevent them participating in serious criminal activities upon their release from prison. Dawson had previously served five years in prison and Sheriff four years, for conspiring to supply amphetamines. Their arrests had followed the discovery of £20,000 worth of the drug at their North Wales clubhouse in Colwyn Bay and the clubhouse was described as a centre of illegal activity. At a previous trial involving Dawson, Judge Merfyn Hughes QC had stated that Dawson had used his position as European and Asian President of the ‘Outlaws’ to further his own criminal activities. At the trial in June 2012 the police requested that Dawson and Sheriff should be prevented from holding office in the club by Court Order. I bet they were surprised at the response of the judge, Niclas Parry – he told the police that such an Order would be ‘disproportionate’ and he then made a less restrictive Order, stating that Dawson and Sheriff mustn’t hold office or seek to hold office in the ‘Outlaws’, the ‘Hell’s Angels’ or ‘Black Pistons’, after ‘negotiations’ between the lawyers. The Order applying to Dawson ran until May 2015 and the one applying to Sheriff ran until May 2014. Judge Niclas Parry then thanked the barristers – and the defendants – for reaching the agreement and saving the Court from a ‘week long trial’. Yes, Niclas Parry allowed two people involved in serious organised crime on an international scale to arrange the terms of their own Court Orders and then thanked them for it. If Niclas Parry is ever the victim of crime and phones the police for help, I don’t expect they’ll be busting a gut to arrive at the scene of the crime at top speed – and he’d better be careful because the Orders that he put on Dawson and Sheriff expired ages ago. The ‘Outlaws’ don’t just have a cosy relationship with a judge in the region, the reader who sent me this story also sent me  a collection of photos of the ‘Outlaws’ at  a charity fundraiser with the Bryn y Maen RSPCA. Haven’t the RSPCA created enough bad publicity for themselves already?

So who is the judge who thanks organised criminals for allowing him to negotiate with them? Niclas Parry, before he was a judge, was one the many lawyers who was involved in the Waterhouse Inquiry. Parry was a solicitor advocate representing one of the witnesses, Stephen Norris. Stephen Norris had been employed at Bryn Estyn and later at the Cartrefle Community Home. Norris was so gross that even the other staff at those homes didn’t like him, describing him as coarse, unsuitable to work with children and obsessed with sex. When the members of a paedophile gang described someone in those terms even Ronald Waterhouse couldn’t ignore it. In 1990 Norris pleaded guilty to a number of sex offences at Chester Crown Court and was sentenced to three and a half years in prison. This case sparked off a police investigation and before he had finished his sentence Norris was charged with numerous more offences and in 1993 pleaded guilty at Knutsford Crown Court to three offences of buggery, one offence of attempted buggery and three indecent assaults. He pleaded not guilty to ten other counts. Norris was sentenced to seven years in prison and the ten counts to which he’d pleaded not guilty were ordered to remain on file. The Waterhouse Tribunal however heard about a lot more wrongdoing on the part of Norris than this. Norris himself admitting committing offences from 1980 onwards. Witnesses told the Tribunal that Norris repeatedly molested them in the showers, in the bedrooms, in his caravan and on a smallholding that he owned. They also told of physical violence from Norris and one claimed that Norris had threatened him with a shotgun – but Ronnie didn’t believe that, in the way that he chose not to believe so much of what former residents of children’s homes told him. One witness explained that Norris took him to a large house in Chester where he was buggered by Norris and the occupier and shown pornographic films involving children. On another occasion Norris arranged for a man to pick him up, who then took him to Chirk and sexually assaulted him. This witness also told Waterhouse that Peter Howarth – another member of staff at Bryn Estyn who was in prison for sexually assaulting the boys in his care by the time that the Inquiry was underway – and Norris tried to get him to recruit boys for sexual purposes. If I was leading an Inquiry into sexual abuse in a region where it was alleged that influential public figures were abusing children, that a paedophile ring was in operation and that staff in the children’s homes might be involved with a gay prostitution and child pornography racket I’d be quite interested in this witnesses story. But Ronnie pointed out that there was no evidence to corroborate it and furthermore this witness was under psychiatric care. Which says it all. (This was not the only witness who talked about being taken to other locations where they were molested by strangers. Ronnie didn’t give them the time of day either.)

So that’s who Niclas Parry represented at the Tribunal. But I think that Niclas might have actually known old Ronnie Waterhouse before that Tribunal. This blog has made it eminently clear just what a small world it is in north Wales and the legal world in north Wales is even smaller. Ronnie himself grew up in Flintshire, was very locally rooted and retained numerous links there throught his life. Niclas came from Flintshire as well! He was born in Halkyn and went to school in Mold, where his parents were teachers. Niclas even managed to become head boy in the school in which his mum was head of English! Niclas maintains that it was his mum who inspired him to follow a legal career – his mum had legal connections, she was a magistrate! Niclas studied law at Abersytwyth, like so many featured on this blog and whilst he was there was head warden of Pantycelyn, the well-known Welsh speaking hall of residence which was the site of many language protests. After graduation, Niclas undertook his training as a solicitor with a firm called Llewellyn Jones and Co in Mold, under the late W. Armon Ellis and became a partner there, only leaving in 2010.

It’s worth me saying a bit about Armon Ellis, Niclas’s mentor. Armon also read law at Aberystwyth. He was born in Flintshire as well, near Holywell and attended the same school as Ronnie Waterhouse, Holywell Grammar, although he was thirteen years older than Ronnie. In 1946, after serving in the war, he joined the Mold law firm of the local MP, Llewellyn Jones, becoming a senior partner. In the 1970s he was one of the first solicitors to act as a deputy circuit judge. He was a Councillor with Flintshire County Council between 1950 and 1974 and between 1974 and 1977 he served on Clwyd County Council. So Niclas’s mentor was right in the thick of it whilst children in the care of those councils were abused for years – and he’ll have known the dipsticks who ran the social service depts of those councils who were steeped in incompetence and nepotism as described in my post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’. Armon Ellis was described in his obituary as being immersed in and dedicated to the Welsh language and Welsh culture – it is even mentioned that he was born on St David’s Day. Presumably Armon Ellis arranged that whilst he was still in the womb. The writer of that obituary stated that Armon Ellis served for years as the Chairman of a ‘progressive education committee’ which gave education chiefs Hadyn Williams and Moses Jones support in establishing Welsh medium education. Which is laudable, but whilst they were doing that they failed to notice that the molesting of children less fortunate than their own was rife. Armon Ellis had an interest in politics and stood unsuccessfully in Flintshire for the Liberal Party in the general elections of 1950 and 1951. (Ronnie Waterhouse was the Labour candidate for West Flintshire in 1959.) That would be during the time that the Liberal Party provided a home for Jeremy Thorpe and Cyril Smith. Armon Ellis was a keen Eisteddfodwr. He was the honorary solicitor to the National Eisteddfod, the chairman of the executive committee at Flint in 1969 and the vice-president at Mold in 1991. Niclas is an Eisteddfodwr as well. He was President of the National Eisteddfod in Denbigh in 2013 and has been stage leader at the National Eisteddfod, the Urdd Eisteddfod and the Llangollen International Eisteddfod. Ronnie Waterhouse liked Eisteddfodau too! He was the President of the Llangollen International Eisteddfod 1994-1997. Now anyone who knows anything about Eisteddfodau knows that they take a huge amount of organising, rehearsing and work in general and if you are an enthusiastic Eisteddfodwr you will know everyone else involved, including across different generations. Niclas will have had to have worked very hard indeed not to have known Ronnie and Ronnie will have had to have worked very hard not to have known Armon Ellis. They are different generations of a very similar sort of person.

Indeed the founder of Llewellyn Jones solicitors firm was an earlier version of Ronnie/Armon Ellis/Niclas. He was Frederick Llewellyn-Jones, who was born in Bethesda back in 1866 and who died in 1941. He went to Bala College and then studied law at Aberystwyth. He married a woman from Ruthin which is perhaps why he ended up in the north east of Wales. He was the Liberal and then Liberal National MP for Flintshire. Llewellyn-Jones was a Governor of both Aberystwyth and Bangor Universities, a member of the Holywell School Board, had positions with the Ministry of Health, was a Governor of the Welsh National Museum and the National Library of Wales and was a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards. Niclas, several generations later, is a member of the Gorsedd. of the Bards.

I could continue to map the connections between people with these interests for eternity. J.E. Daniel, one of the founders of Plaid and father of the corrupt judge Huw who has done so much himself to conceal the wrongdoing of those we know and love, was a professor at Bala College (later known as the Bala-Bangor College); I also seem to remember that the election literature sent out by Alun Ffred Jones, former leader of Gwynedd County Council and then AM for Arfon, brother of Dafydd Iwan, also a former leader of Gwynedd County Council and former President of Plaid, mentioned that their father had a connection to the Bala-Bangor College. I sometimes wonder why people get so excited about alleged masonic links, because there are so many other commonalities between so many of those we know and love and the people who colluded with them. Now I don’t really mind if everyone with an interest in the Welsh language or literature or history or Welsh institutions or Eisteddfodau hobnobs together, because I’m quite interested in those things as well so I can understand that there will be certain places and institutions to which people with such interests will gravitate towards. However, the sort of inner circle from which Ronnie and Armon Ellis and Niclas have emanated is very cliquey. The one thing that those outside the circle notice is that there is definitely a preservation of the influential positions for the offspring of those within the circle. (This phenomenon is written all over Niclas’s biography.) I know an excellent sociologist of Wales who spent forty years studying this and he once observed that these people were actually Tories. They’d never identify as such because they identify as Welsh, but their values are Tory and the biggest clue of all is that it will be their children who will take over the positions of power from them. Thus Niclas ends up as a solicitor advocate defending a scumbag who grossly abused people from backgrounds far less fortunate than Niclas’s or Ronnie’s or Armon Ellis’s et al. And the whole lot of them did a really big favour for a Tory Gov’t who would have done just about anything to keep the lid on a major scandal that had been allowed to get completely out of control under Margaret Thatcher’s administration.

Of course Niclas didn’t remain a solicitor advocate. Like all the other people involved with the Waterhouse Inquiry, he ended up with a nice little number for himself. He became a judge on the Wales Circuit and sits in the Crown Court, mostly in north Wales. He has also been a member of the S4C authority and is of course well-known for being a commentator on Welsh football. I knew someone a few years ago who told me that Niclas has a reputation in Court for being very grandiose and pompous. I’m not sure that anyone who, as a career move, defended a man who buggered, molested and violently assaulted scores of children over a period of many years – and almost certainly did far worse as well even if Ronnie wouldn’t admit it – has anything to be grandiose or pompous about.

The rather more rational judge involved in the action against the ‘Outlaws’ bikers club also starred at the Waterhouse Inquiry, Merfyn Hughes QC. Merfyn was counsel for the six Local Authorities that succeeded Gwynedd and Clwyd County Councils (Gwynedd and Clwyd Councils were conveniently dissolved in a reorganisation in 1996 just as the sheer scale of the child abuse that had gone on started to dawn on everyone). The solicitor representing those six successor authorities who instructed Merfyn was the crooked solicitor Ron Evans, who had previously been County Secretary and Solicitor for Gwynedd County Council. Ron’s name is all over the documents that I have relating to the many attempts that Gwynedd Social Services made to land me in hot water, which involved their staff perjuring themselves on every occasion. It is very clear from the documents that I have that Lucille Hughes had a hotline to Ron Evans and Ron was fully aware of the scale of the wrongdoing – my documents suggest that Ron was actually the Brains behind the whole lot of Lucille’s gang. I have provided full details of Ron Evans’s involvement in the posts that describe my legal battles with Gwynedd Social Services. Merfyn was another who rose to the top in the years following Waterhouse. In 2010 he was appointed Resident Judge for North Wales. He retired in 2014 and was replaced by Rhys Rowlands. Rhys was, a long time ago, the prosecuting solicitor for the North Wales Police. He was called to the Bar in 1986 and worked from chambers in Chester. So he’ll have been working for the North Wales Police when they were quietly ignoring the presence of a paedophile ring on their patch and arresting youngsters for ludicrous offences who happened to have complained about being molested; when the police were returning injured children to the homes where they had been molested after they had run away, without asking any questions; when Gordon Anglesea, a senior policeman, was abusing children himself; when Mary Wynch and others were being unlawfully arrested and detained in the North Wales Hospital. Rhys will have known about all of it. Then he’ll have seen the end result when he was a barrister and judge – he sat at Crown Courts in Caernarfon and Mold – the people that lot stitched up appearing in Court and often going to prison. Merfyn himself was the judge who presided over the notorious Ched Evans rape case at Caernarfon Crown Court in 2012. Evans always protested his innocence – he did fess up that it was all a bit sordid, a drunken gang bang with people whom he didn’t know – but he robustly maintained that he did not rape anyone. His conviction was quashed in 2016, a retrial was held in Cardiff and he was subsequently found not guilty. Merfyn is another lawyer who was born into a family with legal connections. In 2014 there was a gathering at Mold County Court for a special eulogy in honour of a retired judge who had recently died, David Morgan Hughes QC. The tributes were led by one Mrs Justice Nicola Davies and Merfyn was in attendance – the dead judge was his uncle.

Ron Evans instructed another QC to act for the six successor Local Authorities as well – from April 1998 Joan Butler acted for them. Joan became a QC in 1999, whilst she was working on the Inquiry – just like Patricia Scotland became a Baroness whilst she was acting for the Welsh Office at the Inquiry! Also in 1999 Joan was appointed  as a legal member of the restricted patients panel (Mental Health Review Tribunal). A lot of those restricted patients will have been people who were abused as children in care, perhaps some of whom were abused whilst in care in north Wales. Joan became a Circuit Judge in 2002 and was the designated family judge for Nottingham in 2003. She retired as a circuit judge in Feb 2017.

The insurance company Municipal Mutual were represented at the Inquiry. They were of course right in the thick of it, having been Clwyd County Council’s insurers who threatened to refuse to stump up the compensation to the kids who had been abused if the Jillings Report was ever made public and stated that they would pass liability onto the Councillors themselves, raising the spectre of the Councillors being made bankrupt and losing their homes. It was also Municipal Mutual who wanted Councillor Malcolm King sacked if he revealed the contents of the Report, Malcolm King having already made a nuisance of himself by asking rather a lot of questions about all these kids who claimed to have been abused and the staff who ended up in prison for offences against children. From April 1998 Kathryn Thirlwall QC was counsel for Municipal Mutual. Kathryn is described as a ‘specialist in abuse litigation’. I have found details of two cases that Kathryn has been involved in and as with her work with Waterhouse, Kathryn was not using her expertise to represent people who had been abused, she was acting for organisations responsible for children who had employed paedophiles. That’s the way to advance though. Whilst working on the Inquiry in 1998 Kathryn was appointed an assistant recorder and in April 2010 she was appointed a High Court Judge, Lady Justice Thirlwall! She was appointed to the Court of Appeal for England and Wales in Feb 2017.

Just a few lines about a couple of other names that jumped out at me as I was reading the Waterhouse Report. The North Wales Police were represented by Andrew Moran QC who was instructed by Peter Cowan. Peter Cowan describes himself as a specialist in ‘professional negligence’ and ‘ actions involving the police’. The North Wales Police obviously felt a bit culpable then.

I have mentioned in previous posts how children from all over the UK were placed by Local Authorities in north Wales, many of them from the London boroughs. I suspect that Tower Hamlets in particular must have sent a lot, because they thought it worth their while sending a solicitor and counsel to the Inquiry. The counsel who acted for Tower Hamlets was Bryan McGuire, who is now dead. McGuire’s obituary describes him as being ‘instrumental in many of the changes and developments in public law in recent years, particularly in the fields of…children’s services’…’he sought to improve Local Authority services for the vulnerable’. Of course, that’s why he turned up at the Inquiry to act for a council which had sent the children in it’s care into the embrace of a brutal paedophile gang. McGuire became a QC in 2010. I did wonder whether there were any high profile Councillors responsible for this fuckwitted decision in Tower Hamlets who later became big names, in the way that Margaret Hodge, Tessa Jowell and Ken Livingstone were involved in some rather shameful things earlier in their careers. My co-researcher has sent me the list of Tower Hamlets Councillors  dating back to the 60s and I don’t recognise any of the names on there from the 70s, 80s and early 90s, which will have been the years when children were sent into danger. However, it’s noticeable that there were frequently Councillors representing the National Front or BNP and they often polled a lot of votes, in one election topping the poll. In later years there are of course references to Councillors who were disqualified as a result of electoral fraud – Tower Hamlets was a Council that saw a number of such scandals and was of course host to the notorious Latfur Rahman. So it was a troubled and of course a very, very poor borough, for many years the poorest in the UK. I did recognise the names of the MPs for the area though – Ian Mikardo and Peter Shore, both Labour. Mikardo was on the left of the party and Shore was a maverick. Shore was a member of Wilson’s Gov’t between 1974-76 and Callaghan’s Gov’t between 1976-79. Both of these administrations – substantially through the Welsh Office – concealed some terrible things in the children’s services and mental health services in north Wales. In later years the dreadful Oona King was elected and then defeated by the even more dreadful George Galloway. I can’t see any connections between anyone down there and those we know and love in north Wales however. I do wonder if kids from Tower Hamlets who had been abused would even have got as far as their MP – they may not even have felt able to do that. Tower Hamlet’s has had some child abuse scandals of it’s own. It managed the St Leonards Home in Essex which was closed down in the 1990s after a number of staff were imprisoned for abusing children. In 2014 there were also allegations that Jimmy Savile had frequented facilities managed by Tower Hamlets. There was one other interesting feature about Tower Hamlets – it was a stronghold of certain Top Doctors. The Royal London Hospital was there, as was Barts. I am absolutely certain that those we know and love will have had a contact down there – if anyone can give me any information, do drop me a line. The only one tentative link that touches on the contents of this blog is that Ian Mikardo and his wife died in Cheshire, where I can only assume they had retired. The tentacles of the north Wales paedophile ring did of course reach out into Cheshire – John Allen set up a branch of the Bryn Alyn Community there and dear old Lucille Hughes was a senior manager in Cheshire Social Services before she returned to Gwynedd to facilitate the paedophile ring on her home turf. It’s a long shot, but you never know…

 

When I told someone earlier who I would be blogging about in this post I received an e mail saying ‘jolly good, that lot are undoubtedly part of the equation of injustice and criminality spanning decades in north Wales’.

As for all these proud patriots who love the Welsh language and Welsh culture and showed their commitment to these things by concealing a network of vicious criminals who were serving up children to members of the British establishment, I only need point to Dr Dafydd Alun Jones. Who once stood for Plaid, who shamelessly traded on his credentials as a Welsh speaker from north Wales and who at one point was telling English people that if they wanted mental health care they should go back to England. Yet at the same time, Dafydd was travelling to England to hold private clinics for English people and charging them a lot of money for doing this – whilst he was being paid to hold NHS clinics in Ysbyty Gwynedd for which he simply never turned up. He also has probably imported more people with drug problems and mental health problems from English metropolitan areas in order to pile them high in his ‘nursing homes’ or use his ‘substance abuse services’ than any other person in Wales. Whilst at the same time helping his mistress Lucille Hughes conceal the paedophile ring that she knew was in operation when she was Director of Gwynedd Social Services. No doubt when Dafydd finally turns his toes up, his fellow patriots will all be flying the Ddraig Goch at half mast. Whilst the rest of Wales cracks open the champagne.

 

 

It’s A Piece Of Cake…

Recently I listened to an interview on the ‘Today’ programme with a very angry Rabbi Laura Janner-Klausner, daughter of the late Lord Greville Janner. Laura was fuming over what she alleged was the smearing of her late father, a Labour politician, whom she described as ‘great and good’. Janner of course has been the centre of a number of allegations that he sexually abused children in Leicestershire and was linked with Frank Beck, a Leicestershire social worker who in 1991 was imprisoned for abusing children in care. Janner and his other daughter Marion, as well as Marion’s ’emotional support dog’ who has also starred on Radio 4, featured in my previous post ‘Sisters Are Indeed Doing It For Themselves…’. Although Laura robustly defended her father maintaining that he was an innocent man targeted by malicious liars, she failed to mention that the reasons why her father wasn’t prosecuted for sexually molesting children were the serial failures of the CPS. Laura maintained that the allegations against Janner caused a deterioration in his Alzheimers and his doctor had confirmed that. Before Janner died there was of course going to be a ‘trial of the facts’ in his case because medical evidence had deemed him unfit to stand trial. Some of that medical evidence was contested in Court. Although Laura fumed away, she also displayed a triumphalist note, stating that her father’s accusers had now dropped their civil cases against his estate. That Laura is just as likely to be down to the fact that your brother is a barrister who made an awful lot of noise about challenging your father’s accusers, than to your father’s accusers being a bunch of liars. Laura is now fighting to have all references to the allegations against her father erased from the Independent Inquiry Into Child Sexual Abuse and she may well be successful, as that Inquiry is falling apart anyway. During her interview Laura expressed some very interesting ideas about the ease of securing a conviction against someone and/or suing them for historical child abuse. According to Laura it’s a pushover – one just makes serious unfounded allegations, one doesn’t even have to appear in Court and hey presto, job done. An innocent peer convicted! She of course made reference to ‘compensation culture’ and assured the listeners that there are lawyers throughout the nation encouraging such claims. I’ve got news for Laura – for most of my adult life I lived in north Wales, the region which saw the worst child abuse scandal in the UK and I never once saw a lawyer begging people to come forward with allegations of abuse. What I did witness though was some of the former residents of the homes where abuse had happened unlawfully detained and discredited by the mental health services, denied care for their very serious distress, repeatedly arrested for ludicrous ‘offences’ and smeared and harassed by the welfare services. A number of people among that group known to me are dead, as are even more people not personally known to me. Some of them were found dead in very suspicious circumstances. The managers of the ‘services’ hosting this abuse were never prosecuted and did not even lose their jobs. Neither did the scores of public servants who knew what was happening but failed to act. Most of the politicians charged with ultimately overseeing those public servants ended up in the House of Lords and may very well have been mates with Greville himself. The one politician whom it is acknowledged was having sex with underage boys and visiting children’s homes in north Wales, Peter Morrison MP, ended up as Sir Peter Morrison and obtained roles as Margaret Thatcher’s Parliamentary Private Secretary and Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party. The children who were abused in those homes, if they managed to stay alive and out of prison, usually ended up living in not very salubrious accommodation on low incomes. They certainly led very different lives to Laura, who went to Cambridge University and is now a regular on the BBC, which gives her a voice denied to people who have been abused whilst in ‘care’. Laura is now writing a book about ‘resilience’ – I wonder who is more resilient, the Cambridge educated daughter of a member of the House of Lords, or someone who spent their childhood being molested by those paid to care for them, denied mental health care for the distress that this caused and was then kicked out into the world at 16 or 17 into substandard accommodation to live on benefits. Now Laura, who do you think has come out of all of this smiling then? Oh and it’s highly unlikely that the kids growing up in care happen to have a barrister in the family to fight their corner either.

The enormities of Laura’s fantasies were impressed upon me in the hours after she gave that interview, when I read the Jillings Report in detail. I have mentioned the Jillings Report previously – it was the first external investigation into child abuse in children’s homes managed by Clwyd County Council and covered the period 1974-1995. The findings of the Report were so damning that the Council’s insurers, Municipal Mutual, on the advice of their lawyers, Browne Jacobson, ordered it never to be made public on the grounds that what had happened was indefensible and everyone involved would be at risk of being sued to such an extent that they would be personally bankrupted. Limited extracts from the Report were made available to a small number of people in 1996 and nearly all copies of the Report were pulped. However, years later, in the wake of constant allegations that the subsequent Waterhouse Report had been a cover-up and that public figures had been involved in a paedophile ring operating in children’s homes in north Wales, someone managed to locate a copy of the Report and it was eventually released, although very heavily redacted, in 2013. Lest Laura Janner-Klauser has actually convinced anyone that it’s a piece of cake for people who have once been in care to make themselves heard when they make allegations that they were sexually abused, I will provide a review of the Jillings Report here – of course I only have a copy of the redacted version, which removed the names of the people most culpable. The version is very heavily redacted at that, pages and pages are blacked out. Nonetheless, what remains is very incriminating indeed.

The Jillings Report was commissioned by Clwyd County Council after a number of their staff had been imprisoned for serious sexual assaults on children in care and it was realised that twelve young people who were former residents of children’s homes in Clwyd had been found dead. The London-based media had started to take an interest in what was happening and allegations of a paedophile ring involving senior public figures were being made. Clwyd County Council could no longer keep a lid on it all, so they commissioned an independent panel led by John Jillings, the former Director of Derbyshire Social Services, to investigate. The other members of the panel consisted of Gerrilyn Smith, a clinical psychologist with much experience in working with survivors of child sexual abuse and Professor Jane Tunstill, a social work academic who had been employed by the University of East Anglia and was then appointed to a Chair at Keele. The panel carried out their investigation between March 1994 and December 1995 – their report was completed in February 1996.

The panel were constrained from the outset. Municipal Mutual refused to allow them to issue a public notice in advance of their investigation lest too many witnesses turned up. The newly appointed Chief Constable of the North Wales Police, Michael Argent, refused to co-operate with them and the police withheld 130 boxes of evidence. The non-co-operation of the police was seen to be significant because there were constant allegations that not only had the police known about the scale of the abuse and failed to act but that some officers themselves had been involved. Gordon Anglesea, a senior officer with the North Wales Police, had famously won a libel case against Private Eye and the Independent in December 1994, after they accused him of abusing children in care. The man who gave evidence that Anglesea had abused him, Mark Humphreys, was found dead on 2 February 1995, after the trial. Anglesea was eventually convicted of child abuse and imprisoned last year, but died a few months after beginning his sentence. Some staff representing other organisations and former staff of Clwyd refused to meet the Jillings panel. The documentation that they received from Clwyd Social Services was incomplete, muddled and frequently unsigned and undated. The panel were obstructed to such a degree that they considered resigning, but persevered because they knew that due to the forthcoming local government re-organisation Clwyd County Council would cease to exist beyond March 1996 and there may well have been no further possibility of an investigation. What they did not know was that Municipal Mutual were going to suppress their report anyway. Municipal Mutual did try and place a number of other constraints upon the panel from the outset, but they fought back against this.

The problems in Clwyd had been attributed to Clwyd providing large residential care facilities that were difficult to manage, that took children from within the county as well as from across Wales and England. There were very serious problems at Bryn Estyn, a former Home Office run approved school in Wrexham, where members of staff had been imprisoned for child abuse. It was said that staff existed who used ‘old methods’ of discipline and ‘found it difficult to adapt to new Department of Health regulations’. Translated this meant that some staff violently assaulted children, punching them in the face, stomach and groin, ordering other older or bigger/tougher children to assault them, ordering children to urinate and defaecate on each other or forcing them to carry out arduous tasks. As well as raping them, sodomising them, groping them and forcing them to perform oral sex with staff. Even if the ‘old fashioned’ staff hadn’t been doing all this, by the 1990s it was accepted that aggregating deprived and troubled young people into large residential establishments, often located in remote rural areas, was inappropriate. Furthermore in many of the homes sexual abuse between the children was endemic, as many of them were victims who had evolved into perpetrators. There were no programmes in existence in Clwyd to address sexual offending by juveniles.

There had been numerous convictions of child care workers in Clwyd. William Mars-Jones had presided over the trial of Jackie Thomas in 1986 (she was convicted of indecent assault on a boy in care) – when in Jan 1987 David Gillison, a former member of staff at Bryn Estyn, was convicted of gross indecency, Mars-Jones requested an inquiry by Clwyd County Council, because it was noted that Thomas and Gillison were linked. Frederick Rutter had worked at Bryn Estyn between 1982 and 1983 and afterwards at other establishments managed by Clwyd Social Services, as well as at the privately owned Bryn Alyn Community (whose owner John Allen was also imprisoned for the sexual abuse of children in care). In 1988 Frederick Rutter was appointed as the warden at Pen-y-Llan hostel, managed by the Clwyd and Alyn Housing Association. In July 1991 he was convicted of rape and indecent assault on young women. It came to light that not only had he been given a reference to obtain the job at the Housing Association despite concerns about him and that there were ‘irregularities’ in that reference, but he had formerly been a probationary police officer but had chosen to resign at the end of his probationary period rather than be dismissed.

On 17 July 1991 a letter from Roger Davies in his capacity as Clwyd County Secretary and Solicitor was sent to the Chief Constable of North Wales Police – I think at the time that would have been David Owen – expressing deep concern at the abuse that had taken place and raising the possibility that a paedophile ring was in operation. An investigation was undertaken by a specially established police team, led by Detective Superintendent Ackerly, which lasted over three years. In March 1992, 17 people were arrested and detained for questioning. Jillings states that former social services staff were charged with physical and sexual offences regarding Bryn Estyn. The names Stephen Norris, Peter Howarth and Paul Bicker Wilson are given, but the fourth name is redacted – however other information available suggests that it was probably David Birch (who was later acquitted of offences against children). Although there was also very serious concern concerning the Bryn Alyn Community and the activities of its proprietor John Allen, who was alleged to have been running a porn and gay prostitution empire, this was considered to be outside the scope of the panel. However although Bryn Alyn was privately owned, many links existed between Bryn Alyn and the statutory sector. Clwyd County Council maintained that they were in favour of the Welsh Office holding a major public inquiry because of the possibility of a paedophile ring.

Alison Taylor, the former Gwynedd County Council social worker who had been the first person to blow the whistle on the paedophile ring that was operating in north Wales, submitted her 1991 dossier of concerns to the Jillings panel. They wrote to Lucille Hughes, Director of Gwynedd Social Services and on 1 May 1995 the Deputy Director of Gwynedd Social Services wrote back to the panel stating that Alison Taylor’s allegations were made known to the police and the Welsh Office, had been fully investigated and that no charges had been brought. (The name of the Deputy Director of Social Services is not given, but I suspect that it might have been the dreadful Rob Evans, who in his capacity as Deputy Director, was also concealing abuse in the mental health services in Gwynedd.) In 2000 the Waterhouse Report named Lucille Hughes as knowing that a paedophile ring had been in operation in the social services but had failed to respond. There were cross county placements of children between Gwynedd and Clwyd.

In their report, the panel refer to the Hughes Report of 1985, concerning the abuse of children in N Ireland, the Staffordshire Social Services Dept ‘Pin-Down’ Report of 1991 and the Report following the major inquiry into Frank Beck’s activities in Leicestershire in 1992. They mention that there are currently extensive police enquiries underway in five local authorities in England and that the Department of Health have admitted that there is a ‘significant problem’. The panel note that since 1977, 10 people working in children’s establishments in Clwyd had been charged with offences against children in care, including five past or present members of staff at Bryn Estyn. The panel make reference to the adolescent unit run by the NHS, the Gwynfa Unit. I seem to remember that it was the Gwynfa Unit that was located at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. Presumably this is the ‘young persons unit’ that Mary Wynch told me about, where Dr Dafydd Alun Jones (the one time partner of Lucille Hughes) encouraged the young people to have sex with each other as staff watched the live sex show. The panel conclude that there was widespread and extensive abuse in children’s homes in Clwyd but that they were unable to address the question of whether public figures were involved. They discovered that there had been ten previous internal investigations into abuse in the children’s homes and an investigation into Bryn Estyn in 1971.

Some of the key managers involved in running the ‘services’ during the period of time under investigation were:

Emlyn Evans, Director of Social Services 1974-1980, Gledwyn Jones, Director of Social Services 1980-1991, John Jevons, Director of Social Services 1991-1995. (Upon the receipt of this devastating report and the dissolving of Clwyd County Council days later, John Jevons then took up the appointment of Director of Social Services for Cardiff. Perish the thought that anyone should actually resign.) Emlyn Evans, Gledwyn Jones and John Jevons had all worked within the system for years and had achieved their position as a result of internal promotions so presumably had something to do with the mess. Before the formation of Clwyd County Council in 1974, Both Emlyn Evans and Gledwyn Jones had been senior managers with Denbighshire Social Services. So they’ll have known Dafydd and T. Gwynne Williams the lobotomist then! Emlyn will have known Dafydd and the lobotomist very well indeed, mental health was his remit. Leta Jones, a former children’s officer for Denbighshire was retained in a senior post in Clwyd, responsible for children’s services. At the time of the panel’s investigation, the Chief Exec of Clwyd County Council was Roger Davies – he had previously been the County Secretary and Solicitor.

Some of the previous internal investigations into child abuse that the panel discovered were an investigation into the employment of David Gillison and Jackie Thomas in Jan 1987 and the establishment of a panel in Dec 1988 by Gledwyn Jones to investigate the sexual assault of a girl at Park House, Prestatyn. This panel included Andrew Loveridge (Assistant County Secretary, Clwyd) and Keith MacKenzie (Assistant Director UK West, National Children’s Homes). They also stumbled across the Cartrefle Report, which alone gave an insight into just how bad the problems in Clwyd were. Cartrefle was a home that was closed in 1993, which employed Stephen Norris as its officer in charge. Norris was convicted in October 1990 and subsequently imprisoned. In July 1990, Norris appeared in Court charged with sexual offences. In August 1990, the Chief Inspector of the Welsh Office Social Services Inspectorate (SSIW), David Evans, wrote to the Director of Social Services, Gledwyn Jones, requesting details. Yet on 18 Oct 1990, Evans declined a request from Clwyd themselves requesting a Welsh Office inspection, after Norris’s conviction. Instead, a review by the Area Child Protection Committee (ACPC) was ordered. So reports were commissioned from John Banham (who had formerly worked with Cheshire Social Services), Dr Kathleen Dalzell from the District Health Authority and David Lund from Clwyd County Council Education Dept. Their reports formed individual sections of an overarching report from the Cartrefle Panel of Inquiry, which was appointed in June 1991. The members of this panel were: Hywel Ellis Hughes (former County Secretary and Solicitor for Gwynedd County Council and Secretary to North Wales Probation Committee), Susan Mead (Chief Inspector to Social Services Inspection Division of Birmingham City Council), Dr David Roberts (Consultant in Public Health Medicine in Gwynedd Health Authority), Gareth Jones (Head of Ysgol John Bright, Llandudno) and Christopher Allen (Divisional Officer, Dyfed Social Services Dept). Some of these names and the areas from which they hailed rang bells for me. Kathleen Delzell from Clwyd Health Authority – the Health Authority that covered up for Dafydd Alun Jones as he illegally imprisoned people in the North Wales Hospital where they were then abused and sexually exploited. Hywel Ellis Hughes – the crooked solicitor previously featured on this blog (please see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’) who had a hotline to Lucille Hughes and who was prepared to assist people whom he knew were perjuring themselves in Court in order to imprison people who had complained about Gwynedd Social Services and the mental health services. Susan Mead from Birmingham – well there were a few corrupt people in Birmingham doing a few corrupt people in north Wales favours (please see posts ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’ and ‘Amber Rudd, The Miners Strike And A Memory Jogged’). Dr David Roberts – his name crops up in my own medical records as someone providing advice regarding the numerous attempts to conceal the wrongdoing in the mental health services and have me imprisoned for crimes that everyone knew that I had not committed. What an excellent choice of people to conduct an investigation into a violent sexual offender who was employed in a children’s home! I wonder how a man like that ever ended up there with those paragons of virtue on hand to proffer advice. As for Gareth Jones – as a headmaster he would I assume know how unacceptable sexually molesting children in your care is. Gareth later became the Plaid AM for Aberconwy – his successful campaign was attributed to him running on an ‘I love the NHS’ ticket – and very recently was appointed as leader of Conwy County Council! Is it not time for you to go public on some of what you knew to be going on in the NHS and social care services Gareth? The Jillings Report mentions that the ACPC itself was ‘marginalised’ – but they were as utterly hopeless and as compromised as everyone else. It is mentioned that the Chair of the ACPC was a Mrs Train, who doubled up as the Director of Public Health Nursing in Clwyd Health Authority – someone else who will have been concealing the activities of Dafydd and his chums in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh! And guess who the Vice-Chair of the ACPC was? None other than the Director of Social Services himself, John Jevons! How marginalised was he? I am wondering whether the Jillings panel’s notion that the ACPC was ‘marginalised’ might have had something to do with the fact that John Banham acted as an advisor to the Jillings panel – John Banham had of course been involved in the ACPC’s report regarding Cartrefle. At the time of the Cartrefle outrages, the ACPC thought that perhaps health and education personnel ‘might have failed to identify abuse’. Er, yes – along with an awful lot of other people, including the ACPC. However I’m glad to note that the ACPC did show at least a bit of nouse on one occasion – Jevons had been Chair of the ACPC and Mrs Train had been the Vice-Chair, but after the shit hit the fan at Cartrefle, Jevons suggested to Mrs Train that perhaps she might like to be Chair for a while because it might look dodgy if the Director of Social Services was Chair of the ACPC. So he was just the Vice-Chair instead.

Clwyd obviously went for the belt and braces approach where Cartrefle and Stephen Norris were concerned – not only did they employ some well-known spineless colluders (or worse) to compile the Carterfle Report, but they then ensured that it wasn’t published or presented in its entirety. The Jillings panel wrote to the Director of Social Services as well as to the County Secretary and Solicitor about this. They received a letter from the County Solicitor and Secretary dated 11 May 1995 explaining that a copy of the Cartrefle Report had been sent to the Council’s insurers (them again!) and that comments were invited pre-publication. The letter states that ‘needless to say this was done with the full knowledge of leading politicians’. So some ‘leading politicians’ knew that children were being sexually assaulted in Clwyd children’s homes in 1990 then. I wonder who those politicians might have been? The County Secretary and Solicitor however maintained that the report wasn’t published lest it prejudice the trial of Stephen Norris. That doesn’t explain why they continued to keep it quiet after Norris was convicted – or why the same insurers did prevent Jillings’s own report from being made public.

The Jillings Report mentions another name that I recognised. It is mentioned that after Norris was convicted, in a meeting of the ACPC in Dec 1990, Superintendent Roberts said that ‘a review of police procedures was difficult to envisage in view of the late stage at which the police were brought in’. Could this be the same Superintendent Roberts that the nurses at the North Wales Hospital documented had cooked up a ‘deal’ with Dr Dafydd Alun Jones to illegally detain me? And I’ve heard the phrase ‘at this late stage’ before as well. As everyone flatly refused to investigate the most serious aspects of my complaint against Dafydd, as witness statements from Brown were ‘lost’ (although the letter from Brown that I was told had been lost turned up in my medical records years later with two handwritten unsigned comments on it, namely ‘what shall we do about Dr Brown’s letter?’, ‘do not reply’), I was eventually sent a letter from the dreadful Alun Davies, manager of the Hergest Unit, saying that they really couldn’t investigate my complaint ‘at this late stage’. So that’s how its done – complaints about the most serious criminal activity are ignored for years and then are deemed uninvestigable ‘at this late stage’.

It seems that the toothless, spineless colluders who compiled the Cartrefle Report nonetheless recommended the creation of a senior specialist post at Clwyd HQ leading up children’s services. John Jevons ignored the recommendation. The Jillings team described the existence of the Cartrefle Report as an ‘open secret’ within Clwyd Social Services. A few staff even had a copy, but didn’t even know if they should admit to this. It was unclear which officers of the Social Services, Health and Education Depts had a copy of the full report. Jillings commented on the ‘chaotic management systems’ within the Social Services and noted that although the Health and Education Depts had conducted a review, the North Wales Police hadn’t. Furthermore there was nothing to suggest that the Social Services Committee or the Welsh Office had sought an explanation of why there had been no police input into the Cartrefle Report. A copy of the Cartefle Report was sent to David Evans, the Chief Inspector at the Welsh Office’s SSIW, by the Director of Social Services, along with a covering letter explaining that ‘no-one but yourself’ had a full copy of the Report and that there is no intention to circulate the report to members of the ACPC or members of Clwyd County Council. The Director of Social Services also observed that ‘the sanctions available to the CPS to cover ‘leakage’ and any other form of publication…are really dire for Clwyd County Council and for any individual concerned’. Now there’s a hint! Jillings observes that no direct consultation seems to have taken place between the Inspectorate and the CPS concerning the report or the accompanying letter. Indeed the Welsh Office Inspectorate did not attend the special meeting of the Social Services Committee on 27 Oct 1992 or the ACPC meeting of 10 Sept 1992, at which the synopsis of the Cartrefle recommendations was presented and furthermore the Inspectorate were given virtually no notice of the meeting – but the Welsh Office showed remarkably little concern anyway, which surprised Jillings.

I have previously mentioned Frederick Rutter, who was imprisoned for rape and indecent assaults on a number of young women. Not only was Rutter a former Clwyd employee but he was a foster parent too. In October 1992 John Jevons reported to the Social Services sub-committee on the investigation that had been conducted by Geoff Wyatt, Assistant Director of Social Services, in the wake of Rutter’s conviction. It transpired that there had been an ‘incident’ in 1985 involving Rutter at a holiday camp with children from Park House, the home where Rutter had been ‘officer in charge’. Andrew Loveridge, Assistant County Secretary and Solicitor and a member of the Park House Inquiry Panel, told Wyatt that he was unaware of this incident. Once again this investigation shows how lacklustre and clueless people were. Wyatt had questioned exactly what they do if people make comments such as ‘he gives me the creeps’ and seemed uncertain as to how allegations against staff are recorded on their files. However my experiences with the north Wales mental health services suggest that this sort of confusion has proved to be very useful to them. When I complained repeatedly about Dafydd’s inappropriate attitude and conduct towards me and other female patients, I was consistently told by one Hergest nurse that she too found Dafydd ‘unpleasant and creepy’, but being ‘unpleasant and creepy’ wasn’t a foundation for disciplinary action and that because Dafydd hadn’t ‘touched me’ there was nothing anyone could do. There was a good reason as to why Dafydd hadn’t touched me – I didn’t give him the chance. He had however illegally detained me, threatened me, tried to bribe me and had told Dr Robin Jacobson, a psychiatrist at St Georges Hospital Medical School, that I was ‘attractive and seductive’, causing Jacobson to observe that Dafydd ‘lacked boundaries’. Furthermore Dafydd had cohabited with two female patients at once, constantly sexually harassed the female staff and five female patients had provided statements to MIND saying that they’d had sexual relationships with him. How much evidence did anyone need? Meanwhile over in Clwyd – Dafydd’s powerbase! – Rutter was raping people and he too was framed as being a bit creepy. But Geoff Wyatt had a track record of not dealing with creepy people who were carrying out serious sexual assaults on children – he previously had management oversight of Bryn Estyn, where boys who had run away after being molested by the notorious Peter Howarth were returned by the police, even those boys who had needed hospital treatment. The regime that Wyatt ‘oversaw’ at Bryn Estyn was certainly extraordinary and involved physical brutality resulting in injury and late night pyjama parties in Howarth’s accommodation, where boys were shown porn and molested. It transpired that there were connections between the police and the staff at Bryn Estyn in terms of socialising through the golf and rugby clubs. Bryn Estyn also had some interesting recruitment procedures – at one point that was being done via the rugby club as well. Jillings observed that the police investigation into Bryn Estyn in 1991 should have been a joint one with the Social Services, rather than a police only investigation. I doubt that it would have made any difference – both social services staff and the police knew exactly what was happening to those boys and some of them were joining in with the fun themselves.

Jillings observes that Welsh Office guidance states that the local authority is required to report to the Secretary of State the suffering of serious harm by children accommodated in homes, but that this wasn’t done. But the Secretary of State must have been sound asleep anyway, because there were criminal trials of ‘care workers’ happening resulting in prison sentences for serious sexual offences. And of course Alison Taylor was constantly telling Ministers that a paedophile ring was operating in the children’s homes of north Wales. But the Secretary of State remained in a deep slumber. In fact a number of Secretaries of State did, because this happened over a period of years. Not that it did them any harm, they ended up in the House of Lords… In March 1995, someone finally stirred at the Welsh Office and serious concerns were raised to Clwyd over the case of a girl who had been physically assaulted and raped whilst in their care. Other bizarre things had happened to her as well, like being tied to a mop handle and dumped in a cold bath. The Welsh Office managed to actually attend a meeting about this.

Jillings commented that the role of the Welsh Office in the Cartrefle inquiry merited careful consideration by the Dept of Health, the Welsh Office Social Services Inspectorate and the CPS. Who was Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the Cartrefle inquiry? David Hunt, now Lord Hunt. Presumably Lord Hunt of I Couldn’t Give a Fuck If Children Are Being Raped – the Welsh Office obviously really came under scrutiny there.

The Welsh Office was described by former Director of Social Services Emlyn Evans as to be rather remote and not fulfilling their roles of examining malpractice or impropriety. Although I very much doubt that Emlyn was too keen for them to do this considering what was happening on his patch. Jillings provides yet more evidence of just how incestuous the system was and how long some of these managers had been around. The names Ray Powell and Janet Handley are supplied as senior managers with responsibility for children in residential care. Powell had previously worked in the old Flintshire Authority, Handley in Denbighshire. The aforementioned Geoff Wyatt who wasn’t very good at dealing with creepy rapists had previously worked for Denbighshire as the Court and Liaison Officer. Wyatt was even the representative on the Children’s Regional Planning Committee, established by the Welsh Office to plan residential child care across Wales, comprising of Directors of Social Services and the Welsh Office Social Work Service. A John Coley was appointed Deputy Director of Social Services in 1980 but in 1984 took up a post with Tayside Social Services. A John Llewellyn-Thomas, a senior children’s service manager, took up a post as Assistant Director in Mid-Glamorgan Social Services Dept.

Geoff Wyatt told the Jillings panel that during the 1980s, the number of people dismissed by Clwyd County Council through it’s disciplinary process was ‘very few and far between’ – those that were dismissed were those who had been prosecuted and imprisoned. The picture that emerges is deeply depressing – a bunch of moribund old farts all scratching each others backs, who had occupied various positions in the region for decades, who had knowingly ignored the violence and serious sexual abuse meted out to children and hadn’t got a clue what to do now that it had all become very public. Above them a Welsh Office who just didn’t give a toss what the sheepshaggers below were doing to each other. What’s even more frightening was that a few of those turning a blind eye to all this serious crime escaped with their poison to other parts of the UK, presumably to stuff up there.

The Jillings Report supplies much other information that confirms just how dysfunctional and clueless Clwyd Social Services were. As the police investigation in the early 1990s into child abuse in Clwyd began, an NSPCC Helpline was established, supposedly to support those former residents of children’s homes – who were now adults – who were giving evidence to the police and in Court. A previous post ‘News Updates, Additional Comments And Observations’ has featured the woman – who is now the Deputy Police and Crime Commissioner for North Wales and has stood as a Plain candidate in two elections – who established this Helpline. She is Ann Griffiths, who was a mental health social worker with one of the teams that was abusing clients and then worked as a manager for Gwynedd Social Services, which had also been host to the paedophile ring and whose Director, Lucille Hughes, was later named in the Waterhouse Report as knowing about the paedophile ring but not taking any action. Gwynedd sent children on placement to Clwyd and vice versa. So this Helpline was questionable from the outset. The Helpline was funded by Clwyd Social Services and opened on 1 December 1991. The Helpline seemed to be compromised in every way. There was liaison between the NSPCC project leader – who was also a counsellor on the Helpline – and Social Services Officers. The project leader was also the Helpline complaints receiving officer. Supervision was unclear and there was no protocol for confidentiality. Some clients were referred to other agencies but there were no further information regarding this. Gender was taken into consideration – the ex-residents were offered a woman counsellor. I know that gender considerations should be made in such circumstances but the issue of gender where the abuses in north Wales were concerned was tricky. Again and again I saw examples where women were used – with their knowledge – to assist in perpetuating or concealing abuses. A tried and tested technique of the mental health services was to use some female stooge to maintain that they had been assaulted or threatened by a patient – the ‘services’ knew damn well that if they wanted to frame a patient or maintain that a patient was threatening or dangerous, it was far more effective coming from a woman. Particularly one in a stereotypically ‘caring’ role, such as a nurse or a social worker. Furthermore, many of those ‘caring women’ were in relationships with the abusing men or men in senior roles who were concealing the abuses. I note that the Jillings Report mentioned that most of the ‘housemothers’ in the children’s homes were married to the men who were sexually molesting the boys – how could those boys ever have told the housemothers what was happening? Although the housemothers almost certainly knew anyway, everyone else did. Women in such roles knew damn well that they were being used in this way – some were every bit as abusive as their male colleagues and joined in enthusiastically with the lies and perjury, others were bullied into it. Another favourite ploy was indeed to provide a female ‘counsellor’ – who would then pass on the knowledge that they had extracted from the patient in the counselling sessions to the abusive colleagues who would then use that knowledge against the patient. I think it entirely probable that the information gained from the people using this Helpline was fed straight back to the managers of the service – who were only interested in protecting themselves – or even to the abusers themselves, so they would have known exactly who was prepared to give evidence against them, what their allegations were and how near to breaking point they were. Jillings mentions that the counsellor employed on the Helpline had previous experience of mental health work, was a qualified social worker but only had limited experience of working in Court and giving evidence. Which is what the people using the Helpline really needed – they were all giving evidence in Court. This person was not given a job specification or was even interviewed – but it was mentioned that she’d previously worked for Gwynedd County Council, so Clwyd had knowledge of her ‘experience and skills’. I bet they did – she had probably been hand-picked by Lucille Hughes to go next door to Clwyd, work on that Helpline and grass up who was brave enough to give evidence. Although Jillings stated that supervision for the Helpline was unclear, Clwyd  stated that supervision was provided by David Hugh Davies, Child Protection Co-Ordinator – obviously a man who had protected no children at all. It transpired that the only contact that Davies had with the counsellor whom he was alleged to be supervising was regular informal contact through their mutual involvement with Stepping Stones, a Wrexham based charity for females who had been sexually abused. (Jillings noted that there was no service in Clwyd for males who had been sexually abused. Of course there wasn’t, a paedophile ring targeting mostly boys had operated in the area for years, no-one was going to provide help for the victims of that ring.) The North Wales Police – who had very obviously colluded with the abuse for years – helpfully supplied officers to support and transport witnesses to and from Court. Jillings noted that one former resident who had given evidence in Court and who had been ‘supported’ by the Helpline had recently been found hanged. But at least it was stressed that the person who ‘supported’ the dead man was an employee of Clwyd County Council so was covered by the authority’s insurance. Thank goodness for that! It was noted that the involvement of the NHS was unclear, especially with regard to the mental health services and that no special service had been set up. I can tell the Jillings team what the role of the mental health services was. It was to find out from patients what they knew about the abuse and malpractice, who they were telling about it, whether they might be believed and if so to label them ‘deluded’, section them and if possible secure a conviction against them so that everyone could be told that they were a criminal and couldn’t be believed. (And in my case it was also to find out which jobs I was applying for and whether I was going to publish what I knew.) Then if they developed any illness such as depression, to ensure that they did not receive effective treatment. Jillings notes that the former residents of the children’s homes using the Helpline were now adults, so having a Helpline run by a children’s charity was inappropriate. As was having a Helpline set up and run by the abusers themselves. The Jillings Report noted that the Helpline didn’t encourage people to use local resources for mental health problems although those former residents were so traumatised that they were in need of long term mental healthcare. This was no coincidence – they were undoubtedly being left to kill themselves or end up in such a bad way that they wouldn’t make good witnesses in Court. Which, if one now looks back at this history of the north Wales child abuse scandal, is exactly what happened. Jillings remarked that the Home Office and Department of Health were ‘looking at the issue of psychiatric treatment prior to criminal proceedings’ in the case of child sexual abuse – they obviously didn’t look too hard…

The Jillings Report had some an insightful remarks regarding an aggressive male-dominated hierarchy in Clwyd with very few female managers, female staff being sexually harassed and having to seek ‘help’ from male colleagues – or even friends – of the harassers – and female staff being ‘harried and over-ridden’ by a powerful male hierarchy. Now as I have previously mentioned, I noticed exactly the same model in the mental health system – but those women DID have agency and they had a lot more power than the children or mental health patients who were being horribly abused. They were doing the dirty work of patriarchy and they bloody well knew it – they did not HAVE to do it. The ‘services’ in north Wales these days do have women in senior management positions – they are the women who for years colluded with the abuses and they have been well-rewarded. The services are still shite because there are now clueless abusive women running them as well as clueless abusive men. This is no feminist triumph.

Jillings also discovered further evidence of the high levels of protection that abusive staff enjoyed. Not only would no representative from UNISON agree to meet with Jillings and his panel, but there is a reference to a letter dated July 91 to John Jevons from John Cooke of NALGO, requesting that Stephen Norris be granted retirement on the grounds of ill health, enclosing a psychiatrist’s letter of support. Norris was a prolific sex offender who was eventually imprisoned and had been charged by the time that this letter was written. The people who had been abused received no such support from NALGO or a psychiatrist. (I wonder who the psychiatrist who was so helpful to a child abuser was?) But some of the abusers were union reps themselves – in February 1984 Paul Bicker Wilson was appointed a senior steward for NALGO. In August 1987, Clwyd personnel recommended that Wilson retire on the grounds of ill health – Clwyd had previously tried to resolve the problem that was Wilson by transferring him to the ‘mental handicap’ team, but they didn’t want him and he didn’t want them, so he was transferred back to children’s work. In December 1987 the Director of Social Services recommended that Wilson retire on the grounds of ill health – throughout all this Wilson himself had managed to make a complaint that was dealt with by the County Secretary and Solicitor. Wilson, who had worked at Bryn Estyn, was finally convicted of violent assaults on children at Knutsford Crown Court in 1994 (but only after Chester Crown Court had acquitted him of a few other assaults a few months previously). Wilson had previously work at children’s homes in Leicester and Southwark (please see posts ‘An Expert From England’ and ‘The London Connection’). Sounds like a network to me… Again I witnessed this protection of abusive staff by ‘democratic’ bodies such as unions or professional organisations repeatedly in the mental health services. They have access to unlimited free legal advice in the way that those being abused do not. Jillings mentions that the rights of staff should be equally balanced against the rights of children – the report also mentions that in Clwyd, the rights and needs of the staff were constantly prioritised above those of the children. Like the mental health services, the children’s services were run for the benefit of the staff. Indeed the former Bryn Estyn staff were given a support service and individual counselling was offered to all former Bryn Estyn staff still working for Clwyd. A previous ‘self-help group’ set up by former Bryn Estyn staff met with senior officers and selected Members during the course of the police investigation and trials. So the people who had spent years brutalising and raping children had their emotional needs well attended to… The staff also knew how bad the ‘care’ that they delivered was – the Jillings panel were constantly told by staff that they would never be able to get jobs elsewhere, so toxic was the reputation of Clwyd. Jillings notes that children in Clwyd were sexually exploited under the guise of ‘homosexual equality’. (This was also a problem in the child abuse scandals in inner London – please see post ‘The London Connection’). Jillings notes that there was no effective complaints procedure for children in Clwyd.

So exactly how much interest did the Welsh Office take in this lethal service for which their Social Services Inspectorate were ultimately responsible?  There were no inspections of any residential facilities caring for adults or children in 1991 or 1992 – although the biggest police investigation into child abuse in the UK was taking place in Clwyd at this time. During the years between 1986 and 1992, there were no general inspections of Clwyd at all. Between 1984 and 1990 there were no inspections of Cartrefle and between 1984 and 1993 there was no Welsh Office SSIW inspection of any Clwyd Social Services residential children’s home. There was no evidence of any inspection of Bryn Estyn throughout the period that it was managed by Clwyd. However, following the publication of the Staffordshire ‘Pin Down’ Report and allegations of the widespread abuse of children in Wales, the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Nicholas Bennett, instructed the Inspectorate to undertake a ‘review’ because it was ‘important to receive an assurance that children’s homes in Wales were providing a high standard of service to the children in them’. This review involved a postal questionnaire sent to the service providers, interviews with managers and staff, interviews with three small groups of children, as well as interviews with staff representatives, the voluntary sector, unions and professional associations. No information was available regarding how those who were interviewed were selected. After this very robust review, published in January 1992, the Welsh Office were able to state that the review did not reveal examples of causes for concern. But they remained on the ball as ever – in Sept 1992 the Secretary of State for Wales – David Hunt – expressed deep concern about the allegations of child abuse in north Wales and it was concluded that a Public Inquiry was needed in view of ‘public disquiet’. However it was stated that this couldn’t happen until the police investigation was complete. The Chair of the Council’s Social Services Committee, Councillor Malcolm King, had constantly raised objections to the North Wales Police being allowed to investigate very serious matters involving their own officers. In the wake of continued concerns being expressed that the North Wales Police were investigating themselves, a letter dated 17 May 1993 from a Mr Lockyer, the Private Secretary to the Home Office, was sent to the County Secretary and Solicitor, stating that Ministers couldn’t intervene in police operational matters and had no powers to direct the Chief Constable to appoint an officer from outside of the force to take over or supervise and that the Chief Constable of North Wales resisted the suggestion of bringing in an outside officer. (The Chief Constable is not named, but it will have been either David Owen or Michael Argent – I note that there is very little information publicly available about the higher echelons of the North Wales Police during this period of time.)Furthermore, it was stated that the proposed public inquiry would take place after the completion of any criminal proceedings and would be concerned with the action of the local authority and would not include a review of the way in which the police conducted their investigation. So the North Wales Police investigated themselves, refused to co-operate with the Jillings inquiry, refused to hand over an enormous quantity of evidence and their conduct during the criminal investigation was never scrutinised. Nicola Davies QC was appointed by the Welsh Office in May 1995 to review the documentation relating to child abuse in north Wales. On 11 December 1995, William Hague, the Secretary of State for Wales, announced that on the basis of the evidence seen by Nicola Davies a public inquiry could not be justified. (There was of course a change of plan and a public inquiry, Chaired by Sir Ronald Waterhouse, was subsequently held.)

I have previously mentioned that the extensive and very damning report compiled by Jillings and his team was suppressed for years by Clwyd’s insurers, Municipal Mutual (which was subsequently taken over by Zurich Insurance), on the advice of their solicitors, Browne Jacobson. Not only that, but it was recommended that if that troublesome bugger Councillor Malcolm King, the Chair of the Social Services Committee who had raised so many objections to the North Wales Police investigating themselves, insisting on blurting out any of the contents of the Jillings Report that everyone else would rather remained unknown, he should be sacked. Municipal Mutual were also the insurers of the North Wales Police. Immediately after Jillings compiled the report, there was a reorganisation of the local authorities in Wales and Clwyd disappeared. Because the report wasn’t seen by anybody, new arrivals in the wake of the reorganisation had no knowledge at all about what had gone on in Clwyd. So they remained in the dark – but those from the old corrupt regime who were still in place had been afforded protection. When Jillings et al discovered that their report was not going to see the light of day, they made some very pertinent comments. They noted that ‘those advising the insurers’ are raising issues that ‘impinge on the established democratic and constitutional arrangements of England and Wales’. I have obtained the name of one of those who advised the insurers to suppress information regarding the way in which hundreds of children were subjected to horrific cruelty and sexual assault over years and who subverted democracy. It was one Michael Beloff QC. Beloff practices at Blackstone Chambers and like so many others featuring on this blog who have colluded with or concealed the most appalling abuses of vulnerable people, Beloff is a specialist in human rights! But here’s the clincher – Beloff is a friend of Tony and Cherie Blair and was among their guests at Chequers. Researching for this blog has certainly been an Education, Education, Education…

As with other posts, I’ll briefly remind readers of what was happening to me whilst the biggest UK police investigation into child abuse was happening in Clwyd, whilst social care professionals were sentenced to lengthy spells in prison for serious sexual offences against children and whilst the Welsh Office completely ignored what ‘public servants’ in north Wales were concealing. I was being repeatedly dragged through the Courts for very serious offences although there was no evidence at all that I’d ever committed such offences and eminent ‘expert witnesses’ from London such as Professor Nigel Eastman and Dr Paul Bowden, backed up by lesser names such as Dr Robin Jacobson, were declaring me ‘extremely dangerous’ on the basis of conversations that they had held with those closely associated with the services under criminal investigation in north Wales. Oh and Sir Robert Francis QC tried to have me imprisoned – because I wouldn’t stop writing letters maintaining that mental health professionals in north Wales were involved in criminal activity.

So just to remind everyone who was fast asleep in the Welsh Office whilst ‘services’ employing people raping children and terrorising witnesses were left uninspected – despite the regular appearance of some of those employees in Courts charged with serious offences and the deaths of witnesses – and the one external independent investigation into all this was completely suppressed:

Nicholas Edwards, Secretary of State for Wales, 5 May 1979-13 June 1987; Peter Walker, Secretary of State for Wales 13 June 1987 -4 May 1990; David Hunt, Secretary of State for Wales 4 May 1990- 27 May 1993; John Redwood, Secretary of State for Wales 27 May 1993-26 June 1995; David Hunt (again!), Secretary of State for Wales 26 June 1995-5 July 1995; William Hague, Secretary of State for Wales 5 July 1995-3 May 1997. All of these but Redwood ended up in the House of Lords.

What about the Home Secretaries – who watched as the North Wales Police investigated themselves, refused to allow an officer from another force to oversee them and then refused to co-operate with the Jillings team, withholding evidence? They were:

Kenneth Baker, Home Secretary 28 November 1990-10 April 1992; Ken Clarke, Home Secretary 10 April 1992-27 May 1993, Michael Howard, Home Secretary 27 May 1993-2 May 1997. Baker and Howard are now in the House of Lords.

Many of these names cropped up in my previous posts when I detailed the Ministers who ignored the abuses taking place in the north Wales mental health services…

Of course, at the time when I was outraging Sir Robert Francis and St Georges Hospital Medical School I only had evidence relating to the dreadful conduct of the mental health services. However in 1993 I witnessed the child protection services in Gwynedd in action. That will be the subject of a future post.

I began this post with reference to Laura Janner-Klausner, who believes that making allegations of historical child sexual abuse against public figures in order to extract dosh is a pushover. I can’t recommend that Laura accesses the full details of the horror that prevailed in Clwyd children’s homes because even today, there is no version of the Jillings Report that is not heavily redacted available – and even if she was prepared to listen to witness accounts, Laura still wouldn’t hear the full story because most of the witnesses are dead. However Jillings did make a point of commenting that the former residents of Clwyd children’s homes were not motivated by financial recompense or malice, they just wanted to ensure that what happened to them never happened to anyone else. Recent events demonstrate that large scale sexual abuse of children in care is still happening. One reason why still no-one is learning from their experience is that people like Laura use their considerable influence to tell everyone that they’re a load of gold-digging liars. By the way, Laura’s sister Marion styles herself as a ‘mental health campaigner’. She is a regular on the utterly lame Radio 4 ‘All In The Mind’ programme which serves primarily as a PR vehicle for the mental health services. Marion visited the mental health services in north east Wales and remarked on their excellence. The Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board that runs those services is now in special measures – because of institutional abuse in the mental health services. I think the sooner the Janners shut their collective mouths and stop making appearances on the BBC the better – Marion is of course such a delicate flower that she makes a point of insisting that her ’emotional support dog’ accompanies her everywhere. You didn’t get one of them if you were raped in a children’s home in Clwyd, probably because the cost of the breeding and training programme that would have been needed to produce sufficient numbers of Labradors would have been prohibitive. So it’s only Marion who’s secured one. Of course if Laura does ever trouble herself to read about what happened in children’s homes in north Wales over decades, she will notice that despite the huge police investigation, confusion continued to reign and a lot of witness statements somehow never found their way into the hands of the CPS anyway. Despite an acknowledgement that there was child abuse on a massive scale occurring and a paedophile ring in operation, with the exception of Gordon Anglesea, only a small number of social care workers at the bottom of the food chain were ever convicted and imprisoned. Because it’s just so fucking easy isn’t it Laura.

 

 

 

 

St George’s Hospital Medical School, 1989/1990…

Recent posts ‘The Night of the (Dr Chris) Hunter’ and ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’ describe the enormous efforts that were being made by the north Wales mental health services during 1989 and 1990 – without my knowledge – to have me declared ‘dangerous’ (on the basis of nothing but gossip and unfounded allegations made by people about whom I had previously made serious complaint) and to secure High Court Injunctions against me preventing me from even writing to the people whom I had made complaint about and then to imprison me for breaching these injunctions. The organisations leading the posse were Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities and Gwynedd Social Services. I have detailed the numerous people and other organisations who were party to and indeed colluding in all this, including well-known figures in medicine and law from England and organisations such as the British Medical Association, the Medical Defence Union, the Mental Health Act Commission and the Welsh Office. I have also mentioned how at the same time, Alison Taylor, a former social worker for Gwynedd Social Services, had been raising the alarm that a paedophile ring was operating in the social services in north Wales. By 1990, children who had been in care in north Wales had come forward with concrete allegations and an ‘Officer in Charge’ of a children’s home in north Wales, Stephen Norris, had been imprisoned for indecently assaulting children in his care. So by 1989 and 1990, the health and welfare sectors in north Wales had good reason to be very anxious indeed, notwithstanding the allegations that I was making that very serious abuses were happening in the mental health services there.

By this time, I was working at St George’s Hospital Medical School in London during the week, although I owned a small house near Bethesda and used to return there at weekends. I was offered the job at St George’s in the spring of 1989 and on paper it looked like a really good deal – a paid position as a research assistant with the opportunity to register for a PhD at the same time. I knew nothing about St Georges except that a big scandal had occurred there a few years previously – the Professor of Paediatrics, Oliver Brook, had been prosecuted for possessing child pornography and had gone to prison. This had happened before the whole world was obsessed with ‘paedos’, but nonetheless it gained much media coverage, due to concerns that Oliver Brook might have been molesting his patients. St George’s absolutely assured everyone that no matter what Brook had done, he hadn’t done that. Oliver Brook did not spend much time in prison, he was released after a matter of months when a judge took pity on him and basically said that he was merely a man with an unfortunate weakness who had suffered enough. (I note that there is now information on the internet about Oliver Brook that alleges that he was a major figure in a network that was distributing child porn across Europe and that the police officers who had nailed him were very unhappy indeed to see him walk free after a few months.) I presumed that the business with Oliver Brook was an unfortunate one-off.

When I arrived in London to start the job at St George’s, I was told that the person who had been working on the project before me had ‘decided’ that he didn’t want to carry on in research and had taken up teaching instead. It transpired that this man had left in quite a hurry – some of his clothes were still in the cupboard that was allocated to me. Unusually for someone who had recently worked there he hadn’t kept in touch with any of the rest of the team either. Over the next few weeks it became clear to me that not only were some of the staff employed in that dept phenomenally aggressive to their colleagues but they seemed to have given this young man a very hard time. He had been called Richard, which they had then shortened to Dick and then extended to Dickhead. I was told that this had been considered ‘really funny’, especially as Dickhead didn’t like it. The degree of distress that Dickhead had endured at their hands became clear when I was told the hilarious Tale of the Broken Centrifuge. There was a centrifuge in the lab that was faulty and it had to be slammed quite hard to be shut. But not too hard, because that would break it and it was a very expensive centrifuge indeed. So all new researchers were told to slam it hard to shut it. Then when they did slam it hard, they would be yelled at not to break it and told that if they did, the money for a replacement (many thousands of pounds) would be docked out of their meagre salaries. This jolly little joke was played on me. I then discovered that when it was played on Dickhead, he really did think that he’d broken the centrifuge and he’d written a note resigning, telling them that they could have as much of his salary as they wanted because he wasn’t ever coming back to work. Everyone thought that this had been hysterically funny. Anyway, Dickhead eventually did leave for good within about a year, but I never found out what the last straw for him had been. I witnessed a great deal of this sort of nastiness during my two years there and it seemed to be dished out to everyone willy-nilly. The grossest example of this team’s ‘humour’ was directed towards a young visiting doctor from Yugoslavia. She had a medical condition that affected her voice, which had a slight croaky quality to it when she spoke. She was referred to as ‘eaglet’ and every time she entered the tea-room the researcher leading all this would make loud squawking noises.

After a couple of months of witnessing all this, when these charming characters turned on me I presumed that I was just getting what everyone else was receiving. I was then surprised to find the head technician running the labs – who was also a union rep no less, despite joining in with all the jolly japes that were going on – continually telling me that I ought to see the occupational health physician. I ignored this advice until eventually he demanded that I did so, on the grounds that I seemed to be getting depressed. (My God, why ever might that be, working with people with such a sense of humour?) But a couple of interesting things had happened before this pressure was applied.

As described in my blog post ‘A Network Stretching To London?’ I’d only been at St George’s a few weeks when a junior obstetrician turned up asking for the girl from Bangor whom he heard was working in the dept, because he had connections in Bangor too and wanted to meet her. I introduced myself and it transpired that he had worked as a trainee in the medical practice of Dr DGE Wood, my former GP in Bangor. I didn’t know this at the time, but Wood had been saying some rather poisonous things about me and is one of the people mentioned in my previous blog posts who had fuelled the allegations of me being an enormous problem. (Wood of course had been the man who had originally referred me to T.Gwynne Williams the lobotomist, who by this time had died.) Then in the course of a conversation that can’t have lasted more than about 20 mins, this junior doctor reeled off all the names of the people whom I had made complaint about in Bangor, asking me if I knew them. He then disappeared off back to work and I never saw him again – I was told that he left St Georges shortly after. He was a man called Jimmy Schroff who died in 2003, but his widow now works at the Betsi. When I wrote the blog post ‘A Network Stretching To London’ I was still reserving judgement on Jimmy Shroff’s visit. However since I wrote that post, I have received more documents from my lawyers which reveal some very interesting things. Firstly that Dr DGE Wood, whilst giving me every impression that we were on good terms, at this time was playing a central role in maintaining that I was ‘dangerous’ and that my complaints about the north Wales mental health services were groundless. Secondly, that there was a connection between Ysbyty Gwynedd, the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and St Georges. As described in my post ‘A Network Stretching To London’, I had previously discovered a very old letter, written on North Wales Hospital headed notepaper, in which someone was asking someone else whether they’d found out which dept at St Georges I was working in. But the reproduction was so poor that I couldn’t read the signature or the date on the letter. But two other documents have since come back from the lawyers, as described in my blog post ‘The Night of the (Dr Chris) Hunter’. One is a letter from Alun Davies (administrator at Ysbyty Gwynedd) to Mr PM Rees (administrator at Gwynedd Health Authority), dated 19th May 1989 which says ‘I wish to inform you that [I have] moved from [my] Surrey address and is I believe working at St Georges Hospital London. However recent correspondence to the hospital does not indicate [my] new address’. So as soon as I arrived at St Georges the mental health services in north Wales clearly had a contact there who had even accessed my mail to see if they could find out where I was living. There is a second document of interest too, again detailed in blog post ‘The Night of the (Dr Chris) Hunter’, a letter from Alun Davies to Laurie Wood (manager of the North Wales Hospital) dated 11th April 1990 and reads ‘Did you speak to your colleague at St Georges and if so what was the outcome?’ There is a little handwritten message on this letter saying ‘Discussed with Alun Davies 12/4/90’. So I was being trailed…

My blog post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’ details how in May 1990, Gwynedd Health Authority applied for an injunction against me. I went to the hearing, in Cardiff, in front of Justice Pill (later Sir Malcolm Pill).The Health Authority did not get the injunction that they requested, although I gave an undertaking to the Court not to ‘threaten’ or ‘assault’ them, which I had no problem doing. My colleagues at St Georges knew about this hearing, because I took time off work to go to Cardiff. They had also heard – from me – about the battle in Wales. (I was very upfront about this, because I had previously worked in a cancer research team at Surrey and needed to take time off to attend the Independent Professional Review led by Robert Bluglass (please see blog post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE). My colleagues in Surrey knew what had happened in Wales and were completely supportive and we had many interesting discussions regarding the lack of accountability and regulation in medicine. There were never any aspersions cast as to my sanity and I was never bullied there. But then they weren’t friends with one of Laurie Wood’s mates…) But people at St Georges were reacting in a rather different way. They were often questioning me about when I was next going to Bangor and then started asking me why I didn’t sell my place in Wales and settle in London. By this time Mary Wynch’s legal case against Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and Denbigh had received press coverage, but this just fuelled the suspicion of me that some people at St Georges seemed to have. As ever, I just presumed that these were people based in London who had no idea how Dafydd Alun Jones et al were conducting business in north Wales and probably didn’t believe what I was saying. So when I returned from Cardiff, having not been imprisoned and having not had an injunction served on me, I presumed that the people at St Georges would finally become a little less anxious. They didn’t. They actually became very much more unpleasant and seemed quite cross that I’d had a minor triumph over the north Wales mental health services.

Demands started to be made of me that I attend meetings with a particularly obnoxious man in the HR dept although nobody could actually explain why. But there was a far more problematic person who was busy without my knowledge – Dr Nicky Mitchell-Heggs, the occupational health physician. As described, the head technician insisted that I see this woman and she too seemed very interested in my complaints about the north Wales mental health services. I told her that I had met Mary Wynch who had also complained about Denbigh and Mitchell-Heggs actually asked me ‘and did she seem like a sane lady?’ I replied that Mary had won her legal case which spoke for itself. Mitchell-Heggs did not say a word in reply. Then she heard about Bluglass and his Review. She kept repeating ‘Robert Bluglass from Birmingham? Your complaint was investigated by Bluglass from Birmingham?’ I repeated yes and she then commented ‘well you have caused a stir’. Yet none of these indications that something was going very wrong in north Wales seemed to lessen her anxiety about me. She started demanding that I should see psychiatrists in London. I was most reluctant to do this (I would have thought it was obvious why) and eventually she insisted that I should see ‘the most lovely man’ that she knew, a Dr Tom Burns, who worked at St Georges and the associated psychiatric hospital Springfield. When I saw Tom Burns, as described in my previous blog post ‘Networking…’, he asked me what had been going on in north Wales. I told him and halfway through my tale he stopped me and accused me of thinking that he was ‘an idiot’ and ‘naïve’ and that I didn’t think that he knew that this sort of thing went on. I was quite gobsmacked and told him that I was used to people not believing me – he then told me that there was a ‘problem’ in that psychiatry attracted ‘disturbed people’. I left the consultation feeling greatly relieved that Tom Burns had not called me a malicious liar or denounced me as mad. However, I never received any further appointments with Tom Burns and Mitchell-Heggs didn’t tell me to see him again. I later found out why when I finally read a letter compiled by Mitchell-Heggs saying that Tom Burns didn’t think that I was ‘psychotic’ but thought perhaps I had a ‘paranoid personality disorder’, but didn’t feel that he had ‘anything to offer’ me. I bet he didn’t. I think Tom Burns knew pretty much what was going on in north Wales, decided that he wasn’t going to touch this and walked away very quickly. Not that it did him any harm – he is now Professor Tom Burns of Oxford University and has been awarded a CBE (just like Bluglass!) for his services to medicine.

I left St Georges in 1991 when the aggression and bullying simply made me feel that it wasn’t worth putting up with it any longer. There was one junior doctor whom I was friendly with, really nice, really bright, who tried to persuade me to stay long enough to finish my PhD, who told me that the problem wasn’t me, it was the dept which was highly dysfunctional. I told her that I just couldn’t bear to stay there.

Until two weeks ago I had always presumed that people at St Georges, including Mitchell-Heggs, had probably not believed what I had told them was happening in Wales, probably didn’t like me and must have thought that I was a real problem at work and that was why they spent so much time swearing at me, yelling at me and slamming doors in my face. However, I have now found yet another letter written by Mitchell-Heggs about me. It contains the line ‘her behaviour at work is not a problem’. So what on earth was?

Sometime after I left St Georges, a major scandal erupted in the dept where I had worked. The consultant that I had worked for was caught committing a serious research fraud and was eventually struck off (which was certainly ironic as he was one of the less offensive people there). The Prof of the dept had to resign from the Presidency of the Royal College of Obs and Gynae and it was alleged that the scandal also cost him an expected knighthood. The Dean of St Georges, William Asscher, installed new leadership in the dept. Before long, another scandal hit them, this time involving the man who had been appointed to rehabilitate the dept. At this point Asscher closed the dept down. A few years after this I came across an article in the Daily Mail featuring yet another consultant who had worked in that dept, who it was alleged had pressurised NHS patients into donating eggs to private patients – she was in front of the GMC for misconduct. She was found not guilty but soon after left England and returned to her native India. Many years later I met someone from St Georges at a conference and I told him that I had spent a nightmarish two years working there – this man had worked there for years and remembered all the scandals in the dept where I had worked. He described my former colleagues as ‘a load of bastards’ who had been ‘out of control’ – he also told me that everyone believed that the gynaecologist who had been up in front of the GMC had indeed been selling the eggs of NHS patients and was ‘a very greedy woman’. St Georges also became embroiled in another row when it was revealed that the computer programme relied upon to decide whether applicants to the medical degree should be offered a place had been programmed to discriminate against ethnic minority candidates. The programme operated on a points basis and a candidate had to score enough points to be offered a place. The candidates were asked their ethnic origin and it transpired that if it wasn’t white British, the computer knocked a few points off – this wasn’t an accident, someone had actually programmed the system to do this. (Which made one wonder what was happening in the other London medical schools, because St Georges had one of the highest proportions of ethnic minority students.)

So what happened to William Asscher who presided over all this? He ended up with a knighthood. Professor Sir William Asscher died in 2014. His obituary filled me in on a few details that I’d never realised when I was working in his proud institution. Before moving to St Georges, he had spent his career in Cardiff and had a home in Wales as well as London. He had been responsible for developing renal medicine in Wales and one hospital in particular was exceedingly grateful to William Asscher because they maintained that without his help they would never have had a renal unit. That hospital was Ysbyty Gwynedd in Bangor.

A few years ago a senior social scientist who knew St Georges well told me that it was a hospital alleged to be very heavily influenced by Freemasonry. One allegation that has constantly swirled around the north Wales child abuse scandal and events at the North Wales Hospital was that it was all tied up with Freemasonry. These days Freemasonry is often the butt of jokes regarding silly handshakes and wearing a little apron. However, I could well imagine that thirty years ago in a region like north Wales, Freemasonry could have been very influential – a network by which small town businessmen and policemen could rub shoulders with much bigger, more powerful people. In 1984, Stephen Knight’s volume about Freemasonry was published, ‘The Brotherhood’. Knight alleged that Freemasonry was particularly influential in legal circles and that at that time, most members of the judiciary were Masons. There was also a Lodge in Bangor University – I know a retired academic from Bangor who told me that he was invited to join it when he was a junior lecturer back in the 80s but he declined. He suspects now that this didn’t do him much good.

I had never taken much notice of all the Freemasonry allegations until about four years ago when one of the most level-headed senior academics I know (who was certainly not prone to conspiracy theories) asked me if I thought that what happened to me at the hands of the mental health services might have had something to do with Freemasonry, because he’d noticed that it seemed to involve institutional corruption in law and medicine, two areas where Freemasonry is alleged to hold sway…

My last weeks in London before I moved back to Wales permanently were spent as a patient at Springfield Hospital where I encountered yet another most eminent figure in psychiatry – now there’s a tale to tell, but it’s for a future blog post…

 

 

 

Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena

My previous blog post ‘The Night of the (Dr Chris) Hunter’ details the massive co-ordinated effort that Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities and Gwynedd Social Services made to label me ‘dangerous’ on the basis of scare stories and baseless allegations made by themselves and circulated around to people who had often never even met me. I described how although I was working in London during the week I had bought a house near Bethesda and I used to go there at weekends – this piece of personal information about me was documented and circulated around managers and administrators. Once these authorities were aware that I had purchased a property in Gwynedd, they began to correspond with each other about who would ‘treat’ me and indeed section me – obviously it would be required. The services of a tame forensic psychiatrist from Cardiff, a Dr Chris Hunter, were engaged and a ‘case conference’ was held about me without my knowledge to which people who had never met me were invited to give ‘evidence’. Neither had I ever met Chris Hunter – indeed I only became aware of his existence some two weeks ago when these previously unreleased documents were sent to me. Yet Hunter had even offered to prepare a Court report about me if necessary – although I wasn’t facing any charges. At the same time that this was all going on, Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities and Gwynedd Social Services flatly refused to investigate the very serious abuses that were taking place in the mental health services in north Wales and had taken no action against anyone in the wake of my very serious complaints. All this was happening with the knowledge of the Mental Health Act Commission and the advice of legal representatives from the Welsh Office, the British Medical Association and the Medical Defence Union. My blog post ‘The Night of the (Dr Chris) Hunter’ takes us up to the end of 1989 with the documents now in my possession showing that without my knowledge, Gwynedd Social Services and Clwyd and Gwynedd Health Authorities were preparing to secure High Court Injunctions against me to prevent me even communicating with them, so vexed were they at my continued attempts to follow up my complaints and obtain a copy of my medical records.

This blog post takes up the story at the beginning of 1990. The documents reveal that on the 9th Jan 1990, I tried to ring the District General Manager of Clwyd Health Authority and spoke to his secretary, June Roberts. June Roberts noted that I ‘was not rude or threatening’. On the 16 Jan 1990, David Hinchcliffe, an administrator at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, made a ‘note for file’ stating that he had received three telephone calls from me asking why the authorities at Denbigh and Clwyd hadn’t investigated my complaint about Janice Davies [an abusive nurse at Denbigh – my complaint about her was simply ignored] and why they hadn’t taken any action against Dr DA Jones. Hinchcliffe notes that he told me that they had ‘fully dealt with’ my complaints (they hadn’t) and that ‘all further appropriate action had been taken’ (no action had been taken against anyone, despite me being illegally held and at one point assaulted by staff). Hinchcliffe notes that I requested a meeting with the two nurses whom I had complained about and that he told me that this was not possible. I had then asked him why my solicitors letters that had been sent to Clwyd and Gwynedd Health Authorities had been ignored – Hinchcliffe notes that he told me that they hadn’t been received (they were probably shredded on receipt). On Jan 17th Dilwyn Griffiths, an administrator at Clwyd Health Authority, made a report describing how I’d phoned him and ‘again raised questions’ regarding what action was going to be taken against Janice Davies and Dr Dafydd Alun Jones. Dilwyn notes that he told me that there was nothing further that he could add to correspondence that I’d already received, that I ‘continued to go on about wanting action over [my] complaints’ and he then told me that he was extremely busy and had nothing to say to me, so I then hung up.

On Feb 9, David Hinchcliffe wrote to Dilwyn Griffiths saying ‘as requested I have passed on all the relevant information…All individuals are aware of the need to report to me any future incidents…My only comment regarding the letter from the legal advisor to [me] is that perhaps it could have given blanket cover to both Health Authorities.’ This is obviously referring to one of the many threatening letters that I was sent by Andrew Park, the lawyer from the Welsh Office, but I’m not sure which one it was. Park did send eventually send me a letter ordering me to not to write to or visit the premises of Clwyd Health Authority, but that wasn’t until April. I am wondering whether Park had sent Hinchcliffe a draft or something.

However, Andrew Park and Clwyd and Gwynedd Health Authorities were not the only busy people at the beginning of 1990. Readers following this part of my story will remember that in the autumn of 1989, Lucille Hughes, Director of Gwynedd Social Services, was sending letters to the members of Arfon Community Mental Health Team – most of whom I had never met – encouraging them to gather ‘evidence’ about me in order that they could obtain an injunction. Well, on Feb 21 1990, Keith Fearns, the notoriously abusive ‘team leader’ of the Arfon Team (please see blog post ‘The Arfon Community Mental Health Team’ for the background on Fearns and his buddies), swore an Affidavit in order to assist Gwynedd County Council in getting an injunction against me. Fearns admitted in this Affidavit that he had never met me but ‘had spoken to me over the telephone’. He stated that I had rung him at his home and made ‘insulting and abusive’ calls to him. I have no memory of these calls and I note that Fearns stated in his Affidavit that he ‘didn’t happen to make a record of them’. Which is odd, because they made a record of everything else, including a number of things that never happened. Fearns stated that his colleague Jackie Brandt (whom I had made a serious complaint about which was never investigated) was in such danger from me that she wasn’t allowed to answer the office phone, or be allowed to be ‘unprotected’ in the office, that they had to ensure that male staff were always on the premises and that on occasions they had to ask Brandt to leave the building to avoid contact with me. Staff had ‘suffered stress’ because of my ‘harassment’, Brandt had ‘suffered severely’ and frequently had to change her workplans because of ‘potential physical attack’. Fearns goes on to explain that they have been ‘trained to deal with people who are mentally ill…are used to dealing with clients who threaten us…but [my harassment] is so distressing and so persistent and is so far above the level which we can be expected to tolerate or cope with…we seek the protection of the Court…I anticipate that the Community Mental Health Centre will become [my] primary target.’ So Fearns had never met me yet made these florid allegations without producing any concrete evidence at all. Indeed at the time that Fearns made this statement, I had only ever met Jackie Brandt about twice and one other member of this team that I was allegedly terrorising once. I didn’t even know that the others existed. I was spending most of my time in London so had hardly ever been to this building that had to batten down the hatches because of my ‘potential physical attacks’. However I was writing them a lot of letters and phoning them in an attempt to get a response to my complaint – this constituted the ‘harassment’. Interestingly enough, the file also contains handwritten notes about me made by the ‘team’ as they logged my reign of terror – the notes are flippant with derogatory comments about me. They do not have the flavour of a group of people living in fear. However, a lot of patients were living in fear of this team – they were known to be highly abusive, women patients feared male members of this team visiting them at home and one patient told me that he’d been threatened with physical assault in his own house by one of them. Many years after all this, the ‘team’ were finally investigated and I was told that a number of them – including Fearns – had been dismissed for seriously neglecting patients. Brandt also swore an Affidavit on Feb 21 which was remarkably similar to Fearns’s but much shorter – odd, considering that she was alleged to have been the target of my ‘harassment’. So on the basis of no evidence at all and on the statements of a man who had never met me at all and a woman who had met me twice, Gwynedd County Council obtained an ex parte High Court Injunction against me, preventing me from going within 200 yards of the Arfon Team’s office in Bangor and preventing me from communicating from any of them. Now there’s a way to deal with complaints when social workers abuse the Mental Health Act! The man who granted them this injunction and seems to have asked no questions – despite the ‘evidence’ being letters of mine which detailed the law breaking and abuses by the mental health services – was a Justice Kay QC. Justice Kay emanated from Liverpool and did this favour for Gwynedd County Council at a relatively early stage in his career. He eventually became Sir John Kay, the Lord Justice of Appeal, a major figure in British legal circles and died some years ago. His Daily Telegraph obituary paid tribute to his ‘formidable intellect and common sense’ – so one wonders what exactly he thought was going on in north Wales at that time then. This obituary also stated that he was one of the ‘most powerful advocates’ on the Northern Circuit. Read all about his glorious legal career here https://www.theguardian.com/news/2004/jul/07/guardianobituariesWell fancy Lucille Hughes and Keith Fearns, living in obscurity in north west Wales, being able to seek him out as a potential ally. The documents relating to this injunction show that the legwork was done by a Mrs Janet Ruth Case and H. Ellis Hughes, County Secretary and Solicitor for Gwynedd. Frances Jones, solicitor, was involved in preparing some of the exhibits (my letters of complaint).

They were also busy out at Denbigh in February 1990. David Hinchcliffe wrote to Dilwyn Griffiths referring to yet another request from me for a copy of my medical notes, enclosing a copy of a truly splendid letter from Dr Dafydd Alun Jones. Once more Jones stresses that I must never be given a copy of my records – on which of course unbeknown to me the nurses had documented Dafydd Alun Jones’s collusion with a corrupt police officer to illegally detain me at Denbigh. Jones makes a reference to my ‘disturbed behaviour’ and states that giving me access to my records will only ‘increase [her] unhappiness’. How touching that Dafydd should be so concerned about my happiness at this point – after illegally imprisoning me in a locked ward where I was assaulted by staff, then threatening me, then trying to bribe me, then trying to have me arrested all over again for a crime that had never happened and then telling everyone that I was phenomenally dangerous and would end up in a ‘ward for the criminally insane’. But he only ever had my happiness at heart… I’m interested in yet another reference to me being ‘disturbed’ as well – Dr X at Ysbyty Gwynedd had used the same phrase. This phrase was very popular in the 80s and 90s with health and welfare staff and it tended to be applied to people who were daring to mention things that a lot of people would rather everyone remained silent about. Famously, when Margaret Hodge was leader of Islington Council in the 80s, there was a paedophile ring operating in the children’s homes run by that Council. One of the children who had been abused wrote to Hodge many years later and she publicly denounced him as a ‘disturbed individual’ (just like Dr X did to me). Hodge was married to a judge by the way, Henry Hodge. So presumably she knew exactly how illegal child molesting is. Hodge has since justified her slur about the man who wrote to her by saying that we ‘didn’t understand’ child abuse back in the 80s. Oh yes we did Margaret, we all knew exactly what child abuse was which was why so many people went to such lengths to prevent people who were being molested from being heard. But there we are, Margaret is now Dame Margaret Hodge  – I bet the kids who were molested in Islington haven’t ended up with a title like that…

Now the documents reveal a little mystery occurring in April 1990. Whilst I was working in London, I had come across an article in the British Journal of Psychiatry in the March 1990 edition, written by a Dr Carl S. Littlejohns, who gave his correspondence address as the North Wales Hospital Denbigh no less. Outraged as I was at yet another person from that institution hiding under the guise of being a competent psychiatrist when he will have known what was going on there, I wrote him a letter. I see that there’s a copy of my letter included in the files – it’s not rude or threatening, but it is reminding Carl Littlejohns of exactly what was going on in that institution at the time. There is also a copy of a letter from Littlejohns, dated 10 April, to Laurie Wood, the manager of Denbigh, saying that he had received a ‘rather strange letter and am not sure what to do with it’ (actually, someone should probably have taken it to the police considering the serious abuses that it was describing). BUT – Littlejohns himself has not signed this letter – it is signed ‘pp Carl Littlejohns’ with an indecipherable signature. Then there’s a copy of a letter dated 11 April from Alun Davies (administrator at Ysbyty Gwynedd) to Laurie Wood saying ‘Please find enclosed the latest epistle from [me]. As it makes reference to an ex-employee of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, I thought you might be interested to see it. Did you speak to your colleague at St Georges Hospital and if so what was the outcome?’ Handwritten on this letter was a message saying ‘discussed with Alun Davies 12/4/90’. Now, I don’t think Carl Littlejohns himself ever received my letter. I think that he had by then left Denbigh (hence the reference to ‘an ex-employee’ in Davies’s letter), but someone had opened his mail, realised that the letter was from me and wrote a ‘reply’ from Littlejohns to Laurie Wood in preparation, but actually sent my letter to Alun Davies (who was one of the key figures co-ordinating the attempts to have me declared dangerous and locked up). Davies then sent Littlejohns ‘reply’ to Laurie Wood, along with his snotty letter about my ‘epistle’. Readers who remember reading my previous blog post ‘The Night of the (Dr Chris) Hunter’ will know that by this time I was working at St Georges Hospital in London and that our friends from the north Wales mental health services had not only got one of their contacts at St Georges to trail around after me but had even accessed mail sent to the hospital for me in an attempt to discover my address in London. And now here was Davies asking Laurie for information from one of his mates at St Georges…These people were really anxious about something…

As for Carl Littlejohns, I googled him a few days ago. He works as a psychiatrist in Chester, in a private hospital. Yet another person who will have witnessed what went on at Denbigh but has obviously kept schtum for all these years.

On the 30 April, a letter was sent from the General Manager of Clwyd Health Authority to Laurie Wood, the manager of Denbigh. He states that he’s enclosing a copy of the letter that had been sent to me by their legal advisor (Andrew Park from the Welsh Office). Laurie Wood is told that Park has ‘omitted any references to assaults on staff, as, from the information we have provided, there does not seem to be any evidence that actual assaults on staff have taken place’. There is then yet another command for everyone to keep a record of ‘incidents’. There is also a copy of a letter that Park wrote to the General Manager of Clwyd stating that he has written to me but ‘I thought it best to omit the references to assaults since I am not convinced we have evidence of them’.

So there we are, straight from the horse’s mouth. For the last three years, these people had all told each other and numerous other people how dangerous I was, that I’d end up in Broadmoor, that I’d attacked numerous people, that I’d tried to stab them, that I’d throttled a junior doctor, that I’d assaulted Dafydd Alun Jones and so on and so forth. But when they actually had to produce evidence of ‘assaults’ they admitted that they couldn’t – because no assaults had ever taken place. But Park still did his best and wrote to me accusing me of having ‘threatened, harassed, abused’ etc etc – and stated that I was not to enter premises owned by Clwyd Health Authority or communicate or attempt to communicate with any member of Clwyd Health Authority. The only exception was that if I was following up a complaint I could write to the General Manager.

Of course I knew that Park’s letter was legally meaningless and replied to this effect and told him to stop threatening me. I also asked him who I had ‘threatened, harassed and abused’ and when. I reminded him that at the Independent Professional Review into my complaint nearly a year previously, that one of the Assessors, Professor Robert Bluglass, had remarked that Dafydd Alun Jones’s ‘clinical standards’ ‘must be raised’ yet this clearly hadn’t happened. And that my complaint about being assaulted by staff had never been investigated. On the same day, May 1 1990, I also wrote to the General Manager of Clwyd Health Authority, asking why my complaint about the assault on me hadn’t been investigated, why Bluglass’s suggestion that Jones’s clinical standards should be raised had been ignored and whether patients were still being abused and intimidated at Denbigh.

The General Manager (actually an administrator called Dilwyn Griffiths who seemed to handle all the General Manager’s mail, the General Manager – another Dr David Jones – clearly didn’t worry himself about minor matters such as people being illegally imprisoned in Denbigh and assaulted whilst they were in there) then wrote to Andrew Park telling him that he’d received my letter and was enclosing it and ‘would appreciate your advice as to how we should now deal with the matters which she has raised’. (Once more, an investigation into the outstanding issues wasn’t even considered – the response was, as ever, a request for legal advice from the Welsh Office.)

So far, this blog post has been concerned mainly with Gwynedd County Council and Clwyd Health Authority and their attempts to get me into Court. But Gwynedd Health Authority had been busy in this direction too. Gwynedd Health Authority had previously tried to gain an injunction against me in 1989 but their application was refused as they didn’t manage to convince the Court that I was actually doing very much. But they weren’t deterred, they just tried a bit harder. In May, they applied for an injunction against me yet again and I went down to Cardiff for the hearing, in front of a Justice Pill. I was represented by a barrister called Ian Murphy and Gwynedd Health Authority was represented by a barrister called Crispin Masterman.  The Health Authority wanted to get an injunction preventing me from even writing to them. They were unsuccessful because Justice Pill didn’t accept their overblown statements that I was disabling their whole system simply by writing to them.  The case ended by me giving an undertaking to the Court not to threaten or assault members/staff of Gwynedd Health Authority – which I was quite happy to do. Once more, the mass of ‘evidence’ that Gwynedd Health Authority had produced was copies of my letters. Letters that had described, in detail, again and again, just what was going on in Ysbyty Gwynedd and Denbigh – very serious abuses of patients, institutional corruption and law-breaking. Justice Pill, Crispin Masterman and Ian Murphy had all read those letters. They did not behave in Court like the appalling Judge Huw Daniel did (please see blog post ‘Interesting Happenings In The Legal System’), but they completely ignored the evidence before their eyes that something terrible was happening in north Wales. Ian Murphy and Crispin Masterman are now both Judges and frequently appear in the press in south Wales when cases that they preside over are reported. Justice Pill became Sir Malcolm Pill and before he retired was a Lord Justice of Appeal. Here he is https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Malcolm_Pill These were not stupid people. What on earth did they think was going on in north Wales? The only one of them who made any reference at all to the serious law-breaking on behalf of the mental health services was Ian Murphy, who did tell me that I could sue Clwyd Health Authority for false imprisonment and trespass to the person. (I did begin to do this but somehow that case just faded away – but not before it had severely antagonised the mental health services, but I’ll be blogging more about that soon.)

After the morning in front of Justice Pill, Andrew Park from the Welsh Office wrote to Mr PM Rees (an administrator in Gwynedd Health Authority) with a blow by blow account of the Court case. But Andrew Park had not been deterred by Pill’s refusal to issue an injunction and neither was Park satisfied with my undertakings. He was already making plans: ‘if there is to be a breach of her undertakings we shall need to act quickly’. (The phrase ‘if there is to be a breach of her undertakings’ is interesting – one would have expected him to say ‘if she should breach her undertakings’. It would perhaps be overly cynical of me to suggest that Mr Park might have felt that he was in a position to influence whether a breach was going to take place…) Mr Park then unveils a well-thought out plan, involving Gwynedd Health Authority setting up a central record of all approaches made by me, with full details of absolutely everything including any visits to Health Authority premises, any letters, any telephone calls. ‘In short a complete dossier of [my] activities since 24 May 1990 [the date of the Court case in front of Pill] should be available to me at short notice in the event of the Authority wanting to act further against [me].’ He then explains that they would then be in a position to prepare an Affidavit to bring me back in front of the judge again (with the possibility that I would be imprisoned for breaching my undertakings). But Park had also spotted another potential hazard to be dealt with. At the Court case in Cardiff, Justice Pill had mentioned that I could apply for Legal Aid in order to apply for a Court Order to gain access to my records. Park explains to PM Rees that ‘further on into the future, the Authority might well wish to prepare a list of the reasons why it will not disclose voluntarily the notes of [my] treatment to [me]’. Park then notes that he rang Alun Davies (administrator at Ysbyty Gwynedd) on the day of the Court case about the outcome of the proceedings, but won’t be writing to him as well.

Just to ensure that everyone involved was kept up to speed regarding the latest Court case against me, On June 13, Alun Davies wrote to Laurie Wood, the manager at Denbigh, sending him copies of Park’s correspondence relating to the case in front of Justice Pill ‘for information’.

Readers might have assumed that after all this, energy – and funds available – for dragging me through various Courts might have been waning a little. Not at all.  Gwynedd County Council, Keith Fearns and Jackie Brandt had been beavering away at their end. On June 26 1990, Both Keith and Jackie swore ‘supplementary Affidavits’. Once more, no real evidence was produced against me. Jackie stated that she had seen me walk past her office and I had waved at her as I walked away – which she stated was ‘intimidating’. In fact me waving as I walked off into the distance was so intimidating that Jackie stressed that Fearns had then walked her to her car ‘as a precaution for her safety’. Fearns’s ‘supplementary Affidavit’ stated that he’d seen me standing outside their building on May 29. I knew nothing about any of this until I was served with papers in London, demanding my presence in Court in Chester in July because Gwynedd County Council were taking me to Court for breaching the injunction and were requesting that I be imprisoned.

I have described this Court hearing in my blog posts ‘The Arfon Community Mental Health Team’ and ‘The North Wales Child Abuse Scandal’. I’ll give a quick resume here. Jackie and Fearns were not the only people who turned up to give evidence against me, two other members of the notorious Arfon ‘Team’, Maggie Fookes and Bob Ingham, turned up as well. I had met Ingham once and I had never even heard of Fookes at the time of this Court hearing. I arrived at the Court with my always very supportive solicitor but when I arrived there was a bit of a panic – our barrister hadn’t turned up. She did turn up in the end, literally minutes before the start of the case, very stressed and angry because she had been sent to the wrong Court. The Court venue had been changed just before the hearing and no-one had told her. However, the Arfon Team and their barrister had been told. My barrister said that she had wanted to meet me properly beforehand and go through the case but now we didn’t have time. However she did tell me that the Arfon Team had obviously all lied in their statements – they had all claimed to have seen me outside their offices or witnessed instances when I had ‘harassed’ Brandt, but the times and dates all clashed. Their statements were completely inconsistent. Brandt’s own statement was truly bizarre. As part of her ‘evidence’ as to how dangerous I was, she had stated that she had given her pet dog away in case I hurt it to upset her. I had no idea that she even had a pet dog, so where her fears for this putative dog’s safety came from I do not know. We had a problem though – with the change of Court venue, we had also had a change of judge. My barrister warned us that the judge we were now landed with was notoriously harsh, a Justice Roche. Roche seemed to be in a very bad temper throughout the whole hearing. He became angrier and angrier – not with the lying witnesses, but with my barrister. My barrister was a young woman and obviously fairly inexperienced and Roche did all he could to intimidate her. When she pointed out the inconsistencies in the witness statements, Roche made a generous offer to the Arfon Team liars – he asked them if they’d like some time to rewrite their statements, presumably so that they could co-ordinate their lies. For some reason that I have never fathomed, their barrister then backed off, saying that this case had already cost Gwynedd County Council an awful lot of time and money and that they’d just proceed on the few charges against me (I think it was something like three) concerning the instances where Fearns et al had got their stories straight. So Roche was forced to throw numerous charges against me out of Court (the Arfon liars had maintained that I’d breached the injunction on many occasions). The upshot was that even Roche didn’t manage to imprison me, although I got the impression that he’d very much liked to have. When I told my friend Brown about the change of venue that my barrister didn’t know about and the newly imposed bad tempered judge, Brown observed that he wished he was able to nobble Judges. For years I wondered whether someone had been busy behind the scenes or whether it was all just a dreadful cock-up. But look what I’ve found among all the documents released to me last week. A letter from H. Ellis-Hughes, County Secretary and Solicitor for Gwynedd, ‘FAO Arfon Community Mental Health Team’. Which was unusual in itself – regular readers of the blog might remember that it was usually H. Ellis-Hughes’s deputy, Ron Evans, who was involved in correspondence about me and who seemed to have a hotline to Lucille Hughes (Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’s ex-partner and the Director of Gwynedd Social Services). But this letter was from Ellis-Hughes himself and had been signed by him. The letter was dated July 2 1990 and stated that he was attaching ‘exhibits’ (letters from me) and tells the Arfon liars to ‘thoroughly familiarise themselves’ with the Affidavits. He goes on to say that their counsel, Mrs Janet Case, has confirmed that she required them to be present in Court on July 10 1990. He continues ‘the Court is situated at 77 Northgate Street, Chester. The time for the hearing is 10-30am…I would be grateful if you could arrive at 9-30am for a conference with Counsel before the hearing. Please let me know immediately if there are any problems regarding your attendance at Court’. However, in the same distinctive handwriting that had signed this letter, presumably H. Ellis-Hughes, in the margin by the instructions as to how to find the Court there is written in brackets ‘See P.S. below’. And below the typed text of the letter is a long hand-written message, again in the same handwriting, saying ‘PS. The venue for this hearing has been changed. The hearing will be held at the Crown Court, The Castle, Chester, same date and time. This is located by the race-course, on the right as you drive into Chester over the bridge, opposite the police headquarters. There is a car park, advise the attendant that you are witnesses. I would suggest that we meet outside the barristers robing room at 9-30 am. A Court Clerk on the door will ask you the name of the case…and will then direct you’.

So more than a week before the case, Ellis-Hughes was sending the Arfon liars precise instructions to ensure that they ended up at the right court. Information that my barrister wasn’t even given on the morning of the case. Yet Ellis-Hughes didn’t have his letter retyped with the instructions regarding the change of venue, although he had plenty of time to do this. He just added an extensive note by hand. So presumably anyone else who might be copied into correspondence or have access to it would also think that the case was going to be heard at 77 Northgate Street. The change of venue was obviously a very closely guarded secret.

I have recently googled Justice Roche and Mrs Janet Case (whose address was given as King’s Street, Chester) to see if they too had reached the dizzy legal heights that some of the other people involved in this skulduggery thirty years ago had. They seem to have disappeared off the face of the earth. No trace of either of them.

Whilst Gwynedd County Council did their best to imprison me, life continued at Clwyd Health Authority and the Welsh Office’s Legal Dept. On the 24 July, David Hinchcliffe (administrator at Denbigh) sent a memo to Dilwyn Griffiths (administrator at Clwyd Health Authority). The memo stated that I had rung a Kay Hemsley at Denbigh ‘threatening Sister Janice Davies’ (Davies was one of the nurses that I had complained about who was never investigated). Mr Park from the Welsh Office was soon onto it. In August he wrote to Dilwyn thanking him for his letter and saying that he was sorry to hear of the threat to Janice Davies and continued ‘Presumably this has been reported to the police. If not I would strongly suggest that it should be. The Authority could ask me to consider civil action in relation to the threat, but the difficulty is to persuade the Court that the threat was actually made or that it was [me] that made it…’ So it’s that hoary old chestnut again that they did keep stumbling across – no bloody evidence at all.

But all hell was soon to be let loose. On 10 September 1990, a memo was sent from Hinchcliffe to Dilwyn Griffiths, apologising ‘for the delay’ and stating that on 17 August I had rung Kay Hemsley ‘making allegations of a sexual nature against Dr DA Jones’. On the 18 September, Dilwyn sent a letter to the Welsh Office’s Legal Dept ‘FAO Mr Park’ stating that on 17 August I had rung Kay Hemsley ‘making allegations of a sexual nature against Dr DA Jones’. Andrew Park remember was a lawyer. So what was his response upon hearing that a former patient had made these allegations against a doctor who had now been successfully sued in a high profile case that had gone before Lord Denning, a doctor working in a hospital with a truly appalling reputation? Did Park suggest an investigation? No. On September 28 Park wrote to Dilwyn at Clwyd Health Authority saying ‘I am sorry to hear that [I am] making a nuisance of herself’. Park then asks for a signed dated note of Hemsley’s account of the conversation ‘which should include some indication’ as to why she knew the caller was me. (There was of course a problem when Kay Hemsley had reported that I’d threatened Janice Davies – there was no evidence that I’d ever done so, as Park had been obliged to point out.)

Kay duly produced the statement as requested. There is a copy of it in the file, dated 11.10.90: ‘I hereby confirm that on the 17th August 1990 I received a telephone call [from me]. She asked me to confirm that Dr DA Jones was continuing to have sexual involvement with his patients and what was I going to do about it. I obviously told her that I was not prepared to comment on her statement in any way but she continued to voice her opinion that he had been having sexual relationships with lady patients and would no doubt be continuing to do so. At some stage she put the phone down…’ Kay remembers Andrew Park’s instructions and also states that she knew it was me calling because I had identified myself to her.

What no-one did at any point was to ask whether my allegations concerning Jones might have been worth investigating.

But Andrew Park was really determined now. On 2 October 1990 he wrote to the County Secretary and Solicitor at Gwynedd County Council (the now notorious H. Ellis-Hughes). Park stated that he was acting for Gwynedd Health Authority and enclosed a copy of the Order from Justice Pill made after I’d given my undertakings in May. He also makes a reference to Gwynedd County Council obtaining an injunction against me. Park states that ‘The Health Authority seems to think that the terms of your injunction are more favourable than the one that it has. I shall be grateful if you will let me have a copy of any Order your Counsel has obtained against [me] and indeed to have any background information that you can give concerning your authorities proceedings against her. I would of course be pleased to pass on any information that I could in return.’

So Park had asked those masters in quashing dissent, Gwynedd County Council, for their help and advice in the wake of me raising questions of Dafydd’s sexual misconduct with patients.

So during 1990, a number of leading legal figures in Wales read numerous letters that I had written alleging serious abuses in the north Wales mental health services – mental health services jointly run between Gwynedd and Clwyd Social Services and Health Authorities. Some of these people were, to recap – Sir John Kay, Sir Malcolm Pill, Judge Crispin Masterman, Judge Ian Murphy, Justice Roche, Janet Case and Janet Cases’s articled clerk, Mrs J.M. Hughes. Not one of them suggested an investigation into what on earth was happening in north Wales, despite High Court cases being repeatedly brought against me – because I was writing letters of complaint.

What else was happening in north Wales during 1990? Well Mary Wynch had successfully sued Dafydd Alun Jones for falsely imprisoning her in Denbigh for a year, that received a lot of press coverage. But something else happened as well. Yorkshire TV dropped their filming of a documentary about a paedophile ring that was alleged to be operating in children’s homes in north Wales – but young people had started to come forward with allegations that they had been sexually molested whilst in care in the region. In October 1990, just as Andrew Park was asking Gwynedd County Council for their advice on how to obtain an injunction against me and was offering to exchange useful information about me with them, Stephen Norris pleaded guilty to indecency against three boys in his care whilst he was Officer in Charge of a children’s home in Clwyd. The case had been heard at Chester Crown Court. (Regular readers will know that I have been correlating some of the things that happened to me with events resulting from Alison Taylor’s attempts to blow the whistle on the north Wales paedophile ring. I am getting some of my info from this blog https://secretofbrynestyn.wordpress.com/north-wales-abuse-timeline-2/  This website mentions that one of the people alleged to have been involved in the paedophile ring was Peter Morrison, who in 1990 was appointed Thatcher’s Parliamentary Private Secretary. Sir Peter Morrison was the MP for Chester.) Legal circles are small and full of gossip. No doubt Sir John Kay, Sir Malcolm Pill, Judge Crispin Masterman, Judge Ian Murphy and many, many other people who read those letters that I was writing were very well aware that the case against Stephen Norris was happening. But as injunctions rained down upon my head and repeated attempts were made to imprison me, not one of them batted an eyelid. In much the same way that no-one in the legal depts of the BMA, MDU or Welsh Office had noticed anything amiss a year earlier. Can I just emphasise that these people were LAWYERS. They were indeed experts with regard to their knowledge of law-breaking….

I have mentioned that whilst all this was happening I was working at St George’s Hospital Medical School in London. Some interesting things were happening down there as well – but that is a story for another blog post…