A Message Of Peace At Christmas

Previous posts eg. ‘The Vermin Club’ and ‘Captain Swing And His Crew’ discussed the enormous circle of radicals, political activists, high profile literary figures, psychoanalysts etc who spent much time in south Gwynedd –  or who were friends with those who did – during the middle decades of the 20th century, as a result of the presence of Sir Clough Williams-Ellis who married into the Bloomsbury Group and Bertrand Russell taking up residence in nearby Penthyndeudraeth. The Welsh Bloomsbury Group knew about the presence of Dafydd’s gang in the area – and pre-Dafydd, Gwynne the lobotomist’s gang – but Dafydd and Gwynne provided a service for them, not the local people, so they weren’t in the least bit worried.

One strong link between with current politicians wielding power and Croesor is via the Hobsbawm family. Eric Hobsbawm kept a second home at Croesor for many years. He left the area in the late 1970s, but connections remained. Eric’s daughter Julia spent much of her young life at Croesor, although the family’s main home was in Hampstead. Julia’s best mate from Camden High School for Girls was Sarah, with whom Hobsbawm established a PR company that worked for the Labour Party and trade unions. While working for Hobsbawm Macaulay Communications, Sarah met Gordon, just when Gordon was in need of a wife, him wanting to be PM one day and they married. For a long time the Hobsbawms had a family friend who was the wife of the Chancellor of the Exchequer but they hit the jackpot in 2007 when they found that they were mates with the PM and his wife! It was good news for the Hobsbawms but disastrous for the public services in north Wales because the Hobsbawms were right behind a group of people who had caused very great suffering in north Wales…

 

Croesor was a place of many tales of derring-do because of the numerous very well-known radicals and bohemians who lived there at some point throughout the middle decades of the 20th century. The Croesor-related story that impresses some people the most is of course The Croesor-George Blake Link, which I briefly mentioned in my post ‘O Jones, O Jones’. It was Michael Randle and Pat Pottle, who lived in Croesor for many years, who helped the spy George Blake escape from prison in 1966. In 1991 Randle and Pottle finally stood trial at the Old Bailey for their role in springing Blake from Wormwood Scrubs and smuggling him out of the UK and into the Soviet Union.

George Blake (born George Behar on 11 November 1922) worked as a double agent for the KGB. Blake became a Communist and decided to work for the KGB while a prisoner during the Korean War. Blake’s espionage was discovered in 1961 and after a great deal of ‘How Very Dare You’ from the British establishment, he was sentenced to 42 years in prison after it was alleged that his activities had led to the deaths of many, many agents. George Blake escaped from Wormwood Scrubs in 1966 and fled to the Soviet Union. Blake was not one of the Cambridge Five – or at least the received wisdom states that he wasn’t – although he associated with Donald Maclean and Kim Philby after he  arrived in the Soviet Union.

Blake was born in the Netherlands in 1922, the son of a Protestant Dutch mother and an Egyptian Jewish father who was a naturalised British subject. The family lived a comfortable existence in the Netherlands until Blake’s father’s death in 1936. The 13 year old Blake was sent to live with relatives in Egypt, where he continued his education at the English School in Cairo. When WW II broke out, Blake was back in the Netherlands. In 1940, Germany invaded and quickly defeated the Dutch military. Blake was interned but released because he was only 17. He joined the Dutch resistance as a courier. In 1942, Blake escaped from the Netherlands and he reached London in January 1943. There, he was reunited with his mother and his sisters, who had fled at the start of the war. It was in 1943 that his mother decided to change the family name from Behar to Blake.

Blake joined the Royal Navy as a sub-lieutenant before being recruited by the Secret Intelligence Service, MI6, in 1944. For the rest of the war, Blake was employed in the Dutch Section. In 1946 Blake was posted to Hamburg and put in charge of the interrogation of German U-boat captains. In 1947 the Navy sent Blake to study at Downing College, Cambridge, where his fellow students included Michael MccGwire.

With a biography like this, George Blake would have been party to huge quantities of sensitive information that the British state are still desperately refusing to come clean about, such as whatever it was that Lord Louis Mountbatten did for so long that sent everyone into a blind funk and caused state agents to do anything at all to ensure that it was never openly admitted, even years after his death. See post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’.

MccGwire was a Royal Navy commander who in 1952 joined GCHQ to develop naval intelligence on the Soviet Navy. In 1956-58 MccGwire became a British assistant naval attache in Moscow where he provided military intelligence. As a ‘war planner’, MccGwire worked in the Supreme Allied Commander Atlantic (SACLANT) in the US. MccGwire retired from the Navy in 1967 aged 42 and became a student in International Politics and Economics at Aberystwyth University. While at Aber, MccGwire started and ran the Interstate Journal of International Affairs and published on the Soviet Navy for the UK’s Institute of Strategic Studies. MccGwire spent a year at Aber teaching postgrads.

For much of the 20th century, Abersytwyth churned out law graduates who spent the rest of their professional lives colluding with the organised abuse and criminality in Wales and elsewhere. The institution was also managed by deeply corrupt people who perpetuated this situation. Goronwy Rees, Principal of Aber, 1953-56, was a friend of Guy Burgess and was named as a double agent himself, although Goronwy’s fan club hotly denied that. Goronwy’s brother Geraint was a High Court judge in Wales who knew Ronnie Waterhouse and the gang. MccGwire was at Aberystwyth when Carlo was a student there for a brief time learning Welsh. For further details of corrupt people in high places as Aberystwyth University, see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’.

 

In 1970 MccGowrie became Professor of Maritime and Strategic Studies at Dalhousie University, Canada, staying there until 1979. He then became a Senior Fellow of the think tank in Washington DC, the Brookings Institute. MccGwire semi-retired in 1990, joining Cambridge University as a visiting Professor for three years on their Global Security Programme. At Cambridge, he continued to argue for an end to nuclear deterrents. In 2006 MccGwire participated in the national debate re the replacement of Trident and after that continued publishing and commenting on world affairs. He died in 2016.

Michael MccGwire was married to Helen, formerly an occupational therapist and author of a children’s storybook. They lived in Dorset and had five children: the writer and adviser to Labour Party figures, Scarlett MccGwire; author/communication consultant Lucinda Neall; CAB adviser Katrina Higham; business publisher Rory MccGwire; and corporate financier Paddy MccGwire. Scarlett has featured in a previous post on this blog and Lucille Hughes has been involved in the senior management of the CAB for a long while.

 

After Cambridge University, George Blake was posted to Seoul, South Korea, arriving in November 1948. Under cover as a Vice-Consul, Blake’s mission was to gather intelligence on Communist North Korea, Communist China and the Soviet Far East. Blake and the other British diplomats were taken prisoner after the Korean War broke out in 1950. While in Korea, Blake became a Communist and volunteered to work for the KGB.

When Blake was asked, “Is there one incident that triggered your decision to effectively change sides?”, he responded, “It was the relentless bombing of small Korean villages by enormous American Flying Fortresses. Women and children and old people, because the young men were in the army. We might have been victims ourselves. It made me feel ashamed of belonging to these overpowering, technically superior countries fighting against what seemed to me defenceless people. I felt I was on the wrong side … that it would be better for humanity if the Communist system prevailed, that it would put an end to war”.

Following his release in 1953, Blake returned to Britain as a hero, landing at RAF Abingdon.

Blake returning from Korea in 1953

In October 1954, Blake married MI6 secretary Gillian Allan in London. In 1955, he was sent by MI6 to work as a case officer in Berlin, where his task was to recruit Soviet officers as double agents. He informed his KGB contacts of the details of British and American operations, including Operation Gold, in which a tunnel into East Berlin was used to tap telephone lines used by the Soviet military. Until Blake’s treachery was discovered, this operation had been hailed as a resounding success. It is claimed that in the course of nine years Blake betrayed details of some forty MI6 agents to the KGB, destroying most of MI6’s operations in Eastern Europe, although this remains unsubstantiated. Blake later said of this, “I don’t know what I handed over because it was so much”. In 1959 Blake became aware of a CIA mole inside GRU, the foreign military intelligence agency of the Soviet Army and was thus instrumental in exposing P.S. Popov, who was executed in 1960.

In 1961, Blake fell under suspicion after revelations by Polish defector Michael Goleniewski and others. Blake was summoned back to London from Lebanon where he was enrolled at the Middle East Centre for Aranic Studies (MECAS) and arrested on arrival in London. Blake denied that he was ever tortured or blackmailed by the North Koreans and gave his MI6 interrogators a full confession.

The maximum sentence for any one offence under section 1 of the Official Secrets Act 1911 is 14 years, but Blake’s activities were divided into five time periods charged as five offences and, in May 1961 after an in camera trial at the Old Bailey, he was sentenced to a total of 42 years imprisonment by the Lord Chief Justice, Lord Parker. It was the longest sentence (excluding life terms) ever handed down by a British court until in 1986 Nezar Hindawi was sentenced to 45 years for the attempted bombing of an El Al jet.

Hubert Lister Parker, Baron Parker of Waddington (28 May 1900 – 15 September 1972) served as Lord Chief Justice, 1958-71. He went to Rugby (in later years he was Chairman of the Governors) and Trinity College, Cambridge. Following that, Parker was called to the Bar at Lincoln’s Inn in 1924. He became a High Court judge in 1950 and by 1954 was promoted to the Court of Appeal, in which Parker served until 1958. Harold Macmillan appointed Parker as Lord Chief Justice in 1958 and Parker remained in the post until 1971. 

Parker was criticised when he imprisoned the journalists who refused to reveal their sources during the Vassall Tribunal of 1963, the Public Inquiry undertaken by the British Gov’t in the wake of the John Vassall Scandal. Vassall, a civil servant working in the Admiralty, had been revealed in 1962 to be a Soviet spy and considerable criticism had been levelled at the security arrangements that were in place. The Tribunal was established to investigate these claims and determine whether any blame could be laid on officials or ministers. At first, the Inquiry was to be conducted by three senior civil servants. However, before it could begin, letters were discovered in Vassall’s possession from Tam Galbraith, who had been Civil Lord of the Admiralty. See previous posts. Vassall had been Galbraith’s junior Private Secretary; nevertheless some people suggested that it was odd that a minister would communicate by post with an official of his own department and there was considerable speculation of impropriety in the press. Given Vassall’s homosexuality, which had now become known, there were rumours that he and Galbraith were involved with each other and that Galbraith might have shielded him from discovery. The committee of civil servants investigated the correspondence and declared it innocent, but this verdict was not universally accepted. Eventually, the PM, Harold Macmillan, was compelled to open a wider Inquiry, conducted by three jurists. The Inquiry determined that Vassall had not been helped or favoured by any of his seniors.

Like so many other people, John Vassall will have known whatever it was going on in the Royal Navy and the Admiralty at the time that Gov’t was so desperate to keep quiet. Vassall was arrested in 1962 and was subsequently sentenced to 18 years’ imprisonment; he was released in 1972 after 10 years. Vassall was befriended in prison by the social reformer, Lord Longford, who during all that prison visiting and reforming gathered a great deal of information regarding who was witness to Naughtiness In High Places (see post ‘Comedies Of Menace’). Vassall subsequently changed his surname to Phillips, settled in St John’s Wood, London and worked as an administrator at the British Records Association and for a firm of solicitors in Gray’s Inn. He died after suffering a heart attack on a London bus in November 1996, two months before the Waterhouse Inquiry opened: it was not until nearly three weeks later that the press became aware of Vassall’s death. Ronnie Waterhouse lived in St John’s Wood, as did a great many lawyers, judges and politicians who were keeping the lid on the Westminster Paedophile Ring.

Lord Parker’s judgement with regard to the Vassall Tribunal stated in part that “the citizen’s highest duty is to the State”. Unfortunately for people like John Vassall who began dropping like flies as the Waterhouse Inquiry loomed and then got underway, the State was complicit with a bunch of vicious gangsters who were forcing kids and vulnerable people into sex work and bumping them off if they told people what was happening to them. Parker was quoted as saying that the Courts “have a positive responsibility to be the handmaiden of administration rather than its governor”. So who WAS/IS the Guvnor?

However, Lord Parker was popular among the legal profession as he secured improvements in judicial salaries and pensions. Which was an effective way of ensuring a tame judiciary that is the handmaiden of administration rather than its governor.

 

    • Lord Parker was a ‘mild reformer’ who supported legal aid, tried to modernise some judicial procedures and took an active part in Lords debates. He supported moves to abolish the death penalty.

 

On 22 October 1966, George Blake escaped from Wormwood Scrubs with the assistance of three men whom he had met in jail: Sean Bourke, Pat Pottle and Michael Randle, the escape being masterminded by Bourke. Sean Bourke was a petty Irish criminal, Pat and Michael were two anti-nuclear activists who had spent years living in Croesor.

In 1989, Michael Randle and Pat Pottle published their book giving an account of Blake’s escape, along with their rationale for helping him, ‘The Blake Escape: How We Freed George Blake And Why’. When in June 1991 Randle and Pottle stood trial at the Old Bailey for their part in the escape they were no longer living at Croesor. They defended themselves in court, arguing that while they in no way condoned Blake’s espionage activities for either side, they were right to help him because the 42 year sentence that he received was inhuman and hypocritical. Despite a virtual direction from the judge to convict, the jury found them not guilty on all counts.

Their trial attracted a great deal of publicity partly because there was such a high degree of farce involved. The crime had taken place many years before and it was unclear why it was suddenly deemed so important for Randle and Pottle to stand trial. What really attracted attention though were the allegations that the security services themselves had helped Bourke, Randle and Pottle spring Blake. It was also claimed by some that CND had been behind the escape. Randle and Pottle were CND activists but always denied that the escape was a CND act and they also denied that they had been assisted by the security services.

 

Randle and Pottle both served as Secretaries of the Committee of 100,  an anti-war group that was set up in 1960 by Bertrand Russell, Ralph Schoenman and the Rev Michael Scott. Pat Pottle was always referred to by people in north Wales as ‘Bertrand Russell’s Secretary’ rather than the ‘Secretary of the Committee of 100’. Randle was appointed as Secretary when the Committee of 100 was created, but Pottle took over the following year after Randle was jailed for his involvement in an anti-nuclear demonstration; Pottle himself had recently been released from prison after being jailed for his part in organising the demonstration at Wethersfield, of which more details will be provided later in this post. In 1955, Russell leased Plas Penrhyn in Penrhyndeudraeth, some four or five miles from Croesor and in the following year it became his principal residence.

People around Croesor talked to me about Russell, Pottle, Randle and Schoenman, but no-one ever mentioned Michael Scott. A lot of people involved with the activism took a rather dim view of Schoenman, but never explained why.

 

The Rev Guthrie Michael Scott, (30 July 1907 – 14 September 1983), was an Anglican priest and an anti-apartheid activist, who became active in anti-apartheid in South Africa in the 1940s. Scott was born in Sussex on 30 July 1907 and educated at King’s College, Taunton, Chichester Theological College and St Paul’s College, Grahamstown. Scott was ordained by George Bell in 1932, the George Bell who in recent years has been at the centre of a huge row in the Anglican Church regarding allegations that he was a child molester. Scott’s career began with curacies in Slaugham and Kensington. He was Domestic Chaplain to the Bishop of Bombay, 1935-37 and then served at St Paul’s Cathedral, Calcutta. In 1943 Scott moved to Johannesburg where he was Chaplain to the St Alban’s Mission. In 1952, Scott co-founded the Africa Bureau, “an organisation to advise and support Africans who wished to oppose by constitutional means political decisions affecting their lives and futures imposed by alien governments.” He was a leading international promoter of Namibian independence along with Chief Hosea Kutako and Captain Hendrik Samuel Witbooi. For his efforts in the Namibian War of Independence, Scott has a street named after him in Windhoek. He met with Martin Luther King Jr. during Ghana’s celebration of independence.

 

The Committee of 100 was committed to a campaign against nuclear weapons based on non-violent mass civil disobedience. The idea emerged early in 1960 in discussions between Ralph Schoenman, Hugh Brock, April Carter, Uncle Harry’s brother-in-law Ralph Miliband and Stuart Hall, some 23 years before Uncle Harry’s brother-in-law and Stuart Hall began a campaign of mass civil disobedience with the aim of hampering Brown’s career (see previous posts ‘eg. Life In Cold Blood’).

When Bertrand Russell established the Committee of 100, Dafydd and John Allen hadn’t yet gone into business big-style, but there had been organised abuse in north Wales for years; Gwynne the lobotomist ruled supreme and locals who crossed the path of powerful people were destroyed. Bertrand Russell and his mates had nothing to fear, Gwynne and subsequently Dafydd were there to serve the needs of posh powerful people.

 

Schoenman approached Bertrand Russell, the President of CND, with the idea which led to the Committee of 100. Russell resigned from the Presidency of CND in order to form the Committee of 100, which was launched at a meeting in London on 22 October 1960 with a hundred signatures. Russell was elected as President and Michael Randle was appointed Secretary. Russell explained his reasons for setting up the Committee of 100 in an article in the ‘New Statesman’ in February 1961.

Many in CND, including some of its founders, supported the Committee of 100’s campaign of civil disobedience. In 1958 CND had cautiously accepted direct action as a possible method of campaigning; but, largely under the influence of Canon John Collins, CND Chairman, CND’s leadership opposed any sort of unlawful protest. The Committee of 100 was created as a separate organisation partly for that reason and partly because of personal animosity between Collins and Russell. It has been suggested that this separation weakened the campaign against nuclear weapons and research also suggested that during the activities of the Committee of 100, public support for unilateral disarmament decreased, so Bertrand Russell’s campaign seemed to be counter-productive. About as effective as Uncle Harry’s brother-in-law’s and Stuart Hall’s efforts to stop Brown getting a PhD and publishing…

DUH!!! Rethink needed!

Ralph Miliband in 1958.jpg

 

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The Crisis being that from the mid- 1980s onwards, Brown and his friends refused to shut up about the vile old lobotomist and his gang who had for years been supplying kids and young people to provide sexual services for Bertrand’s circle…

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

Bertrand was long dead but there was his legacy and his many friends and family to think about and of course CND and the other Radical Causes with which so many of those who had been and still were involved were also linked to the sexual exploitation of kids and young people, as well as the associated serious organised crime.

Many of the ageing and recently retired social workers of Gwynedd turned out for the Feb 2003 anti-Iraq War march. Never mind the gangsters and the murders of witnesses, there’s the world to save, an organic wholefood diet to follow and an angry letter to ‘The Guardian’ to be written.

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Lessons Have Been Learned!

Which is why this happened a few weeks later:

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Prof Stuart Hall and his mates found themselves with an even greater Crisis to police in 2003 when Merfyn Jones, the then acting VC of Bangor University, gave me a place to do a PhD. The Crisis worsened when Merfyn’s appointment as VC was confirmed in 2004 and then race riots broke out in 2005 when I acquired my PhD. The solution to the serious civil disorder was to Get Merfyn (see post ‘Lest We Forget’). As well as Brown and me of course. I mean Merfyn was from Llanfrothen but his dad wasn’t Bertrand Russell!!!

 

‘The Brondanw Arms’, the pub that Merfyn’s parents ran in Llanfrothen as tenants of Eric Hobsbawm’s friend Sir Clough Williams-Ellis:
17 of the best dog-friendly pubs in North Wales - Daily Post

Plas Penrhyn, the humble cott in which Bertrand Russell dwelt:ラッセル紀行写真(ラッセルが晩年を過ごした Plas Penrhyn の自宅) - Bertrand Russell ...

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Information about Plas Penrhyn can be found on the website of ‘Humanist Heritage’. Among other things we are told:

Plas Penrhyn was Bertrand Russell’s home in Penrhyndeudraeth, Wales. Russell had a fondness for Wales and would live there for most of his later years.  The original idea to move to Wales was to provide a suitable place for his grandson’s family to live comfortably.  John, Russell’s grandson, wanted to be a writer and there was little way to support his wife and three children in this manner. Plas Penrhyn was near Duedraeth castle where Russell had stayed before and was near the sea (Penrhyndeudraeth means peninsula with two beaches in Welsh).  Percy Bysshe Shelley also had maintained a cottage in the local area.

It was from this regency manor that Russell would telegram both Khrushchev and Kennedy during the Cuban Missile Crisis, write his biography and live out his later years. In one passage of his biography he describes his first impressions of the house:

We stopped in North Wales where our friends Rupert and Elizabeth Crawshay-Williams had found a house, Plas Penrhyn, that they thought would make a pleasant holiday house for us and the children. It was small and unpretentious, but had a delightful garden and little orchard and a number of fine beech trees. Above all, it had a most lovely view, south to the sea, west to Portmadoc and the Caernarvon hills, and north up the valley of the Glasslyn to Snowdon. I was captivated by it, and particularly pleased that across the valley could be seen the house where Shelley lived. The owner of Plas Penrhyn agreed to let it to us largely, I think, because he, too, is a lover of Shelley and was much taken by my desire to write an essay on ‘Shelley the Tough’ (as opposed to the ‘ineffectual angel’). Later, I met a man at Tan-y-Ralt, Shelley’s house, who said he had been a cannibal…

 

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

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Nye’s humble cott in Belgravia, the Nye who’s World Envying Achievement provided 100% protection to ineffectual Angels as well as to downright abusive Angels who were running the trafficking gang in north Wales:

‘The greatest ever lion and lioness of Labour’: the Windbag on Nye Bevan and Jennie Lee. The Windbag who was a personal friend of some of those in the trafficking gang as were both of his parents-in-law in the previous generation.

Brown and Baker are Damaging The NHS With Their Publications!

Merfyn Jones is destroying my university, my language and my culture‘: the phrase spat at me by two other associates of the trafficking gang. Er, was this little slogan possibly doing the rounds amidst the Get Merfyn campaign? Since when did Miranda, Gordon and David Cameron give a damn about Bangor University, the Welsh language or indeed any putative Welsh culture, suckers???

Yma O Hyd!

Nye and Jennie on their way back to their humble cott in Belgravia from Harrods:

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The parents of Brown and Baker weren’t Bertrand Russell either, indeed our parents weren’t even members of the New Left, which must have been why Col Brown was found suddenly and unexpectedly dead during the Waterhouse Inquiry and Mrs Brown was found suddenly and unexpectedly dead just after I finished my PhD, when the SPG were brought in to police the Crisis.

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The SPG came into their own after Merfyn was appointed the Chairman of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board and the combined forces of the gwerin, the Top Docs et al and the descendants and friends of the New Left organised to allow numerous NHS patients to die in order to cause a scandal and thus force Merfyn to resign and leave public life (see post ‘The Point Is To Change It’). Added extras were guns being waved at me as well as someone who provided a witness statement, attempts to run Brown and I off the road at high speed and me being wrongfully arrested repeatedly and unlawfully refused all medical care. Let’s hear it for Radical Action!

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The Committee of 100’s campaign tactic was to organise sit-down demonstrations, which were not to be undertaken without at least 2,000 volunteers pledging to take part. Many eminent people participated in the sit-downs but few of the 100 signatories took part in the Committee’s activities. Demonstrators were required to adopt a discipline of non-violence and were recommended to remain limp if arrested and to refuse to co-operate in any way until inside the police station.

While I lived in north Wales I met a few people who had been part of the Committee of 100’s demonstrations, some of whom had joined the Committee of 100 at a young age. Merfyn joined while he was still at school and I knew another person who had joined as a school girl who had been arrested and imprisoned as a result of one demo, although she was only 15 yrs old. There was quite a fuss when Holloway discovered that one of their prisoners was a school girl.

I got to know this person better as a result of Brown and me publishing about the problems in the NHS in north Wales. She knew people who were going to England for mental health care because they just could not get any in north Wales and her own father was treated appallingly as a patient in Ysbyty Glan Clwyd. She raised her concerns and was subjected to insults and ridicule from the Angels. This was not a family who could be pathologised as plebs Ignoring Public Health Messages, the elderly man who had the Ysbyty Glan Clwyd Experience was a retired senior Army officer and his daughter was an academic who also worked as a journalist. The family did not publicise what had happened because it was all just so distressing that they wanted to retain their privacy and dignity, which was often why so much gross abuse of patients does not become public. Mark Drakeford knows that most of the families involved in the Tawel Fan scandal at Ysbyty Glan Clwyd never went public on just how bad it all was for the same reason.

The care of the elderly in Ysbyty Glan Clwyd was known to be atrocious and had been for years. It was ignored, even when Prof Clare Wenger, a retired academic from Bangor University and a specialist in the well-being of older people, wrote a report about her own experiences as a patient there and went to the media in 2007. Clare Wenger was denounced by Ysbyty Glan Clwyd as a stuck up old cow and not one person came to her defence in public, although every health and social care specialist at Bangor University, every politician in north Wales and every Top Doctor knew that Clare Wenger was not exaggerating with regard to just how bad the ‘care’ of elderly patients in that hospital was. See previous posts. Sadly, even Clare herself did not flag it up until she got in the neck…

First they came for the socialists, and I did not speak out –
     Because I was not a socialist.

Then they came for the trade unionists, and I did not speak out –
     Because I was not a trade unionist.

Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out –
     Because I was not a Jew.

Then they came for me – and there was no one left to speak for me.

 

Look around. There is no-one left to speak out. No-one.

Sound of Silence - Law Officer

The NHS is the envy of the world and the Top Doctors need more funding. Universal Credit will be Rolled Out to all Empowered Service Users because It Makes Work Pay and makes them Take Responsibility.

 

Meanwhile in Hampstead:

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Roll your sleeves up and get to work or it’s Pol Pot for the lot of you…
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At first, the Committee of 100 differed from CND only in its methods. Within the Committee, however, there were different ideas about civil disobedience, direct action and non-violence. Bertrand Russell saw mass civil disobedience merely as a way of getting publicity for the unilateralist cause. Some members followed Gandhi and they regarded direct action as a way of creating a non-violent society. Ralph Schoenman and others, including the anarchists who later led the organisation, saw direct action as a sort of insurrection that could force the state to give up nuclear weapons. Once that had been achieved, perhaps they could have done the world an even bigger favour and dealt with Gwynne the lobotomist and Dafydd. Nicolas Walter, a prominent member of the Committee, said later that it had been an anarchist organisation from its inception and that the hundred signatories were, in effect, a front.

The Committee’s first act of civil disobedience on 18 February 1961 was a sit-down demonstration at the MoD in Whitehall, London, to coincide with the expected arrival of USS Proteus on the River Clyde. Between 1,000 and 6,000 people took part; there were no arrests. At the next sit-down demonstration, on 29 April 1961 in Parliament Square, the police arrested 826 people. There were also marches and sit-downs against nuclear testing and demonstrations at the US and Soviet embassies in London and at the Polaris submarine base. 

On 17 September 1961, Battle of Britain Day, supporters blocked the pierheads at Holy Loch and the approaches to Trafalgar Square. The September demonstration is regarded as the high-water mark of the Committee of 100. A week before the demonstration, the hundred committee members were summoned to court without charge under the Justices of the Peace Act of 1361, because they “incited members of the public to commit breaches of the peace” and were likely to continue to do so. The court bound them to a promise of good behaviour for 12 months; 32, including Bertrand Russell, then aged 89, refused to be bound over and chose to go to prison instead. It is estimated that 12,000 to 15,000 people attended the demonstration despite the invocation of the Public Order Act, which effectively made it illegal to be in the vicinity of central London that day. Several thousand sat down and there were 1,314 arrests, but no violence from demonstrators despite allegations of police brutality.

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Can’t See Any Protesters Here:

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The success of the September demonstration encouraged the Committee to move from symbolic sit-down demonstrations in London to mass direct action at the places where nuclear weapons would be deployed and they planned simultaneous demonstrations on 9 December 1961 to walk on to RAF bases at Wethersfield, Ruislip, Brize Norton and Cardiff to sit on the runways and to prevent planes from taking off and street sit-downs in Bristol, Manchester and York.

The official response to the Committee of 100 had escalated from prosecution for incitement to breach of the peace to prosecution for the much more serious offences of conspiracy and incitement to breach the Official Secrets Act. Six organisers, the “Wethersfield Six”, were charged with these offences and five later imprisoned for eighteen months: Ian Dixon, Terry Chandler, Trevor Hatton, Michael Randle, Pat Pottle; and the sixth, Helen Allegranza, to twelve months. Bertrand Russell said that he was equally responsible, but the authorities ignored him and concentrated on the six young, unknown Committee of 100 officers. 3,000 military and civilian police were mobilised at Wethersfield. 5,000 demonstrated there and 850 were arrested. The Wethersfield demonstration was the Committee’s last act of large-scale civil disobedience. There were recriminations within the Committee, one internal memorandum saying that its policies had turned it into “a public spectacle, a group isolated from the general body of public opinion and feeling.” Herbert Read resigned from the Committee, saying that the action was “strategically foolish”. The Committee was weakened by the imprisonment of its officers.

The force used by the police at sit-down demonstrations surprised many of the demonstrators, which, with the Committee’s insistence on nonviolence and the use of pre-emptive arrests for conspiracy, discouraged many and support dwindled. The Committee’s plan to “fill the jails” by means of mass civil disobedience and thus compel the Gov’t to respond to their demands, was frustrated by the authorities imprisoning a few important members and ignoring the rest. Ralph’s brother-in-law Uncle Harry and his colleagues subsequently did ensure that the jails were indeed filled, but with Empowered Service Users rather than anti-nuclear activists. The harsh sentences on the Wethersfield Six “brought home to the Committee its inadequacy when faced with the might of the State,” and some of the Committee’s leaders were not willing to “fill the jails”, mounting strenuous appeals against conviction or, in the case of Pat Pottle, going on the run. Pottle went into hiding in December 1961, when he was wanted by the police after the occupation at Wethersfield. It was only in February 1962, when he appeared at a press conference at Kingsway Hall in London, that Pottle was arrested by Special Branch. He defended himself at his trial and attempted to use the trial as a platform for his political beliefs. Pottle, Randle and  the four other Wethersfield Six defendants were jailed for 18 months.

These days jails are not for peace activists or even serious criminals, they are for Empowered Service Users, who, should they say one word in protest, even when having been obviously framed, will be told by Caring Angels and Top Doctors that they Should Have Thought Of That Before. Fortunately, when Professor Oliver Brooke of St George’s Hospital Medical School Didn’t Think before he assisted in the organisation of a pan-European paedophile ring, his Eminent Colleagues realised that a prison sentence caused Great Suffering for a man like Ollie and at Ollie’s appeal in May 1987, five months after he was imprisoned, Lord Chief Justice Geoffrey Lane received many testimonials and letters of support for Ollie, declared Ollie’s enthusiasm for child porn to be the equivalent of a collection of ‘cigarette cards’ – did packets of fags still come with cigarette cards in 1987??? – and ordered Ollie’s release, although Ollie’s conviction was not overturned. See post ‘Oliver!’.

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  • By 1962, half of the original 100 signatories to the Committee of 100 had resigned. The Committee was in debt, faced the failure of its mass civil-disobedience campaign and was dissolved. The campaign was decentralised and thirteen regional committees, each with a hundred members, became responsible for organising demonstrations, with a co-ordinating National Committee. Of the regional committees, the London Committee of 100 was the most active and influential. A national magazine was launched by the London Committee in April 1963. Like CND, the Committee of 100 had begun with a self-appointed and unelected leadership and like CND, it faced pressure for greater participation by supporters. This re-organisation was intended to involve more people in decision making and to spread demonstrations throughout the country; Bertrand Russell opposed this. Well of course he did, because they weren’t Earl Russell, the Nobel Laureate and Very Clever Philosopher.

    Bertrand Russell

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In March 1962, Russell addressed a sit-down demonstration in Parliament Square against the sentences on the Wethersfield Six. All the 1,172 protesters were arrested, but there was a growing feeling that such demonstrations were becoming an end in themselves and would not now create a mass movement against nuclear weapons. A sit-down of 7,000 outside the Air Ministry planned for the following September had to be called off because of lack of support.

To underline its opposition to Russian nuclear weapons as well as those of the West, the Committee held a demonstration in Red Square, Moscow, at an international congress of the World Peace Council in the summer of 1962, calling for the abolition of all nuclear weapons and attacking the Soviet system.

From 1962 onwards, the Committee became increasingly radical and extended its campaigns to issues other than nuclear weapons. Peter Cardogan, an officer of the Committee, said that it was “trying to go in 12 directions at once”, including campaigning for civil liberties in Greece, against Harold Wilson’s failure to produce a promised Vietnam peace initiative and against siting London’s third airport at Stansted. In 1963 Russell resigned, although he was careful not to denigrate it publicly. Following Russell’s departure, the public image of the Committee deteriorated, many signatories also resigned and “the Committee of 100 ventured even further into the wilderness of libertarian politics”.

Members of the Committee of 100 doubled up as the Spies for Peace and were responsible for the revelations in 1963 regarding the Regional Seats of Gov’t, a network of secret Gov’t bunkers.

The Committee’s interest in Greek politics was sparked by the banning of a march by the Greek “Bertrand Russell Committee of 100” in Easter 1963, by the expulsion of some of the British Committee of 100’s members when they attempted to join the march and by the murder of Grigoris Lambrakis, a Greek MP and peace activist. Plans to protest against the London visit by King Paul and Queen Frederika in July 1963 were met by official attempts to prevent the demonstrations and draconian prison sentences on demonstrators. Macmillan’s Gov’t was criticised in the press for the severity of its treatment of the demonstrators and eventually there were embarrassing climb-downs. Some of the sentences were overturned on appeal and the Home Secretary, Henry Brooke, had to offer financial compensation.

Henry Brooke, as well as members of his family were directly responsible for concealing successive generations of the Westminster Paedophile Ring and of course the crimes of Dafydd’s gang. Brooke was married to Barbara Brooke, the daughter of a Welsh Nonconformist Minister, who became Baroness Barbara Brooke and ruled over swathes of the NHS in London; their son was Peter Brooke, the Cabinet Minister in Thatch’s and then John Major’s Gov’ts. Another son was Sir Henry Brooke, a Lord Justice of Appeal and there were also two daughters who married Top Doctors. See previous posts for details of this unpleasant dynasty.

 

One of the demonstrators criminalised by Henry Brooke et al proved that an offensive weapon had been planted on him and forced a public inquiry that criticised the police and led to the eventual imprisonment of three officers. However, a nine month sentence on Terry Chandler, Secretary of the London Committee, was upheld on appeal. Diana Shelley said that the imprisonment of Chandler, “the force which had driven” the Committee throughout the summer, had a profoundly damaging effect. Four years after these events, following the 1967 military coup in Greece, a “non-violent invasion” of the Greek embassy resulted in prison sentences of up to fifteen months for Committee of 100 demonstrators.

Previous posts have discussed Patient F who was targeted by Dafydd and the gang repeatedly. Their biggest immediate problem with F was that he found out about the abuse of kids in one of the children’s homes in Bangor and challenged the gang about it; he also knew plenty about police corruption and the abuse of psych patients. When younger, F had been a fixture of the art and rock scene in the south east of England and Dafydd was fully aware that F seemed to have info about the deaths of Jimi Hendrix and Brian Jones. F also had a great deal of information on David Hockney, Francis Bacon and Mick Jagger. Dafydd and the gang probably won’t have known this, but MI5 would: when F was young, he and his mates travelled extensively, through Afghanistan, Turkey, Morocco etc and they also went to Greece, where they were held at gun point by soldiers. F and his friends had found an empty building to kip in and there were flags rolled up in there, so they unrolled them and hung them up outside. They were the flags of the previous regime in Greece and the Colonels nearly shot F et al for flying the wrong flag…

The Committee of 100 was wound up in October 1968.

 

Ralph Schoenman (born 1935) is an American left-wing activist who was Personal Secretary to Bertrand Russell and became General Secretary of the Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation. He was involved in a number of projects supported by Russell, but shortly before Russell’s death in 1970, Russell publicly broke with Schoenman.

Born in New York, Schoenman was educated at Princeton University, but left the U.S. for Britain in 1958. He became active in the CND after arriving in Britain, which brought him into contact with Russell, for whom Schoenman began working in 1960. Bernard Levin wrote critically of Schoenman’s influence on the aged Russell, painting Schoenman as partly responsible for Russell’s virulent anti-Americanism, in contrast to his earlier pronouncements against communism. Russell said of Schoenman, “You know he is a rather rash young man, and I have to restrain him.”

In 1963, Schoenman participated as Russell’s Secretary in attempts to mediate a solution for the Sino-Indian border conflict, after China declared a ceasefire the previous year. Schoenman was an organiser and member of the Russell Tribunal, an International War Crimes Tribunal which visited North Vietnam and Cambodia, 1966-67. After making these visits, Schoenman argued in a hearing of the tribunal that the U.S. had committed genocide in Vietnam. During the course of the tribunal, the U.S. Govt revoked Schoenman’s passport because of unauthorised visits to North Vietnam. In November 1967, Schoenman was deported back to the U.S. by Bolivian authorities when he travelled there to attend the trial of Regis Debray. As a result, he was prevented from attending the tribunal’s proceedings in Copenhagen later that month because Danish authorities refused to allow him to enter without a passport. This led to a sequence in which Schoenman shuttled between several European countries, none of which would admit him, before illegally entering Britain, where he remained for 10 days until being deported in June 1968.

Russell publicly repudiated his relationship with Schoenman in December 1969 and had him removed from the Board of the Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation. Schoenman then renamed the American branch of the foundation the American Foundation for Social Justice and continued to promote hearings into alleged US atrocities in Vietnam. Later, Schoenman settled in Princeton, but was again able to travel, visiting Iran during the waning days of the Shah’s Gov’t to raise awareness of the human rights violations of the U.S. backed Gov’t. The new Provisional Revolutionary Gov’t expelled him in March 1979.

Meanwhile, back at the ranch in Wales:

Jim Callaghan was PM

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Sir Peter Morrison was the Tory MP for Chester
Peter Morrison

George Thomas was Speaker of the House
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Ron Davies was leader of Rhymney Valley District Council
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Since 2002 Ralph Schoenman has worked with documentary filmmaker, Mya Shone, providing commentary for radio stations in many parts of the United States and Canada and produces the “Taking Aim” radio show, billed as “Uncompromising, fact intensive exposés of the hidden workings of a capitalist system addicted to permanent war”.

Ralph, once you have brought down global capitalism and put an end to permanent war, how about a documentary exposing Dafydd et al, whom you knew all about when you were knocking around north Wales for all that time? My friend wanted to do it in the late 1980s, which is why she was driven out of her job at the Royal Television Society and her husband was forced out of the BBC. Part of your expose could include the activities of Dafydd’s pals at the Walton Centre, in who’s care Merfyn’s wife Nerys died in 2008. After Nerys had divorced Orlando Patterson, the US answer to Stuart Hall she returned from the US and married Merfyn.

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Ralph Schoenman got busy with those documentaries in the wake of the Waterhouse Report when people just wouldn’t stop alleging that there had been a huge cover up, the year before Merfyn Jones was appointed acting VC of Bangor University; Merfyn had been effectively performing that role for a while before it was confirmed.

In 2002 I wasn’t an acting VC or anything else, I had been unlawfully forced out of my teaching job by the gwerin and the gang and had been charged with ‘threatening to kill Alun Davies’ on the basis of the perjury of at least eight people, most of them NHS employees. The charges were withdrawn on the first day of the trial, which was repeatedly adjourned so I was on bail until 2004. I then received a letter from the DES telling me that I was under investigation with a view to striking me off the teaching register as a ‘dangerous teacher’. My name was cleared by a junior Minister who was a friend of Merfyn’s; he was then named in the media as a Minister who had let a paedophile remain on the teaching register. See previous posts.

Ralph knows the identities of some real paedophiles don’t you Ralph?

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Julia gave an interview to ‘The Guardian’ in 2014 and afterwards it was reported that she ‘believes in’ social mobility. As well as no doubt Father Christmas, or in Wales, Sion Corn.

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Julia: Your dad was of course working for MI5, so I have no way of knowing if he wasn’t quietly working hard to undermine the gang of child abusers with whom he associated for so many years, but if he was, he wasn’t very effective. It doesn’t take a great deal of Editorial Intelligence to work that out.

 

 

Michael Randle and Pat Pottle met George Blake in Wormwood Scrubs after they had been sentenced to 18 months imprisonment in 1962 for their part in organising the Committee of 100 demo at the USAF base in Wethersfield. Michael Randle also got to chat with John Vassall while he was in the Scrubs.

Michael Randle (second from left) with Bertrand Russell (centre) leading an anti-nuclear march in London, Feb 1961

Born in England in 1933, Michael Randle spent WW II with relatives in Ireland. Active in the peace movement since registering as a conscientious objector to military service in 1951, Randle was a member of the Aldermaston March Committee which organised the first Aldermaston March against British nuclear weapons at Easter 1958. He was Chairman of the Direct Action Committee Against Nuclear War, 1958–61; Secretary of the Committee of 100, 1960–61; and a Council and Executive member of War Resisters’ International, 1960–88, including the Chairman, 1966–73.

In 1959–60, Randle spent a year in Ghana, participating in the Sahara Protest Team against French atomic bomb tests in the Algerian Sahara and helping to organise a pan-African conference in Accra which took place in April 1960. In 1962, he was sentenced for his part in the Wethersfield demo; while Randle was serving that sentence his first son, Sean, was born. In October 1967, Randle was sentenced to 12 months’ imprisonment for participating in an occupation of the Greek Embassy in London following the Colonels’ coup in April of that year.

During his time in the Scrubs, 1962–3, Randle became friends with George Blake. After he escaped from prison, Blake then stayed at ‘safe’ houses around London which were mostly friends of Randle’s and Pottle’s, before he was hidden in a secret compartment in a camper van and Michael Randle drove him to Eastern Europe, with Randle’s children sitting on top of the seat that Blake was hidden underneath to put off any customs officers who might look into the van.

Michael Randle took a keen interest in developments in Eastern Europe. In 1956, he undertook a march from Vienna to Budapest with leaflets expressing support for Hungarian passive resistance to the Soviet occupation, though he was prevented from entering Hungary by Austrian border guards. In 1968, Randle jointly co-ordinated for War Resisters’ International protests in Moscow, Budapest, Sofia and Warsaw against the Soviet-led invasion of Czechoslovakia. In the 1970s and 1980s, he collaborated with the Czech dissident, Jan Kavan, then living in London, smuggling literature and equipment to the democratic opposition in Czechoslovakia.

In 1966, Randle graduated from London University and in 1981 completed an M.Phil in Peace Studies at Bradford University and then a PhD in Peace Studies at Bradford in 1994. There was a trafficking gang operating in the Bradford region with links to Dafydd’s gang, the guest star of which was of course Jimmy Savile, who by 1994 was the manager of Broadmoor Hospital and sexually assaulting patients there. Previous posts eg. ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’, ‘The Banality of Evil’ and ‘Now Then…’ have detailed how from the early summer of 1994, Dafydd and the gang were working very hard to have me constructed as ‘dangerous’ and transferred to an institution like Broadmoor. Their efforts began in earnest immediately after I and Patient F met with two members of the Mental Health Act Commission and raised our concerns about Dafydd sexually exploiting patients and serious complaints about Dafydd and his colleagues not being investigated.

The shenanigans in north Wales were accompanied by a major research fraud committed by two Top Docs at St George’s Hospital Medical School in London, Professor Geoffrey Chamberlain and Malcolm Pearce, for whom I had previously worked as a research assistant, which, had they not been caught, would have seen them established as making medical history and any attempt on my part to publish anything about their wrongdoing or their collusion with Dafydd and the gang in north Wales would have resulted in me being cast as a nutter telling porkies about World Famous Top Docs. There was further wriggling after Chamberlain and Pearce were exposed. Chamberlain, the more senior of the two and a man who was friends with Sir George Pinker, the Royal Gynaecologist who delivered William and Harry, as well as celebs such as Cilla Black, blamed everything on Malcolm and later gave evidence against Malcolm at the GMC hearing in 1995. Malcolm was struck off but what wasn’t made public was that Malcolm was then given a job as a medical negligence expert no less. When I worked at St George’s, 1989-91, I was officially Malcolm’s research assistant, although Chamberlain was Head of Dept. So even after it all blew up in their faces, had I gone public, I would have been known as the research assistant of that terrible man who faked his own research and no doubt Chamberlain would have been happy to confirm that I was a wrong ‘un, not having been publicly disgraced himself. Malcolm wouldn’t have come forward because he had that nice little number as a negligence expert and there’d have been one hell of a row if it had been known.

I don’t know who cooked all this up, but it was well beyond the ken of the St George’s crowd or indeed the Health Secretaries at the time, Virginia Bottomley, a former psychiatric social worker and then Stephen Dorrell, both of whom concealed the criminality at St George’s and in north Wales. See previous posts. The arrangements with regard to Chamberlain and Malcolm involved people at the highest levels of Gov’t as well as the security services. However it did all save the face of the man who since 1976 had been Chancellor of Bangor University and who also had a few other links to this heap of crap.

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On 9 June 1994, Matt Arnold, the Head of Bryn Estyn, died of an ‘unspecified blood disease’. On 13 June, the trial of Peter Howarth, Arnold’s long time friend and colleague, for the sexual abuse of boys in his care, opened at Chester Crown Court. Howarth went on trial with Paul Wilson. On 8 July, Howarth was found guilty and sentenced to 10 years in prison; Wilson was acquitted on all charges. Howarth maintained that he’d taken the rap for other abusers who were protected by their Friends in High Places. In April 1997, just after Waterhouse Inquiry had opened, it was briefly suspended because Sir Ronnie suddenly felt like a holiday in Hong Kong, during which time he met up with Derry Irvine, who was either the man who within days would be Lord Chancellor or he was the Lord Chancellor, depending upon the day that Ronnie and Derry bumped into each other. While Ronnie was in Hong Kong, Peter Howarth died in HMP Wakefield from a heart attack. Ronnie had previously worked with Derry and Derry’s two junior barristers, Tony and Cherie!

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The Courts, lawyers and judges of the Chester and Wales Circuit were and still are endemically corrupt and have colluded with organised abuse on Wales for decades. In 1990 three Gwynedd County Council social workers and their colleague, an Angel, perjured themselves in Chester Court in an attempt to have me imprisoned for breaching a High Court injunction. It became obvious that they had lied on oath and the case fell apart. There was no investigation. I now have copies of documentation relating to that case and the granting of the injunction just weeks previously. Perjury had been involved in obtaining the injunction. The injunction had been applied for and granted by the High Court in Leeds, although I lived in Bethesda in Gwynedd. Sir John Kay granted the injunction. Leeds falls within the Northern Circuit; barristers and judges on the Northern Circuit were colluding with Jimmy Savile and the Yorkshire gang. Until he made his name by acting for Jeremy Thorpe when Thorpe was tried for conspiracy and threats to kill at the Old Bailey in 1979, George Carman QC worked on the Northern Circuit. Carman was a grade A crook who spent years concealing the Westminster Paedophile Ring and the constituent gangs. Cherie Booth worked in Carman’s Chambers until 1988 and Miranda had been his pupil. Jimmy Savile was said to have ‘held’ Carman in reserve lest any media outlet ever named him as an abuser. Greville Janner retained George Carman when he was interviewed by the police re the abuse of children in care in the early 1990s. In his later years, Carman lived in Wimbledon, as did Geoffrey Chamberlain and many other Top Doctors and staff of St George’s. John Moore, Thatch’s Secretary of State for Social Services, 1987-88 and Secretary of State for Social Security, 1988-89, also lived at Wimbledon and interestingly enough refused to risk his own neck at St George’s in Nov 1987 when he became ill himself. Moore was a instead a patient at the private Parkside Hospital in Wimbledon. This was not surprising; Moore was at the top of the DHSS and knew that the Dept itself and the NHS was in chaos; he also knew that serious organised crime had permeated St George’s Hospital and that a huge trafficking ring was being facilitated by the staff. Ollie Brooke had been released from prison early in the summer of 1987…

When I first arrived to work at St George’s myself in 1989, Parkside Hospital were advertising for part-time lab staff and I showed interest in doing a few hours for them at weekends. When I mentioned this to my new colleagues at St George’s, they became incredibly nasty. The senior technician David Hole started shouting at me and stated that he wouldn’t give me a reference if I applied for a job at Parkside and I gained the impression that Hole was going to ensure that no-one else did either. I was baffled by the complete hostility but I now know that by that time Hole was fully aware that I was refusing to drop my complaints about Dafydd et al who were linked to the ring that Hole’s own colleagues were involved with. Hole was the MSF rep, he was corrupt and he was using his knowledge of the criminal Top Docs to personally benefit. Hole couched his aggression in ‘I hate private medicine’ – well he was an SDP Councillor – but he was working with NHS consultants who were also running Harley Street practices and raking in the dosh. When I found out about John Moore recently I wondered whether Hole and co had been desperate to keep my away from Parkside lest I bumped into a few of the Rich N Famous in Gov’t who were providing the umbrellas for Ollie Brooke et al.

 

Documents in my possession show that the perjury and even much of the rigging of the court cases involving me, including the perjury at Leeds High Court and subsequently in Chester, was organised by Ron Evans, a lawyer employed by Gwynedd County Council, who was communicating directly with Lucille Hughes and NHS managers and staff in north Wales. Ron forged and altered documents in the process. See previous posts eg. ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’. Ron’s wife taught history at Bangor University and also serves as a magistrate in north Wales and their daughter is a lawyer who entered the civil service and by 2011 was employed as Peter Mandelson’s aide.

Gwynedd Social Services came after me – and F – again in 1993. Jackie Brandt, one of the Gwynedd social workers who had perjured herself in 1990, made a statement to the North Wales Police maintaining that I had screamed and yelled at her in Safeways in Bangor, such that she feared imminent attack. I was prosecuted and subsequently tried at Bangor Magistrates Court in the summer of 1993. Brandt got her own name wrong in the witness box, admitted that she had lied to the police and that I hadn’t even spoken to her in Safeways and then started crying, after she had explained to the magistrates that she had Plenty Of Experience In Dealing With Dangerous Clients but I was even worse than all the others. I had to cough up £60 for causing Brandt ‘alarm and distress’. I subsequently wrote to Michael Mansfield QC about this and the abuse of the law by Gwynedd Social Services to harass and silence complainants; I had previously complained about Brandt when she broke the law and unlawfully detained me in Ysbyty Gwynedd. Michael Mansfield wrote a one line reply in response, although he had just published his book ‘Presumed Guilty’ about corruption and abuse within the criminal justice system. Mansfield’s former Chambers colleague is St Helena Kennedy, who was a guest at a do held by Julia Hobsbawm at the Portmeirion Hotel in Gwynedd some years ago; St Helena is a Wimmin’s Champ, but not of those Wimmin who have challenged Dafydd and the gang, probably because she spent years working with Professor Nigel Eastman of St George’s Hospital Medical School, who when he ‘assessed’ me in 1991, just told me to go back to north Wales ‘because they know you there’. Eastman’s colleague Dr Robin Jacobson had told Eastman in writing that Dafydd was sexually abusing patients and that he suspected Dr Tony Francis was as well. Tony’s wife Sadie was a Top Doctor who was also part of the gang in north Wales. Sadie grew up in Yorkshire, where her mum was a Top Doctor – although she preferred to work as an artist – and herself was the daughter of one of the first Wimmin Doctors in Britain.

Here’s another daughter of another Early Feminist Hero:

Regius Professorship Lecture (15648721150).jpg

 

Shirl and the rest of the Gang Of Four colluded with Dafydd and the Westminster Paedophile Ring for their whole careers and used their knowledge of who was doing what in that ring of traffickers to develop their electoral strategy after the SDP was formed and I suspect may even have established the SDP with a view to doing that. See post ‘We’ve Been Expecting You…’

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I’ll probably find out soon that Dafydd is the secret love child of Mrs Pankhurst. Or Jenni Murray.

While Gwynedd Social Services were in hot pursuit of me throughout much of 1993 – Brandt made her complaint to the North Wales Police in early spring and the trial wasn’t held until late summer – two other people deeply involved with the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal died, which will have been a relief to many, what with that police investigation into a possible paedophile ring drawing to an end and the hundreds of complaints that had been made about the abuse of kids but were never acted on by the DPP. The deceased were Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon and his dad Lord Lloyd Kenyon. Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon was known to be sexually abusing at least one boy in the care of the Social Services in north Wales and used the boy for indecent photos. It was recorded upon the boy’s social work file that he was in a ‘homosexual relationship’ with Thomas. In 1978 the two of them spent the night together and Thomas subsequently made a complaint of theft against the boy, stating quite clearly why they had been together all night. The ‘theft’ was of a number of items including Polaroid porn pics of them both. The boy was sent to a detention centre. Thomas was not charged with any offence.

Lord Kenyon was President of UCNW for nearly 30 years but was deposed in 1982 when the gwerin began fighting in the wake of Jeremy Thorpe and Mary Wynch. See post ‘Meet The Gwerin!’ Lord Kenyon was a Tory who held numerous public positions, including that of Chair of Clwyd Health Authority; he was a member of the North Wales Health Authority, the most senior Freemason in north Wales, a magistrate, a Flintshire County Councillor, a Director of Lloyd’s Bank… See previous posts for full details of the Kenyons.

Lord Kenyon died on 16 May 1993, ‘after a long illness’. Jackie Brandt made her statement of lies to the police about me several weeks before the North Wales Police arrived at my house and told me that she had complained. I didn’t find out about Brandt’s allegations until well into April. I was charged a few days later. Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon died from HIV/AIDS in 1993. Lord Kenyon was a Tory. Those we know and love will have been fully aware that Thomas and his father were on the way out when Brandt’s idiocy took place.

 

On 21 July 1994 after Matt Arnold was safely dead and Peter Howarth had been sent to prison for 10 years, Miranda became Leader of the Labour Party. His predecessor John Smith had died on 12 May 1994 after the Top Docs at Bart’s were unable to revive him following a heart attack; Bart’s was choc full of Top Docs who had links with Dafydd and the gang and had been protecting them for many years. See previous posts…

After John Smith died, an acting Leader of the Labour Party was appointed, a lady who famously enjoys caravanning – just like Jimmy Savile – who served as the Deputy Leader under John Smith, 1992-94:

Dame Margaret Beckett
Official portrait of Margaret Beckett crop 2.jpg

Margaret has been the Labour MP for Derby South since 1983 and before that she was the Labour MP for Lincoln, 1974-79. So Margaret reaches back to Harold Wilson’s era. There was a paedophile ring in Derbyshire who were on excellent terms with Dafydd’s gang; care staff from Derbyshire arrived to work in children’s homes in north Wales and north Wales’s child abusers popped over to Derbyshire. John Jillings, who Chaired the Jillings Investigation, admitted that very serious abuse of kids in care in north Wales had gone on for many years but refused to give his opinion as to whether a paedophile ring was in operation. Despite his harsh words, it was widely believed that Jillings was playing down the severity of the problem in north Wales. John Jillings was the former Director of Derbyshire Social Services.

The Jillings Report was completely suppressed and made available to no-one except Clwyd County Council’s insurers lawyers on the advice of Michael Beloff QC, the legal adviser for the  insurers of the Council, Municipal Mutual. Michael Beloff QC is, like St Helena,  a member of the Mansfield community and was a colleague of Cherie’s. After Miranda got through the door of No 10, Michael Beloff was a visitor to Chequers. Michael Beloff is the son of Lord Max Beloff, who was a pal of Ioan Bowen Rees, the Chief Executive of Gwynedd County Council when kids and psych patients were being abused and his staff were busy perjuring themselves and forging documents in their efforts to have me imprisoned.

 

Among her other positions, Margaret Beckett was a junior Minister in the Dept of Education and Science, 1976-79, in Callaghan’s Gov’t under Secretaries of State Fred Mullay and then Shirl. So she knew about the abuse in schools, especially of SEN children and in the schools attached to children’s homes, in north Wales and elsewhere. Beckett also knew about the chaos presiding at UCNW and Shirl refusing Dafydd Wigley’s 1979 demand for a Public Inquiry into Sir Charles Evans’s management of UCNW. Beckett had a go at being Shadow Heath Secretary, serving as yet another safe pair of lame ineffective hands in that role.

Beckett topped off her collusion with serious organised crime when she served as Lord President of the Council and therefore was the visitor for Bangor University, 27 July 1998 – 8 June 2001. Which was during the years of the Waterhouse Inquiry and the publication of the subsequent Report. While Beckett was serving as the University visitor, the Windbags’ friend of many decades, Lord Cledwyn, who had been concealing Dafydd’s et al crimes since the early 1950s when Cledwyn was elected the Labour MP for Anglesey, was President of UCNW. See previous posts.

 

Malcolm Pearce was struck off by the GMC in June 1995. On 9 July 1995 Bing Spear, the corrupt Home Office Drugs Branch mandarin who did Dafydd so many favours, died. On 13 July 1995 Sir Peter Morrison was found dead. Brown was forced out of his job at Aston University in July 1995. See previous posts.

 

Michael Randle was coordinator of the Alternative Defence Committee, 1980-87, contributing to its publications, Defence Without the Bomb (Taylor and Francis, 1983) and The Politics of Alternative Defence (Paladin 1987). He has contributed articles and reviews to ‘Peace News’, ‘New Society’ and ‘The Guardian’, as well as to other newspapers and journals.

‘New Society’ steadfastly ignored the widespread abuse of children and vulnerable people in the care system throughout its many years of existence. This was hardly surprising as it was a magazine aimed at social workers and its classified’s pages carried job adverts for social work managers for local authorities which had been infiltrated by paedophile gangs. John Allen advertised for staff in ‘New Society’.

 

Randle was also the author of several books, including Alternatives in European Security. Randle was coordinator of the Bradford-based Social Defence Project, 1988-90 and later coordinated the Nonviolent Action Research Project, also based in Bradford, the proceedings of which were edited into a book Challenge to NonviolenceHe remains an honorary visiting research fellow at the Department of Peace Studies, Bradford University. In 2005, he co-edited with April Carter and Howard Clark People Power and Protest since 1945: a bibliography on nonviolent action.

For most of the life of the Committee for Conflict Transformation Support (1992–2009, previously Coordinating Committee for Conflict Resolution Training in Europe), Michael Randle was minutes Secretary and also Editor of its bulletin, ultimately titled CCTS ReviewHe is a long-serving Trustee of the Commonwealth Collection at the J.B. Priestley Library at Bradford University. In March 2003, Randle made an extended appearance on the TV discussion programme ‘After Dark’. 

Randle married his wife, Anne, in 1962; they have two sons, Sean and Gavin and are grandparents.

 

Patrick Pottle (8 August 1938 – 1 October 2000) was a founding member of the Committe of 100. He was born in Maida Vale, north London. His mother was from an Irish Catholic family: his father was a Protestant trades union official and a socialist. Pat went to the London College of Printing and during national service, he worked in the hospital at RAF Uxbridge.

Pottle organised his first anti-war demonstration in 1959 and participated in a number of demonstrations, including a sit-in at the Soviet embassy in London. In 1964 Pottle was put on trial in China and deported for “inciting the Chinese people to overthrow the state”. Later the same year he was deported from Greece after joining anti-nuclear demonstrations. Months later he was deported from Malta for organising an anti-nuclear demonstration there.

A few months after Blake had escaped in Oct 1966, Pottle met and married Susan Abrahams, the daughter of the Olympic champion Harold Abrahams and his wife, the opera singer Sybil Evers. See post ‘O Jones, O Jones’. In 1967, Pottle co-founded the Vietnam Information Group to help US deserters and draft dodgers reach Sweden. A year later, he was arrested in London while demonstrating against the Greek colonels’ coup, but escaped from a police van after noticing that the back doors were unlocked. Pottle also organised demonstrations against the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia. The Pottles moved to Croesor in 1969, moving back to London in 1979. They were living in London when Pottle and Randle stood trial for springing George Blake. The Pottles then moved back to Gwynedd to retire in 2000.

For most of his working life Pottle was a printer, running his own Stanhope Press in the 1960s, working as printer for the Peace Pledge Union in the early 1990s and running his own Pottle Press in the late 1990s. Most of the printing that Pat did was for anti-nuclear or peace groups.

My previous post ‘Captain Swing And His Crew’ discussed how I got to know some of those involved in the anti-nuclear and peace groups in Gwynedd during the 1980s – although I didn’t meet Pat Pottle – who knew about Dafydd and the gang but would not touch them. Furthermore some of those activists later trained as social workers; their campaigning groups received huge support from people employed in the health and welfare services across north Wales. It was why I became so disillusioned with leftist politics and ‘radical’ activism, the whole lot of them were complicit. It wasn’t just north Wales; it was the same story in Leicester and London. I now know why: the Westminster Paedophile Ring. Their links were everywhere and the Labour-run Councils during the 1970s and 80s were sending hundreds of kids to children’s homes in north Wales. Virtually all the Councils, whoever was running the local authority, had a major problem with the abuse of children in care and the gangs were linked up across the UK and into Europe…

If the Brave Campaigners for Peace had said one word, the funding for their campaigns would have been terminated, there’d be no more support from the liberal media or indeed any political party or politician and furthermore the individuals who did speak up would have found that they were hounded out of every job that they ever obtained. As I was and the friends who supported me. One of my mates was murdered and attempts were made to murder Brown and his brother.

Greenham doesn’t look quite so heroic now does it Strong Wimmin?

greenham-common | Çatlak Zemin

Lying in the road? Er, you’d have brought Thatch down if you’d have piped up about the Westminster Paedophile Ring because she was a personal friend of Sir Peter Morrison and Jimmy Savile, who was procuring the kids… Ooh, I forgot. You needed the Pot of Money and the Funding For The Co-ordinator Of This Project and We Really Can’t Criticise A Doctor. I remember it well Strong Wimmin!

Official portrait of Ann Clwyd crop 2.jpg
Jane Hutt AM (28136581466).jpg
Julie Morgan AM (28066509352).jpg

The Waverers:

Neil Kinnock Stock Photos & Neil Kinnock Stock Images - Alamy

 

 

 

It was Sean Bourke who originated the idea of springing George Blake from the Scrubs. George Blake’s escape took place in 1966, three years after Randle and Pottle had been released from Wormwood Scrubs. Sean Bourke originally approached Michael Randle only for financial help with the escape, but Randle became more involved and suggested that they bring Pottle in on the plan as well, as he had suggested springing Blake to Randle in 1962 when they were both still in prison. It was in May 1966 when Bourke approached Randle and Pottle about springing Blake and it was in October 1966 that Blake was helped over the wall using a ladder made of rope and knitting needles. Blake was then hidden in various London flats by Pottle and Randle. In December Blake was smuggled to Berlin in a compartment hidden under the bunk of a camper van driven by Randle; Blake later surfaced in Moscow.

Randle and Pottle’s motives for helping Blake to escape were their belief that the 42-year sentence was “inhuman” and their personal liking of Blake.

The outline of the escape which appeared in media reports:

Bourke had smuggled a walkie-talkie into Blake to communicate with him whilst in jail. It was decided that Blake would break a window at the end of the corridor where his cell was located. Then between 6 and 7 pm, whilst most of the other inmates and guards were at the weekly film showing, Blake could climb through the window, slide down a porch and get to the perimeter wall, where Bourke would throw a rope ladder made of knitting needles over the wall so that Blake could climb over and they would then drive off to the safe house. During the escape, Blake fractured his wrist jumping from the perimeter wall, but apart from that it all went according to plan.

After the escape, it became apparent that the safe house Bourke had organised was not suitable, as it was a bedsit that was cleaned by the landlady once a week. Blake then spent several days moving between Randle and Pottle’s friends’ houses in north London; after this, Blake and Bourke moved in with Pottle, staying with him while preparing to get through customs and escape to East Germany.

Pottle and Randle’s book provided further details of the plans made before the escape, the escape itself and events after the escape. For years it was assumed that Blake’s escape had been masterminded by the KGB, but in the run-up to their trial Pottle and Randle secured the disclosure of MI5 papers which showed they had been suspected from the beginning. While it was fiercely denied by Pottle and Randle that MI5 themselves had assisted the escape, from the information provided in Pottle and Randle’s book, I would suggest that they must have done. Even in 1966, security in the prison system could not have been so lax that no-one would have noticed what went on; it was almost a Laurel and Hardy prison break-out. Or something worthy of Big Vern.

 

As for events after George Blake had actually got out of the prison via the ladder made of stringy bits and knitting needles which was thrown over the wall, new heights of slapstick were reached, some of which were provided by Top Doctors. Randle and Pottle noticeably didn’t name the Top Docs in their book or anywhere else or even provide the slightest clue as to the Top Docs’ identity or place of employment. A Top Doctor treated George Blake’s fractured wrist. Blake didn’t go to A&E, he received home visits and there was a bit of inconvenience and discomfort but it was rather less than the kidney stones and cluster headaches experienced by people who dared complain about the Top Docs and been unlawfully refused all medical care. Or indeed experienced by Labour politicians who keeled over with heart-attacks whom the Top Docs just couldn’t revive or the wives of Vice Chancellors who developed brain tumours that proved beyond the powers of the Excellence of the Walton Centre.

Randle and Pottle decided that George Blake needed to be Disguised for the period of time that he was knocking around in safe houses and on his way to East Germany and furthermore they decided that the best disguise would be that of a Foreigner. A real Foreigner, George was already a Foreigner in that he wasn’t British, but after getting over the wall, George had to be disguised as a Darkie. So the skills of a Top Doctor were once more enlisted and according to the book, treatment was supplied which affected George’s pigmentation and turned him into a Darkie. I imagine that Blake must have resembled Al Jolson, he cannot have really constituted a passable Darkie of the sort that Enoch Powell would demand be refused entry to Britain. Vote Bertrand Russell if you want a Highly Implausible Nigger For A Neighbour. Turning George Blake into a Darkie probably simply have made him even more noticeable, in the way that I reminded F would only highlight the presence of Dafydd when F one day suggested that Dafydd could disguise himself to gain entry to women-only spaces by wearing a burqa.

Not only did Top Doctors treat Blake for a fractured wrist and then turn him into a Darkie, but because the crowd who were concealing Blake were networked into the Radicals of North London, one of the women who lived in one of the safe houses in which Blake stayed was Sharing with her psychiatrist (or analyst) and shared the fact that they were harbouring George Blake. This appeared in media reports years later as well as in Randle and Pottle’s book and it was presented as one of those ‘The Things Nutters Say’ anecdotes but ooh they were telling the truth there and the Doc didn’t believe them. Readers I will enlighten you; Nutters usually tell the truth, Nutters are the best people watchers that you will ever encounter, Nutters notice everything and everyone and Nutters have excellent memories. Nutters don’t always realise the significance of what they have witnessed, they need to refer to Brown for that, but Nutters have the lowdown. Furthermore, Top Docs know this, or at least Top Docs like Dafydd who need to cover their arses do.

The psychiatrist and analyst circles of north London were, even back in 1966 when George Blake escaped, concealing organised abuse and many of them had links with Dafydd and the gang in north Wales. Dafydd had ‘trained’ at the Maudsley before taking up a senior role at the North Wales Hospital in 1964 and he worked with Dr Bob Hobson at the Maudsley, who was running an abuse ring in London; the whole of the London medical establishment as well as psychoanalysts were protecting Hobson and they protected Dafydd for the rest of his career as well. See post ‘The Mentor’.

Sir Clough Williams-Ellis and Bertrand Russell were friends with many psychoanalysts and Clough’s wife Amabel was a member of Strachey family at the centre of the Bloomsbury Group. James Strachey was a huge figure in analysis, as was his wife Alix; they were friends with Freud and translated his works, providing the definitive translation which is still used today (see post ‘The Vermin Club’). There were close links between Welsh psychiatrists and analysts such as Wilfred Abse who were directly involved in facilitating organised abuse and the London Big Names (see post ‘O Jones, O Jones’) and Welsh psychiatrist Ernest Jones was one of Freud’s disciples who introduced analysis to the UK (see eg. posts ‘The Wind Of No Change’ and ‘The Vermin Club’). In turn this lot were friends with and often related to Gov’t Ministers, politicians, civil servants, diplomats, people close to the Royal Family and writers, journalists, people in theatre and the arts and of course lawyers. See post ‘The Vermin Club’. Ernest Jones alone had a son Mervyn who was a good friend of Michael Foot and who wrote Foot’s biography. The Croesor crowd contained numerous lefties and radicals with friends in north London and people like Eric Hobsbawm even had their main homes in north London. See post ‘Captain Swing And His Crew’.

By 1966 Dafydd was a leading light in MIND. MIND was facilitating organised abuse, including Dafydd’s gang. At one point, the Church of Scientology infiltrated MIND – then known as the National Association for Mental Health – maintaining that psychiatrists were committing crimes against children and experimenting on patients. This was completely true, but sadly because the Church of Scientology were a bit bonkers themselves, no-one at all would give them the time of day. The Scientologists and MIND were involved with a libel case which followed from the Church’s claims re Dafydd et al; the case was rigged at Gov’t level and the Scientologists lost. One of the lawyers who represented those who made the allegations against psychiatry later disappeared off the face of the earth. Ronnie Waterhouse was one of the lawyers who worked to uphold psychiatry’s good name.

The National Association for Mental Health and dear old Dafydd and his colleagues were considerably assisted by Sir Kenneth Robinson, Harold Wilson’s Minister of Health, 1964-68. The Top Docs loved Robinson, they absolutely loved him. He was the Mark Drakeford of Wilson’s Gov’t, Robinson gave the Top Docs lots of money, allowed them to do whatever they wanted, he failed to challenge the ‘pay beds’ scam in the NHS and he sat in a corner and wet himself in the face of the activities of Dafydd and Gwynne. Kenneth was President of the National Association of Mental Health in the 1960s when Dafydd was a high profile figure in the organisation as well. Even today, literature published by To Doc regarding the history of the NHS remembers Robinson’s time as Minister of Health fondly and the medical establishment is agreed that Sir Kenneth was the Best Minister Of Health that there has ever been. After pandering to the paedophiles in medicine, Sir Kenneth became the Chair of the Arts Council, distributing Gov’t cash to some of those who were using the services of the young sex workers procured by Dafydd et al. See previous posts for details re Sir Kenneth and the dust-up between the Church of Scientology and MIND.

 

That analyst who’s analysand was living in the same house as George Blake knew that George Blake was kipping at his analysand’s house and he/she will have known that the trail led to Bertrand Russell and his friends on Dafydd’s doorstep. He/she wasn’t going to blow the gaffe. There were so many others to think about…

James Strachey in 1952

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Now shut up and get in that dungeon at Denbigh. Rich horrible people want to have sex with you and no-one else will ever agree to shag them. Someone wants to be PM!

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As for putative help from the security services with regard to George Blake’s escape, some of those involved were the security services. I don’t know for certain about Randle and Pottle, but some of their closest friends were definitely working for the security services.

Pottle and his co-conspirator Michael Randle were suspected of helping Blake escape just weeks after it had happened in Oct 1966, but it was alleged that at the time Special Branch advised MI5 not to prosecute on the grounds that it might be seen as “persecution – that the big fish had got away so they were taking it out on the little fish”. The failure to prosecute was also attributed to the escape being highly embarrassing for the authorities.
Throughout the early accounts of Randle’s and Pottle’s lives of being prosecuted – or indeed not prosecuted – for political activism, I noted some very familiar names, names of people who concealed the criminal activities of Dafydd and the gang and the wider Westminster Paedophile Ring. The presiding judge over the 1962 trial of the six members of the Committee of 100 who organised the Wethersfield protest was Mr Justice Havers, ie. Sir Cecil Havers.

Sir Cecil Robert Havers (12 November 1889 – 5 May 1977) was born in Norwich, where his father was a solicitor. He was educated at Norwich Grammar School and then at Corpus Christie College, Cambridge, graduating with an LLB in 1913. Havers fought in WW I and continued to serve in the British Army well beyond that time as well.

Cecil Havers was called to the Bar at Inner Temple in 1920 and took silk to become a KC in 1939. Havers served as recorder of Chichester, 1939-51, as a judge in the Gold Coast, 1944-45 and as a Commissioner of Assize in the midlands in 1949. He became a bencher at Inner Temple in 1946 and served as Treasurer in 1971. Havers was elected as an honorary fellow of Corpus Christi in 1975. Havers was appointed as a High Court judge in 1951, being assigned to the Probate, Divorce and Admiralty Division. He was transferred to the King’s Bench Division in 1952.

Havers presided over the conviction of Ruth Ellis for murder in 1955, the last woman to be sentenced to death and executed in the UK. In a 2010 television interview his grandson, the actor Nigel Havers, revealed that his grandfather had written to the Home Secretary recommending a reprieve as he regarded it as a crime passionnel, but received a curt refusal. Havers subsequently sent money annually for the upkeep of Ellis’s son. I don’t know whether it was representations such as this from Cecil Havers which caused Lord Chief Justice Parker to give judges lots of money and stress that their duty was to be handmaidens of the state. Whether Havers was the precipitating factor for Lord Parker’s new Terms & Conditions for judges I don’t know, but the plan worked a treat. Just in my own case, judge after judge after judge, all the way up to the High Court over many years, doing favours for Dafydd.

Havers retired as a full-time judge in 1967 and became Deputy Dean of the Arches in 1970. He will not have been under those Arches, that is a delight experienced by the Empowered Service Users who have been Helped By Dafydd et al. In fact both Justice Roch and Huw Daniel made a point of telling the Court that Gwynedd Social Services ‘were helping people’ while I was leading the crime wave up in north Wales.

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  • Cecil Havers married Enid Snelling in 1916. They had one daughter, Elizabeth Butler-Sloss and three sons, Tony, David, and Michael Havers. Butler-Sloss and Michael Havers have been regulars on this blog. Michael Havers was Solicitor General, 1972-74; Attorney General, 1979-87 and then briefly Lord Chancellor. Michael Havers was the Tory MP for Wimbledon, 1970-87.

In the 1980s, it was revealed that Michael Havers, in his capacity as Attorney General, had blocked the prosecution of the diplomat and former DG of MI6 Sir Peter Hayman for child porn offences. Sir Peter was a member of PIE. See previous posts. This was one of the first storms regarding the failure to prosecute high profile Gov’t figures for child sex offences. Havers was AG throughout the years of serious criminality in north Wales, when complaints of the abuse of children or vulnerable people by Dafydd’s gang were ignored yet victims and witnesses were framed or prosecuted for trivial or ludicrous reasons. Havers was AG when Dafydd had me unlawfully arrested and imprisoned in the North Wales Hospital in Dec 1986 after Dafydd did a ‘deal’ with the corrupt Superintendent Roberts at Bangor Police Station which involved having me arrested for ‘attempting to strangle’ a junior doctor. After I had been incarcerated in Denbigh the junior doctor withdrew his complaint and the charge was dropped. I was however not released from Denbigh.

Havers was AG throughout the months of 1987 when Dafydd and the gang, in cahoots with the Home Office, Risley Remand Centre and the Mental Health Act Commission, planned to frame me for a serious offence in order to have me imprisoned. Havers stepped down as AG on 13 June 1987 to take up the post of Lord Chancellor. Some three weeks later Dafydd, Tony Francis and the gang tried to fit me up for ‘attempting to stab a junior doctor’. The plan fell apart when Sergeant Morgan at Bangor Police Station and Jeff Crowther, a nursing officer at Ysbyty Gwynedd, did not tell as many lies as required. See previous posts eg. ‘Workers’ Play Time’. Havers was succeeded as AG by Patrick Mayhew, who, while in that role, in 1990 and 1991 authorised three prosecutions against me for contempt of court, my imprisonment being requested on each occasion, on the basis of members of the gang committing perjury. Documentation in my possession demonstrates that the MDU, Hempsons and the barristers acting in the cases knew that perjury was being committed, as did the presiding judges. See eg. posts ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’, ‘The Sordid Role Of Sir Robert Francis QC’. So did Mayhew and Havers.

Michael Havers served in the Royal Navy, 1943-47 and then in the RNVR. As did Geoffrey Chamberlain. Gwynne the lobotomist was in the Royal Navy at that time as well. That generation of Naval officers knew about the shenanigans of Lord Louis Mountbatten, John Vassall, the gay spies in the Admiralty and the other events described in my post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’. It was the basis of Jim Callaghan’s rise to the top as well.

‘We’re the paedophiles’ friends and you can’t get us. Lobotomised because you complained about a groper? Illegally imprisoned in a dungeon for refusing to shag Dafydd?? Call Lord Havers for the definitive and final judgement on the matter.’

The Judge’s summing up: Ah the doctors they were wonderful!

 

Cecil Havers’ daughter Elizabeth also made a valuable contribution to the protection of Dafydd et al. Butler-Sloss became the first female Lord Justice of Appeal in 1988 and in that year she Chaired the Public Inquiry into the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal, which had resulted from Dafydd’s colleagues in the north east of England, who were linked to the gang in north Wales, taking hundreds of children into care after carrying out the notorious Bottom Inspections and accusing many innocent people -usually family members – of having buggered them. Two of the accused men committed suicide and after their deaths it was admitted by everyone that one of them at least had definitely been wrongly accused. No staff were dismissed or prosecuted as a result of the scandal and the Director of the Area Health Authority, Liam Donaldson was subsequently appointed Chief Medical Officer for England by Miranda in 1998, where he remained until 2010. See previous posts, including ‘Twas The Night Before Christmas And the Culprits Were Named’. Butler-Sloss never clarified in her Report how many children she believed really had been abused.

At the time of Cleveland, ‘The Guardian’ in particular waxed lyrical about the feminine charms of Butler-Sloss, who simply by possessing ovaries was kind, compassionate yet firm, good with children and sympathetic to distressed and even wrongly accused people. A rather different sort of publicity came Butler-Sloss’s way years later in July 2014 when she was forced to step down six days after being appointed as Chair of IICSA, after it was revealed that her brother Michael had been AG when many of the offences that would be the subject of IICSA had been committed. It was then revealed that Butler-Sloss, a big wig in the Anglican Church, had tried to ensure that the Anglican Church was excluded from IICSA. Which would have been a major omission in the light of what has now become public.

What has received less publicity is that Butler-Sloss was a bit dim when she was at school and although she came from a family where nearly everyone went to Oxbridge, even those without testicles, poor old Butler-Sloss was never going to be accepted for such institutions. So she became a secretary. I have absolutely no problem with people working as secretaries, I have been friends with secretaries, but I have yet to meet, in the flesh, a secretary who then became a High Court judge, let alone a Lord Justice of Appeal, because while working as a secretary she was spotted as High Court judge material and doors were magically opened. Without having to even do a law degree at university like virtually every other High Court judge. Not that this points to a Fiddle and Nepotism Of The Highest Order of course; it is yet another example of the Marvellousness of Lord Butler-Sloss and living proof that Women Are Amazing. In fact Butler-Sloss is so Amazing that her womanly hormones even projected her into Inner Temple, the same Inn of which her father was a member.

Butler-Sloss was rewarded for allowing the Westminster Paedophile Ring to continue business by being appointed the first female President of the Family Division of the High Court in 1999. But then Lizzie B-S had already bagged the job of Lord Justice of Appeal by keeping her mouth shut about Dafydd and the gang and I understand, about me.

 

Spot The Difference; Clue: One has had a shampoo and set (and one is really a secretary):

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Lord Michael Havers’ sons are Philip Havers QC – I wonder if he got into the family business via working in a wet fish shop after leaving school at 16 with no GCSEs? – and Nigel Havers, the posh actor who appears on TV talking in cut glass tones about how he isn’t at all posh, he just always plays roles in which he is cast as a Posh Man, while the women on TV with him swoon and bang on about him having gone to Eton and his dad being a Lord.

Nigel Havers:

  • Lady Butler-Sloss to lead child abuse inquiry | Society ...

 

Lord Justice Butler-Sloss:

 

This lot presided over terrorist trials and legislation which results in some people being locked up for years in solitary confinement. Doesn’t it warm the cockles of one’s heart?

The big guns were certainly brought out to blast away at Pottle, Randle and the other four members of the Committee of 100 who stood trial in 1962. The AG himself, Sir Reginald Manningham-Buller aka Lord Dilhorne, led for the prosecution. Reginald Edward Manningham-Buller, 1st Viscount Dilhorne (1 August 1905 – 7 September 1980), known as Sir Reginald Manningham-Buller, 1954-62 and as The Lord Dilhorne, served as Solicitor-General, 1951-54, AG, 1954-62, then as Lord Chancellor, 1962-64, so someone was obviously pleased with him jailing the Wethersfield Six.

In 1957 Manningham-Buller prosecuted suspected serial killer Dr John Bodkin Adams for the murder of two elderly widows. The case was highly controversial with allegations of inappropriate contact between Manningham-Buller and the BMA and GMC, political interference from the Gov’t of which Manningham-Buller was a member and evidence disappearing from the DPP’s files and then reappearing in the hands of the defence after the trial had begun. Mr Justice Patrick Devlin, the Presiding judge, in his post-trial book accused Manningham-Buller of “an abuse of process”. Detective Superintendent Herbert Hannam of Scotland Yard, the chief investigator, suspected political interference from a Gov’t which didn’t want to see a Top Doctor hang. It was widely believed that Manningham-Buller had deliberately presented a weak case against Bodkin Adams, who was suspected by Home Office pathologist Francis Camps of having killed 163 patients. Harriet Harman’s dad Dr John Harman gave expert evidence for the defence, on a matter of which Harman had no first hand clinical experience. But not knowing one’s arse from one’s elbow has never been a barrier for expert medical witnesses and just look at what Dafydd and Gwynne were doing at the time…See previous posts for more info on the John Bodkin Adams case.

Manningham-Buller as AG also made the decision to mount the prosecution against Penguin Books under the new Obscene Publications Act after the company republished Lady Chatterley’s Lover in 1960. Bernard Levin criticised the decision in ‘The Spectator’ which caused Manningham-Buller to suggested prosecuting “the proprietors of The Spectator, the editor and Mr Bernard Levin” once the Chatterley trial itself was over. The Solicitor General Sir Jocelyn Simon convinced him to reconsider.

Manningham-Buller’s mother was the granddaughter of Hugh Grosvenor, 1st Duke of Westminster. The Duke of Westminster has an historical link with St George’s Hospital Medical School. When the St George’s Hyde Park Corner site was vacated after the institution relocated to the new development in Tooting in 1980, the 6th Duke of Westminster, Gerald Cavendish Grosvenor, a close friend of Carlo’s, demanded that the Gov’t give him the Hyde Park Corner site as a freebie – it was worth millions, being a Posh Expansive Bit of Knightsbridge – because his ancestors had donated the site and founded St George’s in the 18th century. Ken Clarke pretended that he and Thatch told Gerald to take a running jump. They didn’t, they let him buy the Hyde Park Corner site for £6,000 and it is now the Lanesborough Hotel, about as posh as you can get.

The gift to Gerald was in no way linked to the pan-European trafficking ring which involved Prof Ollie Brooke of St George’s, Sir Peter Morrison, Dafydd et al and huge swathes of UCNW, of which Carlo was Chancellor and St George’s. Or Gerald being President of the City of Chester Conservative Association when Peter Morrison was the Tory MP for Chester. Or Peter Morrison’s sister Dame Mary being Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Carlo’s mum.

 

Manningham-Buller’s daughter, Eliza Manningham-Buller, was Director General of MI5, 2002-07. She was in post when all those NHS staff lied to the police in a desperate attempt to have me convicted of ‘threats to kill’… Eliza was awarded a peerage in 2008. Eliza Manningham-Buller was appointed to the Court and Council of Imperial College, London in 2009, becoming Deputy Chairman later that year and named Chairman in July 2011. She became a Governor of the Wellcome Trust in 2008 and the first female Chair of the Trust on 1 October 2015.

Eliza: Next time that you are on duty when Ysbyty Gwynedd’s solicitor sends a memo around to the staff requesting ‘more nurses down the police station to complain about Sally Baker please’ and eight of the Angels then lie to the police about having heard me threaten to kill Alun Davies when at the time I was sitting in a locked ward sporting injuries after having been assaulted by four members of staff, could you please put a stop to it immediately, rather than hanging around for two years while I remain on bail, losing my job and my home in the process, only to find that the charges are withdrawn on the first day of the trial? Then when you hear that the DES have then placed me under investigation anyway for being a ‘danger to pupils’, perhaps you could investigate immediately and ensure that absolutely everybody involved is dismissed from their jobs, rather than leaving it to Merfyn’s friend to clear my name, which causes a backlash from the Top Doctors and the death of Merfyn’s wife while she’s in their care? Furthermore Eliza, when you are held over a barrel because of the St George’s Link, at least avoid being held over a barrel by a bunch of corrupt MSF reps and an insane vindictive lab technician called Deb Everard who doubles up as a Tory Councillor for Edmonton. Thanks Eliza! 

PS. There is large scale research fraud taking place at Imperial and by researchers funded by the Wellcome Trust and it has been going on for a good 30 years. Don’t move too quickly on this one will you Eliza, it is after all only the reason why the Treatments and Interventions don’t work and why the clinical outcomes for patients in the UK are now some of the worst in Europe. Oh and next time that two postgrads use all possible official channels to raise their concerns that a group of Top Docs are running some sort of sex abuse ring, targeting patients and are fitting up and imprisoning those who complain, perhaps you could investigate instead of allowing your workforce to send a thug after Brown and smash his head on a pavement repeatedly. Don’t worry about an apology, it will make no difference. You knew that this was happening and you chose to let it continue. You aren’t sorry and you never will be.

The Baroness ‘Fuck You’ Manningham-Buller
Eliza Manningham-Buller at Chatham House 2016.jpg

 

Reginald Manningham-Buller died in September 1980, aged 75, and was in turd in the village of Deene, East Northamptonshire. Northamptonshire contains St Andrew’s Hospital which was an asylum specialising in the abuse of patients and the accusation of innocent people, but in recent years it has become a Private Unit which houses hundreds of learning disabled people who’s placements there are funded by the NHS and social services. There have been numerous allegations of ill-treatment and some patients have died. Complainants have been subjected to Court Orders to prevent them speaking to the media.

 

At the trial of the Committee of 100, the second prosecutor to Reggie was Mervyn Griffith-Jones, who famously led the prosecution at the Lady Chatterley’s Lover trial. His much quoted remark in his opening statement as to whether the novel was something “you would even wish your wife or servants to read” is often cited as representing the extent to which the British ‘Establishment’ had fallen out of touch with popular opinion at the time. It hadn’t, it was just a heap of horse manure for the Court and the press, Mervyn Griffith-Jones knew what Dafydd et al were doing at the time and it was a lot worse than publishing Lady Chatterley’s Lover.

Griffith-Jones failed to convince the jury at the Chatterley trial and the publishers were acquitted. Griffith-Jones lived until July 1979, which gave him plenty of time to blow the whistle on Dafydd who was undoubtedly doing things that you wouldn’t wish your wife or servants to read about, but he never did.

I note that Bertrand Russell wasn’t prosecuted along with the Wethersfield Six; Bertrand the ringleader was ignored. I wonder why?

Griffith-Jones was a member of Middle Temple, as was Ronnie Waterhouse. Their time there overlapped, with Griffith-Jones being an old lag when Ronnie was a whipper snapper. After WW II, Griffith-Jones was one of the British prosecuting Counsel at the Nuremberg Trials, as was Lord of the Rings, Lord Elwyn-Jones, who served as the conduit between Dafydd et al, the East End part of the business and the Gov’t, Lord Elwyn-Jones being Attorney General.

In 1955, Griffith-Jones was junior Counsel for the prosecution of Ruth Ellis and in 1963 he was the prosecuting Counsel in the trial of Stephen Ward, the fall guy for the Profumo Affair. Ward killed himself with an overdose on the last day of the trial and died after being convicted in his absence. What received less publicity was the big helping hand that Ward received from the Top Doctors with regard to his suicide. See previous posts. No wonder no-one was going to see John Bodkin Adams convicted and executed, wherever would fiends in high places be without the Top Doctors?

Previous posts eg. ‘Those Who Are Ready To Serve’ have described how Dafydd found out about Naughtiness in High Places before he went to Liverpool Medical School, how he knew that a trade in young people from Wales as sex workers to those in High Society was in existence and he therefore made plans to vastly expand the business and has spent his entire existence since then blackmailing the idiots who did such dreadful things to conceal wrongdoing as long ago as the years of Harold Macmillan’s Gov’t.

Mervyn Griffith-Jones was a Councillor in Westminster City Council, 1948-54, when the Council was complicit with organised abuse. His son, Robin Griffith-Jones, is the current Reverend and Valiant Master of the Temple.

 

Pat Pottle defended himself at the 1962 trial of the Wethersfield Six, but his five co-defendants were defended by Jeremy Hutchinson, the famously high camp celebrity barrister who was a member of the Bloomsbury Group. Hutchinson had been the defence barrister for George Blake in 1961. Jeremy Hutchinson was entertaining in Court and had everyone rolling in the aisles, but it came at a price. He robustly defended people whom he knew to be guilty including child sex offenders and used anything, anything at all, to win a case; he took the piss, made obscene gestures, anything went if it could put a witness off their stride, particularly an honest one. Hutchison had a rather complicated life outside of the law, indeed literally outside of the law and a network of friends and associates who were involved with sexual exploitation and crime, including people linked to Dafydd and north Wales (see previous posts).

Hutchinson was called to the Bar in the Middle Temple in 1939 – Ronnie Waterhouse arrived in the Middle Temple some years later – and served in the RNVR during WW II. Well, what else would he have done but spent a few years among Royal sailors and gay spies with a taste for boys? Jeremy was a member of the defence team in the Lady Chatterley trial and the year after became a QC. He was a Recorder of Bath and the Crown Court, 1963-88.

There was an elite paedophile ring in the Bath area which involved celebs and Arty people. The Brotherhood of Ruralists were busy in the west country while Jeremy Hutchison was on the turf down there and one of them, Graham Ovenden, was eventually convicted of child sex offences. Ovenden had been controversial for years with concerns expressed regarding the nature of some of his art, which, had it been photography, would definitely have been deemed to be child porn. Ovenden fiercely defended his art in a way that sounded rather like an artist or reviewer dreamt up by a satirist and when his work was seized, former child models of Ovenden spoke in defence of him. I accept their point that they had never felt, or been, abused by Ovenden and neither should we see a sex offender in every artist who draws nudes. However, Ovenden was abusing some children, he did so for a long while and although he was convicted alone, someone knew about it and was helping him. Jeremy Hutchison was one of those who robustly defended Graham Ovenden.

Hutchinson was a member of the Committee on Immigration Appeals and of the Committee on Identification Procedures. Hutchinson was Vice-Chairman of the Arts Council of Great Britain and a Professor of Law at the Royal Academy of Arts. He was a Trustee and then Chairman of the Tate Gallery. On 16 May 1978, Hutchinson was created a life peer. Just as Jeremy Thorpe was charged…

Hutchinson was married to the actress Peggy Ashcroft, 1940-1965, with whom he had two children. He had many friends in the world of luvvies as well as law, true Garrick Club stuff. Hutchison later married June Osborn, who died on 26 September 2006. June Osborn and her friend when younger had entertained themselves by each trying to persuade the other one that marrying Ted Heath would be an excellent idea. Why Ted Heath was ever seen as remotely desirable by either of them I cannot fathom.

 

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See previous posts for the escapades of Jeremy and his posh wives, posh friends and the criminals by whom Jeremy was so charmed.

Jeremy Hutchison only died in Nov of last year, so Dafydd had a good friend in the latter day Oscar Wilde until very recently.

 

Another link between the Croesor crowd and gay swinging spies in higher echelons was Rab Butler serving as the Home Secretary when George Blake was jailed; Butler was followed as Home Secretary by Henry Brooke, who continued concealing the wrongdoing of the same people with whom Rab so ably colluded. Rab Butler was Mr Tory Party for decades and then spent a long incumbency as Master of Trinity College, Cambridge. In Gov’t, Rab concealed mountains of doings on which Dafydd and Gwynne capitalised and he was out to grass at Trinity College in time for Carlo’s arrival. Rab was appointed Carlo’s personal mentor and counsellor for Carlo’s time at Cambridge. Trumpers was running Cambridge at the time and was a friend of Rab. There was an elite abuse ring based at Cambridge and in particular Trinity, decades after the flurry of gay Cambridge double agents in the 1930s.

Rab established and then held influence over the Home Office Research Unit which remained in existence long after Rab had left Gov’t, that funded research carried out by academics who were working with young people who had been abused while in various care contexts or in approved schools. Rab’s loyal servants did everything they could not to mention what they knew had happened to and in some cases was still happening to the witnesses and victims. Many of those who in their early careers received commissions and funding from Rab’s Research Unit later became some of the biggest names in criminology and social work, particularly those who had concealed the crap when Woy’s star was in the ascendant. See post ‘Rab, High Table and the Founding Fathers’.

When Mr Justice Havers sentenced the Wethersfield Six – I can recommend that everyone quickly reads some of the transcript of the trial, Havers sounds remarkably like Justice Cocklecarrot of ‘Private Eye’ fame – Harold Macmillan was PM, people known to Captain Swing and his mates were swinging at Cliveden and Henry Brooke was Home Secretary.
At the time of George Blake’s escape, Harold Wilson was PM and Woy Jenkins was Home Secretary. Both of them would have been completely compromised when dealing with any case involving people who were at the heart of the Welsh Bloomsbury Group, because Wilson was the first PM who, like Miranda years later, rearranged the entire furniture of Gov’t to conceal the Westminster Paedophile Ring and the associated serious crime.
Wilson’s proud creation, the Open University, was the plaything of Lord Goodman – Wilson’s crooked lawyer friend who got Wilson out of many a hole and was brought back into service when Jeremy Thorpe was arrested and charged – as well as Jennie Lee, Nye Bevan’s widow. The advisory committee re the establishment of the OU was jammed with people colluding with organised abuse, including Lord Asa Briggs, the VC of Sussex University, 1967-76, the man who used his links with MI5 to wreak revenge on Merfyn after Merfyn was involved in an anti-Vietnam protest as an undergrad which involved throwing red paint on a visiting US official. See post ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’.
Wilson knew that St George’s Hospital, when it was located at Hyde Park Corner in Knightsbridge, was doing favours for very serious criminals who were rich and powerful; they even provided a helping hand to Lord Lucan (see previous posts). Wilson also knew that St George’s had established a Dept of Psychiatry which was facilitating organised abuse; that Springfield Hospital in Tooting was also facilitating organised abuse and that a paedophile/trafficking ring was operating from Wandsworth Borough Council. So Wilson decided that London’s big flagship teaching hospital and medical school to ‘bring healthcare to the people’ would be sited at Tooting and that it would involve the relocation of St George’s from Hyde Park Corner, with Springfield as the associated psychiatric hospital, the  new development being within the Borough of Wandsworth. The result was the most dishonest elitist Top Docs in London who had spent their lives serving titled criminals, dripping with contempt for their patients in downtown Tooting while the existing paedophile ring expanded rapidly and linked up with gangs right across the UK and Europe. Neither was there any shortage of funding, the investment was enormous. See post ‘Meet The Gwerin!’.

Woy was himself a bisexual swinger, which as far as consenting adults are concerned is a matter for him and them, but Woy’s tentacles spread rather further than consenting adults, which might be why he did nothing to stop the appalling abuse of young people in approved schools and other institutions run by the Home Office or the rampant corruption in the criminal justice system, the police, the prison service etc. He was a member of the Gang Of Four who so clearly based their entire electoral strategy on colluding with the gangs supplying the Westminster Paedophile Ring. See post ‘We’ve Been Expecting You’.

Wilson’s Minister of Health, 1964-68, was the superstar Sir Kenneth Robinson.

The degree of fuckwittery on the part of those making decision at the time was clearly illustrated by Home Secretary Woy, in Oct 1966, appointing Lord Louis Mountbatten to lead an Inquiry into prison security in the wake of George Blake’s escape. Mountbatten had no pretences at all to knowing anything about prisons or security, he had vast experience as a senior officer in the Royal Navy, but I’m not sure that the notion of ‘transferable skills’ would apply in that case. What was salient was that Mountbatten was the person who was involved in something that enabled so many people to get away with so much and Woy was one of those who knew the full story.

Brown has reassured me that Dafydd will, like his crooked mate Robert Bluglass, have been appointed to sit on bodies concerned with advising and regulating and of course Dafydd has given Expert Evidence to Parliament. It is only by such strategies that wrongdoing of such proportions can be kept from the general public. The spies who know about Mountbatten are breaking out of prison with the help of MI5! Who will lead the Inquiry? Er, how about Mountbatten, because Dafydd’s tied up. So to speak, along with a few friends from the Chester and Wales Circuit.

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When Mountbatten’s Report was completed, it was ‘welcomed’ as ‘humane’ by Tony Smythe, the then General Secretary of the NCCL. Tony Smythe was an anarchist who was described to me as being ‘very paedophile friendly’. Smythe had a lot of doings with arty and radical things that liked to believe they were Edgy but were in some cases just worrying. Smythe had links with groups campaigning for paedophiles’ rights – the NCCL being one such group – and was CEO of MIND, 1974-82, when Dafydd was rapidly expanding his empire of crime with MIND fully on board. See previous posts for further information on Smythe. Mountbatten’s activities were known about by senior figures in MIND, because Lady Juliet Bingley who Chaired MIND for years, was married to Admiral Sir Alec Bingley who served with Mountbatten. The Bingley’s son William was Legal Director of MIND, then became CEO of the Mental Health Act Commission, Chaired lethal and scandal ridden NHS Trusts in the North West of England and was given the Chair in Mental Health Law and Ethics at the University of Central Lancashire. See previous posts. William was with Dafydd all the way…

 

Ted Heath was the Leader of the Opposition at the time of Blake’s escape. I stress that I do not have documentary evidence of Ted Heath’s involvement with Dafydd et al, but Heath’s time as Leader of the Opposition and as PM saw him surrounded by people who by the time that I was doing battle with Dafydd’s gang were undoubtedly colluding with Dafydd. Mary Wynch’s problems began when Heath was PM, his Gov’t was completely flouting the law in every regard in relation to Mary. Keith Joseph, as Heath’s Secretary of State for Social Services, appointed Barbara Kahan as his adviser on children’s social work; Kahan had been colluding with the abuse of children in her care for years (see post ‘Always On The Side Of The Children’). People like Lord Hailsham, Willie Whitelaw, Norman St John Stevas and others were all around Heath and had degrees of involvement in the Westminster Paedophile Ring as well as with Dafydd et al. Charles Morrison, Peter Morrison’s brother, was as close to Heath as Peter Morrison was to Thatch. So all shades of the Tory spectrum were covered. One Nation!

In 1970, the year in which Heath became PM, Sean Bourke wrote a book about the George Blake escape in which he thinly disguised the names of Pat and Michael as “Pat Porter” and “Michael Reynolds”. There was still no action taken against them. Of course there wasn’t, the Captain’s Crew and Dafydd were swinging like never before, Bertrand Russell was going and then gone, but there was his Towering Reputation and Legacy to protect.

The event which sparked off further events which eventually led to Randle and Pottle’s June 1991 trial occurred in Nov 1986. ‘The Observer’ published an extract from a book by Philip Knightley’s about the George Blake escape. The article prompted letters which appeared in ‘The Observer’ the following week, including one from Montgomery Hyde, stating that he was working on a biography of George Blake. In spring 1987, Michael Randle, then living in Bradford, received a phone call from someone who had seen the publishers blurb about Hyde’s book  and told Randle that the book would reveal that the Committee of 100 had been involved in Blake’s escape. Randle began worrying about a piece that he wrote in 1967 about the escape, which constituted concrete evidence of his and Pat’s role, so he burnt it.

In Aug 1987 Randle received a call from journo friend and Randle said he’d consider reviewing Hyde’s book for ‘The Guardian’ and phoned Pat Pottle in London. Randle reviewed the book but instead the’The Guardian’ published a piece by Richard Norton-Taylor which said that the Committee of 100 sprang Blake. An article had also appeared in the ‘Irish Independent’ in Sept 1987.

In the autumn of 1987, I was living in Leicester with Brown and friends, having narrowly escaped the attempt by Dafydd et al to fit me up for trying to stab a junior doctor. We were under surveillance at the time from MI5 but had no idea. We were on Greville Janner’s turf and Uncle Harry’s brother-in-law, Stuart Hall and others from the New Left were trying to shaft Brown. The gang in north Wales were in pursuit of me… Being Brown and me, in Leicester we just uncovered more examples of vulnerable people being shafted by professionals paid to help them. I had also been to see William Bingley at MIND, not having any idea that he was mates with Dafydd. Tony Francis acquired a High Court injunction against me on the basis of his perjury. The MDU and their solicitors, Hempsons, knew that Francis had lied in his statement.

 

The story about George Blake, Randle and Pottle appeared as the lead article in ‘The Sunday Times’ in Oct 1987. Just before that article appeared, Brown had appeared on Channel 4 criticising the decision of the BBC to screen an offensive contribution to the world by Bernard Manning. I have recently been told that those we know and love saw Brown on TV and panicked.

It was just before all this that that Dafydd told me that if I dropped my complaint about him he’d get me a place at Liverpool Medical School. Brown was listening to the call and subsequently wrote to Gwynedd Health Authority. He did not receive a reply. MI5 had tapped our phone and heard everything.

Substantial media coverage re the George Blake escape followed…

In Sept and Oct 1988, Randle and Pottle were interviewed by officers from Scotland Yard,  Randle in the presence of his solicitor Ben Birnberg.

On Nov 8 1988, ‘The Sunday Times’ alleged that Vanessa Redgrave had put up the money for Blake’s escape; Redgrave had been a member of the Committee of 100. Redgrave, Randle and Pottle all denied Redgrave’s involvement. Randle and Pottle began writing their book about Blake’s escape. In Nov 1988, Michael Randle resigned from his research fellowship in Bradford University’s Dept of Peace Studies.

I spent April 1988-April 1989 working in the Cancer Research Campaign team at Surrey University. The team was led by Prof Vincent Marks, the brother of the then President of the BMA, Dr John Marks. I have now been given evidence that John and Vincent were working really hard to screw me over; my work was, without my knowledge, given to another cancer researcher in Newcastle Medical School, Nicola Curtin, of whom I had never heard and Curtin published it with her name on it as well and used it to gain funding; I was told that funding for my post had expired and was made redundant. One of Tony Francis’s psychiatrist friends from Manchester, Dr Peter Mcguire, had suddenly decided that he was going to work for the Cancer Research Campaign as well and hey presto he received funding. Sadly for Mcguire, he and his colleagues used the funding to commit a massive research fraud which was exposed in 1990 and resulted in the suicide of their colleague Prof Tim McElwain. Not that it stopped them, they went on to be leaders in cancer research and one took up mental health research. See previous posts…

In Dec 1988, the Tory MP Graham Riddick demanded the prosecution of Randle and Pottle and within days the campaign for their prosecution had escalated. Norris McWhirter, of the far right Freedom Association, threatened to bring a private prosecution against Randle and Pottle. Graham Riddick’s Early Day Motion was signed by more than 110 Tory MPs.

On 3 Jan 1989, Randle heard that Sir Allan Green, the DPP, had ordered Scotland Yard to reopen the investigation into George Blake’s escape.

 

In May 1989, after being made redundant by Surrey University, I began a new job at St George’s. I have been told that it was a trap, planned well in advance, to wreck my career in medical research and ensure that I would not work in a professional job again…

By this time, a major police investigation was underway in Leicestershire into a child abuse ring which was thought to involve Greville Janner and there were allegations that a VIP paedophile ring was operating in north Wales/Cheshire and demands were being made for a police investigation into that as well.

In July-Aug 1988, Lord Butler-Sloss had concealed the crimes of Dafydd’s mates in Cleveland and in July-Aug 1989 Dafydd’s mate Bluglass would cover-up Dafydd and the gang’s criminality in my own case. Dr James Earp in Leicester had already performed a minor effort in the autumn of 1987 and early spring of 1988, but what with me not going away, Bluglass was called upon… See previous posts.

 

Throughout their trial, Pottle and Randle insisted that their action was morally justified, and, ignoring a clear direction from the judge to convict, the jury unanimously acquitted them. Pottle and Randle stated that they published their book about the George Blake escape following ‘a whispering campaign against them’ prompted by Montgomery Hyde’s book. “We didn’t want needlessly to invite prosecution, but there were stories naming others who weren’t involved, accusing us of being communist agents, trying to discredit the anti-nuclear campaign,” Pottle said at the time.

The following are extracts from Pat Pottle’s address to the jury before his acquittal on June 26 1991:

This prosecution has come about because 110 MPs signed a motion calling for our prosecution, and because of a threat of a private prosecution from the inaptly named Freedom Association . . .

Your task would be a lot easier if this were a simple case of guilt or innocence, but it is not. It is a case of right and wrong. It is a case of politics, a case of how governments lie, cheat and manipulate, and then cover their tracks in a smokescreen of official secrecy…

This is a political trial. A political decision was taken in 1970 not to prosecute. When we were publicly named in 1987, it came as no surprise to the police: they had known since 1970…

The accepted theory about George’s escape was that it was organised and carried out by agents at the KGB. That was embarrassing to British intelligence, but at least they could argue that the KGB was a worldwide organisation with limitless resources. What would the revelation that a petty criminal and two peace activists had carried out the escape do to our relations with our allies? It was better that the world continued to believe that the whole thing was organised by the KGB rather than the Lavender Hill Mob.

It was indeed a political trial, but it wasn’t nearly so political as the trials that I repeatedly found myself in. Pat and Randle knew people involved with a huge international paedophile/trafficking ring which ran profitable side-lines in class A drugs and porn. Senior politicians and members of the Royal Family were linked with it, as was Bertrand Russell. It was why there was such a reluctance to prosecute anyone for helping Blake escape. They all Knew About Dafydd and the security services were helping Dafydd run his gang.
I didn’t help a KGB spy escape from prison, I complained about a fucking lobotomist who was running a paedophile gang. So my friends were targeted for assassination. I REALLY don’t get this!! And neither do I understand why anyone ever thought that Brown and me were going to be intimidated into keeping quiet. We had absolutely no respect for a bunch of sex offenders driving Volvos, reading the ‘Daily Mail’ and propositioning students, when they were in their 70s and wearing trousers with the crotch down by their knees. I took the piss out of them when I was 21 and I’m still doing it. Because they are idiots.
I have been told that Randle and Pottle’s prosecution was definitely something to do with me, but I haven’t worked out what the rationale might have been yet, there are a few more people involved whom I need to investigate…

I briefly discussed in a previous post ‘O Jones, O Jones’ how Randle and Pottle stood trial at the Old Bailey for springing George Blake in June 1991, just after the episode in the spring of 1991 when Dafydd’s gang made yet another attempt to have me imprisoned for contempt of court, as usual on the basis of perjury that was known to everyone involved in the case. Not only that, but the case was heard at the Royal Courts of Justice in The Strand. I was down from Bethesda for the hearing. It was so ludicrous, especially as once more the case against me fell apart, that it must have been noticed by numerous people. No-one said anything or asked any questions, although the North Wales Police had just begun an investigation into a possible paedophile ring operating in north Wales/Chester. Then just weeks after the saga involving me at the Royal Courts of Justice, another bizarre and ridiculous case with strong links to Gwynedd took place at the Old Bailey, but gaining very much more publicity than my case did…

The hierarchy of people involved in the case against Pottle and Randle and in  my case were the same: the Attorney General was the corrupt Sir Patrick Mayhew and the Solicitor-General was Sir Nicholas Lyell. Lyell subsequently became AG and in that capacity drew up the ground rules for the Waterhouse inquiry. It was Lyell who granted immunity from prosecution for people who gave evidence at the Waterhouse Inquiry. It is why people like Glanville Owen, Rob Evans and Lucille Hughes who were responsible for managing the children’s homes in Gwynedd while the kids inside them were being abused and trafficked, turned up at the Inquiry, gave evidence that clearly demonstrated that they knew what was happening to the kids and just left the kids at the mercy of the gang and can now never be prosecuted for child abuse. Waterhouse even managed to say in his Report that Lucille knew that a paedophile gang was active within the children’s homes but she ‘failed to respond’. Lucille can never be prosecuted thanks to Sir Nicholas Lyell. See previous posts.

The DPP who at the end of 1988/the beginning of 1989 ordered the prosecution of Randle and Pat Pottle was Sir Allan Green QC. Green, like everybody else, ignored complaints of very serious offences against children and vulnerable adults in north Wales. It didn’t matter what evidence people had or how they tried to raise concerns, the police would not even record complaints. The nicer police officers just made excuse after excuse as to why they couldn’t do anything, but the notorious ones swore and shouted at the complainants and if they still didn’t go away they would arrest them for ridiculous things like breach of the peace or harassment. The Sergeant at Menai Bridge Police Station watched Tony Francis pursue me down a main road yelling insults at me and commenting on my bum. I walked into the Station and said ‘have you seen what is going on here?’ only to be told to get out or I would be arrested for breach of the peace. Dafydd hit me in front of witnesses. No action. I witnessed the Doberman that Dafydd kept which he used to set on people trap two police officers in their car; the Doberman was going apeshit, the officers locked themselves in and didn’t dare come out. This was after all the fuss about Dangerous Dogs. When Dafydd’s minions finally hauled the dog off of the police car, I started taking the piss and saying to the police ‘there’s a dangerous dog here, aren’t you going to seize it’, one of the officers replied ‘we know the law on dangerous dogs thank you very much’ and Dafydd told the police officers that this snarling bastard was ‘my puppy’. Anyone else would have found themselves in Court.

As for the kids in care, there were hundreds of episodes of them running away, there were serious injuries, there were complaints to the North Wales Police and to the Councils which had placed the kids in the homes and there was still no action. One boy from Southwark was forced to have sex with men at gunpoint in the Bryn Alyn Community yet Southwark Borough Council continued to send kids to Bryn Alyn. See eg. post ‘The Battle For the Labour Party’s Soul’. Kids in care were sometimes found dead in north Wales, as were psych patients constantly.

The police were deflecting so many complaints that Sir Allan Green will not have known about them, but it was Green who was authorising ludicrous prosecutions against people like me; he knew that something untoward was happening in north Wales.

Allan Green QC was forced to resign as DPP after he was ‘caught kerb crawling’ but by his own account he ‘was talking to some prostitutes’ after he’d been to a meeting. No-one reported what the prostitutes said that Sir Allan had been saying to them. Green’s wife was then found dead after ‘committing suicide’, but the circumstances of that suicide were so worrying that it was worthy of one of the suicides that the witnesses to Dafydd’s crimes committed. See post ‘A Future Leader Of The Labour Party?’

 

The solicitor who acted for Michael Randle was Ben Birnberg. Birnberg had acted for Mary Wynch when she sued Dafydd and the gang after she was unlawfully arrested and detained for a year. Mary won the case, but the gang simply refused to pay her the agreed compensation unless she enforced payment. Mary won other parts of her case as well, against the Public Trustee. Again, the Home Office just refused to settle. Michael Howard finally completely shafted Mary when he was Home Secretary; she had proven her case, it had taken her years and cost her everything. Howard handed over a bit of loose change as ‘full and final settlement’ without admitting anything and told her to fuck off. Ben Birnberg knew that this was happening to people in north Wales.

I didn’t get as far down the road as Mary, but if I had, the same thing would have happened to me I’m sure. Again and again a tosspot when cornered would admit to me that yes, the ‘services’ had broken the law; yes, I’d been wrongfully arrested and imprisoned; yes there had been a complete failure to provide care; yes confidence had been breached. On the occasions when such admissions were made to my lawyers, they be followed by a mad letter screaming at us that if we wanted to take this further the NHS would ask for a judicial review or something ridiculous. It was very clear what the thinking was: ‘We’re the NHS, we have a bottomless pit, we are so fucking bad that people are dying and there’ll be no end to this if someone wins a case against us. So fuck off, because we’re going to do this until the day that you expire at our hands’.

 

At their trial at the Old Bailey, Pottle and Randle argued that their motives had been humanitarian and that since the security services had known of their involvement but had done nothing until MPs demanded their prosecution, the trial was political. They were unanimously acquitted by the jury.

Pat and Sue Pottle moved back to Gwynedd from London in 2000 to retire. Pat died very soon after they returned to Wales; he was only 62. No-one expected Pat to die, he was diagnosed with pancreatic cancer and died in Oct 2001 very soon after the diagnosis. Pancreatic cancer is not a nice cancer to have, it can kill very quickly after diagnosis. Particularly if Top Doctors somehow don’t notice if someone has pancreatic cancer. Someone who worked as Bertrand Russell’s Secretary and who knew many of those people involved in the gang in north Wales as well as big wigs in the UK and elsewhere who were never ever named in connection with the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal.

The Waterhouse Report was published in Feb 2001. By Oct 2001, Dafydd’s gang were once more embarking on yet another massive conspiracy to lead me into yet another trap and wreck the career in teaching on which I had just embarked, having finished teacher training at Bangor University in May 2001. The crap didn’t begin to fly in my direction for another few months, but I have received information that the gwerin were busy from the minute that I began teacher training…

 

When he was on trial at the Old Bailey in 1991 for helping George Blake escape, Pat Pottle addressed the jury directly and he summed up by saying:

Yes, I helped George Blake escape. I did it for purely humanitarian reasons. I think we were right to do so. I would do it again. I have no apologies to make and no regrets. I will finish by quoting Bertrand Russell: ‘Remember your humanity; forget the rest.’

That will have been all the humanity shown by Russell and so many others as they ignored everything that was happening to less privileged people at the hands of Dafydd and the gang.

First they came for the socialists, and I did not speak out –
     Because I was not a socialist.

Then they came for the trade unionists, and I did not speak out –
     Because I was not a trade unionist.

Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out –
     Because I was not a Jew.

Then they came for me – and there was no one left to speak for me.

 

There’s no-one left to speak for any of you suckers…

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Today We Have Naming Of Parts

My post ‘Include Me Out’ detailed some facts and figures relating to the inmates of Risley Remand Centre from 1968 onward and other related information which I suggest made it so obvious that so many victims of Dafydd and the paedophiles were ending up there via unlawful processes that it was a nonsense for people to have claimed that they ‘didn’t know’ that a major sex trafficking ring was operating in north Wales through the mental health services and the children’s homes. I named some of the politicians, lawyers, Prison Service staff and others who must have known what was happening.

In this post I will provide details of a few on the ground in north Wales who not only knew but played key roles in the supply chain.

My post ‘That’s Entertainment’ described how in the 1980s, victims of Dafydd et al were given summer jobs at Penrhyn Castle, under the supervision of Wing Commander I.H. Panton. Wing Commander Panton was remembered fondly by Dafydd’s targets, but those dispossessed people had not clicked that that the Wing Commander knew what had happened to them but did nothing to help them. The Wing Commander regularly heard first hand accounts of beatings and suicides/murders in Risley Remand Centre, he knew that some of his employees had been abused sexually by those paid to care for them and that some of them in turn were behaving in a highly sexualised way themselves. The Wing Commander had a great deal of knowledge about Dafydd’s activities and the abuses at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. Wing Commander Panton was so keen to help the victims of Dafydd and the paedophile gang that he employed them in casual low paid jobs every summer season. He joined in the work parties, he chatted to them and he knew exactly who remembered what and who was naming who.

Wing Commander Panton left north Wales years ago. He told his charges at Penrhyn Castle that he was moving to the west country to ‘write children’s books’, although a google search does not reveal that he either moved to the west country or wrote children’s books.

Penrhyn Castle was given to the National Trust in 1951, so it had been in their hands for decades by the time that Wing Commander Panton opened his arms to the victims of Dafydd et al.

I received an e mail from someone the other day telling me that Lucille Hughes was working for the National Trust at Penrhyn Castle. Lucille ‘retired’ from Gwynedd County Council immediately that the Waterhouse Report was published. Even Ronnie Waterhouse had to admit that Lucille, whilst she was Director of Gwynedd Social Services, knew that a paedophile gang was operating in the children’s homes that she was responsible for but she had not acted. My correspondent – like so many others – expressed astonishment that Lucille continues with her charity work at CAIS, with the CAB, with the Soroptomists and that her grubby fingers are also in the National Trust pie (or should that be PIE?) at Penrhyn Castle.

I know of another victim of Dafydd and the paedophiles who volunteered at Plas Newydd. Like those working at Penrhyn Castle – who in the 1980s weren’t volunteers but were employed on Thatcher’s ‘job creation’ schemes so were paid a benefit level wage – she was friendly and chatty and anyone spending any length of time with her could not have failed to notice that she was not being cared for in the way that the ‘services’ should have caring for her, even if they did not believe her stories of frankly abusive experiences (some at least of which I knew to be true).

The President of the National Trust is Prince Charles. One of the many people to whom Alison Taylor wrote in the 1980s regarding her concerns that there was widespread, serious abuse of children in care happening in north Wales was Prince Charles. I am told that ‘his office’ replied, stating that he really couldn’t get involved in this matter.

The Duke of Westminster, Gerald Cavendish Grosvenor – Prince Charles’s friend and the father of the Princess of Wales’s goddaughter and also the father of one of Prince George’s godparents –  was President of the City of Chester Conservative Association whilst Sir Peter Morrison was the constituency MP. Morrison was abusing children in care in north Wales as well as at other locations. Morrison’s conduct was openly gossiped about by constituents and other politicians. Boys from Bryn Estyn were taken to Grosvenor’s estate for ‘work opportunities’ and would refuse to return there but didn’t explain why. Gerald Grosvenor was the lucky man who purchased the former St George’s Hospital building at Hyde Park Corner for £6ooo from the Tory Gov’t – the building was worth millions (see post ‘The White Heat Of This Revolution’). Staff at George’s Hospital Medical School were concealing the criminality of Dafydd et al in north Wales, as well as a linked paedophile gang in south London, of which their Professor of Paediatrics Oliver Brooke was a member. Staff at St George’s had personal links to Dafydd and Lucille.

As for Plas Newydd, that is the seat of the Marquesses of Anglesey and is also in the hands of the National Trust. The family have strong links to the Tory Party and the Anglesey Conservative Association. The Anglesey Conservative Association were very fond of Anne Widdecombe, begged her to be their Tory candidate and retained links with her although she jumped ship and tried her luck with another constituency. Before Doris Karloff became an MP, she worked as a senior administrator for the University of London. Doris was responsible for driving through the highly unpopular merger of Guy’s and Tommy’s. Despite being given such an onerous responsibility, Doris was allowed substantial time off work – whilst still being paid – and was given the use of a member of London University admin staff to help her campaign for election. London University also covertly supported Doris in her political project with Lady Olga Maitland, ‘Women and Families for Defence’ which the Tory Gov’t mounted in 1983 as a response to the growing support for CND. Details of all this can be read in my post ‘Doris Karloff – Honest About Her Expenses But Not Much Else’.

The University of London not only used their resources to covertly support a Tory Party pressure group, but they were helping Doris achieve her political ambitions it would seem before Thatcher’s election victory in 1979. The VCs of London University who presided over all this were Lords Noel Annan and Randolph Quirk.

 

Noel Annan had a background in the security services – he had the distinction of joining Churchill in the bunker during WWII – and furthermore had been a member of the Cambridge Apostles when he was at university, along with Guy Burgess and Michael Straight, who were members of the Cambridge spy ring. Annan Chaired the Annan Committee – the Royal Commission on Broadcasting – which numbered a few other paedophiles’ friends as members. For more details on Noel Annan and the Annan Committee, see post ‘Radical Leicester And Some Other Free Radicals’.

Randolph Quirk was a ‘supporter of the Labour Party’ – despite leading an institution which secretly allowed Anne Widdecombe to do Thatcher’s Gov’t a favour in mounting opposition to CND – who sat as a cross-bencher when he received a peerage. Quirk was a linguist who worked with David Crystal. David Crystal is a linguist who spent his career at UCL, but has an honorary Chair at Bangor University. Crystal grew up in Holyhead and Liverpool and now lives in Holyhead once more.

In the 1980s there was a problem in the Dept of Linguistics in UCNW (Bangor University). It went under the name of Professor Andrew Radford. Radford was appointed in 1980 and when I arrived at UCNW in 1981, a lot of people were already complaining bitterly about Radford. He was, essentially, a wally. Radford’s notions of getting down with the kids were rather patronising to students with a brain, but the more gullible students thought that he was great. He had disco lights and pictures of Debbie Harry in his office and joined students on pub crawls and crashed their parties. So far so lame. But Radford was also shagging students on a grand scale. Better than that, after a few years, other staff noticed a strong correlation between the linguistics students who were getting Firsts and the students who had shagged Radford. Neither was the correlation based on speculation – I know one now retired lecturer from Bangor who said that Radford was so ruthlessly exploitative that he boasted of his encounters and supplied details to his colleagues. Radford did eventually depart from UCNW – under a huge cloud – but not until 1989, when he returned to his old home of the University of Essex.

I knew a linguistics student who didn’t shag Radford, but who was very, very distressed by what he was doing. I don’t know whether he had tried it on with her, or whether she just found his activities too unsavoury to cope with, but towards the end of her first year she had a breakdown. She asked for help at the Student Health Centre and was referred to Gwynne the lobotomist. Gwynne told her that she had a personality disorder and that he ‘could do nothing for her’. Within two days she attempted suicide. She ended up in the North Wales Hospital. No, she didn’t get Dafydd – for once he was kept well out of the way because this young woman’s mum was a nurse from Shrewsbury who hit the roof when she found out what had gone on and made a formal complaint about Gwynne.

After the disaster with Gwynne, this student was referred to a nice young doctor who had just arrived in north Wales – Tony Francis. Francis did what he did in so many other cases – he did an excellent impersonation of a caring competent man, apologised to the student and her mum and assured them that Gwynne had been dealt with and that no other student would ever have this experience. Gwynne remained in the Student Health Centre and some eighteen months later I encountered him… As did at least two students who attempted suicide within days of meeting him.

When the student of Radford’s returned to UNCW, she told everyone that she would not return to the Linguistics Dept. Radford wrote to Tony Francis and told him that there was no reason why she should not continue on the linguistics course. The student’s mum told Francis that she was not going near Andrew Radford again. Francis was the hero of the hour – or so it seemed – and told the student and her mother that he had sorted it with the university authorities for the student to transfer to a joint honours in Italian and Latin. Which is what happened.

The young woman then found it very difficult to access services at the Student Health Centre. Dr D.G.E. Wood told a third party that she was ‘wet’ and Francis told a third party that she was ‘weak’. Francis’s assessment of the fragility of this student was interesting in the light of his decision a few weeks later to discharge her from his clinic with no aftercare, in the wake of her telling him and a number of other people that she was feeling suicidal.

I knew this student well and we remained in contact after graduation. She did graduate despite being refused healthcare and she then went to Manchester to do an MA. Her problems continued and she was diagnosed with bipolar disorder. She made a number of serious suicide attempts and after each one returned to the family home where she was cared for by her mum and her sisters, although she continued to live in Manchester.

I met up with her last in about 2000. She had recently made a suicide attempt so serious that it was very nearly successful. She had been prescribed huge quantities of anti-depressants which are lethal in overdose, after telling her Top Doctor that she felt suicidal. She took an overdose, was in a coma for three days and ended up with kidney damage. Her mum accompanied her to the psychiatrist after she recovered and expressed her concerns that if her daughter was prescribed the same toxic-in-overdose medication again, the next suicide attempt would work. The former UCNW student was prescribed the same medication again.

She was taking that medication when I met up with her. She told me that the mental health services in Manchester were terrible, that she was simply being given repeat prescriptions with appointments at lengthy intervals and that it was nearly impossible to see a Top Doctor anyway. She had recently been to Australia to visit her sister who had emigrated there and had been given a massive quantity of another ‘medication’ to ‘calm her down’ for the flight. She collapsed at an airport in the Far East whilst changing planes and other passengers assisted her. The Top Doctor had prescribed her a massive dose of haloperidol just before the flight, so it was entirely predictable that she would collapse on her way over to Australia.

That was the last time that I saw my former college mate. She committed suicide a few years ago.

I don’t think that she or her mum knew that the lethal bastards who were neglecting her so badly in Manchester were the former colleagues of Tony Francis, whom he had worked with immediately prior to his move to north Wales (see posts ‘A Stalker’s Network’ and ‘Ian Brockington’s Mischief’). They had been ‘trained’ by Dafydd’s old mate Dr Bob Hobson and were facilitating and concealing the crimes of Dafydd et al in north Wales (see post ‘The Mentor’).

So that was another witness to the clinical skills of Gwynne dealt with.

 

Professor David Crystal’s mate Randolph Quirk was succeeded as VC of London University by Lord Brian Flowers, who concealed as much – if not even more – crap than Annan and Quirk did. Flowers came from Swansea and was the man who presided over wrongdoing and crime at Imperial College before he was let loose on the University of London as a whole (see post ‘The White Heat Of This Revolution’). There was an elderly academic who died a few years ago who was involved with Bangor University – particularly fundraising – who when he was younger had been a Professor and I think a senior manager at Imperial College. He seemed such a lovely old boy, but he was probably a paedophiles’ friend, the urge to toady to serious criminals just seems to be far too much for a lot of people to resist.

 

Professor David Crystal has advised on the original pronunciation of a number of Shakespeare productions, including ‘A Midsummer Night’s Dream’. Which of course featured a character called Bottom. In his essay ‘Preposterous Pleasures: Queer Theories and A Midsummer Night’s Dream,’ Douglas E. Green explores possible interpretations of alternative sexuality that he finds within the text of the play, in juxtaposition to the proscribed social mores of the culture at the time the play was written. He writes that his essay ‘does not (seek to) rewrite A Midsummer Night’s Dream as a gay play but rather explores some of its ‘homoerotic significations’ … moments of ‘queer’ disruption and eruption in this Shakespearean comedy.’

Get your head around that Dafydd.

 ‘Titania adoring the Ass-headed Bottom’. Oil on canvas by Henry Fuseli, c. 1790.

 

David Crystal was influential in a campaign which resulted in the creation of the Ucheldre Centre at Holyhead. I don’t know who is on the governing body of the Ucheldre Centre – although I could have a good guess – but it describes itself as a ‘community arts venue’ (the premier one no less) in north Wales. In reality, the Ucheldre Centre is a magnet for the Mafia of Drips and provides a venue for things such as International Wimmin’s Day celebrations and Service Users Empowerment activities. It has hosted exhibitions of art work by Michael Mansfield’s mate Kyffin Williams and has won a Prince of Wales Award. The Ucheldre Centre was formerly a convent and I suspect that it saw rather more meaningful action when the Sisters occupied the building, because some of them did some quite exciting things, as a result of the convent belonging to a French Order with links to the southern hemisphere. As opposed to links with Jane Hutt or MIND.

 

To return to the National Trust, who employed so many of those victims of Dafydd and Gwynne who didn’t get as far as UCNW. Whilst Wing Commander Panton was keeping a lid on it all down at Penrhyn Castle, the DG of the NT was Sir Jack Boles.

Sir Jack Boles was DG of the NT, 1975-83. So it will have been Jack who established the arrangement for Dafydd’s victims to arrive en masse at Penrhyn Castle every summer. It will really have been Jack as well – he was a very hands-on (so to speak) DG, he visited the regions regularly and he was also responsible for a big PR offensive for the NT. It was while Sir Jack was DG that the NT acquired a number of very valuable properties, including Erddig, the country house near Wrexham.

Sir Jack’s father had been in the Royal Navy until the early 1940s when for some unspecified reason he ‘was allowed to retire’. Sir Jack’s dad was in the Royal Navy at the same time as Lord Mountbatten, Admiral Sir Alec Bingley and others who knew a lot about the organised abuse of children and other naughtiness in high places (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’).

Sir Jack served in the British Army, including in North Borneo and then joined the Colonial Service. He was the Secretary to the last British Governor of Malaysia, Sir William Goode. Sir Jack could not have done the jobs that he did throughout those years without working with the security services.

Sir Jack’s son is the Tory MP for Grantham and Stamford, Nick Boles. Before he became an MP, Nick Boles was a member of the disgrace that was Westminster City Council, which did many unlawful and gerrymandering things when Shirley Porter the Tesco heiress was leader. Shirley escaped justice for a very long time, but eventually she was fined a huge quantity of money. Instead of paying the fine, Shirley went to live in Israel and returned to the UK some years later when it seemed she felt confident that she wasn’t going to end up behind bars. Comments from a reader of this blog left in response to my post ‘The White Heat Of This Revolution’ suggest that Shirley had information about the Westminster Paedophile Ring, which was how she got away with so much for so long.

In 2002 Nick Boles was the founder of the think tank Policy Exchange and remained its Director until 2007. Policy Exchange has provided a home for a number of paedophiles’ friends with a penchant for right wing politics (see post ‘Disgusting Of Tunbridge Wells And A Few Equally Disgusting Others’).

Nick Boles is gay.

Sir Jack’s second wife was Anne, daughter of the 12th Earl Waldegrave. The 12th Earl – Geoffrey Waldegrave – had strong links to the west country. He became a member of Somerset County Council in 1937 and later worked as a MAFF official with responsibilities in Somerset, Wiltshire and Gloucestershire. He was President of the Somerset Trust for Nature Conservation, 1964-80. It is likely that Geoffrey Waldegrave had links with some of those in Somerset who were involved with concealing the wrongdoing of Dafydd et al as detailed in my post ‘Include Me Out’. He was a member of the BBC Advisory Council, 1963-66 and he was a Director of Lloyds Bank, 1964-76. Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon, the paedophiles’ friend from north Wales who had numerous links to Dafydd and who’s son Thomas was sexually abusing boys in care in north Wales with the knowledge of the Social Services, police and magistrates but was never prosecuted and later died of an HIV related condition, was a Director of Lloyd’s Bank. Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon was also a magistrate, a member of the North Wales Police Authority, President of UCNW, Chairman of Clwyd Health Authority, 1974-78, the most senior Freemason in north Wales and much more besides (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’).

Anne’s brother was the Tory politician William Waldegrave – who was, among other things, Secretary of State for Health, 1990-92, under Thatcher and then Major. William was one of the Health Secretaries who colluded with the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles.

William and Anne’s sister Susan married Marmaduke Hussey, the man whom Thatcher ensured was installed as Chairman of the BBC, although when he was appointed he didn’t even know where the BBC HQ was located and he was a disaster for those glorious years when he was in post. One of my friends worked at the Commissioning Dept at the BBC whilst Hussey was Chairman and my friend was forced out because he refused to accept a bribe (see post ‘Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks…’). Susan Hussey is one of Prince William’s godparents.

The Chair of the Betsi Board Dr Peter Higson – who was a clinical psychologist at and then the manager of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh throughout the paedophile years and has spent his entire career concealing the crimes of Dafydd et al – is the brother of Dr Ruth Hussey, who was the Chief Medical Officer of Wales, April 2012 -16. Ruth Hussey’s previous includes being the Director of Public Health for Liverpool, a senior lecturer in public health at Liverpool University and from 2006, the Regional Director of Public Health at NHS North West, when she was seconded to the Public Health England Transition Team at the Dept of Health during the New Labour horrors.

I have no idea whether Ruth Hussey is an in-law of Susan and Marmaduke, but this corrupt incestuous shithouse is so big that it really wouldn’t surprise me if she was. I’m beginning to think that Brown and me are the only people who haven’t been tempted into this luxurious, ever-embracing public convenience which exists solely to protect Dafydd and a paedophile gang.

 

The Chairman of the NT whilst it made arrangements for the victims of serious crime to be herded into the sheep pen at Penrhyn Castle was Lord Patrick Gibson, who became Chairman of the NT, 1977-86. Gibson had been a council member of the NT since 1963 and continued to ‘take an interest in it’ after his retirement. There was trouble for the NT in 1983 when the MoD wanted to expand its operations on NT land and many NT members objected. An angry meeting resulted at which Gibson gave everyone a bollocking and their objections were subsequently ignored.

Lord Gibson served in the war – you’ve guessed it, he was in SOE and then worked in political intelligence with the Foreign Office. As with so many others who assisted Dafydd and the paedophiles for so many decades, Lord Gibson and Sir Jack Boles did some very impressive things during their time with the forces and risked life and limb to escape from dangerous unpleasant situations. It really is very sad to think that they thought that Dafydd, Lucille and a gang of paedophiles were worth their time and effort protecting. For God’s sake, one of those employed at Penrhyn Castle in the 1980s summers used to have gay sex with people in the clock tower – I can remember his name as well, but he might still be alive and in Bethesda, so I won’t publish it here, I don’t want to hear that he’s been found dead as nearly all witnesses now have.

Should anyone make the point that ‘oh but they were spies, they could have been undercover and gathering info.’ Yes, I’ve considered that. If they were, they have been gathering info on Dafydd et al since the early 1960s. Dafydd is still a free man Chairing CAIS. North Wales is wrecked, the statutory services don’t function and nearly all the witnesses to the north Wales paedophile gang are now dead. The Lords is choc full of those who knew what Dafydd et al were doing but who concealed it. Whatever those spies were doing, it benefited Dafydd and Lucille, not their victims. If they could fight Hitler and sat in the bunker alongside Churchill, why did they have so much trouble dealing with an insane old idiot who’s ham acting was so bad that no-one could have been fooled?

People who like to believe that there was no such thing as a Westminster Paedophile Ring and who harrumph and point to the fact that the ‘fantasies’ of nutters are only appearing online, never in the mainstream media, might like to ponder on who Lord Gibson was. He was married to a member of the family who owned Pearson plc, a newspaper and publishing business. Patrick Gibson was Chairman of the Pearson Group, 1978-83. The Pearson Group included the Westminster Press Group, which owned 46 provincial newspapers, including the ‘Northern Echo’ and the ‘Oxford Mail’. From 1967 Gibson was also Chair of the book publication arm of Pearson, Pearson Longman, which included Penguin. Gibson began working as a journo with the Pearson group in the late 1940s and was soon an Editorial Director. He was on the Board of the ‘Financial Times’ and became its Chairman in 1975. He was also on the Board of ‘The Economist’.

Gibson was Chairman of the Arts Council of GB, 1972-77. He succeeded paedophiles’ friend – and Harold Wilson’s friend and solicitor – Lord Arnold Goodman as Chair of the Arts Council. He preceded paedophiles’ friend and Wilson’s Health Minister Kenneth Robinson as Chair (see post ‘The White Heat Of This Revolution’).

Did Gibson find out about the Westminster Paedophile Gang and that was how he ended up Chairing the Arts Council and the NT? Or was he given those positions because he was a stooge who could be relied upon not to blow the gaffe when he found out that those organisations were full of people who had concealed the wrongdoing of Dafydd et al?

Many of those who colluded with Dafydd and the gang occupied senior roles in organisations concerned with the arts and heritage. Again and again when I research them, they are involved with opera, with galleries, with theatre and with museums. The lucky few sit at the top of those organisations.

 

Previous posts, such as ‘The White Heat Of This Revolution’ and ‘Include Me Out’, have noted how many people at senior levels in Harold Wilson’s Gov’t covered up the organised abuse of vulnerable people, often under the guise of providing services for the less advantaged. Harold Wilson rivalled Tony Blair in that regard. I have been watching some old documentaries about Wilson’s administrations which speculate on why he resigned suddenly and unexpectedly. There is much discussion of old favourites, such as Marcia Williams aka Lady Falkender throwing hissy fits and allegations that Wilson was working for the KGB. No-one mentioned that his toadies were using the welfare state to run a paedophile ring who murdered witnesses, which was probably as much of a problem as his alleged chumminess with the KGB.

I’ll be blogging about a few more of those close to Harold who helped Dafydd et al very soon, there are some whom I have not yet mentioned.

 

One of the undergrads in the Dept of Plant Biology at UCNW, 1981-83, was a mature student called Gaye Kennaway. Her husband Ian was Director of the Regions for the National Trust. Gaye became a personal friend of many of the lecturers at UCNW and at the time I just thought that was because she was older than the rest of us, but now I’m sure that there was something more going on. Gaye was very friendly with Prof Greig-Smith, the ecologist who knew Prof Edred Henry Corner, the Cambridge botanist who was Douglas Hurd’s uncle. Hurd was Home Secretary, 1985-89, whilst the Home Office ignored the havoc and criminality in north Wales and at Risley Remand Centre (see post ‘Security, Security’). Gaye ended up with a First and a number of lecturers openly remarked that she only received one because of the help that she had received from her pal Greig-Smith. Then Gaye was offered a PhD studentship with Chris Wood, who was married to the corrupt GP Dr D.G.E. Wood, who was facilitating the trafficking ring (see post ‘Additional Security Measures’ for more about Gaye and Ian Kennaway).

Gaye pushed the boat out to befriend the lecturers from the very beginning of the course, even the lecturers who were notoriously difficult and unfriendly. I was gobsmacked when in the first term I heard Gaye inviting Tony Jones to the opera. Tony Jones snapped that he didn’t have time to go to the opera. Gaye told him that he could stay over at her house and go straight into work the next day. Dr Tony Jones was the last person whom one would invite to the opera. He was a rather butch South African earth scientist who spent his time climbing or working with the Ogwen Mountain Rescue Team and who revelled in referring to ‘niggers’ in the presence of black students. He lived alone and had close relationships with some of the male undergrads which caused comment but never direct accusations. Tony Jones was mates with some of the North Wales Police and for a laugh one day he got them to arrest a student whom he had fallen out with. The student was wrongfully arrested and banged up in the cells in Bangor Police Station overnight and released without charge the next day. Tony Jones would not blend in at Glyndebourne.

So imagine my surprise when as investigations and inquiries into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal began and the paedophiles’ friends launched their huge PR effort to remind everyone that Wales was a musical nation – Praise the Lord – and a literary nation and an arty nation and when Gruff Rhys from Llanllechid, the son of Gwynedd County Council Chief Exec Ioan Bowen Rees, became an international rock star (see post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’), Tony Jones popped up on ‘This Is Your Life’ with Michael Aspel (see post ‘The Bloody State We’re In’). Tony Jones! He’d never done ‘Saturday Night At The London Palladium’ or a Royal Variety Performance. He hadn’t even appeared with Bernard Manning on  ‘The Wheel Tappers and Shunters Social Club’ on tele. Tony Jones was a racist old geologist from Bangor and before that he was at Aberystwyth University. I’d like to know who was responsible for getting him onto prime time TV.

There are more than a few paedophiles’ friends with media links…

One person who would have been finished if the scale of the crime in north Wales had been admitted at that time would have been Lord K.O. Morgan, Principal of Aberystwyth University, the institution which was churning out crooked lawyers. Lord Ken was Mr Big in the Welsh Labour Party. He was married to the late Jane Morgan, a criminologist who grew up in Wrexham and later worked at Oxford. Jane did her PhD at Leicester University when scores of people there were concealing the activities of Frank Beck and Greville Janner. David and Richard Attenborough’s dad was Principal of what became Leicester University. See posts ‘Radical Leicester And Some Other Free Radicals’ and ‘Gwlad y Menig Gwynion’ for details of those involved in the cover-up. But Jane was also mates with Prof Dick Hobbs, who is a good mate of Laurie Taylor. Laurie’s son Matthew was Blair’s adviser – Matthew was and might still be Chief Exec of the RSA. Full details re Lord Ken and Jane can be found in my post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’.

 

Shortly after I’d watched Gaye do her best to introduce Tony Jones to the world of La Scala, Gaye told me that she was ‘very fond’ of another one of the staff – Ralph Oxley. Ralph was married to Isobel Hargreaves, who worked as a social worker for Gwynedd Social Services. Isobel’s name later appeared on some of Prof Mark Williams’s Mindfulness publications, the enormous research fraud that Williams perpetrated whilst the mental health patients died at the hands of Dafydd and the paedophiles (see post ‘The Biggest Expert Of The Lot’.)

Gaye knew how to choose her friends.

 

The Chairman of the National Trust, 2008-14, was Sir Simon Jenkins. Simon is best known for being the Editor of ‘The Times’, 1990-92. Before that he worked on ‘The Sunday Times’ – as did Top Doctor’s wife, Lord Snowdon’s mistress and one of the paedophiles’ greatest friends Marjorie Wallace (see post ‘One Dangerous Fucker’). Jenkins has written for many other newspapers as well and currently writes for ‘The Guardian’. Sir Simon was on the Board of British Rail, 1979-90. Which was famously atrocious, even though Jimmy Savile kept reassuring us that ‘this is the age of the train’. Which is a bit odd, because Savile boasted about his Rolls Royce, which it was later revealed he used to tempt teenaged girls into who were then sexually assaulted and his caravan, which was parked in the grounds of Broadmoor and was the site of a number of rapes. Perhaps Savile was just doing his bit for British Rail to drum up business for Harold Wilson’s mate George Thomas, who was known to be sexually molesting boys on the trains between London and south Wales.

Sir Simon has a second home at Aberdyfi in north Wales and he pissed everyone off by writing an article maintaining that people do not have the right to live near their families or where they grew up. Aberdyfi is absolutely lovely and is one of those places in north Wales that is completely beyond the price range of most local people because it has become such a popular destination for people from England who want a second home.

Simon’s other home is – or was – in Piccadilly. There are allegations that Simon has a third home as well.

Simon has campaigned against the building of affordable housing. Simon’s predecessor at the NT Sir Jack Boles hit the roof when he discovered that there was a plan to build near his home in Devon. Simon’s other predecessor at the NT, Lord Patrick Gibson, used his estate in Sussex as his main home but also had a villa north of Venice.

Sir Simon knew Sir Robin Day, who was one of Ronald Waterhouse’s closest friends.

Sir Simon’s first wife was the American actress Gayle Hunnicutt. Films in which Gayle starred included: ‘The Wild Angels’ (1966); ‘The Legend Of Hell House’ (1973); ‘The Sell Out’ (1976); ‘Target’ (1985). Gayle’s appeared on TV in: ‘Thriller – K Is For Killing’ (1974); ‘Dylan’ (1978); ‘Strong Medicine’ (1986). Gayle also appeared in ‘Dallas’ (1989-91), which starred some of Joan Collins’s mates. Joan Collins was friends with Christopher Cazenove and his wife Angharad Rees. Angharad’s dad was the Welsh Top Doctor Prof Linford Rees, who spent many decades concealing the wrongdoing of Dafydd and his associates and who according to legend died peacefully in his chair after a paned and a Welsh cake. Linford also enjoyed showing people photos of his female patients whilst they were in the bath, but that was always taken as a sign that he was a high calibre wag (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’).

Titania Adoring Sir Simon Jenkins:

The Ass-headed Bottom:
Simon Jenkins at Policy Fight Club.jpg

 

Sir Simon and his mates were at the top of the food chain. Let me introduce a few more of Dafydd’s henchmen.

It was the Ty’r Felin children’s home in Bangor where children were severely abused and then trafficked for sex, including to Dolphin Square (see post ‘Are You Local?’). The manager of Ty’r Felin was Nefyn Dodd – he was assisted in the abuse of the kids by his wife June Dodd and his Deputy, Mari Roberts. I have detailed Dodd’s activities in previous posts. Dodd used to boast that he was a friend of Dafydd – Dodd presumably thought that an association with Dafydd was worth boasting about. The Waterhouse Inquiry was told by ex-residents of the brutality and repeated assaults on children by Nefyn and June Dodd, as well as by Mari Roberts. Ronnie dismissed the allegations and constantly made excuses for these three thugs.

One of the bottom feeders at Ty’r Felin was Peter Gadd. Gadd was employed by Gwynedd County Council for years on a temporary contract, in much the same way that Martin Jones, in his capacity as CEO of the NW Wales NHS Trust, staffed Ysbyty Gwynedd substantially by using agency or bank nurses. Anyone who dared mention the neglect and abuse of patients found that they ‘didn’t get their hours’ any longer. Martin didn’t even have to worry about bullying them out of their jobs or dismissing them on trumped up charges.

Gadd was a member of the Ogwen Mountain Rescue Team, as were other paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘No-One Is Innocent’) and frequently disappeared from work to go out with the Mountain Rescue Team.

There were many complaints against Gadd of bullying and assault on children and I am told that none of them were properly investigated. I have received an e mail stating that Gadd ‘provoked conflict between children so that he could wade in violently to restore order’. This was a favourite technique of the paedophiles’ friends in the mental health services as well. Patients would also be baited by staff until even the most even-tempered or mild-mannered of them raised their voice or stood up from their chair, at which point they’d be met with ‘restraint’ ie. an Angel landing on top of them needlessly, after which a few more Angels would pitch in. In the event of a complaint from the patient, a counter-allegation of assault on an Angel would be made and the patient would be hauled off down to the police station – even if they were sectioned – to be charged. Male patients were on occasions tasered by the police who were called into the hospital. In the events of patients taking their complaints to Ministers, or other witnesses expressing concern, somehow a piece would appear in the local paper concerning the serious problem of Dangerous Psychiatric Patients and how many hundreds of assaults the Angels had sustained recently at their hands.

I witnessed Gadd-like conduct in the North Wales Hospital and I understood immediately what the game being played was, which some other patients didn’t. After I left Denbigh, on one occasion when I rang Bryn Golau Ward in an attempt to get some answers because none of my letters of complaint had received a response, an Angel answered and I could hear what was very clearly the baiting of a distressed patient in the background. The patient then started screaming in distress – I knew damn well what was going on and I challenged the Angel who had answered the phone. I heard them say something in Welsh – which I did not understand – to the patient and then they gave the phone to the patient who of course screamed at me down the phone. No doubt the paedophiles’ victim had been told that I was a Top Doctor or a police officer or something. The phone was then snatched away from the patient and slammed down on me. Had I been there in person, no doubt a situation would have been engineered in which I would have been thumped.

Bryn Golau Ward, 1987. Dr Peter Higson in a management position in the North Wales Hospital, the Welsh Office ignoring all complaints. That was what was going on at ground level.

In Nov 1987, Peter Gadd gave evidence at the disciplinary investigation held by Gwynedd County Council against the whistleblower Alison Taylor. Alison had been Gadd’s supervisor, but he hadn’t worked for her since 1984. Gadd gave absolutely damning evidence against Taylor, maintaining that it was Alison that was the problem, not Nefyn Dodd.

In 1987, Gwynedd County Council were planning to take over Cartref Bontnewydd, a by then disused children’s home that was previously run by the Methodist Church. Gadd was promised the post of officer-in-charge at Cartref Bontnewydd in return for giving evidence against Alison. Gadd did not know that someone in Gwynedd County Council – I don’t know who – had also promised the post to Mari Roberts. Mari was appointed and an angry Gadd later told people that he’d ‘lied for Dodd’, in order to have Alison sacked.

Mari Roberts never worked with Alison but she also gave evidence against her at the Gwynedd County Council disciplinary panel – in support of Dodd, maintaining that Alison should be dismissed. Alison was dismissed in Nov 1987.

Gadd’s wife Patricia worked as a supply teacher – I presume for Gwynedd Education Authority. I understand that she subsequently was employed as a care officer by Gwynedd, although Patricia doesn’t seem to have any social work qualification.

It has been suggested to me that this was either compensation for Gadd not being given the post at Cartref Bontnewydd, or that Gadd threatened to go public on the fact that he had lied at Alison’s disciplinary hearing.

There were numerous complaints against Mari Roberts as well as against Gadd and the Dodds. There were complaints before the North Wales Police investigation of 1991-93.

By Nov 1987 when Dodd was organising Alison’s dismissal, the CPS were still considering a number of serious complaints against Nefyn Dodd. The CPS did not respond until Jan 1988. By Nov 1987 I had made repeated complaints about the mental health services in north Wales about the most serious matters. Dafydd had told me that if I didn’t drop my complaints he’d have me arrested and detained in Risley Remand Centre and he did try and do this in the summer of 1987, after a junior doctor perjured himself (see post ‘Workers Play Time’). He had also told me that if I did drop my complaints, he would ensure that I would be given a place at Liverpool Medical School. He had contacted my solicitor and told him not to act for me and had tried to find out which patients I might name as witnesses to the wrongdoing. Brown had written to Gwynedd Health Authority stating that he had heard Dafydd trying to threaten and bribe me but received no response. The Welsh Office knew about all of these matters, as did Clwyd and Gwynedd Health Authorities and Gwynedd Social Services. As did the North Wales Police.

The DPP at that time was Sir Thomas Hetherington QC and then Sir Allan Green QC.

As a result of the North Wales Police investigation, 1991-93, over 100 complaints about Nefyn Dodd were referred to the CPS. There was no prosecution of Dodd. By the time that the investigation had finished, I had been prosecuted for ‘staring a social worker’ in Safeways in Bangor (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’). The social worker was Jackie Brandt, who had illegally detained me in the psychiatric ward in Ysbyty Gwynedd, where I had the pleasure of Dafydd trying to discuss sex with me and then, after I challenged him, telling me to get out of north Wales and never come back or I’d be arrested (see post ‘Include Me Out’). Statements had been made about me by Tony Francis – without my knowledge – to Hempsons, the MDU solicitors, alleging that I had tried to strangle a Top Doctor, tried to throttle a Top Doctor and had attempted to stab a Top Doctor with ‘a dagger’. Both Hempsons and Andrew Park, the crooked lawyer who worked for the Welsh Office, wrote to Francis and others admitting that there was no evidence for any of these allegations.

The 1991-93 police investigation also resulted in numerous complaints against Mari, but no prosecutions resulted.

The DPP throughout all this was Sir Allan Green QC and then Dame Barbara Mills QC.

 

At the Waterhouse Inquiry Mari Roberts was however highly critical of Nefyn Dodd and his regime. She didn’t mention her key role in Alison’s dismissal, neither did the Counsel for the Inquiry and neither did Ronnie Waterhouse. Mari Roberts is discussed in the Waterhouse Report because witnesses described Mari in rather damning terms. She was described as deeply unpleasant and indeed violent, as Nefyn Dodd’s ‘henchwoman’. Ronnie was told that Mari had slapped children across the face and around the head, that she had kicked them, dragged them by their hair, forced them to strip and taken away their clothes after they had run away following her previous assaults and that on one occasion she had tried to smother a boy. Waterhouse observed that Mari was a caring woman who was dealing with some very difficult young people. When she was asked to explain the accusation that she had tried to smother a boy, Mari explained to Ronnie that she was ‘just being playful’.

And when they say no they mean yes don’t they Dafydd?

Like so many paedophiles’ friends in north Wales who do not have secure or well-paid employment, Peter and Patricia Gadd certainly live well. The Gadd’s live at Llanllechid, at Cysgod-y-Coed. They live in quite a nice converted barn/farmhouse place, with a fleet of 4 wheel drive vehicles parked outside. Their house is not in the main part of the village, it’s down a lane. As the crow flies, they must live very near to where Ioan Bowen Rees lived in his Plas. Since Ioan died, Mrs Bowen Rees has moved into the square in Rachub, but still in one of the best houses in the village. The Gadd’s and the Bowen Rees’s must have just been across the fields from each other.

The Gadd’s and the Bowen Rees’s lived there when someone made repeated attempts to set fire to my house, which was just down the road from them. That would have been in the early 1990s.

Peter and Pat Gadd are no longer involved in child care, but they have a new source of revenue. They’re doing Air B&B! If you look them up on Air B&B, they don’t mention their previous careers in sex trafficking. There’s a little photo of them cuddled up together looking like a comfy middle-aged couple.

‘Will you be wanting a Welsh cake, bach? I’ve got some in the oven. Ooh, I’ve got some bara brith on as well, that’ll be ready tonight. The beatings and the buggery are extras. We do overnight trips to Dolphin Square as well if you’re interested.’

This is what you get if you look up Peter n Pat on Air B&B:

The Gadd Barn, Cysgod y Coed.

Llanllechid
Patricia
6 guests
2 bedrooms
6 beds
1 bath

1830s Barn converted into basic holiday accommodation. Can sleep 6+.
Fully fitted open plan kitchen with cooker. fridge and microwave. Lounge area with woodburner, TV, freeview box. Quiet rural area 2 miles from Bethesda. Well behaved pets welcome.

More Information

The space

1830s Barn conversion with beams, stone walls and wood-burning stove. 1 kingsized and 2 single beds in one bedroom an 2 single beds in another Bedroom but room for a couple of mattresses if required. Fully fitted open plan kitchen with cooker, fridge/freezer and microwave. Bathroom with shower. Lounge with TV, Freeview and internet access.
Set in a secluded, rural area 6 miles from the city of Bangor and 2 miles from the small town of Bethesda where there are pubs, supermarkets, takeaways, and of course the famous Zipwire at Penrhyn Quarry

Guest access

Guests and their children have access to a small field with swings and a play area. The yard area is also suitable for BBQs and sitting in the evenings.
Arrangements can be made to use a washing machine if needed.

Interaction with guests

We live across the yard in another converted barn. We are there if you need any help or directions but we will not intrude.We have 3 very friendly chocolate labradors who love a fuss but that is up to you.

Other things to note

Our home is called Cysgod y Coed and the Barn is part of the basic budget accommodation with comfortable beds and fully equipped kitchen for self-catering.

 

If any readers fancy spending a night with the people traffickers, it’ll cost you £50.

 

Mari Roberts is now known as Mari Roberts-Jones. Mari was the creme de la creme in Ty’r Felin, she had a degree from UCNW (like Lucille Hughes). I think that Mari Roberts was probably taught at UCNW by the notorious Glyn Williams aka Glyn Patagonia. Like the former Bangor criminologist Prof Roy King, Glyn Patagonia had left UCNW by the time that I began post-doc work there, but he was still remembered as a vindictive bully. Glyn Patagonia went down in history at Bangor because the university brought a disciplinary case against him for systematically marking up Welsh language students and marking down English language students. He was represented by a very grand lawyer as well as by the AUT and he was cleared. When I first heard about this I thought well he probably wasn’t routinely doing it, it could have been one of those civil wars as a result of the strife which prevailed in the Dept at the time. I was later told by a number of people who are positive about the Welsh language, ‘no, he was guilty as charged, the marks were systematically fiddled’.

Like all good paedophiles’ friends, Glyn Williams was a greedy hypocrite and owned a second home in France.

Duw it’s hard. Pass the bara brith, put on Dafydd Iwan and we’ll have a sing song to keep up our spirits.

 

A lot of the paedophiles and their colleagues working in the children’s homes in north Wales did certificates in social work at Cartrefle College of Education (formerly Cartrefle  Training College) in Wrexham. Cartrefle became NEWI (North East Wales Institute) in 1975; in 1993 Cartrefle became an associate member of the University of Wales; in 2004 it became a full member of the University of Wales and in 2008 it became Glyndwr University.

In the early 80s Cartrefle College had a hotline to Nefyn Dodd and Lucille. The paedophiles’ friends at Cartrefle reported back to Dodd and Lucille on students, but not through any official channels. It was the usual MO of the paedophiles’ friends, gossip and rumour, targeting potential whistleblowers.

The MP for the constituency in which Ty’r Felin was located at the time was paedophiles’ friend and Welsh Office Minister Wyn – later Lord Wyn – Roberts (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). Dafydd Wigley was told of concerns about events at Ty’r Felin, but as it wasn’t in his constituency, he passed the concerns on to Wyn (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’). Ty’r Felin wasn’t in Dafydd Wigley’s constituency but the HQ of Gwynedd County Council was just around the corner from his constituency office. I’m fairly sure that Dafydd Wigley lives – or lived – in Bontnewydd. In the same village as Cartref Bontnewydd, where Mari Roberts playfully suffocated children and dragged them around by their hair. Cartref Newydd was in Dafydd Wigley’s constituency. Ioan Bowen Rees, the Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council, was an adviser to Dafydd Wigley.

 

I am told that the standards at Cartrefle College were very, very poor. My post ‘A Vampire At Glyndwr University’ discusses the many paedophiles’ friends who have governed and staffed that very troubled institution. Many of them date back to its time as Cartrefle College. In 2001, whilst the institution was still NEWI, Prof Mike Scott was appointed Principal. It mystified a great many people. Not just because when Mike Scott had done his PhD many moons ago at the University of Wales he had been ordered to rewrite and resubmit and there were people in the region who could remember this happening, but because a great many people maintained that Mike Scott was a completely unsuitable person to have been given that job. Including Brown.

Mike Scott had previously been a PVC at De Montfort University in Leicester and he virtually destroyed the place. He was a key figure in a disastrous senior management team who screwed up so badly that the institution had to be raised from the ashes by the present VC, who seems to have done a very good job. After Scott left De Montfort smouldering on the pavement, everyone at DMU presumed that he’d never work again. Then he turned up at NEWI, presided over events as extraordinary as he presided over at DMU and bugger me, someone then agreed to call his house of dysfunction a University.

In view of the fact that Scott did his PhD at the University of Wales in the days when the paedophiles largely controlled the institution, I cannot help but wonder if Mike Scott played the same old north Wales game – I know what you all did and where the bodies are buried… Gissa job as VC.

Leicester was the location of a paedophile gang which was linked to Dafydd et al…

Mike Scott took up his appointment at DMU in 1989. He had previously worked at Sunderland Poly. There was a paedophile gang located in the Sunderland area with links to Dafydd et al…

Mike Scott stood down from Glyndwr University in 2015. He announced that he would be departing in 2014, after the Home Office withdrew Glyndwr’s right to sponsor international students following allegations of visa fraud. The University’s Chancellor Sir Jon Shortridge praised Mike Scott’s ‘outstanding achievements’ as VC. Sir Jon Shortridge is a former civil servant who joined the hub of corruption that was the Welsh Office in 1984 and rose to the very top (see post ‘The Reality Is, There Is No Problem’).

Since devolution, Higher Education has been the responsibility of the Welsh Gov’t. When Scott was appointed Principal of NEWI in 2001, Rhodri Morgan was FM, as he was in 2008 when Glyndwr was granted university status.

The University of Salford validated degrees from Cartrefle College. Cartrefle College evolved into NEWI, which offered social work training, as does Glyndwr University. The University of Salford knew that children in care were being abused in north Wales because the Waterhouse Report discusses a student on placement from the University of Salford who was so horrified by what he saw in north Wales that he reported it to the University. As a result he was withdrawn from his placement after a matter of days. This student followed all appropriate guidelines after he witnessed child abuse. Waterhouse dismissed his evidence because he’d only been on placement for a few days so he didn’t really know what the care of children in north Wales was like.

The authorities responsible for Cartrefle College were the Welsh Dept at the Ministry of Education and the Dept of Education and Science. It was in the early 1980s when my correspondent told me that they had witnessed appalling standards and when staff at Cartrefle College had a hotline to Lucille and Dodd. The Secretary of State for Education and Science, 1981-86, was Sir Keith Joseph – who’s adviser was Barbara Kahan, who colluded with organised child abuse throughout her career (see post ‘Always On The Side Of The Children’). Barbara Kahan was one of the people to whom Alison Taylor wrote regarding her concerns about child abuse in north Wales. Alison did not receive a reply. Kahan, along with Allan Levy QC, conducted the Inquiry into the Staffordshire Pindown Scandal in the 1980s and published the resultant Report in 1991. They underplayed the seriousness of the abuse and for how long people had ignored it. Brown and I wrote to Keith Joseph, when we were undergrads, about student finance. The old bastard probably had us targeted then. The Secretary of State for the DES, 1979-81, was Mark Carlisle, who in 1973 had reassured the Commons that he had no concerns about the stream of deaths and the overcrowding at Risley Remand Centre (see post ‘Include Me Out’).

Previous Secretaries of State for the DES who were responsible for Cartrefle as qualifications were handed out to sex offenders were: Shirley Williams (under PM Jim Callaghan) – Shirl was asked by Dafydd Wigley to hold an Inquiry into the paedophiles’ friend Sir Charles Evans’s management of UCNW but she refused; Fred Mulley, under Wilson and Callaghan – Mulley was a barrister and like paedophiles’ friend Robert Bluglass, an Old Warwickian! (see ref ‘Enter Professor Bluglass CBE). The Warwick School website has a little quip about the Old Warwickians ‘growing old disgracefully’. Presumably they’ve heard about Bluglass facilitating an international sex trafficking ring. Someone ought to seize Compton Verney under the proceeds of crime legislation.

Cheers!

 

 

 

Before Fred, the Secretary of State for the DES was Reg Prentice, under PM Wilson. Prentice was a barrel of laughs, he left the Labour Party in 1977 and in 1979 was elected as a Tory MP. Thatcher made him Minister for the Disabled! Prentice died in 2001, but in the last few years before his death he was President of the Devizes Conservative Association. Sir Peter Morrison’s family seat was near Devizes and the locality had become completely corrupted as a result. No wonder Reg went and parked himself down there during the Waterhouse Inquiry (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’). Prior to Reg, the Secretary of State for the DES was a Margaret Hilda Thatcher. She was so busy withdrawing the free school milk from primary school kids that she took her eye off a gang of paedophiles giving out certificates in social work to other members of the gang. Furthermore her critics were so busy yelling ‘Thatcher the Snatcher’ that they forgot to mention that Cartrefle was training sex traffickers.

It’s all a bit Julian Tudor Hart isn’t it (see post ‘The Human Stain’).

That takes us as far back as 1970. Cartrefle was dishing out the qualifications to the paedophiles’ friends even before then. It feels as if it’s been going on since the Pre-Cambrian era…

 

There was a children’s home in Llanfairpwll on Anglesey, called Y Gwyngyll, which was the focus of complaints such that in 1981 the Chief Executive of Gwynedd County Council, Ioan Bowen Rees, was obliged to launch an investigation. Bowen Rees called in  ‘senior officers’ of Dyfed County Council who of course found nothing seriously amiss. Ioan Bowen Rees had been the County Secretary of Dyfed County Council before he became Chief Exec of Gwynedd. There was a paedophile ring in Dyfed at the time which had links to Dafydd et al.

 

An Orthodox priest – yes, north Wales has one – called Father Deiniol who lived in Blaenau Ffestiniog used to have boys from Y Gwyngyll staying over at his house for the weekend. I have been told that on one occasion, one boy returned from Father Deiniol’s place highly distressed with, for some inexplicable reason, his toenails painted purple. Alison Taylor stored up yet more trouble for herself when she raised concerns regarding the arrangement between Father Deiniol and the children from Y Gwyngyll. Her concerns were silenced. Nefyn Dodd, David Bailey (the officer-in-charge of Y Gwyngyll) and Gethin Evans all maintained that Father Deiniol was the best thing since sliced bread and that he was providing welcome opportunities for disadvantaged kids to have a weekend break.

I was always intrigued by Father Deiniol’s presence in north Wales. The first time that I saw him I was an undergrad and in a Chinese takeaway in Bangor. I was quite surprised when an Orthodox priest came in and ordered some food. I used to see him around Upper Bangor (the part of Bangor where the University arts depts are and the residential quarter where students and in those days many University staff used to live) in the company of a variety of people. Upper Bangor was host to a selection of characters in those days. There was a left-wing bookshop called the Information Centre which was the centre of CND activity; there was a whole food restaurant called Methusala’s; there was a load of Bahai people;  there was a house covered in activist stickers which housed a crowd of people – some of whom were involved with the domestic violence shelter – including a little boy who used to always sport a ‘boys against sexism’ badge; there was a man who called himself Brother Dai who, when he heard that I lived on Anglesey, told me that Anglesey was ‘the island of free love’. Shortly after encountering Brother Dai, I saw an advert in an alternative newsletter inviting people to come along for a session of ‘European Rolfing’. I asked Brown if he knew what on earth European Rolfing was, but he’d never heard of such a practice either. I had the feeling that it might involve Brother Dai.

The people who owned Methusula’s were readily identifiable because they seemed to have a great deal of money by Bangor standards. They drove a Porsche, which was unique for alternative people hanging out in Upper Bangor. The restaurant was very small, the prices were reasonable and the customers were mostly students. A lot of businesses in Bangor or Menai Bridge in those days were obviously hobby shops, owned by people who didn’t make enough from their shop to live on but who had another source of income (often a spouse who worked in the university or as a Top Doctor) which subsidised the shop. Methusula’s struck me as being that sort of business, but the couple who owned it worked in there themselves every night and then drove home in the Porsche which was parked just down the road. They did chat to the students and customers, but their goodwill was a bit forced. They sold up and left Bangor in about 1983 and told me that they were buying a pub and restaurant in Devon. They were so frosty when I asked them what their future plans were – which was weird because I’d been a regular in Methusula’s for ages – that I wondered if they had had some sort of bad experience and that’s why they were going.

So Father Deiniol used to be seen around Bangor amongst this crowd. Father Deiniol used to turn up to freshers’ events at UCNW and he was still doing this when I left Bangor in 2012. I was manning a stall at the postgrad fair and who rolled up but Father Deiniol. I had no idea that he was a paedophiles’ friend and hosted the kids from Y Gwyngwyll, I only received information about this after I began this blog.

Father Deiniol has a heavy internet presence. He features on a Facebook page, ‘Past Times of Blaenau Ffestiniog’ and under the title ‘Father Deiniol, Respected Member of Blaenau Ffestiniog’ one can read about Father Deiniol’s ‘journey’. Father Deiniol certainly gets around, he’s travelled the world and although he speaks Welsh, English and Greek, it would appear that Father Deiniol originally came from Wrexham. The coverage of Father Deiniol’s adventures tell us that he became involved in the Orthodox Church when he was a teenager in Wrexham and subsequently founded the Wales Orthodox Mission in the mid-1980s. Father Deiniol is of the generation who were young men when that paedophile ring based in the children’s homes in Wrexham really began expanding their business.

Praise the Lord, we’re a musical nation. Paedophile ring you say? Bechod, we’ve got harps and Elinor Bennett, we’ve got literature and Kate Roberts, we’ve got art and Kyffin and we’ve also got an Orthodox priest with a penchant for purple nail varnish on the toes of young boys…

In 2008, Father Deiniol – Tad Deiniol in Welsh – starred in a TV series, ‘Taith Tad Deiniol’. The series was narrated by Twm Morys who did so because he has ‘an interest in the Orthodox Church’. Twm is a media-friendly Bard who has featured on this blog recently (see post ‘Heart Of Darkness’). Twm’s dad/mum is Jan Morris, who when she was James Morris, was a member of the 1953 Everest expedition – the team leader was Sir Charles Evans, the Top Doctor who was Principal of UCNW for all those years when the paedophiles’ friends ran the place. Twm and Jan are big fans of paedophiles’ friend and colleague Dr Chris Evans.

The TV series starring Father Deiniol was made by Peter Telfer of mid-Wales production company Pixel Foundry, who it is said ‘was a pupil of Father Deiniol’s at Ysgol Ardudwy’.

Pixel Foundry was dissolved in 2013 but used a number of addresses at Machynlleth as well as one at Abersytwyth Arts Centre. Peter Telfer was the Creative Director and a Suzanne Kemp was the Company Secretary. Peter Telfer used an address in Ceinws for a long time. Ceinws hit the media for all the wrong reasons in 2012, when five yr old April Jones from Machynlleth was murdered by Mark Bridger, who lived at Ceinws, having moved there from Birmingham.

One newspaper article stated that Father Deiniol was the Chaplain at Aberystwyth and Bangor Universities.

 

Another correspondent has told me that a teacher from Anglesey known to the kids as ‘Seagull’ who was ‘hated and feared’ by the children was also a regular at Y Gwyngwyll. I have not been given Seagull’s real name.

 

There was quite a bit of action at Blaenau Ffestiniog other than Father Deiniol and his Orthodox Church. Blaenau hosted Ceryl Wyn Davies, who I am told still lives there. Ceryl Wyn Davies was the Headmaster of Tanygrisiau School (a primary school near Blaenau) who in 1986, whilst Bowen Rees was Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council, was jailed for 18 months at Mold Crown Court after pleading guilty to three charges of indecent assault on girls under thirteen. Ceryl Wyn was 47 yrs old at the time of his imprisonment and had been Headmaster of Tanygrisiau School for seven years.

Had Ioan Bowen Rees operated on the same level as the rest of us, Ceryl Wyn’s conviction might have left him a little red-faced, but being Ioan it won’t have. Ceryl Wyn had previous. In 1964, after being convicted at Holyhead Magistrates Court for indecently assaulting schoolgirls whilst being employed as a teacher, Ceryl Wyn was sentenced to nine months in prison. Ioan Bowen Rees stated that Ceryl Wyn’s 1964 conviction had been spent and ‘had to be ignored’. It was true that Ceryl Wyn’s conviction had been spent, but with regard to spent convictions, potential employers are obliged to exercise judgement not ignore the conviction under all circumstances. If the spent conviction is relevant to the job for which the offender is applying, the potential employer is required to take the spent conviction into account. Ceryl Wyn was a child sex offender who had applied for a job as a Headmaster of a primary school.

This was in the days before CRB/DBS checks, so Ceryl Wyn would not have been obliged to mention his 1964 conviction on his application when he threw his hat in the ring for the job as Headmaster of Tanygrisiau School. However, Gwynedd Education Authority were well aware that there was Something About Ceryl Wyn when he became Head of Tanygrisiau. He was already in the employ of Gwynedd County Council as a teacher and was promoted to Headmaster of Tanygrisiau – shortly after he had appeared before Blaenau Ffestiniog Magistrates in 1978 for, er, indecently assaulting school children.

Ceryl Wyn was acquitted. He was defended by the best – Emlyn Hooson QC, the then Liberal MP for Montgomeryshire! Emlyn was a pretty big hitter to bring in for an appearance in Blaenau Ffestiniog Magistrates Court.

Emlyn Hooson was a close mate of Ronnie Waterhouse. Hooson had been part of the Liberal Party panel which investigated Jeremy Thorpe regarding Norman Scott’s allegations years before Jeremy stood trial for conspiracy and incitement to murder Norman. The inquiry had finished by Lord Frank Byers – Lisa Nandy’s grandfather – hurling insults at Norman and Norman giving up and leaving the room in despair (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’).

It was the year in which Hooson successfully defended Ceryl Wyn for indecent assault that Jeremy Thorpe was charged with conspiracy and incitement to murder Norman. The year after Ceryl Wyn was acquitted, so was Thorpe.

It must have been really great being a friend of Emlyn Hooson.

Glyn Davies, the Tory MP for Montgomeryshire recently appeared in the Welsh media complaining that the recent TV drama about Jeremy Thorpe cast Emlyn Hooson in a very negative light, which according to Davies, was unfair. Glyn Davies spent years sitting on Montgomery District Council alongside Hooson’s wife Shirley, who died very recently (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’).

After Ceryl’s second imprisonment – in 1986 – Ioan Bowen Rees maintained that the 1978 panel who promoted Ceryl Wyn to the post of Headmaster was ‘not negligent’ and  ‘did not show favouritism’. Bowen Rees made the point that after his 1964 conviction and prison sentence, Ceryl Wyn was reinstated as a teacher by the Dept of Education in 1970. That was when Thatch was Education Secretary and whilst Cartrefle College was busy distributing qualifications to members of a paedophile gang. A great many of whom ended up working for Ioan Bowen Rees. Bowen Rees himself partly blamed Thatch for that business of Ceryl finding himself working as a Headmaster – ‘with hindsight we can see that the Dept of Education and the local LEA put too much trust in the individual in question’.

The ‘local LEA’ will have been Gwynedd, under the then Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council, David Alun Jones, Ioan’s predecessor. Ioan wasn’t the Chief Exec when Ceryl Wyn was given a job as Headmaster, but Ioan almost certainly knew Ceryl Wyn back in 1964, when Ceryl Wyn was first jailed for sex offences against children. Because Ioan grew up in north Wales and for years worked as a solicitor for the old Denbighshire County Council. Ioan – and his parents – were well-known locally and in 1955 Ioan stood as the Plaid candidate for Conwy.

Ceryl Wyn may have been only reinstated as a teacher in 1970 out of the kindness of Thatch’s heart, but the folk of Blaenau obviously had no worries regarding his conduct with young people very soon after he was released from prison following his 1964 conviction, because in 1968 Ceryl Wyn was a member of the Council which oversaw the Youth Eisteddfod in Blaenau Ffestiniog. I have been sent a nice photo of Ceryl Wyn, along with the other members of the Council – Maldwyn Parry, Gareth Jones, Elwyn Hughes, Morwen Davies, Pegi Lloyd Williams and Geraint Vaughan Jones.

Ceryl Wyn Davies grew up in Blaenau and trained as a teacher at Coleg Normal in Bangor. He has been a member of a number of local choirs, including Cor Meibion y Moelwyn, of which he was the leader. Ceryl Wyn has also been the Chair of Blaenau Ffestiniog Town Council. He is a keen Eistedfoddwr and is a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards. I am told that he still preaches locally.

 

Anyone who knows Blaenau Ffestiniog will know that there is absolutely no way that people didn’t know about Ceryl Wyn’s 1964 conviction when he became Head of Tanygrisiau School in 1978. Most of the town will have been to school with Ceryl Wyn and a good few will have been at Coleg Normal with him, EVERYONE will have known.

I am not suggesting that Ceryl Wyn should have been cast into the outer darkness after his 1964 conviction. It says a lot for Blaenau that he wasn’t followed by a baying mob demanding his testicles on a platter. But they did know that a very close eye should have been kept on him where children were concerned. Many people will have been well aware of that and may have had great reservations about Ceryl Wyn turning up as the local primary school Headmaster. I suspect that it was the usual story – we don’t like it, we are very worried but we don’t feel that we can even raise concerns because his mates are bigger than we are and we live here and everyone knows where we live. Neither do we fancy being framed for crimes or being carted off to the North Wales Hospital by the Welsh speaking psychiatric social worker (see post ‘No-One Is Innocent’) on the grounds that we have some serious delusions about a child molesting Headmaster and his friends.

I really don’t have a problem with north Wales accepting Ceryl Wyn back into the fold after he had been to prison. What I have a problem with is the shit that was flung at Alison Taylor, Mary Wynch, me and many others, because we did not have the same mates as Ceryl Wyn, yet we had not serially molested children over decades.

It was in April 1986 when Ceryl Wyn Did It Again and was sent back to prison. Which was about about the time when the threats and aggro towards me from Dr D.G.E. Wood, Tony Francis and other paedophiles’ friends began to escalate. I didn’t know, but at the time Tony Francis was sending furious letters to the BMA and the MDU stressing how dangerous and twisted I was on the basis of my allegations about Gwynne the lobotomist. Gwynne was almost dead by then, they all knew that he wasn’t long for this world, but I was mouthing off and Mary Wynch had put her case before the Master of the Rolls and that had been reported in the London-based broadsheets. I notice that Ceryl Wyn’s case received widespread publicity and was even reported in ‘The Times’. It was mentioned that Ceryl Wyn had indecently assaulted pupils as he marked their work…

Unlike Ceryl Wyn, I, along with others, were hounded out of jobs and nearly ended up in prison – indeed some people did go to prison – without having committed any offences at all. One of the barristers and judges who led the field in such prosecutions was the fat fool Huw Daniel. Who’s father, J.E. Daniel, was an inspector of schools in north Wales and worked at the Bala Theological College, along with the father of Dafydd Iwan – one time leader of Gwynedd County Council – and Alun Ffred, one time member of Gwynedd County Council and subsequently AM for Caernarfon and then Arfon.

Yma O Hyd! Indeed you are – and look at the bloody mess.

After Ceryl Wyn stood accused once more but was acquitted in 1978, Gwynedd County Council assembled a disciplinary panel which met twice to ‘review the position’. The panel decided that it was ‘unreasonable’ to ‘force the children who gave evidence during a lengthy court case to be questioned again’. There is a great deal of sense in that conclusion. I can only stand by and gawp as I witness the damage and distress inflicted upon victims of sexual assault as complete fuckwit after complete fuckwit demand that they ‘talk about it because it helps’. Does it? When was that demonstrated then? I’m not sure that there is much evidence pointing to that. There is however a great deal of evidence that suggests that sexual predators target people whom they think may have been victims of sexual assault previously. Anyone for Dafydd’s sex therapy?

The disciplinary panel would not have needed to have forced traumatised children to give evidence again. The children’s evidence had already been heard in open court. It was publicly available. What the panel should not have done was given Ceryl Wyn a job as a Headmaster shortly after the kids had given evidence, thus giving him unsupervised access to primary school children. Perhaps even the siblings and friends of the kids who had given the evidence…

I suspect that the kids of Blaenau Ffestiniog were fully aware of Ceryl Wyn, kids tend to be quite sharp with regard to adults who have a penchant to Fiddle About. It’s the adults who can’t cope if the Fiddler in question is a Headmaster to whom they are related or are friends with, or a Top Doctor who is good at getting the guilty out of Risley Remand Centre, putting the innocent in there or securing one’s relatives jobs as social workers or places at Liverpool Medical School.

But we didn’t know!

Jokes, cartoons, songs, nicknames…

We didn’t know.

Serious complaints followed by suicides and deaths, houses going up in flames…

 

A few other stars were and no doubt still are based in Blaenau, along with Father Deiniol and Ceryl Wyn.

In July 2010 Gwilym Euros Roberts was jailed for four and a half years after attacking his estranged wife Catrin with two knives. In April 2010 he broke into Catrin’s house in Blaenau – Roberts was also living in Blaenau but in a different house – armed himself with two knives from the kitchen, burst into a bedroom where Catrin was watching TV yelling ‘I’m going to kill you, fucking bitch’, pushed her onto the bed and tried to stab her in the head and neck. Catrin had been living in fear of Roberts and had dialled 999 when she heard someone breaking in, assuming that it was him. Catrin fought Roberts off, sustaining a broken nose and serious defence wounds to her hands and arms. Catrin stated that Roberts had attempted to murder her.

After Catrin fought back, Roberts ‘fled’ to the house of ‘a friend’ – media reports did not mention their name – and stated ‘I’ve lost it, I’ve tried to stab Catrin’. Roberts made a full admission to the police.

At the time that Gwilym Roberts knifed Catrin, he was on police bail following a brawl in March at the Oakeley Arms at Maentwrog – near to Blaenau – during which it was alleged that Roberts assaulted Catrin and another man, after he found them in a bedroom at the Oakeley Arms. Roberts’s bail conditions had stated that he was not to contact Catrin. Several complaints had been made to the police regarding Roberts breaching his bail conditions before he stabbed Catrin and a few days prior to attacking her, Roberts had been arrested on suspicion of criminal damage.

At the time of the attack on Catrin, much was made of broken-hearted Gwilym committing a crime of passion after the slapper Catrin was found with another man. There was no comment regarding why Catrin might have sought comfort in the arms of someone else. Catrin’s family simply released photos of a narrowly escaping death Catrin and starkly said ‘this is what he did to her’.

Gwilym Roberts was the Councillor for Diffwys and Maenofferen Ward in Blaenau on Gwynedd County Council. Roberts was a Councillor for Llais Gwynedd (Voice of Gwynedd), a breakaway group from Plaid. His conviction and imprisonment caused a by-election.

Roberts stood trial in July 2010. Some reports stated that it was at Mold Crown Court, but others said Caernarfon. He was charged with unlawfully and maliciously wounding or causing grievous bodily harm with intent, rather than attempted murder. Roberts was defended by barrister John Wyn Williams, who stressed that Roberts was ‘genuinely ashamed’ of his actions.

John Wyn Williams was based at Linenhall Chambers in Cheshire. Lord Alex Carlile was based at the same Chambers. John Wyn Williams is married to an Angel who works – or used to work – at the Ablett Unit, Ysbyty Glan Clwyd. One of her colleagues there was Dr Neil Davies, a mate of Dafydd’s. Neil Davies was the RMO for Bryn Golau Ward in the North Wales Hospital when I and so many other people were unlawfully imprisoned there in 1986/87. Copies of medical records in my possession show that when one – brave – Angel – told Neil Davies that I had been unlawfully arrested and detained as a result of a ‘deal’ between Dafydd and a Superintendent Roberts at Bangor Police Station and she was most unhappy at being involved with this ‘deal’, Neil Davies told her that she wasn’t really involved, all she had to do was to refuse to let me go.

John Wyn Williams was one of the barristers from whom I sought a legal opinion regarding a possible negligence case against the NHS in about 2004-05. I had a conference with him and received a legal opinion that didn’t actually say ‘no hope on this one’, but somehow it all fizzled out without John Wyn Williams explaining why.

Recorder Winston Roddick QC presided over Gwilym Euros Roberts’s trial. Roddick is a longstanding paedophiles’ friend and was the former Counsel General for Wales when the Waterhouse Report was published (see post ‘Have The Lambs Stopped Screaming?’). Roddick stated that Roberts had  ‘shown genuine remorse’ and of course was ‘ashamed’. Roddick commented that Roberts had ‘an outstanding record of public service. The sentence is the shortest time the law permits’.

The record for Roberts’s case mentions that his ‘good character’, ‘remorse’ and a ‘character reference/witness’ were taken into account re sentencing. I do not know who the character reference was.

‘Call Dr DA Jones, he’s needed in court…’

Gwilym’s good luck just went on and on. In March 2011, whilst Gwilym was serving the shortest sentence possible for wounding rather than a massive sentence for attempted murder following two assaults, criminal damage and repeatedly breaking bail conditions, it was reported that Gwilym had been ‘wrongly assessed’ as being a future risk to the general public and that the condition imposed upon him to be subject to a period of four years on extended licence following his release from prison was overturned. The decision was made in the London Court of Appeal by Mrs – now Dame – Kathryn Thirlwall.

Kathryn Thirlwall went to school at St Anthony’s Girls’ Catholic Academy in Sunderland, then to Bristol University, then to Newcastle Poly.

Readers will remember the paedophile gang which operated in the north east with links to Dafydd’s gang in north Wales, who were protected by politicians, civil servants, Top Docs etc. Readers might need reminding that Lord David Hunt, who spent so many years concealing the crimes of Dafydd et al, is a Bristol University alumnus. As is D.G.E. Wood.

I am told that the MDU are now using the lawyers DAC Beachcroft. A company led by Lord David Hunt.

Grace Dent, the journo who is relentlessly talked up by ‘Woman’s Hour’ and has her own Radio 4 series which involves Grace giving voyeuristic accounts of the troubles of the members of what Blair called the underclass whilst she talks in a hushed northern voice, praised Mrs Justice Thirlwall to the skies after her judgement in the Mick Philpott case, which involved the scrounger with dozens of kids who perished in a house fire whilst the family lived high on the hog on benefits. Grace was particularly impressed with Kathryn Thirlwall being in possession of ovaries and related this to Kathryn’s firm line on male violence towards women.

In that case Grace, perhaps you’d like to move to Blaenau Ffestiniog where you too will be able to reap the benefit of Kathryn Thirlwall’s Wimmin’s Wisdom. There’ll be a spare house for you, because I imagine that when Gwilym Roberts was released, Catrin and anyone who dared support her relocated to another planet. There would have been a spare house anyway, Blaenau is on its knees after years of fuckwittery and it didn’t even have a cashpoint until a few weeks ago after a campaign led by the local MP Liz Saville Roberts. There’s no work and not many buses to get to work if anyone is lucky enough to find a job, so the houses are among the cheapest in the UK. If you’re retired or have a private income you’ll be OK and the countryside around Blaenau is lovely. But unfortunately you’ve got Gwilym on your doorstep and he’s untouchable.

The high profile Wimmin’s Champs in Wales such as Jane Hutt and Val Feld remained totally silent in the wake of Catrin nearly being murdered. Jane Hutt was the driver behind the vomit-inducing plaque commemorating Val Feld which now shines from the wall of the Senedd. Jane was the founder of Welsh Wimmin’s Aid. Whilst I was under attack by the paedophiles’ friends, a Wimmin’s Aid worker lived right opposite my house. She stood next to me at the bus stop, she passed me in the street and on one occasion she was in Bangor Magistrates Court when the paedophiles’ friends were trying to fit me up yet again. It was about five years before she even spoke to me and that was after I had left the village. I doubt if she is wicked through and through, she was probably just terrified of the paedophiles’ friends, as many people are when you get to know them.

Welcome To The Jones’ Motel

 

Dare You Have A Shower?

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Somebody has told me that years ago I and other young women were filmed a la Psycho without our knowledge and the footage flogged and circulated. I can only presume that the scene of the crime was at dear old Denbigh. It was suggested that I should be in the throes of some sort of #Me Too trauma. Well I’m not. It doesn’t surprise me in the least, everyone knew what was happening to us and no-one, no-one at all helped us. At least I am still alive. I am far more interested in sociology and history and writing this blog and naming the people who were involved in this foulness, many of whom are still popping up in the media or in Parliament to give us the benefit of their wisdom.  I heard wimmin’s wisdom on the radio the other day, but I only caught a bit of it. An American feminist who is busy in the UK yelled at the interviewer that the only way of stopping male sexual violence was by making prostitution illegal. Well that worked so well in north Wales didn’t it. By the way Ms Wimmin’s Wisdom, things were so bad in north Wales that Dafydd and co abducted boys and sold them across Europe. No-one gave a stuff but Jane and Val did bang on about being strong wimmin and chwarae teg at length.

 

Before Gwilym Roberts was banged up, he was a Director of Tourism Partnership Mid-Wales; Prime Cymru; Gwynfryn Cymuneddol Cyf; and Secretary of Tan y Maen Ltd.

I may have got this wrong, but I am fairly sure that Gwilym used to be a children’s/young person’s social worker with Gwynedd County Council, although all references to this have disappeared from the internet. After Catrin nearly left for the next world, I remember noting the unique combination of a broken heart, a passion for the community, a record of outstanding public service and a near brutal slaying that was to be found within Gwilym, because I remembered Gwilym from some years previously.

Gwilym had been a leading light in a group which was established in Wales in about 2000 called Cymuned, in response to the perceived crisis in rural Wales. The concerns were the dying of the Welsh language, closures of rural schools and other services, houses being beyond the price of many local people’s pockets and the lack of employment which paid well enough to actually enable one to support oneself. Some of my friends were involved in Cymuned and invited me along, so I went to some meetings. The English press were keen to portray Cymuned as a cottage-burning Nazi-style anti-English group – someone cheerily asked me why I was hanging out with the Welsh Nazis – but there were people in Cymuned who were definitely not of that ilk. I met some very genuine people who were nothing but welcoming to me and who were tearing their hair out over what was happening in rural Wales. But then the usual phenomenon emerged. The nutters and the in-fighting.

I knew one member of Cymuned who was forced out of her job at Coleg Menai as a teacher of Welsh to English speakers by a Plaid Councillor on the grounds that Cymuned might damage Plaid at the polls. This teacher was so enthusiastic that in her spare time she and a group of her friends had offered free Welsh lessons to anyone who was interested. Which is surely the sort of Welsh teacher that one needs. Then the ‘Daily Mirror’ began launching attacks on Cymuned, particularly Llais Councillor Seimon Glyn. The Mirror had a go at Seimon Glyn because he had been making public speeches about the cost of housing in rural Gwynedd – which was a very real problem.

The Cymuned battles took place just before and just after the publication of the Waterhouse Report. The Mirror could have mentioned that Seimon was a young person’s social worker in Gwynedd and asked him how he managed to miss the presence of a vicious paedophile gang which was facilitated by his managers and his colleagues. But The Mirror didn’t. They got cross because Seimon spoke Welsh and was raising concerns about the dire state of the economy in north west Wales. Call me naive but I can’t see anything wrong with that.

I remember seeing Gwilym Roberts at Cymuned meetings. I didn’t know him but he wasn’t one of the welcoming ones. He reminded me rather of Martin Webster of the National Front in the mid-70s. Gwilym was articulating concerns that people had brought to him and was welcomed by some as a people’s champ, but there was a sort of aura of serious aggression which surrounded Gwilym. I thought perhaps that I was being a poncy Guardian reader and detecting something that wasn’t there, but years later some residents of Blaenau told me that Gwilym had upset and alienated some people in Cymuned by his hostility and aggression. Then some other people in Blaenau told me that Gwilym was not a nice man and had been doing some very unacceptable things for a long time but was well-protected by his mates.

Including the Court of Appeal in London it would seem.

Gwilym was mates with another Llais Councillor from Blaenau, Dafydd Williams, a man known locally as Black Dafydd, which always upset newly arrived English people because they immediately presumed it to be a racist insult. It wasn’t. Black Dafydd is Welsh, but grew up in the Methodist orphanage in Bontnewydd – he was the only black person around and he ended up being called Black Dafydd by his mates and people close to him.  He didn’t have a problem with it – I suspect that he did experience racism but his mate’s nickname for him wasn’t a manifestation of that. One thing that really did irritate him was being called a Taffy when he went to train as an Angel in the north of England.

Anyone for lecturing Welsh people on the evils of racism?

Black Dafydd worked as a mental health nurse in north Wales. He had also previously been a police officer, in Wales and elsewhere. I have never discussed the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal with Black Dafydd, but he must have known what another Dafydd who was white was doing, he absolutely must have.

A paedophiles’ friend of the highest order lives in Blaenau – Hefin Davies, the lying crook and Freemason who was the Chairman of Gwynedd Health Authority and then the Chairman of the NW Wales NHS Trust. The Hefin who’s signature is on documents in my possession showing that after I continued to raise concerns regarding Dafydd Alun Jones, Hefin’s response was not to investigate but to consult a number of lawyers and ask them how I could be prosecuted.

Can you explain your response Hefin? Particularly as you had also received a letter from Brown – which was ignored and which your lapdog Ian Rickard claimed not to have received – telling you that he had heard Dafydd trying to bribe and threaten me into dropping my complaint against him?

I think that the whole lot of you should probably get down to Bangor pier and chuck yourselves off the end, I think that you’ve been rumbled.

The voice of Gwynedd??? The voice of a paedophile ring who supplied Thatcher’s friends with children for sex I think.

 

People who have followed this blog for a while might remember my references to the havoc in Blaenau some years ago when a war allegedly between ‘the Welsh’ and ‘the English’ took place, including in the local MIND drop in centre. A leading light in Blaenau MIND appeared in the ‘Daily Post’ alleging appalling anti-English feeling in Blaenau. Which is a bit weird, because Blaenau is a bit like Bethesda, it’s a former quarrying town where a lot of hippyish English people moved in ages ago, with a lot of mixing between the two groups. What there is in Blaenau, as with Bethesda, are paedophiles’ friends inflaming every situation possible. MIND is run by Dafydd and the paedophiles and has been for years.

Subsequent media coverage alleged that the aggro at MIND was not the result of anti-English feeling. According to the people who had been accused of racism, it was the result of a load of absolute bastards who had recently moved into Blaenau and colonised the MIND centre there. Further media coverage – and conversations that I had with people – revealed that Manchester City Council had purchased a whole lot of cheap houses in Blaenau and had literally dumped a group of problem tenants in them because Manchester didn’t want them any longer and it was these tenants who had been at the centre of the aggro. There was understandably outrage that Manchester had decided to give Wales the citizens that it didn’t want, but I did not ever hear any explanation as to how and why Manchester decided to use Blaenau as a dustbin. Someone sold Manchester City Council that job lot of houses and someone – indeed quite a lot of people – will have known that a penal colony of Mancunians was to be established in Blaenau.

Gwynedd County Councillors will have been among those who knew that this was going to happen. The North Wales Police will have known. The regional NHS will have known. The regional Social Services will have known.

Gwilym! Hefin! When did you find out that it was going to happen? Who flogged – and indeed advertised – that housing to Manchester City Council? Who INVITED them to dump their needy, expensive, rather difficult citizens into one of the most disadvantaged towns in Gwynedd? I think we should be told.

 

I mentioned that there was an English speaking contingent in Blaenau involved with radical causes. I used to hear about them years ago when I was a student at UCNW, but I didn’t know them. I later found out that some of them at least ended up living in the area because the presence of Bertrand Russell nearby made it a bit of a Mecca for people interested in radical causes. The Bertrand Russell who had so many friends and associates who knew, even back then, that there was organised abuse of vulnerable people in the region but that Top Docs and asylums could provide a helpful solution should anyone start making too much of a fuss (see posts ‘So Who Was Angry About What?’ and ‘No-One Is Innocent’).

 

The Hergest Unit patients who enjoyed themselves so much in the 1990s by ringing up Dafydd and pretending to be people as corrupt as him who had got themselves involved with ridiculous tangles as a result of their wrongdoing fell about laughing every time that Dafydd fell for the bait and would say ‘how can I help, how I help?’. Dafydd was always ready with a place in a nursing home for an awkward relative or a bed in a detox unit or an Army pension. Dafydd might be interested to know that on one occasion a distraught gentleman rang Dafydd’s ‘private secretary’ at his wit’s end because of his father-in-law, who had begun to develop dementia and repeatedly groped all the private nurses who had been employed to look after him. The problem was so bad that five nurses had walked out and word had got around and now no nurses would come to the house. Dafydd’s secretary was ever so sympathetic and said that perhaps a bed in one of Dafydd’s nursing homes was indeed the answer. The distraught gentleman asked of he should leave his details and his father-in-law’s name – it was of course ‘Dafydd Alun Jones’. The secretary screamed with laughter, sounded as though she had nearly fallen off her chair and then put the phone down.

  • Nurse Sandra May - Barbara Windsor - Carry On Doctor 1967 ...

‘We didn’t know.’

You all knew and the reason why you all joined in the bellyaching about ‘dangerous patients’ was that the patients had begin to discover the extent of Dafydd’s criminality and were finding out who was helping him.

 

An e mail that I received some time ago suggested that in a region like north Wales, a major trafficking ring would have needed the collusion of the ‘police surgeons’ – which was the grandiose term for local GPs who would attend the police station if the police thought that it was necessary. The police surgeons were undoubtedly colluding with Dafydd and the paedophiles. My post ‘Hippocratic Oath Or Hypocritic Oaf?’ detailed the conduct of a police surgeon, Dr K. Shah, who, after what must have been the only honest social worker in Gwynedd refused to section me just because Dafydd told her to do so, told Sgt Morgan of Bangor Police Station to unlawfully keep me in the cells whilst Shah rang around and found a social worker that would do what they were told. Shah was a GP in Menai Bridge who was in a GP practice with Dr P.W. White, another paedophiles’ friend. On another occasion on which Dafydd and the paedophiles had me arrested, another police surgeon turned up. As usual I was not given his name, no-one was ever given anyone’s names. He didn’t conduct himself like Shah, he was quite pleasant and good-humoured, but he certainly knew all about Dafydd’s less reputable activities because he sat there joking about them. He didn’t section me, but left the police station. Yet no-one let me go. Once more I was held illegally for hours ‘because Dr DA is coming to see you’. Dafydd turned up at about midnight, crashed through the doors and said to me ‘I think ewe should be in prisssson’. Why, he did not explain. I didn’t end up in prison, Dafydd’s Cunning Plan was foiled, although I was kept at the police station overnight and kicked out the next day. The police surgeon who had joked about Dafydd’s idiocy did not raise any concerns regarding what was happening.

Dr D.G.E. Wood was one of the police surgeons. So of course police surgeons were colluding with Dafydd and the paedophiles, Wood was one of them.

My correspondent – who is a Top Doctor himself – made the point that much of the police surgeons’ work is related to the use of alcohol and drugs. Which hadn’t occurred to me. Corrupt Top Doctors working in that domain would certainly be able to cause havoc for patients in custody. Furthermore Dafydd was north Wales’s ‘substance abuse consultant’.

On one occasion, in Caernarfon Police Station in about 2003, a police surgeon was called – after the mental health services had once again had me arrested on the basis of the perjury of their own staff – who seemed incredibly nice. He talked to me at length, stated his opinion frankly that the Hergest Unit was so unsafe that patients should not be there. As he left he told me that he was so unhappy at ‘what has happened to you today’ that he would be leaving a log of his concerns on the police record. It was another three years or so before my lawyers extracted my records, but although I’ve found the paperwork and the police records relating to that occasion, there is no record of this GP having seen me. Whether he was yet another person who was frightened and just told me a lie or whether he did make a record and it disappeared I don’t know.

The other service which was fully on board with the sex trafficking ring in north Wales was the Ambulance Service. I have mentioned before that the abducted always arrived at Denbigh under cover of darkness, in the middle of the night. Everyone ended up there after being unlawfully arrested, but they were never taken to Denbigh by the police, it was always by ambulance. Furthermore, although the abducted were usually arrested during daylight hours, for some reason an ambulance was never available until after about 10 pm. Well police cars would have  been noticed wouldn’t they. And as with Angels and Top Doctors who are vital cogs in a people trafficking gang, Ambulances can be wrapped up as part of a ‘caring’ NHS, rather than a punitive police response. It was of course Alun Davies, the manager of the Hergest Unit, who wrote that splendid letter and CC’d it to other managers and Top Docs, explaining that it was helpful that I had agreed to see Tony Francis because that would give Gwynedd Health Authority the appearance of taking a ‘caring’ attitude to me, which would stand them in good stead with the magistrates the ‘next time that we prosecute her’. I wasn’t facing any charges when Davies wrote that letter, but it wasn’t long before I was.

In north Wales I knew of a violent wife-beating ambulanceman who was abusive to one of his neighbours who was a Hergest patient and was also very abusive to his own step-daughter who was a mental health patient. His long suffering second wife finally escaped from him and told me that she suspected that he might well have killed his first wife. His first wife ‘had a breakdown’, was taken to Denbigh and on the day that she was released was later found drowned on Denbigh moors. The ambulanceman had collected her – in his ambulance no less, not in the family car – and on the way home, she had ‘gone mad’, overpowered him, run away and must have drowned herself.

I knew of other people who became paramedics in north Wales who I certainly would not have wanted to be in the back of an ambulance with, but north Wales doesn’t seem to be alone where dangerous ambulancemen are concerned. In 1978 a 13 yr old newspaper boy in the West Midlands, Carl Bridgewater, was shot dead on an isolated farm. Four men were subsequently imprisoned for Carl’s murder, but it was admitted in the end that they had been framed by the notoriously corrupt West Midlands Serious Crime Squad and after many years languishing in prison they were released. Subsequent investigations suggested that Carl’s murderer was suspected to have been an ambulanceman who was allowed to do pretty much anything that he wanted when ‘on duty’ and who also had a supply of caring NHS colleagues who lied to the police and fabricated documentation when questioned (see post ‘More Than Politics And Local Government’).

At the time that Carl was killed, nearby in Staffordshire, there was serious child abuse. An Inquiry was subsequently held, Chaired by paedophiles’ friends Barbara Khan and Allen Levy QC, which admitted serious abuse but not as serious as it was. The most high-profile figure in the Staffordshire Pindown Scandal was a social worker called Tony Latham, who sounded remarkably like Gwynedd’s own Keith Fearns. Latham was a poorly qualified ‘team leader’, aggressive and intimidating to both clients and colleagues and the focus of complaints that were not investigated. Latham also ran a number of businesses which were completely unrelated to social work and were rather odd. As did Keith Fearns. Fearns ran a B&B which is not a weird thing to do, but Fearns hated the human race, it’s not as if he would want to entertain strangers, but most intriguingly, Fearns for years ran a fancy dress hire company. I never worked out what it was all about, but at the bottom of Fearns’s drive was a big sign advertising fancy dress hire. If anyone can think of any reason why a perjuring people trafficker would be hiring out fancy dress, please let me know. It was fancy dress, rather than disguises or plastic surgery to change Fearns’s appearance when he escaped to South America, he could hardly escape justice dressed up as Marie-Antoinette.

 

Recent comments left on this blog mentioned that Greville Janner seemed to have used Jewish networks to protect himself. Janner and Leo Abse both certainly did this, but I don’t think that it can therefore be concluded that there is a particular problem with child abuse in the Jewish community. Abusive people utilise whatever networks to which they have access in order to use as umbrellas. In north Wales, Dafydd and co used political parties, the National Eisteddfod, the International Eisteddfod, the various churches and chapels, the choirs, Welsh language groups, indeed just about everything. Then there were the charidees and wimmin’s groups who were concealing Dafydd and the paedophiles. English people tended to point at ‘Welsh’ things and scream, but sadly Dafydd et al had such a grip on the region that the whole of society had been corrupted.

The paedophiles’ friends in the Bangor area congregated at the Bangor Golf Club. There was a contingent of people in the area who made a point of playing at the Beaumaris Golf Club rather than Bangor and I did wonder if it might have been because they felt so uncomfortable at Bangor Golf Club. Or of course they might have had their own scam going over at Beaumaris. Bob Ingham, Keith Fearns’s henchman in the Arfon Community Mental Health Team, could be found playing golf at Bangor Golf Club when he was supposed to be on duty, a number of members of the clique who hung around the NHS managers in Gwynedd also spent their leisure time at Bangor Golf Club, as did Elwyn Jones, the corrupt Bangor solicitor who was a paedophiles’ friend and who doubled up as Treasurer of Bangor University. Elwyn Jones was so enthusiastic about Bangor Golf Club that I would see him in Bangor Magistrates Court – he always gave the impression of being completely uninterested in his clients and not very competent either – and he would be doing nothing but telling the other solicitors and court officials how he was looking forward to getting onto the golf course after court. I would watch Elwyn Jones do the absolute bare minimum for his clients – even those in a state who were facing a possible prison sentence – and the minute that the case had finished, he’d shoot out of the door and head for the golf course.

I used to think that Elwyn Jones must have been the most boring old fart in Bangor, but I didn’t realise that Bangor Golf Club was one of the prime networking sites for the paedophiles’ friends. Which made a syndrome that I noticed in the mid-1990s very worrying. Golf became very popular among boys of about 10-12 yrs old in the Bangor area. Someone was vigorously promoting golf as a nice thing that dads could do with their sons if the boys were approaching adolescence. Obviously, the dads went to the golf club with their sons, but then as the boys got more confident on the course and became keener and keener and the poor old dads needed a rest, the boys were told that of course they could come and play golf by themselves. I used to chat to a boy at the Bethesda bus stop who would tell me all about it. I was a bit surprised that a boy of 11 or 12 would want to spend his time with Elwyn Jones and the old farts of Bangor, but now I know what that golf club was being used for I find it horrifying.

 

So let’s name another in hiding who knew what Dafydd and the paedophile gang were up to.

Here’s a surprise for everyone – as it was for me when I realised: Dr Lyndon Miles, a GP in Bangor who arrived in Gwynedd in about 1983-84. Dr Miles was the Vice-Chair of the Betsi Board when it was led by Mary Burrows who was doing her best to challenge the paedophiles friends and the BMA in north Wales – or at least I think that she was. I knew damn well that the paedophiles’ friends were trying to sabotage the new Board and there were knives going into people’s backs all over the place. What I didn’t know at the time was that Edwina Hart, the Health Minister, who loathed the paedophiles’ friends herself, was of course deeply compromised because of her previous in the TUC – and as a member of the Swansea Mafia – where she had spent many years doing deals with the paedophiles’ friends to advance herself. She did exactly the same thing when she was appointed Health Minister, so she couldn’t actually get rid of them let alone arrest them, in spite of me having given her enough evidence to put some of them on trial. The rotten core remained intact, with the usual NHS solution – new job titles and new logos everywhere.

Dr Lyndon Miles was a friend of Edwina’s. It was Lyndon’s resignation as Vice-Chair that precipitated the collapse of the newly appointed Betsi Board, which led to the return of Peter Higson, Margaret Hanson and the bestest vintage paedophiles’ friends. I witnessed Lyndon address a baying mob of paedophiles’ friends at a public meeting – the baying mob was organised by an NHS trade union rep, I arrived early, heard the plan and watched it unfold. The mob had been bussed in from Blaenau Ffestiniog no less. The baying mob were going apeshit about the proposal that newborns needing intensive care should be treated at Arrowe Park near Liverpool, rather than in north Wales. Lyndon made an excellent speech explaining that the best care was available at Arrowe Park and if he had a critically ill baby, he would want the best care for the baby. I was in agreement, because I knew that the maternity units in north Wales were dangerous, that babies and even on occasion mothers had died needlessly and that Edwina was not coming clean about this. What I didn’t know was that Dafydd and the paedophiles controlled most of the Liverpool NHS as well, including I expect Arrowe Park.

Lyndon’s resignation came as quite a surprise, especially to me. Because just two weeks previously, Lyndon had bumped into me in a cafe and told me how good it was that someone at least understood the Board’s dilemma. I told him that I thought the threats that had been made in public to the Board were very unacceptable and that I noted that no-one, not even the politicians or the media who witnessed it, had called for calm. Lyndon responded by saying that it was becoming very difficult, that the press were in full cry and were being led by Trinity Mirror group, but the Board were determined and would not crumble. It can only have been two weeks later that Lyndon resigned, causing a crisis.

So it seems that Lyndon was yet another person who was not being honest and transparent. So I’ll give Lyndon a surprise. Because I am not the sort to join a baying mob, I’ll remind Lyndon of a few things that I was keeping politely quiet about when he told me that honestly, he really had never heard anything at all about the abuse of mental health patients in north Wales. I knew Lyndon many, many years ago. As the crisis caused by the sex traffickers running the Student Health Centre reached catastrophic proportions, a lovely young doctor arrived to join the Student Health Centre and he came highly recommended to all those who had heard about the lobotomist and Wood and said ‘Christ I’m not going there’. A Dr Lyndon Miles. I never heard anyone allege that Lyndon had groped them, propositioned them or treated them so brutally that they attempted suicide. Lyndon was always charm itself and his patients liked him. But Lyndon knew what Wood and Gwynne Williams were doing and he let them carry on doing it. Even when one of his patients was murdered by the gang. It was my housemate Anne. Anne and I had many conversations, she knew what had happened to me and I heard a lot about her consultations with Lyndon. They murdered her Lyndon and I bet that you realised that.

Lyndon had another patient who was ruined by the gang as well. A Bangor student who developed mental health problems who was literally passed around the junior gynaecologists at Ysbyty Gwynedd. She became pregnant by two different junior doctors and she was coerced into an abortion by them each time. They arranged the abortion – in a area of the UK which prided itself at that time on having so many Top Docs and others who were anti-abortion that they had made it virtually impossible for women to access abortions on the NHS – and when she told them that she didn’t want an abortion, on both occasions the solution was the same. She was found a bed in the psych ward at Ysbyty Gwynedd, by her very helpful GP, Dr Lyndon Miles, where she was left alone and distressed whilst pressure was applied from all staff to have a termination because how would a girl like her ever look after a baby? Within two days of having the terminations, she was discharged by Tony Francis with no aftercare. Other staff and patients were told not to have anything to do with her because she really was a dreadful character (see post ‘Another Case Of ‘Not Knowing’?).

Terrible girl actually – with a First, who was winning national poetry competitions, kind-hearted, sensitive and who could have had a few people in prison if anyone had ever treated her complaints as they should have.

Happy memories Dr Miles! Take a hint – don’t ever be so fucking stupid as to do a deal with a paedophile ring and a Health Minister who isn’t as savvy as she thinks that she is again.

Dr Miles is Chair of the Board of Trustees at St David’s Hospice in Llandudno, an institution governed and managed by the paedophiles’ friends since it’s inception.

 

Spot The Difference – It Might Not Be As Obvious As It Appears

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

Meanwhile, back at the ranch, someone has made a complaint about Dafydd et al. Cue the NHS Independent Professional Review, Chaired by Professor Robert Bluglass:

 Diagnosis: ‘She’s A Witch!’

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Dirty Rotten Scoundrels

My post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’ discussed Rhodri Morgan’s long-standing friendship with Ron Davies, as well as some other people in that very tight south Wales Labour Party network and how they ‘didn’t know’ about Ron’s cottaging activities. In spite of much evidence that they did know and they also knew a great deal more about Ron and a few other people which didn’t ever hit the media, even after Ron’s moment of madness with Boogie on Clapham Common and his subsequent adventure when he was looking for badgers.

A few other people knew about Ron – and more importantly knew about the serious abuse of vulnerable people by the health and welfare services in north Wales and elsewhere, which was being kept quiet by all political parties.

 

One of those was Lawrence Conway, the civil servant who was Director of Rhodri’s private office (Director of the Dept of FM, ie. Cabinet Secretary). In his memoir Rhodri describes Lawrence as ‘a Welsh Office lifer’ with ‘sensitive political antennae’ and ‘eyes in the back of his head to know what was going on’. Not only had Lawrence spent his career in the rotten-to-the-core Welsh Office – with its many officials, Ministers and Secretaries of State who had concealed the criminal activities of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and the paedophiles in north Wales for decades (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’), but had also kept the lid on George Thomas and his sexual assaults on children and young men – but Lawrence Conway was at the heart of the most rotten part of the rotten apple. According to Rhodri, Lawrence ‘did child protection’.

So Lawrence knew that the children’s homes in north Wales were not being inspected regularly even when complaints of abuse were being made and a number of staff of those homes were appearing in court charged with sexual and physical assaults on children (see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’). Lawrence knew that some of those employed as social workers/social work managers in homes and areas where there was a massive problem with the abuse of children in care were given jobs as inspectors with the SSI (Social Services Inspectorate) in the Welsh Office (see post ‘The Reality Is That There Is No Problem’).

Lawrence Conway knew that there were also serious complaints about the abuse and illegal imprisonment of patients in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and that many of those patients were former residents of the children’s homes of north Wales.

 

After the publication of the massive cover-up that was the Waterhouse Report – organised by William Hague and the Welsh Office whilst Hague was Secretary of State for Wales – the ritual hand-wringing and chanting of the mantra ‘never again’ reached new levels. One of Ronald Waterhouse’s most publicised recommendations – which it was claimed would ensure that no-one would ever have to do the ‘never again’ bit in the future – was the establishment of the Office of the Children’s Commissioner for Wales. My God, Wales was proud of having a Children’s Commissioner. Wales was leading the way! My post ‘Yet More Inglorious Bastards’ discusses the backgrounds of the people that have held that post. They have all been former social workers who were employed by and networked with organisations and institutions where children were abused. Anyone familiar with Wales will know that there is a great deal of truth in the caricature that everyone in Wales knows each other and each other’s business. Every one of the Children’s Commissioners will have been party to details of the abuse of children that they have not disclosed.

One social worker who was employed in the Children’s Commissioner’s team whilst Keith Towler was Commissioner came from Denbigh. She knew all about the abuse of patients at the North Wales Hospital because her father worked as a nurse there. He didn’t just work as a nurse at Denbigh for a few weeks – he was one of the long term key staff who was employed there for many years and his name is frequently mentioned by the former staff of that hospital when they are reminiscing about the Good Old Days. I don’t know this man’s real name because he was simply universally known as ‘Davey Crockett’ because of the nature of a hat that he wore. Davey Crockett knew Dafydd, was mates with him and Davey Crockett’s family used to call upon Dafydd when they needed a favour. Davey Crockett knew about the dungeon in which the victims of the paedophile gang were imprisoned, he knew about the paedophile gang that Dafydd was facilitating and he knew that the North Wales Hospital was stuffed full of people who were being held there unlawfully.

Davey Crockett’s daughter knew Keith Fearns, the grossly abusive leader of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team and had absolutely no problem with him. She also knew that Dafydd’s own family – as well as everybody else – were terrified of Dafydd. She knew that Dafydd terrorised and stalked members of his own family. She described Dafydd as ‘evil’ and stated that no-one would ever get away from him once they had crossed his path.

I know for a fact that this social worker had knowledge of at least one school in Gwynedd where the kids were being sexually abused and she has never said a word. Probably because she knows that she’d never work again if she did.

Well Dafydd, you might have convinced Davey Crockett’s family that being mates with you was a better option than challenging you, but you shouldn’t have tried the same game with me, because there’s this blog now…

 

Lawrence Conway retired from the civil service in 2009. So he is of the right vintage to have been ‘doing’ child protection when Dafydd and the paedophiles were running that extensive business of theirs back in the 1970s and 80s. Lawrence will have been sitting in his office in Cathays Park when Tony Francis (Dr X) snapped at me ‘you can even complain to the Secretary of State if you want’ and when other people were telling me to ‘shut your mouth about DA’ and to get out of north Wales and never come back. The Cathays Park in which those worked who were responsible for receiving and writing the incriminating documents – some of which seem to have been forged – that are now in my possession.

What did Lawrence Conway do when he retired? He joined Carwyn’s team of First Minister’s special advisors. Lawrence advised Carwyn on public service delivery! Well Carwyn, if you’ve ever wondered what is going so wrong, there’s your clue…

Entertainingly, the appointment of Lawrence Conway as Carwyn’s Spad left one person seething, so seething that they raised concerns with Whitehall and the civil service heads of the Welsh Gov’t. Who was this person who didn’t think that paedophiles’ friend Lawrence Conway should be cluttering the Welsh Gov’t up after his retirement? It was none other than another paedophiles’ friend Dame Gillian Morgan, the Top Doctor who was Permanent Secretary to the Welsh Assembly, 2008-12. Dame Gillian knows a great deal about the abuse of anyone who has spilt the paedophiles’ pints, as I discussed in my post ‘A Major Coup – Or A Complete Disaster?’

Paedophiles’ friends at war!

 

Before he worked for Rhodri, Lawrence Conway worked for another person who knows a good deal more about Dafydd and the paedophiles and George Thomas et al than he ever lets on- Alun Michael, who resigned as First Secretary at the same time as the Waterhouse Report was submitted to Gov’t (see post ‘News From Sicily’). Lawrence was appointed Alun Michael’s Principal Private Secretary in May 1999 when Michael became First Secretary of the new Welsh Assembly.

Although Rhodri and Alun Michael were famously pitched against each other in terms of who would be First Secretary once the Welsh Assembly was established – everybody presumed that it would be Ron Davies until Ron was caught with his trousers down on Clapham Common (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate) – they went back a long way.

When Rhodri was first elected as MP for Cardiff West in 1987, he shared an office with Alun Michael and Paul Murphy. The Paul Murphy who took delivery of the Waterhouse Report in his capacity as Secretary of State for Wales and who expressed his relief that the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal had now been subject to a full and transparent investigation and that there was no links with organised paedophile rings outside north Wales, no evidence of any politicians involved and it was definitely nothing to do with the Freemasons. Furthermore Paul was delighted to be able to say that there had been no cover-up.

‘We didn’t know.’

I wonder who told the daughter of one of Dafydd’s mates that there would be a job coming up in the Children’s Commissioner’s office? Perhaps it was the same person who told Alun Michael’s son Tal that the job of Chief Exec of the Gwynedd CAB was going begging – the CAB which boasts the involvement of Dafydd’s former mistress Lucille Hughes at a senior level. Or the same person who told Tal about the vacancy for the Top Job in the North Wales Police Authority. Or perhaps the person who suggested that Tal would make a good North Wales Police and Crime Commissioner. Or even a good Labour MP for Ynys Mon!

 

After Alun Michael was elected as the Labour MP for Cardiff South and Penarth in 1987, Lorraine Barrett was his office manager. Lorraine became the Labour AM for Cardiff South and Penarth in 1999! Lorraine – a former Angel – is married to Paul Barrett who was of all things the manager of 80s pop favourite Shakin’ Stevens (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). Shaky found himself the centre of bad publicity after he hit fame and fortune when the press revealed that his manager had told everyone to keep it quiet that Shaky was married with children and much older than everyone had been told because Shaky and his manager wanted to promote Shaky as a suitable heart-throb for pre-teen girls. Cardiff’s answer to Donny Osmond. Donny was a drip but at least he was 14 not 40 and his mum and dad didn’t let him go out boozing – in fact from what I remember even Coca-Cola was not considered acceptable by famille Osmond, which will have been the key to those perfect teeth which they all possessed. Presumably Shaky was not similarly constrained.

 

Before Alun Michael was elected as an MP he was the Labour Group Whip on Cardiff City Council. So he sat on Cardiff City Council with Julie Morgan and the other ne’er do wells, as the Council was hit by repeated scandals (see posts ‘Corruption Bay Special’, ‘More Than Politics And Local Government’ and ‘The Paedophiles’ Friends of Cardiff North’).

 

Rhodri’s book mentions that Alun Michael had four very loyal Spads who had been appointed by Michael – Gareth Williams (political), Andrew Bold (policy), Delyth Evans (speech writing) and Julie Crowley (press, PR, spin doctor).

 

Gareth Williams was a Spad to Alun Michael as Secretary of State for Wales and First Secretary of the National Assembly, Dec 1998-Feb 2000. Gareth began his career as a civil servant first in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, working in London and Sweden (1982-88) and subsequently in the Welsh Office (1988-90).

So Gareth was one of the civil servants in Sodom and Gomorrah in Cathays Park along with Lawrence Conway and the rest of them. Including Ffion Hague.

From 1990-1993, Gareth Williams worked in the European Parliament as a Policy Advisor to the Socialist Group, before joining Birmingham City Council, where Williams spent three years as Head of European and International Affairs. He was an Associate Director at ECOTEC Research and Consulting Ltd (1996-98). Gareth Williams runs his own economic development consultancy based in Shropshire. He has undertaken a wide range of work in Wales, with an emphasis on the European Structural Funds.

 

In Jan 2006 the BBC reported that WAG (Welsh Assembly Government) was failing to meet its key targets to regenerate some of Wales’ poorest areas – according to a report produced by Gareth Williams. Gareth said that WAG was not likely to reach two out of the three targets set for Objective One European funding, the shortfalls being in job and wealth creation.

Yet Economic Development Minister Andrew Davies said 85,000 people in Wales had been helped by the money. The seven-year programme, which ended in 2006, saw £1.26 billion spent on hundreds of projects in west Wales and the Valleys. ‘We’ve set ambitious targets because the scale of the task we inherited from the Conservatives was huge’ Davies claimed. ‘The impact isn’t necessarily on jobs created – it’s also on the number of people who have been helped.’ Andrew Davies said it had made a ‘major impact’ on west Wales and the Valleys, with skills training. ‘Clearly we’ve closed the unemployment gap with the rest of the UK. The next challenge is to get higher paid, higher quality jobs.’

It is now 12 years since Andrew Davies claimed that the EU funding given to west Wales and the Valleys had worked wonders. West Wales and the Valleys are still on their knees. One major area of growth in those regions is in Third sector organisations receiving dosh from the Welsh Gov’t to provide ‘services’ for homeless people or other people having a hard time – it has become clear that these organisations are excellent at maintaining their own existence and growth but they are not helping those that they claim to be.

Whilst Wales did build bridges and roads with EU funding and I can remember huge swathes of very poor housing in Bethesda being transformed by EU funding back in the 1990s, after those in Cardiff Bay went into shock when a majority in Wales voted to leave the EU in 2016 it was admitted that far too much of the EU funding had been spent on ‘projects’ from which people in Wales saw no benefits.

Those projects followed the standard model in Wales. A load of people were employed for a short length of time – for the duration of the ‘project’ – on minimum wages. They were supervised by a smaller number of team leaders, who were people with a professional qualification or a level of education (often former teachers or social workers). At the top of the pyramid there were a very small number of people on very generous salaries who were mates with politicians or civil servants in the Welsh Gov’t. This was the business model for Gov’t funded ‘projects’ for the 30 odd years that I lived in Wales. I first observed it in the 1980s and I presumed that it was a consequence of Thatcher’s ‘job creation schemes’ to fiddle the unemployment figures – although Thatcher eventually mercifully went, the ‘projects’ in Wales remained and were run in exactly the same way. One could entertain oneself by watching the lucky few with the jobs at the top circulate from one waste of money which achieved nothing to another. These are the same folk who ‘lead’ the Health Boards in Wales, the Third sector organisations and the quangos. They often leave a great deal of blood on the carpet behind them, but they are never taken out of circulation.

A prime example of the cadre is Meri Huws, who was formerly the Chair of the Welsh Language Board. There was the most enormous row when Meri was appointed to the post of Chair of the Welsh Language Board because she failed to declare that she was in a relationship with a Welsh Gov’t Minister. Who was Meri’s bedfellow at that time? None other than Andrew Davies. The allegations that Andrew had bagged Meri the job were made just a few months before Andrew Davies made the comments above as reported by the BBC. So Andrew stated that what was needed were ‘higher paid, higher quality jobs’. All these years later, west Wales and the Valleys are still in poverty – but Meri does of course have a higher paid, higher quality job. She is the Welsh Language Commissioner. There was blood on the carpet left behind her at the Welsh Language Board and much discord. Furthermore the number of people speaking Welsh continued to decline whilst Meri was Chair of the Board. So it was only sensible after that track record Meri should then have been given the job of Welsh Language Commissioner rather than someone who would have been effective.

However, as I explained in my post ‘People With Energy’, the one advantage that Meri always has over other candidates is that she used to work as a social worker for Gwynedd Social Services on the patch where the Ty’r Felin children’s home was located. The social workers running Ty’r Felin were trafficking kids down to Dolphin Square – among other places – for sex work (see post ‘Are You Local?’). Any civil servant or politician looking at Meri’s CV will get the message loud and clear – she knows where the bodies are buried.

 

The clients of Gareth Williams’s consultancy included Wales’s education and training quango ELWa. ELWa was nearly as notorious as the WDA for cronyism and the inexplicable spending of huge sums of money. ELWa’s reputation finally ended over the business of the Pop Factory in which £2 million quid was inexplicably given to a company called Avanti who ran something called the Pop Factory to organise something else which they had no hope of organising, which never got off the ground and ended in chaos. It was Jane Davidson – the AM for Pontypridd and Minister for Lifelong Learning – who had countersigned for the cheque to be released. It was revealed that Gov’t accounting procedures had not been followed and that ELWa had refused to disclose other alleged irregularities when requested.

The Chair of ELWa was Enid Rowlands who was based in north Wales. Enid flatly refused to move to south Wales – although nearly all the staff of ELWa were based in south Wales and Rowlands was keen to accept the job. So an arrangement was made that ELWa would have a ‘virtual’ head office. Is it surprising that the whole set up imploded?

Enid featured in a Wales Online report in 2003, when she was at the centre of a grade A row for refusing to resign as the Chair of ELWa in the wake of the £2 million scandal and the laying off of nearly 100 ELWa staff. Enid stated her intention to remain as Chair for another four months until her contract ended.

Did Enid’s career suffer from the ELWa scandal? Of course not. Enid is now the Chair of the Solicitors Regulation Authority! Enid was previously the UK Chair of Victim Support. She has ‘held roles’ with the Information Commissioner’s Office, NEST Corporation Consumer Focus, North Wales Police Authority, North Wales Health Authority and the S4C Authority. Enid was and might still be a member of the BUPA council.

Enid ‘began her career working with unemployed and disadvantaged young people and became Chair of Education and Skills Wales, responsible for all post-16 education and training in Wales outside the Higher Education sector’. She has also been a Trustee in the voluntary sector including positions with the Royal National Institute for the Deaf and The Prince’s Trust.

I note that Enid ‘studied psychology’. Rhodri’s memoir claims that Enid is a patriotic north Waleian and would never move from north Wales. So did Enid perhaps study psychology in north Wales? Which could have involved a placement with Dafydd at the North Wales Hospital…

Enid’s biography on the Solicitors Regulation Authority website doesn’t mention this, but Enid is married to the former Auditor General for Wales, Huw Vaughan Thomas. Huw was the Chief Executive of Gwynedd County Council, 1991-96. Whilst Dafydd’s mistress Lucille was Director of Social Services for Gwynedd and the paedophile ring operating in those Social Services caused havoc and was subject to a police investigation. Huw holds even more positions of responsibility than does Enid (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’).

In 2010 Jeremy Colman, the Auditor General for Wales who preceded Huw Vaughan Thomas, was imprisoned for the possession of child porn.

It is incredible isn’t it.

For eight years, Enid was a member of the GMC. Enid – do you happen to know anything about the forged document that was found in the possession of the GMC, purporting to be a letter from me (see post ‘The General Medical Council And Yet Another Forged Document’), after I made repeated representation to the GMC about the abusive Top Doctors at the Hergest Unit?

Huw and Enid are yet two more highly placed paedophiles’ friends who live in the HQ for such folk, Colwyn Bay (see post ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’). No wonder Enid wouldn’t move to south Wales.

 

The acting CEO of ELWa found himself in the shit along with Enid – that was none other than paedophiles’ friend and the former manager of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, Dr Peter Higson. Wales Online reported that Higson was appointed as acting CEO without going through normal procedures. Furthermore he was known to Enid, having been an Executive Director of North Wales Health Authority at a time when she Chaired the North Wales Health Authority.

So Higson’s career trajectory went from staffing Dafydd’s dungeon – Higson was originally a clinical psychologist at Denbigh – to managing the dungeon, to managing the whole of the north Wales mental health services when lies were told about the North Wales Hospital having been completely shut down in the summer of 1995, to being a Director of the North Wales Health Authority, to being the acting CEO of ELWa which never recovered from the business of the £2 million quid and was later dismantled. What happened to Higson in the wake of that? He was appointed CEO of the newly formed regulatory body Health Inspectorate Wales of course. After Higson had been in post for nine years it was declared that the mismanagement of HIW was so serious that it was ‘not fit for purpose’. Which must have been why Higson was then appointed Chair of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board. Which was put into special measures after Higson’s feet had been under the table for about eighteen months.

As far as I know, unlike Meri, Peter Higson’s career success has been achieved without sleeping with Alan Pugh, Andrew Davies and Rhodri Morgan. Although Higson’s sister Ruth Hussey was Chief Medical Officer for Wales – a female role model! – so perhaps it was her bedfellows who were the key to Peter’s success… Although I suspect that it was Peter holding the keys to the dungeon containing the victims of a branch of the Westminster Paedophile Ring which probably brought such good fortune to the Higson clan.

 

Gareth Williams’s 2006 report re the EU Structural Funds said that Labour had not created the hoped-for 43,500 new jobs. WAG had also wanted to use the funding to raise Wales’s GDP to 78% of the UK average. The report suggested that figure had not been reached.

Mike German, the then Liberal Democrat leader in the Assembly, commenting on Gareth’s report said: ‘I don’t think it was a failure, but that we had enormous built-in problems: a slow start, a lot of squabbling at the beginning. What we need to do is learn those lessons now.’

It is the story of Wales – a slow start and a lot of squabbling. Which is entirely a result of the one built-in problem that runs through everything – that the most senior jobs in absolutely every domain are given to people who either facilitated or concealed a gang of paedophiles. The lesson has still not been learnt.

The problem that the Assembly inherited from the Conservatives which Andrew Davies mentioned in his comments to the BBC would never have happened had Meri, Davies, Enid fucking Rowlands and the rest of them not been so keen to stick their noses into the trough provided by the Bay of Plenty that they were prepared to spend their entire careers assisting a paedophile gang which supplied kids to Thatcher’s friend and aide Sir Peter Morrison, as well as to a few others.

 

Alun Michael’s Spad Andrew Bold was born in Newport and wrote his PhD on the WDA. So he’ll know even more about the crooks that milked it for millions than the rest of us do. Bold worked as a Welsh Labour Party research officer in the early 1990s and was the Welsh Labour’s Assistant General Secretary (policy) before becoming Michael’s Spad in 1999. In June 2000 after Rhodri had replaced Michael as FM, Andrew Bold moved to the Wales Office to replace Professor Hywel Francis as Paul Murphy’s adviser. Murphy had another advisor as well – Anthony Hunt.

 

Hunt completed a law degree and worked in the US on educational projects and for the Democrats. Hunt joined WAG’s Labour policy team in 2001. In 2002 he was recruited by Paul Murphy to manage his constituency office and communications; Murphy was appointed Secretary of State for Wales in January 2008 and a year later Hunt joined him as a Spad concentrating on press and communications.

So can Anthony Hunt shed any light on Murphy’s sudden departure as Welsh Secretary which no-one ever explained?

 

Alun Michael’s Spad Delyth Evans had been a management consultant and BBC and HTV journalist. She worked on the BBC’s ‘World at One’ and PM programmes before becoming an assistant to Gordon Brown MP in 1992 and then policy adviser and speechwriter to the then Labour leader John Smith, 1992–1994. After Alun Michael resigned, Delyth Evans was the Labour AM for Mid & West Wales, 2000-03.

Delyth actually succeeded Alun Michael’s seat when he resigned. As well as being the AM for Mid & West Wales, 1999-2000, Michael also held the Westminster seat for Cardiff South and Penarth, 1987-2012. After Michael resigned as FM, he reverted to his Westminster role. Alun Michael’s short time at the Assembly was not a happy one. He had been imposed upon Wales as First Secretary by Blair and there was much resentment all around as a result.

 

When Alun Michael resigned as First Secretary, there was much muddy water surrounding his resignation. He resigned just before a Plaid-inspired vote of no confidence in his leadership. The vote followed what Plaid regarded as the failure of Michael to secure Treasury match-funding for £1.2 billion worth of European funding for deprived areas of Wales.

Yet something odd happened when Alun Michael resigned ahead of that no-confidence vote. Janice Gregory, AM for Ogmore, 1999-2016 and Labour Group Whip in the early days of the Assembly, had a hissy fit and resigned the Whip because Alun Michael had resigned as First Minister. Janice resigned the Whip on the grounds that Andrew Davies had plotted to remove Alun Michael. Janice Gregory was the daughter of Sir Ray Powell, the MP for Ogmore, 1979-2001.

Ray Powell was a Labour Whip between 1983-95 and one of his achievements was to refuse Ken Livingstone a desk for more than a year after Ken arrived in the Commons in 1987. Although Ray Powell had a reputation as an effective and formidable Whip himself, he later denounced the Whips office as ‘the Gestapo’ after he ended up on a hit list for refusing to vote to lower the age of consent for homosexual activities. Ray might have held out against that, but he never mentioned the matter of the abuse of children in care in Wales at all – although he was in the Commons throughout the years of the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, the police investigations, the Jillings Investigation, the Waterhouse Inquiry, the deaths of witnesses…Ray was also the honorary Secretary of the Welsh Parliamentary Labour Party, 1982-92.

Ray Powell could make headway in the most unlikeliest of circumstances. In 1983 the Tory Gov’ts cap on spending resulted in problems with the building of phase two of the hospital in Bridgend in Powell’s constituency. Ray Powell took up the case with the paedophiles’ friend Wyn Roberts at the Welsh Office. Wyn Roberts was obliged to make special arrangements for the funding of the hospital and Ray was delighted to be able to tell his constituents that they would be getting the first rate hospital that they deserved. But Wyn Roberts found himself doing a few other remarkable things to help Welsh causes after he or his colleagues in the Welsh Office had received a visit from someone in a position to remind them that a vicious paedophile gang was operating in north Wales and that the Welsh Office knew all about it (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’).

 

Janice Gregory was a damp squib as an AM, she was labelled an ‘under-performer’ and a lot of people wished that she’d bugger off. She got into politics via her father. From 1991 Janice worked as political secretary for her dad. That was the year of the Great Stuffing Over of me and a number of my friends who knew what had happened to me at the hands of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends – the year in which there was an attempt to frame me for a serious crime, with which St George’s Hospital Medical School was complicit (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London’), the year in which two of my friends who worked in the media had their careers ruined….

As a result of working for her dad, Janice will have been party to a great deal of information – including information about the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. Janice was also active in the local constituency Labour Party, was of course wimmin’s officer for the Party and Chair of Ogmore Wimmin’s Forum. Janice’s wiki mentions that ‘several other family members were active in Labour politics’. I bet that family ran fucking Ogmore.

 

One of Wales’s celebs lived at Ogmore – the well-known poet Danny Abse. Most people who have heard of Danny Abse but who didn’t actually know him have heard of him as a poet. But Danny Abse was also a Top Doctor and he practised as a Top Doctor for 30 years. Danny trained at the Welsh National School of Medicine, King’s College London and the Westminster Hospital Medical School. The Welsh National School of Medicine concealed the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles for years. Two of the ringleaders in this were Professor Kenneth Rawnsley (see post ‘The Discovery Of A Whole New Galaxy’) and Professor Sir William Asscher who, after spending many happy years concealing a paedophile gang in Wales, then took up the post of Dean of St George’s Hospital Medical School in London, where Asscher concealed another paedophile gang as well as research fraud and serious misconduct (see post ‘I Don’t Believe It!’). Asscher did of course continue with his earlier interest in concealing the crimes of Dafydd et al (see posts ‘Some Very Eminent  Psychiatrists From London…’ and ‘The Paedophiles’ Friends Of Cardiff North’).

Danny Abse was from a family of psychoanalysts and he and his brother Leo dabbled in analysis themselves. Psychoanalysts of Leo and Danny Abse’s generation concealed a great deal of sexual abuse.

 

Leo Abse was the Labour MP for Pontypool, 1958-83 and Torfaen, 1983-87. Abse was a very good mate of George Thomas and could be relied upon to get George Thomas out of trouble when people who had been molested by Thomas made a fuss about it (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’). Leo Abse paid some people to keep quiet and threatened to have others imprisoned. (Abse was a lawyer and a not very pleasant one, so a threat from him was quite effective.) It was Leo Abse who provided the cover story when in 1984 George Thomas was hospitalised as the result of contracting an STD. George Thomas and the Top Doctors really loved each other – Thomas was involved with raising funds for medical charities and in return no Top Doctor ever squealed. Kenneth Rawnsley’s wife, Dr Elinor Kapp  – who was a child psychiatrist working in south Wales – was a Trustee of the City Hospice from its founding. The City Hospice was originally known as the George Thomas Hospice, but it changed its name when Thomas’s molesting activities became publicly known.

 

Paul Murphy succeeded Leo Abse as Labour MP for Torfaen. Murphy had long been associated with Torfaen, he’d been a Torfaen Councillor for years whilst Abse was the MP for the constituency.

 

The thing that I noticed which coincided with Alun Michael’s resignation as First Secretary was the submission of the Waterhouse Report to the Secretary of State for Wales, Paul Murphy. I’m fairly sure that as soon as it was handed over, Alun Michael was out of the door.

Any expose of the truth behind – and the extent of – the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal would have sunk numerous politicians, from all parties, in both Westminster and the Assembly. It would have been well worth people putting their heads together and creating a distraction just as that Report was submitted. As one of the creatures said in Jungle Book, ‘You create a distraction, then I’ll rescue Mowgli’.

So as Janice accused Andrew Davies and resigned the Whip, as Plaid made a fuss about the failure to secure Treasury matched-funding, Mowgli scuttled off back to Westminster to the arms of the man who has a great deal to lose if the truth ever does emerge re the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, because his wife was mates with all the lawyers who kept it quiet by standing by in silence as witnesses and victims went to prison or died – a man called Tony Blair.

 

Perhaps Delyth Evans could tell us exactly why Mowgli decided to get the hell out of the Welsh Gov’t in Feb 2000. Delyth did well out of it though – she didn’t even need to stand in a by-election to succeed Alun Michael as AM, because Delyth was the second name on Labour’s regional list of candidates for the seat of Mid & West Wales and under the Assembly’s election rules, no by-election is necessary for the regional seat, the next candidate is automatically appointed.

Delyth won’t have just been in a position to dig up the dirt whilst she worked for Alun Michael, Delyth’s previous career was built upon having access to dirt and keeping schtum, which was why she will have ended up as Michael’s Spad and on the regional candidates list.

Delyth was working for the Labour leader John Smith when he died in circumstances in which the Top Doctors at Barts found themselves unable to save his life. Now there’s a warning to everyone.

Delyth went to Aberystwyth University when the place was run by the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). Before going to Aber, Delyth went to Ysgol Gyfun Rhydfelen. Delyth was a pupil at Rhydfelen when the drama teacher John Owen taught there. The John Owen who molested his pupils for years and was protected by Mid-Glamorgan Education Authority and the WJEC (see post ‘Yet More Inglorious Bastards’). John Owen also wrote for children’s TV and the HTV Wales and S4C stayed loyal to him as well. He killed himself just before he was due to stand trial and Menna Richards paid her respects at his funeral – the Menna who for years was one of the most senior people employed at the BBC, Delyth’s former employer.

Delyth joined the Labour Party in 1984, when the Windbag was busy concealing organised child abuse and the associated abuses in psychiatry (see posts ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’ and ‘I Warn You…’). The Windbag who was the President of the Students Union at Cardiff when Dafydd’s partner in crime Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) was a student at the Welsh National School of Medicine. After he graduated, Tony Francis worked in the Dept of Psychological Medicine at Cardiff. Of which the Head of Dept and Professor was Kenneth Rawnsley.

 

Alun Michael’s Spad Julie Crowley was the Press Officer for the Labour Party, 

 

Rhodri’s book mentions that Alun Michael is a distant relation by marriage of Blair’s big buddy, paedophiles’ friend Lord Bruce Grocott (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part I’).

 

As well as relying upon the paedophiles’ umbrella that was Lawrence Conway, another person upon whom Rhodri’s ship depended was Kevin Brennan. Brennan was Rhodri’s case worker, researcher, campaign manager and then Spad. Brennan sat on Cardiff City Council, 1991-01 and served as Chair of the Finance Committee, Chair of the Economic Scrutiny Committee and Vice-Chair of Economic Development.

Brennan stood down as Rhodri’s Spad to accept the nomination as the candidate for the Westminster constituency of Cardiff West, Rhodri’s old Westminster seat, after Rhodri stepped down to concentrate on his role as FM. Brennan was elected as the Labour MP for Cardiff West in 2001. Blair appointed him an Assistant Gov’t Whip in 2005 and in June 2007 Blair’s successor Gordon appointed Brennan as junior Minister for Children, Young People and Families in the new Department for Children, Schools and Families. Well who better for such a role than Kevin who kept quiet about so much organised child abuse whilst he spent all those years at Rhodri’s side?

Brennan then held the position of Parliamentary Secretary for the Cabinet Office in Gordon’s Gov’t, 2008-09; then Minister of State for Further Education, Skills, Apprenticeships and Consumer Affairs with responsibilities in both the Department of Education and the Department of Business, Innovation and Skills. Following the 2012 General Election, Brennan continued this role in a Shadow Ministerial capacity before Ed Miliband appointed him as Shadow Minister for Schools. Under Jeremy Corbyn, Brennan was Shadow Minister for Business, Innovation and Skills, 2015-16. He is at present Shadow Minister for Heritage and the Arts.

Brennan was born in Cwmbran. He went to St Alban’s RC High School in Pontypool and then Pembroke College, Oxford. Brennan graduated in 1982 and was elected President of the Oxford Union in the same year, with support from William Hague. Hague supported Brennan’s candidacy over those from the left of the Conservative faction in the Union. Brennan then returned to Wales  and completed a PGCE at University College Cardiff in 1985. Brennan also completed a Masters in Education Management at the University of Glamorgan (now the University of South Wales) in 1992.

In 1982, Brennan joined the Cwmbran Community Press as a journalist. He joined the NUT in 1984 before becoming a teacher at Radyr Comprehensive School in 1985 – Radyr was the village in which Rhodri grew up. Brennan left the school in 1994 as Head of the Economics Department. 

Brennan had a major triumph the year after he was elected to the Commons. In July 2002, the steel manufacturer Allied Steel and Wire (ASW) entered receivership and many of their employees were told they would not receive their full company pensions because of a fund shortfall. Brennan had many former workers of Allied Steel & Wire as constituents and he tabled an Early Day Motion in the Commons in Nov 2002 calling for compensation. Brennan threatened to table an amendment to the Pensions Bill if the Gov’t did not offer any help. After Brennan carried out his threat to table the amendment, The Indie reported that Tony Blair faced the ‘biggest backbench rebellion’ of his career. Ultimately, Brennan was successful. The BBC reported he was ‘instrumental in extracting the government’s commitment to establish a £400 million fund to provide compensation for workers who lost their pensions when their firms went bankrupt’.

No doubt the former steelworkers in Brennan’s constituency were most grateful, but I wonder how they would feel if they knew how their MP had twisted the arm of Tony ‘I’m a pretty straight kind of guy, but my wife is mates with God knows how many radical lawyers who ignored a vicious paedophile gang who killed some of their victims and I’ve put quite a few people in the Lords after they had done exactly the same thing’ Blair?

‘It was all a long time ago.’

Unfortunately those who built their careers upon the silence surrounding the dungeon, the rapes, the buggery, the beatings, the fatal car accidents, the bodies which were found hanging from trees, stairwells and in prison cells and the five people who were killed by the firebomb in 1992, are still with us.

Are you having a good time in Westminster Kevin? I bet it’s even better for freebies than Cardiff City Council!

In 2009, Brennan came under scrutiny during the expenses scandal for claiming various items, including a £450 television claimed for his London second home which was delivered to his family home in Cardiff. He claimed for bunk beds for his daughter while the expenses system was intended exclusively for items for the MPs use. Brennan said he bought from businesses in his constituency and the items were for use in his second home. He called the story a ‘smear with no basis in fact’. As opposed to my account of my experiences with the people whom Kevin protected for years, which is backed up by 10,000 documents…

In 2014, Brennan led a campaign with musician Billy Bragg to lift a blanket ban on prisoners having access to guitars. Brennnan held a Westminster Hall debate on the subject to try and get the Gov’t to overturn the ban, citing the importance and the efficacy of music as a means for the rehabilitation for prisoners. The Gov’t agreed and prisoners can now have access to the instruments. Does that include people still banged up because they were fitted up by the paedophiles’ friends Kev?

 

I’m thinking of Howard Hughes, who’s still languishing in prison after being convicted of the rape and murder of Sophie Hook in Llandudno in 1996 on the basis of absolutely no evidence at all except for the word of a convicted child molester (see post ‘News Round Up – And Murder Most Foul’). The North Wales Police were forced to release Howard after they initially arrested him because they could find no reason to detain him for any longer. Then one of them searched Howard’s house and very conveniently found a stack of child porn. The pathologist who gave evidence at Howard’s trial was Donald Wayte, who is married to Avril Wayte – Avril presides over the notorious shambles that is the pathology service at the Betsi Board and she’s also a Trustee of Dafydd’s charity CAIS. Howard spent time in Bryn Estyn as a boy where he claims he was abused. His application for compensation was rejected on the grounds that he was a convicted sex offender himself. When he was a young man, Howard also passed through that other prison of the paedophiles, ‘a hospital for mentally abnormal criminals’, Garth Angharad.

Howard Hughes has learning disabilities and can barely read and write. But then the North Wales Police probably wrote his statement for him anyway.

 

Our Kev fancies himself as a bit of a popster. In 2016, following Jo Cox’s murder, Brennan put together the ‘Friends of Jo Cox’ to record a charity single to raise money for the Jo Cox Foundation. The Friends of Jo Cox included the Parliamentary rock band MP4, the Commons choir, MPs from other parties and a group of famous musicians. The song was a cover of The Rolling Stones’ ‘You Can’t Always Get What You Want’. The Stones waiving their royalties for the Jo Cox Foundation.

Kev – a former Denbigh patient used to wander around Bethesda destitute, visibly malnourished and badly neglected by the mental health services because ‘she is very difficult and we’re not helping her’. This lady repeatedly told me that when she was young she was a groupie who had sex with Mick Jagger. As far as I was concerned the jury was out on that one, but I do know that the same lady was sexually exploited by a number of other people who pretended that they didn’t know her. And a patient who was of a similar vintage to her was sterilised on the orders of the mental health services ‘because she’ll get pregnant’. That was certainly a risk, because the staff were shagging her. So next time that you see Mick Kev, perhaps you could ask him if he remembers the lady from Bethesda. While you’re at it you could also mention the words ‘Mandy Smith’ to Mick’s mate Bill Wyman.

Kev, the reason why the Windbag et al were protecting the reputation of the psych wards at Ysbyty Gwynedd as well as Dafydd’s empire at Denbigh was because the Windbag’s mate Tony Francis ran the empire at Ysbyty Gwynedd. Whilst I was on Tony Francis’s ward at Ysbyty Gwynedd I watched a 19 year old female patient receive a punch in the face from a adult male patient. No provocation at all from her, he just walked up and smacked her one. The matter was not reported to her parents and certainly not to the police. No-one could work out what the man who punched her was doing on the ward anyway. He was a drug user from Llandudno, didn’t seem to be distressed or ill himself and used to have stand up rows with the Angels boasting that he was homeless and was in hospital until he was housed and he ‘wasn’t going to a fucking hostel either’. He didn’t. He kipped in the hospital until a decent flat was found for him. Which was a bloody site more than anyone else got.

The drug patients were Dafydd’s responsibility. Dafydd had a few beds in Ysbyty Gwynedd…

 

Rhodri’s other Spad who hit the big time was of course Mark Drakeford, who was the Professor of Social Policy at Cardiff University. It was Drakeford who was responsible for Rhodri’s famous ‘Clear Red Water’ speech, which was used to signal that the Welsh Gov’t was not going to adopt Blair’s Third Way. Not only did Rhodri forget to use the key phrase ie. Clear Red Water, but Drakeford had previously worked as a social worker for Dyfed County Council whilst a paedophile gang with links to Dafydd et al was at work down there. Which was probably why the Welsh Gov’t had to roll over and have its tummy tickled by Blair when Blair felt like it, because none of them were actually in a position to stand up to him and tell him to take a running jump let alone put Clear Red Water between them and Westminster or indeed even implement any of the more radical ideas that Drakeford published as an academic.

When Drakeford became Health Minister in 2013 and the Top Doctors were busy causing havoc whilst still eliminating vulnerable people, Drakeford made a point of ‘sitting down and talking’ to the BMA. The BMA must have thought that Christmas had come. Drakeford obviously had a talent for sitting down and talking to people when he probably shouldn’t have. Rhodri’s book mentions how helpful it was that when Drakeford was his Spad, that Drakeford would hold regular ‘Saturday coffee meetings’ with Mike Hines, the Lib Dem Group Secretary, to ‘sound out’ the Lib Dems. I am not suggesting that Lib Dems cannot be socialised with, but something underhand must have been going on because Rhodri stressed how by Drakeford doing this there was ‘no trail’ back to Rhodri or any Ministers.

In the same way that Kevin Brennan took over Rhodri’s Westminster seat in 2001, Drakeford took over Rhodri’s Assembly seat of Cardiff West when Rhodri stepped down in 2011. Rhodri and Drakeford went back a long way. Drakeford is described by Rhodri as an ‘old friend from Cardiff West’ who was a South Glamorgan County Councillor when Rhodri was a newly elected MP in 1987. The South Glamorgan County Council that had as members of many other friends and relations of Rhodri – the South Glamorgan County Council that was involved in the scam that was the development of Cardiff Bay (see post ‘Corruption Bay Special’) and was at the centre of much corruption (see post ‘More Than Politics And Local Government’).

Then Drakeford was Rhodri’s Parliamentary agent in the 1992 General Election. The one which the Windbag and his coterie really thought that the Windbag was going to win. The one which John Major won just a few days before that firebomb killed the five witnesses to the paedophile ring in north Wales (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’). The first police investigation into the possibility of the existence of a paedophile ring operating in north Wales took place in 1991-93. The North Wales Police concluded that no paedophile ring existed. Drakeford could have told them otherwise but he didn’t.

Rhodri mentions another one of his pals, Geoff Mungham, whom Rhodri describes as a ‘sociologist from Cardiff University’ although I note that Mungham’s senior lecturing post at Cardiff was in the Centre for Journalism Studies. Mungham died in 2003 and in his tribute to Mungham, Kevin Brennan stated that Mungham, through ‘his teaching probably did more to promote Cardiff to the world than any official agency’.

 

Mungham had been with the Centre of Journalism since 1971 and was a colleague of Brennan’s on Cardiff City Council. For many years Mungham was City Councillor for Splott. He was Secretary of the ‘Cardiff Says Yes’ Campaign for the Welsh Assembly.

Splott is a disadvantaged area of Cardiff. A friend of mine who was at medical school in Cardiff during the 1980s told me that she felt that a lot of the Top Doctors working in the University Hospital at Cardiff had a rather bad attitude to people in Splott and that this attitude was passed onto medical students. In those days, in their third year at Cardiff (ie. the first clinical year) the medical students used to be allocated a patient who was attending ante-natal clinics, to follow her through her pregnancy and the months afterwards, the idea being to study the development of a family. My mate was quite angry when the other students commiserated with her that her patient was from Splott. Particularly as the lady from Splott turned out to be very nice.

Cardiff City Councillors will have known that people from Splott were putting up with this sort of bigotry but they won’t have said a word.

 

Cardiff School of Journalism is very grandiose and pompous and has become particularly so since the arrival of Richard Tait, or as Tait’s mate Michael Grade emphasises, PROFESSOR Richard Tait. That’s the Michael Grade who in the 1980s offered his ticket to the Edinburgh Festival to Leon’s Brittan’s brother Samuel, after Samuel threw a hissy fit because the fully booked and sold out Festival couldn’t provide him with a ticket and accommodation at the last minute when he demanded it. How do I know this? Because my mate was working in the box office and was the person who refused to pull strings for Samuel Brittan, Samuel Brittan then wrote to Big Mike and Big Mike wrote back to Brittan telling him how appalled he was that my friend wouldn’t work a fiddle. My friend’s head was demanded on a plate but as a consequence she was given copies of the correspondence between Samuel Brittan and Michael Grade and we all had a good laugh at Michael Grade’s shameless toadying. We realised what the purpose of the toadying was when Grade became head of Channel Four not long after.

Michael Grade is now a Tory peer and everyone bangs on about his charisma and how you can tell that he’s got leadership qualities because he wears red braces and matching socks. Which as far as I can see, anyone can do although not everyone has spent their lives toadying to people because their brother is a Home Secretary. A Home Secretary who presided over a thoroughly rotten Home Office, who is known to have covered-up very serious crime related to the organised abuse of children and who has been named as a possible abuser himself.

The climax of Richard Tait’s journalistic career was ‘Nationwide’, which featured Frank Bough and Michael Barratt as well as Richard Stilgoe playing a piano and singing little ditties. Frank Bough obviously had rather more about him because he was subsequently the centre of a scandal involving prostitutes and bingeing on drugs and the BBC kicked him out. Which was a little inconsistent with their remarkably tolerant attitude to Jimmy Savile.

Richard Tait was a BBC Governor and when the Governors were abolished because of the row over Hutton, Tait was allowed to stay on with Michael Grade as a member of the new BBC Trust. Whilst Tait was a Governor, he Chaired the Governors’ Programme Complaints Committee, which heard appeals against complaints regarding BBC programmes. One of the complaints which Tait investigated came from a viewer who had watched a BBC programme about worms which was presented by Ben Fogle. Ben Fogle had described the worms as ‘slippery little suckers’ and the outraged viewer wrote in and complained because he was convinced that Ben had called the worms ‘slippery little fuckers’. I presume that the viewer in question must have been a sort of Dafydd, someone who just experiences imaginary unacceptable goings-on all around them all the time and complains (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate). The BBC explained that the Complaints Committee had watched the programme four times and that the word used to describe the worms was definitely ‘suckers’.

So that’s what PROFESSOR Richard Tait, friend of Michael Grade, actually does with his time between the pompousing, the dinners and the meetings.

However, I’m sure that Richard Tait could prove very useful indeed to colleagues at Cardiff who might have close connections to Rhodri and would prefer that certain matters did not ever find their way into the media.

One of Geoff Mungham’s specialist areas was ‘political propaganda’.

‘Redesigning Democracy: The Making Of The Welsh Assembly’ is a volume co-authored by Geoff Mungham and Kevin Morgan. Kevin Morgan currently holds a Chair in the School of Geography and Planning at Cardiff and he is also Dean for Engagement at Cardiff. Kevin Morgan did his first degree at Leicester University in the mid 1970s. Whilst a great many people in that institution were concealing the activities of Greville Janner who was elected as a Labour MP in 1974 (see post ‘Radical Leicester And Some Other Free Radicals’). Janner’s family came from Cardiff and Janner was born there. The Janners are a legal family and Greville Janner had many links with both the Labour Party and the legal world in south Wales. From the late 1970s until 1989 Morgan worked in Sussex University, which is located at Brighton. The kids in care in north Wales were trafficked to brothels in Brighton and London owned by John Allen. The firebomb which killed the five north Wales witnesses was thrown into a building in Brighton. I would imagine that Kevin Morgan might well have known something about sex trafficking in Brighton whilst he lived there as a result of the sort of research that he was involved with. Kevin Morgan has been a member of and Chaired numerous Welsh Gov’t committees.

 

Rhodri’s autobiography mentions another academic whom he knew, Drakeford’s friend Mike Sullivan, Professor of Social Policy at Swansea University. Mike Sullivan is also Swansea University’s Vice President (Strategic Partnerships), Director Designate of the Morgan Academy – now which Morgan would that be named after? – and the Vice Chancellor’s Adviser (External Relations). Sullivan’s Chair is in the School of Management, because Richard Davies, the VC whom Mike advises, shut down great swathes of Swansea University some years ago, including the Social Sciences bit. Richard Davies was also accused of giving jobs to his friends and there was such discord that the staff protested to the University Visitor – which was HM Queen Lilibet – in an attempt to have Davies removed.

Davies wasn’t removed, which might have been related to Swansea University being virtually run by the friends and relatives of Rhodri Morgan (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). No doubt as long as there is a job for Rhodri’s brother Prys and others close to Rhodri’s heart, Richard Davies will stay. Richard Davies even gave Professor Geoffrey Chamberlain a job after Chamberlain retired from St George’s Hospital Medical School, after Chamberlain had concealed a paedophile gang of which one member was the Professor of Paediatrics, Oliver Brooke and serious misconduct, including a major research fraud which resulted in Chamberlain having to resign as President of the Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists (see post ‘I  Don’t Believe It!’).

Richard Davies also gave a home to Professor Hilary Lappin-Scott after she departed from Bangor University against her will, having single-handedly nearly destroyed the place during her short but notable time there (see post ‘News Round-Up, March 16 2017’). Satan-Scott was given control of Swansea’s Business School – I don’t know why, because she’s a microbiologist, but then she declared herself to be a gender specialist on the grounds that she was female (Hilary – men have a gender too). After Hilary took over the management of Swansea’s Business School, allegations of workplace bullying flew, there were numerous staff resignations, people gave jobs to their wives and friends and the students held a protest because they claimed that the Business School had acquired such a dreadful reputation that their degrees had been devalued as a result.

 

Mike Sullivan’s web page explains that he has worked as an applied social scientist for the last 30 years. He is an ‘acknowledged international authority’ on the politics of social policy and has carried out research on: the Labour party and social reform, the effectiveness of educational systems; devolution and social policy and the impact of state intervention on family and kinship patterns. Mike has acted as a consultant to the Serbian, Montenegrin and Hungarian governments in developing frameworks for public policy.

Over the last decade, Mike has provided advice and developed health policy for the Welsh Government. From 2007 to 2010 he was Spad on public policy to Rhodri. Mike has worked extensively with local authorities, the NHS and the Third Sector.

So Mike knows all about the mountain of shit as well then – although it doesn’t feature in his publications. Which will be why in 2010 Mike was elected to a Fellowship of the Royal Society of Medicine ‘in recognition of his contribution to health policy development and analysis’.

Mike claims that ‘he never wished to become part of University management but somehow it happened’. Just like that! Richard Davies’s adviser – it can happen to anyone.

 

There was another high profile figure in the Labour Party who was around for most of Rhodri’s career about whom I have so far said very little on this blog. I was reminded by someone who left a comment recently that I do need to discuss him. That is Robin Cook.

Because of the way that Robin Cook died and this happening not long after he fell out with Blair over the invasion of Iraq, a number of conspiracy theories have arisen as a result of Cook’s death. I tend to think of this when I think of Robin Cook, particularly since I met people in Scotland who really did seem to think that someone had helped Robin wave a fond farewell to this world.

The other thing that I always remember about Robin Cook is that he was married to a Top Doctor, always referred to as ‘Mrs Cook’, who exacted a very effective revenge after Cook left her for his secretary Gaynor. Mrs Cook wrote a splendid book which put the boot into Robin in a very entertaining way and did him a great deal of damage. Mrs Cook’s book among other things alleged on the part of Robin Cook serial adultery, excessive drinking, contempt for his colleagues in the Labour Party and dreadful personal habits. Mrs Cook acquired a cult following and was given a job as an agony aunt in a newspaper or magazine and she also took to the airwaves in Scotland and began broadcasting. I went on holiday to The Gambia just after Mrs Cook had published her book and I was gobsmacked to find that Mrs Cook was the talk of The Gambia as well – they had heard about her on the World Service. I was really impressed when a number of people asked me if I knew Mrs Cook – well I suppose that I was from the UK, so I could have bumped into her somewhere. During the discussions that I had about Mrs Cook in The Gambia, I discovered that the reason why she’d taken The Gambia by storm was that she was being compared to the wives of African leaders and as one young man told me ‘no wife of an African leader would ever have dared do that’. Well they aren’t Mrs Cook.

When I realised the extent of the pleasing of the Top Doctors that had gone on among Labour Party figures and the wilful ignoring of the naked greed and criminal behaviour of some leading lights in the BMA, I did bear in mind that Mrs Cook was a Top Doctor – a consultant haematologist – and that she and her network will have been ruthlessly colluded with. What I had missed however was that during his time as the MP for Edinburgh Central, 1974-83 and Livingstone, 1983-05, Robin Cook served as the Shadow Secretary of State for the DHSS, 1987-89 and then as Shadow Secretary of State for Health, 1989-92, under the Windbag. That puts Cook at the scene of a great many crimes – the Windbag ignored some pretty horrific things on the part of the paedophiles’ friends during those years. The death of Michael Carr MP at the hands of Walton Hospital (see post ‘News From Sicily’) for one, as well as the excesses and serious crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see posts ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’ and ‘I Warn You…’).

Cook was a Scottish Labour politician so he will have known much about the people and the events discussed in my post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’,  as well as all the other dirt that everyone at Westminster picked up. Medicine is an incredibly incestuous world and Mrs Cook being a Top Doctor in Scotland married to an MP who later became a Cabinet Minister – Foreign Secretary at that – will have mixed with the best in Top Doctor Circles. Mrs Cook will have known Dr Death, as well as Sir Kenneth Calman, who served as Chief Medical Officer for Scotland as well as for England and Wales and who moved mountains in terms of concealing the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part V’). Mrs Cook will have known Sam Galbraith, the Top Doctor who was begged to become a Labour MP by someone whilst the Windbag led the Party just when it looked as though all might be revealed about Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘I Warn You…’). The plan to get Big Sam on side rather backfired on the Windbag and Tony Francis, because Sam Galbraith turned out to be a complete shit who didn’t have any interest in being a politician, who insulted the rest of them and who made it quite clear that they were a load of fools and that he was a neurosurgeon who was going to do what he felt like and furthermore the purpose of Gov’t chauffeurs and official cars was to take Galbraith out from Glasgow to his boat at weekends.

Rhodri states in his book that he was friends with Sam Galbraith.

Windbag – was there anyone at all whom you wouldn’t toady to in your attempts to become PM? Sam Galbraith must have been the worst recruitment decision that you ever made, you might as well have invited Dafydd to become a Minister, he’d have probably done less damage.

 

Robin Cook has to shoulder a great deal of the blame for the idiocy which reigned supreme under the Windbag – it was Cook who managed the Windbag’s leadership campaign in 1983. Cook was considered a moderniser and assisted the Windbag and Mandy in this.

Cook went back a long way, he was an MP in Wilson’s and Callaghan’s Gov’ts so he will have known about the skulduggery over which they presided and the scandals that they kept quiet – including George Thomas and Greville Janner and of course politicians from other parties doing equally unsavoury things such as Cyril Smith, Jeremy Thorpe and Sir Peter Morrison. Cook was a member of the Tribune group of the PLP and in 1988 was elected to the NEC.

Mrs Cook may have known another Top Doctor who facilitated the activities of Dafydd and the paedophiles – Dr DGE Wood, the corrupt GP. Wood came from the Bristol area, went to Bristol Medical School and his parents continued to live down there after Wood moved to north Wales. Wood’s father was a Top Doctor as well. Mrs Cook came from Bristol and she and Robin were married there. Evidence in my possession shows that Wood was very pro-active in approaching people who were in a position to assist him in running the sex trafficking ring or doing me damage – I also think that Wood had some sort of connection with Dr Death.

In true Top Doctor style, Mrs Cook delivered a boot to the groin of Blair and the Gov’t in 2002. She resigned from her job as a Top Doctor, claiming that the NHS was being used by Blair’s Ministers as a ‘political football’. Of course it was Mrs Cook and the Top Doctors took maximum advantage of that. If the NHS wasn’t used as a political football, Dafydd et al would have simply been arrested and charged – instead the BMA used the desperation among politicians to conceal what was going on to negotiate high salaries for themselves. Mrs Cook’s criticisms sound very familiar – there’s not enough money for Top Doctors, there’s a recruitment crisis and she can’t bear the stress anymore. Just imagine the stress if you were illegally imprisoned in a dungeon in Denbigh Mrs Cook and everybody ignored the crimes of the person who had done it.

Mrs Cook was a haematologist. So she’d know about the ‘tainted blood’ scandal – which resulted in NHS patients knowingly being given infected blood products over many years under different Gov’ts, many of those patients subsequently dying. Mrs Cook would also know about other blood borne infections. Such as HIV. Furthermore Mrs Cook worked in a hospital in Edinburgh – in the late 80s/early 90s Edinburgh had one of the worst rates of HIV infection.

Mrs Cook will have known that the only way that Chief Medical Officer Sir Donald Acheson persuaded Thatcher and Norman Fowler to allow the ‘Don’t Die Of Ignorance’ HIV public education campaign which made references to gay sex was because Acheson had explained slowly and clearly that this was an infection which led to a terminal illness, that there was no effective treatment and that the chances of becoming infected were particularly high if people were having promiscuous gay sex. As Thatcher and Fowler knew damn well that some of their colleagues were using rent boys for this purpose and could well die, the public education campaign was given the go ahead. Mrs Cook will also have known that the young men dying of AIDS in the late 80s receiving visits from Princess Diana who ‘had been rejected by their families’ were very frequently the kids who had grown up in care and had been trafficked for sex. They died without anyone admitting what had happened (see post ‘Apocalypse Now’).

 

Someone else who knew about the gore that was being kept quiet by the DoH was David Miliband. Rhodri Morgan wrote the Health part of the 1992 Welsh Labour manifesto with the Health Advisory Group – although I don’t remember seeing any mention of the abuse and trafficking of kids in care and then keeping them in a dungeon if they complained in that manifesto. Miliband was working as an advisor at the time and argued with Rhodri over the wording of the manifesto – Miliband wanted a form of wording that the NHS unions and the Socialist Health Association would be happy with. They just mustn’t be upset must they.

Gov’t car for you and your family out to your boat on a Saturday Dr Galbraith? No problem.

 

David Miliband did of course share the same Uncle Harry who was popularised by Ed Miliband. Uncle Harry aka Professor Harry Keen who inspired and cared and was dedicated to the NHS. Uncle Harry who had a Chair at Guy’s and St Thomas’s, who’s colleagues became millionaires by abandoning their NHS patients whilst they buggered off down to Harley Street for the rest of the day – the Guys and Tommy’s where Dafydd’s mate Professor Jim Watson established his sex therapy clinic, after having slummed it over at St George’s for years where he’d concealed the paedophile gang along with everyone else there (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’). Uncle Harry was a member of the Socialist Health Association (see post ‘Inside Information About A Hergest Unit Death’). As was Dr Brian Gibbons, who was appointed Health Minister in Rhodri’s Welsh Gov’t and who wrote to me saying that ‘this correspondence is over’ when I told him that I had documentary evidence of serious criminal activity in the NHS in north Wales.

 

David Miliband will have known about the abuse of vulnerable people before 1992, because his first job after he left university in 1989 was as a political analyst at the National Council for Voluntary Organisations (NCVO). Not only were many of the organisations under that umbrella concealing the abuse of vulnerable people – such as MIND – but many of the people working in the NCVO, particularly at senior levels, had concealed abuse and wrongdoing themselves in their previous jobs in services where vulnerable people, including children, had been abused.

From 1989-94, Miliband worked as a Research Fellow and policy analyst at the  IPPR. He was appointed Secretary of the IPPR’s Commission on Social Justice upon its foundation in 1992 by the then leader of the Labour Party, John Smith.

Uncle Harry’s nephew is certainly a man who knows about social justice. He must have been good at keeping his mouth shut as well because in 1994 Blair appointed Miliband as Head of Policy and he contributed to Labour’s 1997 General Election manifesto. After Labour’s election victory, Blair made Miliband the de facto head of the PM’s Policy Unit, a position which Miliband held until 2001.

In 2001 David Miliband was elected as Labour MP for South Shields. So Miliband joined all those other mates of Blair’s in the north east who were keeping the lid on the paedophile ring up there which had operated for years and had strong links to Dafydd’s lot in north Wales.

As far as Miliband goes, the rest is history – Minister of State for the Cabinet Office, Foreign Secretary, mate of Hillary Clinton’s and now the President of the International Rescue Committee.

And it all began when Miliband ensured that the wording of the 1992 Labour manifesto was acceptable to people who were colluding with a paedophile gang…

 

Obviously with Rhodri having an interest in health policy, Rhodri was keen to contribute in any way that he could, so he supplied bad news NHS stories to the Mirror, to let everyone know just how much patients suffer under Tory Cuts. As opposed to when Tony Blair chucks money at the Top Doctors and Mrs Cook still tells everyone that it’s all dreadful and the stress has made her resign, in the same way that many GPs are now retiring in their mid to late 50s because they can’t take anymore. It does of course help that their pension pots are so big that unlike most other people – except of course the Denbigh nurses who retired at 55 to spend time on their yachts or at their second homes in Florida (see post ‘A Solicitor’s Letter from North East Wales MIND’) – GPs can retire in their 50s and still enjoy a comfortable life.

 

The Wales NHS horse was mercilessly flogged again for the 1997 General Election campaign. Blair made a campaign visit to Wales on 2 Feb and he visited Ty Maeth, the HQ of the RCN in the grounds of the University Hospital of Wales. Rhodri’s wife Julie was the host MP! Julie was present at the public unveiling of the RCN’s new childcare system. As Julie Morgan was a former social worker who’s colleagues were involved in concealing child abuse and Julie had previously been the Deputy Director of Barnardo’s whilst some Barnardo’s staff abused children in their care and also had links to Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales, Julie was clearly the right person to be doing that. Whilst Blair was being taken on the RCN tour of North Korea, elaborate plans were being laid in north Wales to transfer me to a secure unit after framing me for ‘threatening’ an Angel – an Angel who would, a few months after Blair met the NHS staff of Pyongyang, obligingly perjure herself (see posts ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’ and ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’). Blair’s tour also included a visit to the University of Glamorgan (now known as the University of South Wales), an institution which has excelled in giving honorary degrees and fellowships to those who have protected the paedophiles and patient batterers, including the Director of the RCN in Wales, Tina Donnelly (see post ‘Oh To Be In Receipt Of Academic Honours’).

 

John Major also visited north Wales in the 1997 General Election campaign. He gave his last Welsh Conservative Party speech before the election at Kinsale Hall Hotel, Flintshire, at the heart of the paedophiles’ biggest umbrella. Kinsale Hall Hotel is near to Holywell and the other places where many former staff of the North Wales Hospital lived. Whilst Major was addressing the paedophiles’ friends, not so far away in Ewloe Sir Ronnie Waterhouse had opened the Waterhouse Inquiry.

 

There are a couple of other references in Rhodri’s book to visits to Paedophilia Central by senior New Labour figures at the time of the Waterhouse Inquiry. Philip Gould went to Wrexham to conduct two of those focus groups which made him a laughing stock. The focus groups in question concerned people’s views on devolution. New Labour didn’t bother to dispatch anyone to make any inquiries about the paedophile gang which had its centre at Wrexham in the guise of Bryn Estyn and Bryn Alyn for so many years. Nearly every councillor and MP in the region was colluding with the gang, but someone could have had a word with the Labour Wrexham Councillor Malcolm King who was the one person who wasn’t (see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’).

 

When the devolution campaign begun, Blair himself arrived in Wrexham. I bet he gave Councillor King a wide berth. Rhodri states that Blair was greeted as a Messiah and that there was a huge turn out. From what is now known about how Thatcher’s and Blair’s campaigns were organised, it was highly probable that there was nothing spontaneous about that huge turn out.

 

Previously on this blog I have discussed how the trade unions not only failed to blow the whistle on the abuse of children in care and psychiatric patients but actually provided abusers with protection in terms of legal advice and support even in cases where it was admitted that they had abused the people whom they were paid to care for (see post ‘A Very COHSE Relationship With Some Very Nasty People?’). David Williams, a former Angel from the North Wales Hospital Denbigh held senior roles in COHSE for decades and ended up as the General Secretary.  The corrupt MSF reps at St George’s Hospital Medical School were using their knowledge of criminal wrongdoing to simply gain more power and status for themselves.

In terms of those abusing children in care, NUPE and NALGO defended them under all circumstances. Some of those accused of abuse, including in north Wales, were shop stewards in these unions. Whistleblowers found that these unions would not respond to their concerns. Although Alison Taylor was a paid-up member of NUPE when she raised concerns about the abuse of children in north Wales and when Gwynedd County Council took disciplinary action against her, NUPE dropped their representation of Alison after being subject to ‘persuasion’ by Gwynedd County Council. One social worker in north Wales who was guilty of serious abuse of children was nonetheless represented by NALGO who negotiated an early retirement package for him. A psychiatrist’s letter was produced in support. I think that I can guess which psychiatrist might have written that letter.

There is no doubt that people at the top of the unions representing abusers knew what the score was and exactly whom they were protecting (see post ‘Mary Turner – An Appreciation’ and ‘I Warn You…’).

Rhodri’s book supplies the names of some of the key figures in the union movement in Wales – Rhodri himself was associated with the TGWU. George Wright is mentioned as the Welsh T&G Area Regional Secretary. Wright became General Secretary of the TGWU and General Secretary of the Wales TUC. Wright famously stated that he knew what his members wanted and that was ‘one person, one vote: I’m the person’. Wright was a protege of the TGWU’s leader Jack Jones. These were very powerful men at one time. If they had wanted to take on Dafydd and the paedophiles they could have. Rhodri mentions that Wright’s deputy in running the Wales Region of the T&G was Jim Hancock – Hancock was Chair of the Welsh Labour Executive.

Jim Hancock became Regional Secretary of the TGWU. In Nov 2000 the TGWU was accused of ignoring local people in Bethesda at a commemoration of the centenary of the Penrhyn Quarry lock-out. The dispute was an historic one and was a key step in the development of trade unionism. The TGWU inherited the mantle of the pioneering old North Wales Quarrymen’s Union, which merged with the TGWU in the 1950s. People in Bethesda were not only not invited to the event but few of them even know about it. Tom Jones, the organiser of the TGWU in north Wales, stated that no snub had been intended.

Among the ‘VIPs’ who were invited were Rhodri; Derek Gregory, the Chairman of TUC Cymru; the actor John Ogwen (who came from Bethesda); paedophiles’ friend Glyn Owen, the Chairman of Gwynedd County Council; paedophiles’ friend Betty Williams, Labour MP for Conwy; Lord Dafydd Elis-Thomas, Presiding Officer of the National Assembly and Tom Jones, Jim Hancock and Jimmy Elsby, representing the TGWU.

I have heard Dafydd Elis-Thomas speak about the need to rescue the patients and then close down the Hergest Unit and I saw him give a paedophiles’ friend a good bollocking for giving Wales a bad name on one occasion, but I am not aware that ANY of the other ‘VIPs’ named above had ever shown any interest at all in the plight of the victims of Dafydd and the paedophiles – and Glyn Owen and Betty Williams were most definitely of the paedophiles’ friends themselves. Gwynedd County Council hosted the paedophile gang – Owen was Chairman and Betty Williams had sat on the Council for years whilst the paedophile gang were busy. Betty also failed to respond to Hergest patients who contacted her after they had suffered abuse at the hands of staff and had me thrown out of Tesco when she was campaigning in there after I asked her why she was ignoring what was going on in the Hergest Unit.

In 2005 a ding dong in Court revealed serious abuses of procedure at the TGWU. Hancock was named in the case as was Mr Harriet Harman aka Jack Dromey.

 

In 2010 the UCU expressed fears about the future of Coleg Harlech after Jim Hancock was commissioned by the Welsh Gov’t to report on the future of the Coleg and recommended that there should be no more investment there. Coleg Harlech has now died a death, which is a great pity because I know some people who maintain that Coleg Harlech transformed their lives and some very good historians were employed there, although sadly there was a contingent of paedophiles’ friends lurking within.

As the UCU shed tears over the future of Coleg Harlech, it reminded everyone that what ‘makes Coleg Harlech so unique is the residential provision it offers. For the most vulnerable learners, including ex-offenders, people with mental health conditions and drug addicts that have kicked their habits, this is vital.  It places them in a safe, supportive environment where they can learn and where they can begin to turn their lives around’.

So the well-paid of north Wales suddenly woke up to the fact that the scant educational provision for the people whom had been kicked in the teeth for decades whilst the well-paid remained silent was about to disappear and that the well-paid were in danger of losing their jobs. Christ, let’s have a campaign!

Whilst UCU shed crocodile years over the fate of vulnerable students, Eileen Tilley, the UCU rep at Bangor University, colluded with the paedophiles’ friends in attacks on those who had spilt the paedophiles’ pints (see post ‘News Round Up, May 12 2017′) because Eileen wanted a seat on the National Executive of UCU.

In 2001 Coleg Harlech merged with the WEA (north Wales). The north Wales WEA was/is dominated by the paedophiles’ friends. I witnessed one such leading light in the WEA -Annie Williams – give a lecture on the plight of the insane and the poor in Beaumaris in previous centuries. Annie got quite a few things wrong but luckily there was someone in the audience who actually knew about the subject and was able to advise Annie. At one point Annie pretended to cry at the knowledge of how the insane and destitute were treated in those days and she made comparisons with the Tory Cuts of today. One of Annie Williams’s colleagues at the WEA is friendly with an Angel in the Hergest Unit who is mistreating one of his kids. Annie’s colleague knows about this but is protecting the Angel and asked me to stop telling people that patients were being abused in Hergest.

When Annie Williams found out that I had an interest in Wimmins’ Studies (or as some of us would say, gender theory) and that I worked at Bangor University, Annie presumed that I worked with Meri Huws aka the Crack of Doom. I explained that I didn’t and mentioned the name of the person whom I did work with, a man who had come under serious attack for spilling the pints of the paedophiles. Annie made a contemptuous noise, wrinkled her nose, walked away and didn’t speak to me again. Well my former colleague might be in possession of testicles Annie, but he’d have never made the elementary mistakes that you made in your lecture. Neither did he collude with a gang of child molesters and those who protected them.

 

 

 

 

Other bigwigs from the TGWU in Wales with whom Rhodri was mates were Nev Taylor, Teifion Davies and John Bingham.

Liz Lewis was the north Wales TGWU organiser. I have not been able to find out anything about Liz other than that she was based among the paedophiles’ friends in Flintshire. There is a passing reference to Liz Lewis on a ‘Red Watch’ website which seems to have been created by some sort of far-right group and features photos and info about who Red Watch believes are dangerous Commie revolutionaries.

Two of my former colleagues from Bangor University are featured on the website. One of them is Julia Wardhaugh, a criminologist whom Red Watch believes is a ‘Marxist Feminist’ and an expert in ‘hate speech’. Red Watch, you really don’t need to worry about Julia – she caused much resentment at Bangor because she could barely make it into work most days. She has sat in Bangor University for years drawing a senior lecturer’s salary whilst much more junior staff – or even unpaid postgrads – do virtually all of her work for her. I never worked out whether Julia was a paedophiles’ friend because I only ever saw her about a dozen times during the years that I worked in the same academic dept as her. I used to speculate with a friend about what Julia actually DID when she wasn’t coming to work. Did she just sit at home watching TV? Or was she going on Himalayan expeditions? She could have been doing the latter because she wasn’t seen for months at a time. The occasions on which Julia did appear however were when meetings were being held to discuss plans to oppose any redundancies in the university. She made sure that she turned up to them. You have nothing to worry about Red Watch, Julia Wardhaugh will not be leading the revolution, she could never be bothered to put in the effort required.

Another Dangerous Revolutionary outed by Red Watch was Professor Charlotte Williams, formerly of Bangor University, latterly of Keele University. Charlotte Williams was a good deal more industrious than Julia and Charlotte is one of the few people who has published intelligent work on black ethnic identity and Welshness. Charlotte has thought about that a lot, because she is black, grew up in Bethesda but is not Welsh speaking and throughout her whole life has been told that she isn’t really Welsh. Charlotte Williams is well known in north Wales because she was subjected to an all out hate campaign by a group of paedophiles’ friends. God they hated Charlotte, they made her life hell. She was subjected to overt racism for daring to be black and when a leaving party was held for her at Bangor it was attended by a paedophiles’ friend who told a student ‘I am only going to make sure that she does leave’. Whatever Charlotte published was trashed by a paedophiles’ friend – usually a deeply unpleasant man called Glyn Williams aka Glyn Patagonia. She never achieved the recognition that she deserved which was why she left Bangor University – it was quite clear that Charlotte was never going to be given the Chair that she obviously should have one day. She went to Keele and was given a Chair very quickly.

However there is a huge mystery surrounding Charlotte. She absolutely must have been a paedophiles’ friend herself. She spent decades working in social work, both as a social worker, a tutor and then as Director of Social Work at Bangor University. She sat on numerous Welsh Gov’t committees advising on social work throughout the paedophile years and was awarded the standard gong of the paedophiles’ friends, an OBE. Charlotte grew up and worked for virtually her entire career in the midst of Paedophilia Central. She definitely knew what was happening but as far as I understood – and I knew a number of people who knew Charlotte well and liked her – she never, ever said one word or raised a concern about the rampant serious abuse which she knew was happening. She was also very frosty to me and avoided me like the plague although she knew that I was good friends with someone who had been very supportive to her.

I have to be fair and entertain the notion that Charlotte might have been simply scared shitless of the murdering bastards. Well you’ve retired now Charlotte, you are well away from them and I think that as a key witness to what they did, you now need to come forward and give evidence.

I don’t know where Charlotte is living now, but after a life and career spent in north Wales she upped and went to Australia for a few years, but later returned to the UK. As I remember, Charlotte felt the call of Oz just as Operation Pallial launched the re-investigation into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. Charlotte must have returned at some point after the Macur Review confirmed that Waterhouse was no cover-up and that the paedophile ring in north Wales was not linked with rings anywhere else and there were no Westminster figures involved. I don’t think that Lady Justice Macur interviewed witnesses though. She couldn’t, they’d buggered off to Australia after they got wind that the Review would be taking place.

 

So there were a great many people providing protection to a paedophile gang and those who facilitated it. The unions of course paid for the best legal representation. The solicitors of the GMB were a company called Leo Abse and Cohen…

 

There was a Labour MP who was also a great friend of Dafydd and the paedophiles who has so far escaped being mentioned on this blog. Gareth Thomas, the MP for Clwyd West, 1997-05.

Gareth Thomas ticks just about every box in terms of the criteria needed to be of outstanding service to Dafydd and the paedophiles. Thomas was born in Penygroes in Gwynedd, but grew up on Merseyside – however he is a fluent Welsh speaker. He graduated in law from Aberystwyth University in 1976 and worked in the insurance industry and in the West Indies. Since 1986 Thomas has been a barrister in private practice, specialising in personal injury. Thomas is a member of AMICUS. MSF, the union whose corrupt reps at St George’s concealed so much wrongdoing, became part of AMICUS after a merger.

Gareth Thomas was a member of Flintshire County Council, 1995-97 and in 2001 was appointed PPS to Paul Murphy, Secretary of State for Wales. In 2002 he moved with Murphy when Murphy was appointed Secretary of State for N Ireland.

Thomas lives near Ruthin and now works as a barrister at Atlantic Chambers Liverpool.

Blair must have been delighted to have Thomas representing that seat whilst the Waterhouse Inquiry was going on and then when the cover-up was published.

 

 

 

Previous posts including ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’ and ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’ provided details of the insanity and corruption which prevailed (and still does prevail) in the mental health services in north Wales, as evidenced by the documents in my possession – the lies being told about and to patients, the complete failure to investigate the most serious complaints and the lies subsequently told that complaints had been properly investigated but had been found to be groundless, the constant attempts to prosecute patients who had complained, the admissions that staff were committing perjury to do this and the collusion with all this by scores of people at the highest echelons, as well as by numerous lawyers.

I mentioned that I have many documents that contain clues that documents have been forged or amended/written at a later date than claimed. This seems to be true of a number of documents which are alleged to be correspondence between Alun Davies and the Welsh Office in 1988 and 1989.

In July 1989 an inquiry was finally held into my earlier very serious complaints about Dafydd, Tony Francis and Gwynedd Social Services, regarding events in 1986-87. The hearing was organised by Professor Robert Owen the corrupt Medical Ombudsman appointed by the Welsh Office (see post ‘In Memoriam – Professor Robert Owen’) and was led by Professor Robert Bluglass, who was as corrupt as the rest of them, who knew Dafydd and was a close colleague of Tony Francis’s former mentor Ian Brockington (see post ‘Ian Brockington’s Mischief’). Most aspects of my complaint were not even investigated and evidence from an Angel that Dafydd had lied to Bluglass during the hearing was ignored as was evidence from Angels that Dafydd had entered into a corrupt deal with Superintendent Roberts at Bangor Police Station to unlawfully arrest and imprison me (see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’). Bluglass concluded that Dafydd and paedophiles were ‘caring’ people who had been ‘harassed’ by me and that I was a psychopath with a ‘homicidal capacity’ who would ‘end up in Broadmoor’.

It was very, very difficult ever getting that farce of an investigation. Letters from me to NHS officials were simply ignored, which is where these allegations of me ‘harassing’ people arose from. I had to write to both Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities repeatedly, because I was either not receiving replies or when I did, barefaced lies were told. Gwynedd Social Services refused to speak to me even on the phone and after only my second letter of complaint to them they served an injunction on me preventing me from writing to them ever again – an injunction gained on the basis of the perjury of two social workers, one of whom had never met me (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’). My complaint re Gwynedd Social Services was that I had been threatened by Alun Davies and then unlawfully detained in Ysbyty Gwynedd by one of their social workers. I now have documents that demonstrate that was exactly what happened. The complaint has never been investigated. Months after serving the injunction on me, Gwynedd Social Services tried to have me imprisoned for breaching it – on the basis of their staff perjuring themselves in Court in Chester (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’).

The letters written to other people by Mr D. Hinchliffe, the administrator at the North Wales Hospital, demonstrate that Hinchliffe repeatedly wrote to Dafydd after I complained, but Dafydd ignored Hinchliffe’s letters. Peter Higson couldn’t get a reply out of Dafydd either and Hinchliffe and Higson agreed that Dafydd wasn’t following complaints procedures. Their solution was for Hinchliffe to write to me and tell me that my complaint had been investigated and was found to be groundless. This was happening during 1987. The letters demonstrating that this was happening were written by D. Keith Jones – a senior nurse at the North Wales Hospital – David Ewart at the Mental Health Act Commission Regional Office in Liverpool and Dr Duncan Egdell of Clwyd Health Authority, as well as by Dafydd, Hinchliffe and Higson. Names mentioned on the letters – people who were colluding with this way of dealing with serious complaint – included Terence James (social worker) and Dr Ramiah Ramaiah, one of Dafydd’s corrupt Top Doctor associates who turned up to ‘assess’ me whilst I was in Denbigh and concluded that I was most wicked . All of these people were involved in a flat refusal to ensure that any investigation took place and that a series of lies were told to me and indeed about me.

On July 13 1987 Hinchliffe wrote to Dr Duncan Egdell regarding Dafydd not responding to my complaints. The letter explains that the Mental Health Act Commission were also complaining about delays in response to their complaints and that they will be writing to Clwyd Health Authority. Hinchliffe states ‘I am therefore writing to advise you of the current situation and at the request of the Members of the Health Authority attached to the Unit [North Wales Hospital] to see whether you could offer any assistance in resolving the situation’. CC Mrs Mars-Jones, Mr Drennan.

Mrs Mars-Jones – referred to on another document as Mrs D. Mars-Jones – I am fairly sure is the wife of David Mars-Jones from near Denbigh. I think that David Mars-Jones is the younger brother of Sir William Mars-Jones, corrupt judge and paedophiles’ friend (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). I have been sent information alleging that Mars-Jones’s son Adam – who became a very well-known novelist – as a young man used to visit Bryn Alyn. Adam Mars-Jones is gay and wrote a biography of his father in which he claims that his father was incredibly homophobic and thought that Adam could be ‘cured’ by sex with the right sort of (female) people. I presume that Mrs Mars-Jones was a member of Clwyd Health Authority.

Letters written by Dafydd to Hinchliffe (dated 21 July 1987) and by David Ewart to Hinchliffe (dated 8 Aug 1987) make reference to the plan and attempt by Dafydd to have me framed and imprisoned for ‘attempting to stab a doctor with a knife’) (see post ‘Workers’ Play Time’). Ewart himself was fully on board with this conspiracy.

A letter from Duncan Egdell to Hinchliffe dated 27 July 1987 states that ‘I enclose herewith for your information and that of Mrs Mars-Jones and Mr Drennan (to whom I am copying this), a copy of a letter I have today sent to Dr DA Jones though I have not indicated that on the top copy that I am doing so. I do hope it achieves the desired effect and shall look forward to hearing whether it does’. Copies to Mrs D. Mars-Jones and Mr R.F. Drennan.

What was going on? I can find no clues among my documents as to what Egdell was up to – but it was obviously a bit of deception involving Hinchliffe, Dafydd, Mrs Mars-Jones and Mr Drennan.

David Ewart wrote to Hinchliffe on 11 Sep 1987 pointing out that the Mental Health Act Commission still hadn’t had answers to two questions posed in their letter of 11 June. By this time Ewart had probably found out that the plan to imprison me for ‘attempting to stab a junior doctor’ had not worked. Ewart had initially been under the mistaken belief that they’d got away with it because Dafydd jumped the gun and wrote to Ewart telling him that I had been taken to Risley Remand Centre – Dafydd didn’t realise at that time that the police had protected me from further false allegations by Janice Davies the senior nurse at the North Wales Hospital and that a nursing officer at Ysbyty Gwynedd had made a statement which evidenced that it was a lie that I had tried to stab someone and so I had been released from Bangor Police Station.

On 5 Jan 1988 PM Rees (an administrator with Gwynedd Health Authority) wrote a ‘note for file’ referring to a meeting ‘this afternoon 4 Jan 1989’ between Prof Owen, Alun Davies, Sandra Phillips, PM Rees and Robyn Williams (an administrator at Gwynedd Health Authority). Rees explains that he phoned Duncan Egdell of Clwyd Health Authority to ask if my original letter to him detailed my complaints about Gwynedd Health Authority. Egdell confirmed that it did and that a letter had been received from me ‘ages ago’, but neither Egdell or anyone else addressed my complaints because ‘it was none of their business’. Rees noted that ‘it apparently did not occur to them to send us a copy so that we could look into the Gwynedd aspects of the complaint ourselves’. Rees stated that Egdell will be faxing my letter over to Gwynedd, that he ‘will communicate this information to Prof Owen’ and will instigate the first of the two stages of the clinical judgement complaints procedure ‘as quickly as possible with a view to having it dealt with (if considered still necessary) at the third stage hearing, tentatively to be held at the end of Jan’.

PM Rees dates the note as 5 Jan 1988, but refers to a meeting that day, 4 Jan 1989. If one was dealing with normal people, this could be explained as a simply typo. But we are not talking normal people here as we shall see.

This memo is extraordinary anyway. Not only because of the apparent lack of communication between Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities, who were responsible JOINTLY for providing the psychiatric services in north Wales – Gwynedd patients were regularly sent to the North Wales Hospital although it was managed by Clwyd and Dafydd had beds at Ysbyty Gwynedd and held clinics there, although his contract of employment was held by Clwyd – but also because of Gwynedd’s claims not to know the details of my complaints against them. They had received numerous letters from me detailing my complaints – Tony Francis had served a High Court injunction on me stopping me from writing any more of them to him and Gwynedd Health Authority were consulting with the crooked Welsh Office lawyer Andrew Park with a view to also gaining an injunction against me stopping me writing letters of complaint. They were in no doubt at all regarding the details of my complaint. Furthermore, the Mental Health Acts Commission by then had also written to Gwynedd Health Authority asking them to respond to their own questions after I had written to the MHAC. The MHAC had told Gwynedd Health Authority that the appropriate report and documentation had not been provided by Gwynedd Social Services when I had been threatened by Davies and then detained at Ysbyty Gwynedd in the autumn of 1986 – so that detention was unlawful…

Gwynedd knew exactly where the land lay, even if Duncan Egdell couldn’t be arsed to write to them.

This memo was in my files alongside an undated ‘report’ about me written by Tony Francis. It is a substantial report in which Francis does his best to present his skills as a psychotherapist. His conclusion is simple – that I am a ‘paranoid litigant’ who’s complaints cannot be taken seriously and have no substance. Which is exactly what Dafydd said about Mary Wynch when she sued him after he had her unlawfully arrested and imprisoned in the North Wales Hospital for a year – Mary won that case (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’).

There is a letter to PM Rees from Duncan Egdell with a copy of my original complaint to Egdell (which was dated 2 March 1987) and letters of complaint written by me on 10 and 11 Dec 1987 because my original complaint had not been addressed. My letter of 11 Dec 1987 addressed to Mr Griffiths, the General Administrator of Clwyd Health Authority, mentioned that I am now writing to him because I have received a letter from Hempsons (the MDU solicitors) who are threatening to seek my imprisonment on the grounds that my letters of complaint to Gwynedd Health Authority broke the personal injunction that  Francis obtained against me. (I was not imprisoned because I had not broken Francis’s injunction.)

This letter from Egdell was dated 4 Jan 1989. Again, it would normally be presumed that this was just an error and it was meant to be 4 Jan 1988 – but when I looked closely at some of the other documents, it was clear that there was something highly irregular about many of them.

On 20 April 1988, Duncan Egdell, Community Physician, finally wrote to the Medical Officer for Complaints at the Welsh Office regarding my complaint about Dafydd. Egdell wites ‘please note that some of the enclosed papers are libellous [an interesting way of describing the most serious aspects of my complaint about Dafydd]. I am sending them to you under confidential cover because you have a legitimate interest in receiving them. We do have to guard ourselves against any allegations that we have ‘published’ libellous material’. Egdell mentions in his letter that he doesn’t know which Medical Officer will be handling the case. Yet in Jan 1988 PM Rees had documented a meeting to ‘discuss’ me as a result of my complaint – to which Prof Robert Owen and Uncle Tom Cobley and all had been invited. Although Rees stated that the meeting took place in Jan 1989…. QUE???

Presumably the ‘libellous material’ concern is why there do not seem to be any official records anywhere of the many complaints from patients about Dafydd’s sexual misconduct. No-one could write them down because it would libelling Dafydd! Which explains why in 1989 Bluglass stated that I described my interactions with Gwynne the lobotomist in ‘highly negative terms’. What I remember saying to Bluglass – and to a number of other people – was that Gwynne had sexually propositioned me, lied about me to discredit me, that Dr DGE Wood told me that I was ‘not allowed to complain’ when I did complain and then yelled at me to ‘drop it or you will find yourself in trouble’.

You didn’t tell me that people were going to try to murder me Wood!

 

I have a copy of an internal memorandum from Tony Francis to Alun Davies dated 29 Nov 1988. It thanks Davies for a letter from Duncan Egdell and states ‘please note that he requests copies [underlined] of the notes rather than the originals. I would be grateful if [my] notes could be kept in the hospital as I may need them for the coming High Court action’.

This memo isn’t signed by Francis, it simply has ‘pp’ and then two initials – a D and another one which looks as though it is a G, an E or a B. It it stamped as being received by Gwynedd Health Authority, 30 Nov 1988.

I have in my possession a letter purporting to be from Alun Davies to Mrs L. Canning, Welsh Office, Cathays Park, Cardiff, dated 1 Dec 1988. [Lesley Canning was Prof Robert Owen’s secretary.] It reads ‘Please find enclosed three copies of the Gwynedd case notes for this lady. will forward my correspondence when photocopying done’. Davies also stated in this letter that he was ascertaining who the Registered Medical Officer was and who the police surgeon was who saw me at Bangor Police Station when Dafydd had me arrested in Dec 1986.

This letter is not signed – despite accompanying the delivery of confidential documents crucial to an investigation.

I also have a copy of a letter purporting to be from Alun Davies to Chief Inspector Parry, Bangor Police Station, dated Dec 1988 – I can’t work out the day, the typing is blurred. Davies says in this letter that he’s been asked by the Chairman of the Inquiry Panel [ie. Prof Robert Owen] to ascertain who the police surgeon was.

The letter is not signed. Which seems a little odd for an NHS official writing to a Chief Inspector regarding an Inquiry after a patient alleged serious criminality on the part of the NHS, the social services and the police.

I have a copy of a letter to Alun Davies from ‘Superintendent for Chief Superintendent’ – signed by what looks like someone called Edwards or it might be Rowlands – dated 12 Dec 1988. it makes reference to ‘your letter of 7 December 1988 regarding the above named and her complaint to Clwyd Health Authority’. The letter informs Davies that Dr K Shah was the police surgeon who attended Bangor Police Station after Dafydd ordered that I be arrested in Dec 1986 and that Ann Williams was the social worker. The letter is signed and stamped as received by Gwynedd Health Authority, Ysbyty Gwynedd, on 18 Dec 1988. The letter bears the address of the North Wales Police Divisional HQ at Maesincla, Caernarfon and is marked with ‘ref TJE/CVD’.

I have a copy of an internal memorandum from PM Rees but signed by ‘SA Phillips for PM Rees’ [which will be Sandra Phillips, who rose to high office as a corrupt NHS manager in the mental health services in north Wales]. Alun Davies’s name appears at the top of the document., which is dated 15 Dec [no year]. It states ‘I refer to my memorandum of the 21 Nov 1988. I understand that Dr Francis has no objection to disclosure of [my] case notes to the Independent Professional Review being held in Clwyd and I should be grateful therefore if you could let me have two copies as soon as possible’. There is a reference to the ‘last letter’ that they had received from me, in which I had the temerity to dispute that Dafydd was my doctor. I did indeed do this. At no point did I ever ask to see Dafydd. In the autumn of 1986 I was unlawfully detained at Ysbyty Gwynedd and the Angel in charge of the ward Bridget Lloyd refused to let me go until I’d spent 20 mins alone in a room with Dafydd. Dafydd tried to talk to me about sex, I refused to discuss any such thing with him, asked him what the hell he thought that he was doing, whereupon Dafydd told me that he would only let me go if I agreed to leave the town of Bangor immediately and if I ever returned I’d be arrested. I thought ‘fuck you, you’re the second pervert who’s threatened me during the course of their employment as a psychiatrist, I’m not keeping quiet about this’ – although I did leave Bangor immediately because a few days later I was due to start an MSc at Hammersmith Hospital and I realised that these people were capable of anything. Thus the war began…

From then on Top Doctors constantly told me that Dafydd was my doctor and that I had to be referred back to him – even Top Docs in London. No-one could do anything without speaking to Dafydd first. Because he was ‘my doctor’ who ‘knew all about me’.

 

I have a copy of a document purporting to be a letter from Alun Davies to Prof Robert Owen, Medical Officer for Complaints, Medical Investigation Dept, Welsh Office, Cathays Park, Cardiff, dated 16 Dec 1988. The letter says ‘I enclose two sets of correspondence that we have received from [me]’. The letter also states that ‘Ann Williams of Gwynedd Social Services attended the police station’. This letter was not signed – despite transmitting crucial evidence with regard to an Ombudsman’s investigation.

After Dafydd demanded that I be arrested in Dec 1986, an amazingly pleasant, fair social worker was called by the police and ordered to section me ‘because Dr DA says so’. The social worker refused, had a row with the policeman and left. She was one of the few social workers whom I encountered in north Wales who had an understanding of the law, was not prepared to abuse it and was able to talk to clients. Although this lady was not prepared to break the law that night, everyone else was, which was how I ended up in Denbigh a few hours later (see post ‘Hippocratic Oaf or Hypocritic Oaf’). I spent years trying to trace this social worker. I was told by everyone – including the police and Alun Davies – that there was no record of a social worker visiting me in Bangor Police Station that night. At the hearing in July 1989 Bluglass told me that there was no social worker in the police station that night – he really didn’t know what I was talking about…

I have a copy of a document purporting to be a letter from Alun Davies to PM Rees (general administrator from Ysbyty Gwynedd), dated 20 Dec 1988. It reads ‘I refer to your memorandum of 15 Dec 1988. I confirm that I have already forwarded three copies of [my] case notes to Professor Owen’s office in Cardiff’.  Davies’s letter states that before I was taken to the North Wales Hospital in Dec 1986 by the police on the orders of Dafydd, that Dafydd had seen me in the police cells. He hadn’t – that’s why my detention was unlawful. No-one had provided any evidence that I was ill and sectionable. Bluglass himself in his report compiled in the summer of 1989 admitted that there was no documentary evidence anywhere that Dafydd had seen me before I was taken to Denbigh. So had Bluglass not seen this letter that Davies had sent to Rees months before? If Dafydd had seen me in the cells, where was the documentary evidence?

This letter from Davies to Rees is not signed. Which is surprising in view of the potential legal ramifications of my allegation that Dafydd unlawfully imprisoned me…

I have a copy of a document purporting to be a letter written by Alun Davies, dated 22 Dec 1988. It reads ‘I have been contacted by Professor Owen who has been nominated to Chair a Medical Review Enquiry Panel concerning complaints made by [me]…Professor Owen believes that it would be helpful to have an informal meeting to discuss [me] and I therefore write to invite you to a meeting on Wednesday 4 January 1989 at 2 pm in the Committee Room at Ysbyty Gwynedd. If you are not able to attend another date can be arranged.’ The letter is not signed. A ‘distribution list’ names  Tony Francis, Mrs J Evans [presumably Julie Evans, a particularly noxious social worker who has never met me but felt able to spend many years telling people that I was dangerous and she wouldn’t like to think of her kids living near me. Julie was happy to emphasise this after I began working as a school teacher], Jeff Crowther, Dr DGE Wood, Mr PM Rees.

The letter is not signed.

Wood was invited to the meeting although he was no longer my GP. This was known – on 23 June 1986 Alun Davies sent a memo to a minion of Bernard Rhodes (the General Administrator for Gwyned Health Authority) stating that I had transferred  from Wood’s practice. This memo also mentions that the MDU had become involved in  my ‘case’ – Dr Ian Sanderson was the person at the MDU whom they were communicating with. Sanderson has featured in previous posts on this blog – Sanderson did his best to assist the paedophiles’ friends in their attempts to imprison me, although he knew that they were perjuring themselves. DGE Wood had not been named as part of my complaint, so why he had been invited to the meeting I do not know.

I have a copy of a letter purporting to be from Lesley Canning, Prof Owen’s secretary, based at Crown Buildings, Cathays Park, Cardiff, dated 23 Dec 1988, to Alun Davies, thanking him for the two sets of correspondence concerning me.

I have a copy of a document purporting to be a letter from Debra Lewis, Secretary to Alun Davies, to Professor Robert Owen. It is dated 29 Dec 1988 and is addressed to Owen at his home – ‘Bryn Celyn’, Pwllycrochan Avenue, Colwyn Bay. The letter begins ‘Further to our recent telephone conversation regarding a meeting on Wed 4 Jan 1989 at 2 pm to discuss [me], Dr DGE Wood has contacted me…’ The letter offers contact between Wood and Owen.

The letter is not signed.

 

After Bluglass had given Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends the all clear, Prof Robert Owen wrote to Alun Davies on 2 Aug 1989 to thank him ‘most sincerely’ for the ‘excellent way’ in which he organised the Professional Review. The note claimed to have been dictated by Professor Owen and signed in his absence.

 

In view of the number of errors on these documents, the number of them which are unsigned, even when dealing with allegations of serious misconduct and criminality or when accompanying crucial confidential packages of evidence to the Welsh Office and the number of times that the contents of the letters contradict each other, the only conclusion that I can draw is that some of these documents – if not all of them – are forged. After Bluglass cleared Dafydd and the paedophiles of wrongdoing and declared me to be a dangerous murderous psychopath, within three months there was a serious attempt to declare me insane and have me transferred to a high security hospital – without my knowledge, whilst I was living in London (see post ‘The Night of The (Dr Chris) Hunter). The stakes were very high for Dafydd and the paedophiles at that time because Alison Taylor wouldn’t shut up and Mary Wynch had made legal history in her case against Dafydd and had gained press coverage.

I believe that at some point after the Owen/Bluglass Inquiry, Alun Davies, staff of the Welsh Office and others wrote a stack of letters and pre-dated them, giving the appearance of a paper trail demonstrating that Gwynedd Health Authority had followed all the appropriate procedures in the wake of my complaint. They hadn’t. Upon receiving my complaints, they were ignored. I persisted and was then threatened, unlawfully detained in psych wards, served with High Court injunctions and finally subjected to regular attempts to fit me up and have me sent to a high security hospital or prison.

I believe that when Owen and Bluglass organised their farcical inquiry into my complaints, the documentation from Gwynedd Health Authority had not even been sent to the Welsh Office, although I know that the records from Clwyd had. That lot conducted business entirely by having a word with each other on social occasions or off the record and by lying through their teeth when necessary. I have other documents in my possession which were definitely forged and I caught Top Doctors and the paedophiles’ friends red-handed amending records on a number of occasions – the first person whom I caught bang to rights doing this was Gwynne the lobotomist. The Waterhouse Report contains references to a forged letter found in the possession of Lucille Hughes heaping praise upon two abusers employed as children’s home managers – allegedly written by someone who had complained about being abused by them.  Waterhouse also refers to constant inaccuracies in the records of kids in care in north Wales. Children alleged that they stayed in certain homes and were assaulted by members of staff of which there was no record. Because Waterhouse was Waterhouse he interpreted this as witnesses lying. No they weren’t, the paedophiles’ friends lied constantly and forged documentation.

I was told that there was no record of the social worker Ann Williams visiting me in Bangor Police Station and I was told that no clinical psychologist visited me in Denbigh. He did – it was Nigel Stennet-Cox and I am in possession of a letter in which it is stated that Stennet-Cox is to be told not to speak to me if I contact him and everybody else is to tell me that they don’t know who I’m talking about. On 22 Feb 1988 an Angel called Bob Ingham told me that he was social worker Keith Fearns when he dragged me along a corridor and injured me. The lies and misrepresentation were constant and routine. Alun Davies noted in writing that he was keeping my medical records at his house and the medical records staff at Ysbyty Gwynedd admitted to removing documents from my files. Accepted practice was not followed in any way.

 

Two more anecdotes to illustrate how business was – and still is – conducted in the NHS in north Wales.

I have mentioned a number of times previously how in the late summer of 1987 Brown listened in to a number of phone calls between Dafydd and me. Dafydd tried to threaten me into dropping my complaint about him by saying that he would have me imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and when that didn’t work he tried to bribe me. Dafydd told me that if I dropped my complaint he would ensure that I was given a place at Liverpool Medical School – he maintained that he was friends with Professor Richard someone or other and all he needed to do was to have a word with the criminal with a Chair at Liverpool. I was so gobsmacked that I just stopped the conversation. Brown heard every word of what Dafydd said in all the phone calls. I made a complaint about Dafydd’s attempts to threaten and bribe me. I was ignored – as ever – so I pressed the point. I was told that I had no evidence and of course Dafydd would never do such a thing. So Brown wrote a letter to Gwynedd Health Authority, in which he stated very clearly what he had heard. We heard nothing in response.

I raised the matter of Dafydd’s bribery and corruption with Bluglass at the Inquiry – two years later. Dafydd told Bluglass that of course he had not tried to bribe me, he had ‘spoken supportively’ to me as he would have to any ‘young person overcoming health problems and hoping for a career’. So which health problems was I overcoming then? Was it the  disturbed personality disorder, the paranoid schizophrenia, the manic depressive insanity or the psychopathy with homicidal capacity? Because according to Dafydd I had the lot. At different times, depending upon what suited Dafydd. Your mate Professor Richard at Liverpool must be a very understanding man Dafydd.

As the war continued and Dafydd geared up for action again in about 1993 and further ludicrous allegations were made about me, Brown and I resurrected the matter of Dafydd’s threats and bribes – which had still never been investigated. I persisted and was told to produce evidence. So Brown wrote another letter. Ian Rickard, at that time the Head of Mental Health Services and Project Manager at the Hergest Unit, told me that he had not received Brown’s letter when I asked why we hadn’t received a response. So Brown wrote another letter.

By 19 May 1995 there had still been no investigation – although I have a letter sent by Alun Davies to Dafydd regarding the matter. Davies asks Dafydd for a response to his previous letter about it of 15 Feb 1995. Davies tells Dafydd that ‘I am sending correspondence to Dr Jeffries in order that he is aware of the complaint and time lapse in not having a response’.

Dr Jeffries was the Medical Director of the Clwydian Community Health Trust and/or Clwyd Health Authority which at that time held Dafydd’s contract.

On 6 Sep 1995 Jeremy Corson, the Medical Director of Gwynedd Community Health Trust, wrote to Dafydd regarding my complaint and Brown’s letter. Corson offered to meet Dafydd to discuss it with him…

On 19 Dec 1995 John Mullen the CEO of the Gwynedd Community Health Trust wrote me a letter denying that Dafydd had threatened or tried to bribe me. Mullen stated that ‘he spoke to you at considerable length in a supportive way as he would have done to other young persons in a similar position hoping to recover from health problems and to proceed with a career’. Presumably Mullen had just looked back at Bluglass’s Report some seven or eight years before and repeated what Dafydd said to Bluglass because Dafydd had ignored all requests to respond to correspondence about the matter. Furthermore Dafydd ‘totally refutes the allegations’ which had been investigated by Bluglass in 1989 anyway. When Brown’s letter was ignored and Dafydd was allowed to trot out horseshit about speaking supportively to me…Silent copies of Mullen’s letter had been sent to a number of people including a Dr J Gilbonthavis or a Dr J Gilboravis of the MDU.

I did remember Dafydd speaking to me at ‘considerable length’. He was on the phone for at least half an hour trying to bribe me. I can remember exactly what Dafydd said before he made the offer of a place at Liverpool Medical School – ‘some of my colleagues would rap me on the knuckles for saying this’. No they wouldn’t Dafydd, you were involved in serious organised crime and every one of them colluded with you after I complained. As for speaking to me at length – when I next spoke to Dafydd after failing to accept the bribe, he went absolutely bananas because I had not withdrawn my complaint. He yelled at me ‘I spent a whole thirty minutes speaking to you the other night’ and then he slammed the phone down.

I wrote back to Mullen saying that there had obviously been no investigation.

On 17 Jan 1996 I received a letter from John Mullen stating that ‘The Trust has done its best to investigate the allegations about the telephone conversation with Dr DA Jones and I don’t feel we can do any more or could add anything to my previous reply’.

There is a copy of one of Brown’s letters about the phone calls – to Ian Rickard, dated 6 Feb 1995 –  in my files. A handwritten unsigned note accompanies it asking ‘What shall we do about Dr Brown’s letter?’ An unsigned handwritten message next to that one says ‘do not reply’.

 

Jeremy Corson is now listed as a Public Health Specialist in Cardiff and also as a partner in Corson Diaz Consulting Ltd, a company on Parc Menai, Bangor. The following testimonial appears on the website of Joseph Lawrence, Chartered Tax Advisors – Accountants:

 ‘I established my business as a Freelance Public Health Consultant in 2001, having completed a 22 year career in the NHS. Peter and Anthony had also decided to establish their own accountancy business in 2001 after a number of years working in North West Wales. I was therefore one of their first new clients. My self employment has involved a range of work within Wales/UK and overseas, particularly in the Caribbean, and Joseph Lawrence have been able to guide me through the requirements for VAT returns and annual accounts. In 2004 I ‘refreshed’ my GP training, and since then have spent half my time as a GP locum, mostly for the Royal Air Force, across the UK and in places like Germany, Cyprus and Naples. This brought further accounting issues that Peter and Anthony have been able to advise on. 5 years ago I moved from Bangor back to Cardiff, but having established our initial professional relationship, we have been able to conduct all our business, such as the annual self assessment tax return, by email and occasional telephone call. This has been especially useful when I have been working overseas when these deadlines have had to be met.”  Dr Jeremy Corson, MBChB FFPHM MRCGP DRCOG Freelance Public Health Consultant & General Practitioner

 

I wonder if Dafydd would like to write a recommendation for his tax advisors and accountants?

 

Another person who knew about the criminality of Dafydd et al was Dr Lyn Williams, the Chief Administrative Medical Officer of the Clwydian Community NHS Trustand/or Clwyd Health Authority. Lyn Williams ‘discussed’ Dafydd’s conduct with Dafydd after Owen and Bluglass’s cover-up. Bluglass’s Report was sent to the Chairman of Clwyd Health Authority – whoever that was, they will have been mates with Mrs Mars-Jones and the rest of the paedophiles’ friends who sat on that Health Authority.

A true insider was Dafydd’s secretary in 1989, Sharon Fraser.

 

Well Lawrence Conway and indeed everybody else – what have you got to say about all this?

 

There will be more accounts of the idiocy and dishonesty of Dafydd, the paedophiles and their friends with reference to my collection of documents after Easter when I return from holiday. I will also explain what happened when the Director of Nursing Services for Gwynedd Community Health Trust, Nerys Owen, did dare challenge one of the paedophiles’ friends regarding his abuse of patients.

I haven’t finished yet paedophiles’ friends…

I saw a newspaper headline a few days ago – ‘Do you know anyone as stupid as Trump?’ Definitely. He’s called Alun Davies. There might have been another one going under the name of Rhodri Morgan as well.

 

For readers’ entertainment, here’s a reminder of the timetable of the Friday Seminars for staff at the Psych Dept at Ysbyty Gwynedd for summer 1988:

24 June – Dr DA Jones was talking about the Assessment and Management of Drugs and Alcohol Abuse.

1 July – Mrs Caroline Bertalot was talking about The Effectiveness of Sex Therapy.

8 July – two videos by ‘Squibb’ were being shown courtesy of Mr Cecil Slater, ‘Observing Tardive Dyskinesia’ and ‘Sharing, Caring’.

15 July – Mr Dave McGhee was giving a talk called ‘Don’t Be Shy, Aspects of Social Anxiety’.

And that lot wondered why the patients took the piss out of them.

 

On 25 Oct 1989 Alun Davies wrote a letter to Mr Don Campbell (Deputy Director of Nursing Services (Arfon) telling Don that Dr Chris Hunter, Director of Forensic Services at Whitchurch Hospital, had agreed to provide a second opinion about me. Hunter is dead now – I never met him. I did not know until a few years ago that he had even provided a second opinion about me or that he had held a whole conference about me at which he took evidence from a number of other paedophiles’ friends who had never met me either. I was living and working in London when Hunter held his conference about me at Garth Angharad, the paedophiles’ prison in north Wales. Hunter concluded that I was ‘extremely dangerous’ and offered to provide a court report on me. I was not facing any charges at the time. But I was arrested within a few months…

Davies’s letter tells Don that Hunter’s meeting about me will take place 8 Nov 1989. On the same letter someone has scrawled an unsigned handwritten extra message to Davies – which suggests that the letter to Don had been sent around the houses and not sent directly from Davies to Don. The message says ‘Alun, John Alcock [or Akok?] WNB education officer is here for our approval (we hope) visit. It is appropriate that Jeff is involved’.

 

The WNB I think is the Welsh National Board. Jeff will have been Jeff Crowther, the psychiatric nursing officer who wasn’t as thick or as mad as his colleagues, but he did know how bloody awful they all were. Jeff was honest enough to admit to me that Dafydd was a ‘corrupt old bastard’. I suspect that Ysbyty Gwynedd was up for a visit to see of it could be deemed suitable to be used as a training centre for psych Angels. Angels were subsequently trained there. Yes, the WNB approved this bunch of lying, perjuring bastards who arrested patients if they complained and forged documents en masse.

‘As a trained mental health nurse I know how to use de-escalation techniques with paranoid patients.’ I kick the shit out of them and then my mates perjure themselves and secure a conviction of assault against them.

 

Cottaging At Castle Gate

Previous posts have discussed Ron Davies – the former Labour MP for Caerphilly, 1983-01, Labour AM for Caerphilly, 1999-03 and Secretary of State for Wales, 1997-98 – and how Blair was just about to confirm that Ron would be First Secretary (First Minister) in the soon to be established National Assembly for Wales when Ron was caught with his trousers down on Clapham Common with a male prostitute called Boogie and had to resign as Secretary of State (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). No-one ever quite got to the bottom of what had happened between Ron and Boogie because Alastair Campbell and Blair micromanaged what was made public about the incident. A number of versions of events were in circulation, including claims that Ron had been discovered starkers, or wearing women’s clothes. It was said that Ron had been mugged – yet Boogie the alleged mugger was interviewed by the police and not charged with any offence.

Rhodri Morgan’s autobiography has quite a lot to say about Ron – Rhodri was a good mate of his. Rhodri claims that Boogie ‘forced’ Ron to go to a cash machine, but kept Ron’s car because Ron forgot his PIN. Rhodri claims that the Boogie business came as a complete shock to him and questioned whether Ron really was someone who would ‘strike up a conversation with a total stranger from the margins of society on the grass verge on the edge of Clapham Common and then agree to go for a meal later that night with the man and his friends’.

Although Rhodri claimed to be completely surprised regarding the Boogie incident, he makes a number of other comments which suggest that he should not have been in the least bit surprised by it.

Rhodri admits that he had heard rumours concerning Ron’s ‘other life’, including information that Ron was frequenting a Turkish bath in Newport. There was rather very much more than a vague rumour about a Turkish bath.

Rhodri tells us that Brian Radford, a journo for ‘The People’, had heard rumours that Ron had driven in a private car up the A 470 and stopped at a public bogs known as a gay meeting place. Furthermore, ‘gay Welsh Tories’ had told Neil Wooding – ‘a prominent gay Welsh Labour figure’ – that Ron was ‘cottaging at Castle Gate’. In the same way that Dafydd Wigley claimed not to know what a paedophile was whilst spending decades as the MP for a constituency in which a paedophile gang operated which was assisted by some members of Wigley’s own party – including Ioan Bowen Rees, one of Wigley’s advisors – who occupied offices just around the corner from Wigley’s constituency office (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’), Rhodri explained in his memoir that he didn’t know what cottaging was when he was first told that Ron was cottaging at Castle Gate.

So how did Rhodri discover what cottaging involved? A ‘Labour activist in Wrexham’ who worked as a medical secretary in Wrexham Maelor Hospital ‘where related issues’ were dealt with, one Lesley Griffiths, enlightened Rhodri. Lesley explained to Rhodri that cottaging was a term for casual sexual encounters between ‘predatory men’ which took place in public bogs. Lesley certainly knew all about it. Accordingly to Lesley, because the police regularly patrolled the bogs which were known to be used for cottaging purposes and shone torches under the doors in order to see if they could count two pairs of feet in a cubicle rather than just one, cottaging men busy in the cubicles would ensure that one of them stood in shopping bags placed on the floor. Thus the police would only spot two feet and some bags of shopping rather than four incriminating feet.

I am certainly impressed with Lesley Griffiths’ knowledge of cottaging. I didn’t know that about the shopping bags until I read Rhodri’s book. Neither did I realise that Lesley Griffiths’ work at Wrexham Maelor involved matters relating to cottaging men – I presumed that she just typed up letters concerning abdominal surgery or some such matter. In 2007, nearly ten years after Ron resigned over his liaison with Boogie, Lesley Griffiths was elected as the AM for Wrexham.

In 2011 Griffiths was promoted to the position of Health Minister and what a bloody wet blanket she was. My post ‘History Repeats Itself, First As Tragedy, Second As Farce’ describes how dismal Griffiths’ performance was and how she ignored correspondence from me regarding the harassment and threats that I was receiving from the paedophiles’ friends employed in the north Wales NHS. Griffiths was in post when I had to flee north west Wales after I received a midnight visitor – who was seen off by my dog – and after cars were driven carelessly in my direction at a high speed on a number of occasions. Then there was the incident when someone who had provided a statement about the harassment of me by senior managers of the NW Wales NHS Trust was threatened by a policeman with a gun. A few days later I was trailed through Cricieth and beyond by the same policeman with a gun…

None of this should surprise us. Whilst Lesley was busy being ‘a Labour activist’ she was a Wrexham Councillor. The Wrexham Councillors – with the noble exception of Malcolm King – completely ignored the activities of the paedophile gang on their doorstep. The victims of that paedophile gang were being taken to local GPs and Wrexham Maelor Hospital with non-accidental injuries that were never investigated. One boy with anal injuries was told that he had ‘piles’.

Lesley – if you knew about the intricacies of cottaging and you worked in a dept in the Maelor which dealt with ‘related matters’, presumably you would have been fully aware that teenaged boys don’t tend to have piles and that piles don’t result in anal injury. Although serious sexual assault does. How was it that you knew about the shopping bags but not about the paedophile ring, whereas I – who have never worked in Wrexham Maelor dealing with cottaging-related matters – knew about the paedophile gang on your patch, but not the shopping bags?

Lesley Griffith grew up near Wrexham and has spent her whole life there. How she missed that paedophile gang or the criminal Top Doctors and social workers who have surrounded her for her entire existence I do not know.

I’m not an aficionado like Lesley, but I knew back in 1984 that cottaging was going on in Bangor and furthermore that the particular brand of cottaging happening in the notorious Garth Road public conveniences did not involve consenting adult Ron Davies’s, but rather the propositioning of boys as young as eight by older men. The problem was so bad that a lady magistrate – I can’t remember her name – spoke about it to the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’. She observed that it was outrageous that this was going on and she even gave a description of ‘the man in a flashy car’ who had been seen loitering around the bogs in question. The lady magistrate was particularly critical of the police whom she maintained were wilfully ignoring what was happening.

The reason why the business of the molesters in Garth Road public toilets being allowed to go about their business unhindered caused such uproar in Bangor was that Garth Road public toilets were situated directly opposite Bangor Police Station (the Police Station in Bangor relocated more recently). The police could have just looked out of their front window if they wanted to keep an eye on Garth Road public toilets.

Considering how serious the problem was, the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ paid remarkably little attention to it – they reported the concerns of that magistrate and then never returned to the subject. But then the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ had an interesting choice of articles. There was a vicious paedophile ring associated with serious organised crime operating in the Ty’r Felin children’s home in Bangor but never a word was published about it. There was bugger all coverage of the matter even when the Waterhouse Inquiry was taking place.

What the Bangor and Anglesey did publish however was articles in praise of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones – particularly in 1993-95 when Dafydd had become too embarrassing even for the NHS in north Wales and there was pressure on him to retire, pressure that he was doing all that he could to resist (see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’). The ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ entertained the patients of the Hergest Unit by repeatedly describing Dafydd as ‘Europe’s leading forensic psychiatrist’. Dafydd was not even a forensic psychiatrist let alone Europe’s leading. The Mail also waxed lyrical about the excellent forward thinking North Wales Hospital Denbigh, which according to Dafydd’s interviews with the journos was ‘unique’. Which I suppose was true, mental health care was and still is near-universally appalling in the UK but as far as I know Denbigh was the only institution with a dungeon for the unlawful imprisonment of the victims of a sex trafficking gang.

When I perused my medical files I discovered that the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ had an even cosier relationship with Dafydd than I realised. In 1988 a friend of mine who had experienced the joys of Dafydd’s idiocy and pomposity thought that it would be entertaining if we sent a completely mad letter to the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ under Dafydd’s name, repeating his expressions and his crazy ideas to see if they would publish it. Our letter was remarkably similar to the nonsense that Dafydd came out with when he addressed the Welsh Baptist Union in 1971 and told them that learning Bible verses in Welsh when one is a child can protect against a ‘serious moral collapse’ (see post ‘A Serious Moral Collapse’). We sent the letter off to the Editor but to our disappointment it was not published.

Many years later I found a photocopy of our letter in my medical files. It was attached to a compliments slip from the ‘North Wales Weekly News’ (the larger sister paper of the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’) along with a note saying ‘The attached letter was sent to the Bangor and Anglesey Mail purporting to come from Dr DA Jones. He has asked me to pass it onto you.’ The note was signed ‘Penny Bosworth, reporter’ and Penny had helpfully provided everyone with her phone number – 362747 – should any of the paedophiles’ friends wish to get in touch.

As the comedian Mrs Merton would say, ‘so Penny Bosworth, how did you become so friendly with a man who was running a sex trafficking ring?’

Someone at the Mail obviously did believe that the letter was from Dafydd because it had been prepared for publication – the photocopy showed up the marks that newspaper editors make on pieces before the edition goes off to be printed. I have no idea who on the Mail realised that the letter was too crazy to even be from Dafydd and called in Dafydd’s mate Penny Bosworth.

Our spoof letter was not the only extract from the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ that turned up in my medical records. In 1996 the mental health services manager for north west Wales, Alun Davies, in collaboration with the paedophiles’ friends at even higher levels in the NHS than him, was well on the way to closing down the day centre at the Hergest Unit. The day centre was the only bit of the mental health services in north west Wales which actually worked and was very popular with the patients. The Arfon Community Mental Health Team were abusive and threatened to assault patients in their own homes, the Top Doctors were all mad and constantly had patients arrested for bizarre and trivial reasons, most of the best staff had left the wards as the Unit had gone further and further downhill at the hands of Alun Davies, but the day centre had a number of friendly, more competent staff and was also a place where a lot of patients who were isolated and living in poverty could meet their friends and socialise.

In true ‘service user involvement’ style, the patients were told that the day centre was ‘under review’ and that they were to be ‘consulted’ about the closure. The patients were horrified to hear of the plans to close the day centre and all voted to keep it open. Because the patients had voted the wrong way, more votes and focus groups were held and the patients were told that the day centre was very bad for them and furthermore that it was ‘old fashioned’. The patients continued to vote in favour of the day centre. Then an auditor was sent in – that was a real scream, because the auditor also came up with the wrong answer. He concluded that the day centre was providing an excellent service.

Then individual interviews were held and patients were directly asked why they insisted upon attending the day centre instead of making appointments to see the Arfon Community Mental Health Team. Patients responded with comments such as ‘because one of them said that he would hit me’ but that wasn’t recorded. Instead it was recorded that patients were ‘misusing’ the NHS by visiting the day centre in order to access the coffee facilities and lunches. That was true for some patients, but what wasn’t recorded was that numerous patients were living in such poverty that they couldn’t afford sufficient food. This was because the Arfon Team and Top Doctors had not told most patients about their entitlement to disability benefits, so many patients were living at sub-benefit levels. The day centre staff knew about this, as did the occupational therapy team – but they were told that helping with benefits advice was not their remit.

It is worth noting here on what grounds the Arfon Team and Top Docs refused to help patients with benefit claims or indeed housing. People were refused help if they ‘had upset people’. I and other patients noticed that the patients who were said to have ‘upset people’ were those who had complained about Dafydd and the paedophiles. As one patient said to me more recently ‘so I upset a gang of paedophiles 20 years ago and now I can’t get the help to which I am legally entitled’.

That was the sum of it. The day centre staff had a policy of supplying biscuits and milk and coffee for the patients because they knew that many of them didn’t have those things at home and I know at least two of the occupational therapists brought in old clothes and bits and pieces from their homes in order to supply patients with basics. Patients were also having their teeth extracted when they had toothache because extractions were cheaper than fillings.

‘Oooh it’s never been this bad in the NHS, it’s Carwyn’s cuts’. No it’s not, it’s the bloody paedophile gang wreaking havoc. Retired nurses from Denbigh had yachts moored off Anglesey and second homes in Florida (see post ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’), Dafydd was reputed to be a millionaire but the patients couldn’t afford food and toothpaste.

Then Alun Davies announced that the free bus travel which most of the patients relied upon to get to the day centre would be withdrawn. So only the four or five financially well off patients with cars and those within walking distance of the day centre could actually get there. Attendance dropped from over 200 during the week to less than 30.

Alun Davies announced that after ‘extensive consultation with the service users’ it was clear that the day centre was ‘under used’ and that it would therefore be closing. Davies then tried to sack one of the occupational therapists who had been bringing old clothes in to help the patients who couldn’t afford clothes.

Before the day centre closed its doors – the day centre was turned into offices, which is what hospitals should be used for of course – I and other patients wrote letters to newspapers, MPs etc.

In my medical records, the copies of the letters that I wrote to the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ in defence of the day centre are lovingly preserved.

 

After the day centre closed down a number of patients became destitute and others were found dead. So many people died that one of my friends started referring to the National Holocaust Service. Other patients just went off the radar and disappeared.

The attack on the day centre began in about 1995. Just as the demands for an investigation into the possibility that a paedophile ring was at work in north Wales could no longer be ignored. By the time that the Waterhouse Inquiry was underway, support – and indeed basic medical care – was being withdrawn from many mental health patients. Before Ronnie Waterhouse had completed that Report the day centre had closed and en masse destitution and deaths had begun.

After the old fashioned day centre was shut down, there was an increased investment in ‘other community services more appropriate to patients needs’. The Arfon Community Mental Health Team blossomed and there were even more of them employed to threaten patients, have them arrested and refuse to provide any services to patients who had upset people. A room above a disused pub in Caernarfon was opened on a Tuesday as a ‘community facility’ for patients in Gwynedd. The room wasn’t heated and there was no coffee provided, so a farmer’s wife from near Caernarfon – who was appalled at what was happening to patients – volunteered to go in every Tuesday and cook a communal meal.  She provided the ingredients herself. There was transport provided though – a minibus did a journey through the hill villages and picked up the few people who fancied spending a Tuesday in a freezing cold room above the disused pub.

The farmer’s wife told me that one week an old man from Penygroes who was in a very bad way was loaded onto the minibus by the driver. The old man had just put his clothes on over his pyjamas, he hadn’t eaten, washed, shaved etc for days and once he got to the room above the disused pub, he just sat there all day unmoving and also wet himself. The farmer’s wife observed that if that had been one of your relatives you’d have taken them straight to A&E. But no-one did, the minibus driver loaded the old man back onto the bus at the end of the day and took him back to Penygroes. The old man wasn’t at the disused pub the next week – he had been found dead in his house.

When I told Brown about this, Brown observed that the North West Wales NHS Trust operated on the same principle as the Nazis did when they transported people to the concentration camps – they counted the bodies onto the trains and counted them again at the other end but didn’t bother to note if anyone had died during the journey.

Alun Davies might as well have installed a gas chamber for the Hergest patients. Davies told so many bloody lies that no-one would have noticed if he had invited people to go into the showers but something other than water was coming out.

 

It was repeatedly alleged that the North Wales Police colluded with the paedophile gang operating in north Wales. The Chief Constable of North Wales, 1982-94 – David Owen  – flatly refused to co-operate with the first major investigation into the possible existence of a paedophile gang in the region. I have mentioned previously that one of the police officers who was constantly ordered by the mental health services to arrest me was Sgt Tim Evans. I was told by a third party that Sgt Evans made it clear that he thought that the whole situation was farcical and was asking why a hospital full of highly paid consultants were summoning the police on an almost daily basis to ‘deal with’ patients who had simply complained – I was one of the highest profile people in this position. At one point Sgt Evans refused to arrest me and I understand that he told the paedophiles’ friends that I had rights too and he just couldn’t arrest me when I had broken absolutely no law.

In response to Tim Evans refusing to wrongfully arrest me, Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) wrote to Chief Constable David Owen and complained about Tim Evans. Francis stressed that Tim Evans and his colleagues were merely a bunch of uneducated plods but that the Top Doctors were Experts and knew how dangerous I was. Tim subsequently turned up at my place on every occasion after a ludicrous complaint was made about me to haul me off to the police station, although he did apologise for this, explaining that if he did not do it he was going to be disciplined and could be sacked.

Tim Evans undoubtedly knew what the paedophiles’ friends were up to – he had lived opposite Mary Wynch in Caernarfon for a start and he knew what had happened there (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). I presume that he was one of the many police officers who knew how bad the criminality was but it was prevalent at such a high level in the North Wales Police that he was unable to challenge it.

Sgt Evans may well have been right to have been worried. In the summer of 1987 Sgt Morgan of Bangor Police Station stuck his neck out to protect me in the face of the grand plan of Dafydd et al to frame and imprison me for ‘trying to stab a doctor’ (see post ‘Workers Play Time’). Alun Davies bellowed at me that ‘we’ll be making a complaint about him’. A few months later Sgt Morgan was prosecuted for indecently assaulting a teenaged girl in Bangor Police Station and was sacked. That must have been the first time in the history of north Wales that the word of a 14 year old girl under arrest had been taken above that of a police officer. The indecent assault constituted Sgt Morgan putting his hand in the back pocket of the girl’s jeans whilst searching her – interestingly enough Sgt Morgan claimed to be searching for condoms.

Now Sgt Morgan may well have done what he was accused of doing. Sgt Morgan was famously obsessed with sex and did enjoy discussing it with people under arrest. However, Sgt Morgan’s ‘indecent assault’ on the girl occurred at a time when Dafydd was unlawfully imprisoning people who had suffered serious sexual assault in the dungeon at the North Wales Hospital. Why was Sgt Morgan held to account in a way in which no-one else was? Furthermore victims of the paedophile gang were regularly fitted up for serious offences. Interestingly enough, Jeff Crowther, a psychiatric nursing officer at Ysbyty Gwynedd, seemed to know that Sgt Morgan was going to be found guilty before Sgt Morgan’s trial had taken place.

Sgt Morgan seems to be in the same category as John Grant Jones, the former Clerk to the Magistrates in Bangor, who after a career at the heart of the paedophiles and their friends, was prosecuted for fiddling his pension entitlements and was sacked in 2005 and stripped of his OBE. By the time that the Dept of Constitutional Affairs sacked John Grant Jones, he had become the Justices’ Committee Chief Executive.

I remember John Grant Jones very well, he was rather nicer to the defendants in Bangor Magistrates Court than many other people were and he knew that people were being framed by Dafydd et al. Even if he did fiddle his pension, fiddling the pension really does pale into insignificance in comparison to what else was happening in the criminal justice system in north Wales. John Grant Jones was the first person to be stripped of his OBE in north Wales. All the corrupt senior police officers, NHS managers and Top Docs are still in possession of their gongs, even Elfed Roberts who decided that he was going to leave the North Wales Police when it was noticed that he seemed to be very wealthy and leading a gold-plated existence for a policeman. The Elfed whom I was told was known to be ‘corrupt’ back in the 1970s when he was still just a sergeant in Llangefni.

So who was Lord Chancellor – the person who presided over the Dept for Constitutional Affairs – when Jones Grant Jones was stuffed over yet the paedophiles’ friends were allowed to hang onto their jobs and gongs? It was Charlie Falconer.

Spit it out Charlie – what did John Grant Jones know about who that resulted in him being shot at dawn?

 

Chief Constable David Owen was President of the ACPO in 1990. He came from Gwynedd – he was the son of a police sergeant himself – but served with the Metropolitan Police, Lincolnshire Police, the Merseyside and Dorset forces before returning to North Wales.

Michael Argent succeeded David Owen as Chief Constable of North Wales. Argent didn’t refuse to investigate the organised abuse of children in north Wales, but he refused to allow another Chief Constable to oversee the investigation, although by then part of the remit was to investigate the North Wales Police themselves after allegations had been made that police officers were abusing children.

Former Superintendent Gordon Anglesea received the full support of the Police Federation throughout the years that he was accused of abusing children in care and even after he was convicted and imprisoned in 2016. Anglesea died in prison and at the time of his death was planning an appeal. The Police Federation were supporting him and there had been offers from barristers to represent Anglesea free of charge. The Police Federation turned up in force at Anglesea’s funeral to give him a good send off.

There are quite a few references in my medical records to police who were very obviously colluding with wrongdoing on the part of the paedophiles’ friends. There are of course the references to Superintendent Roberts from Bangor Police Station and the ‘deal’ that he had with Dafydd to wrongfully arrest me, unlawfully deliver me to Bryn Golau – the locked ward – at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh where the nurses were instructed not to let me out by Dr Neil Davies. The nurses told Neil Davies that they were very unhappy at being involved with this ‘deal’ because it was illegal, but Neil Davies explained to them that they weren’t guilty because the deal was between Superintendent Roberts and the Top Doctors – all the nurses had to do was to refuse to let me go (see post ‘How I Arrived At Denbigh’).

There are a number of references to a Chief Inspector Parry of Bangor Police Station who seems to have been very accommodating with regard to the paedophiles’ friends in 1988. In 1988 I was living in Surrey and working at the University of Surrey as a member of the cancer research team led by Professor Vincent Marks, who’s brother John Marks was Chairman of the BMA at the time. The shenanigans behind the scenes – including the plagiarism of my work which was then published by Professor Nicola Curtin of Newcastle-Upon-Tyne University Medical School of whom I had never heard until the other day and the involvement of a colleague of Dr Tony Francis’s in a scandal which resulted in a member of a related cancer research team being found dead – are described in my posts ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’, ‘Reports Of Death Were Greatly Exaggerated’ and ‘Apocalypse Now’.

I was continuing to write to the NHS in north Wales requesting that my complaints should be investigated. I received no replies other than threats to prosecute me on the grounds that I was ‘harassing’ people by my letters and demands that I stop writing to them.

A letter dated 24 Aug 1988 from Dr AH Chadwick of the BMA’s Welsh Office in Cardiff to Dr DJC Davies, the Chief Medical Administrative Officer for Gwynedd Health Authority, refers to their meeting in DJC Davies’s office on 8 July 1988 and expresses ‘extreme concern’ about my ‘antics’. My antics being those letters of complaint which detailed the serious criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends. Chadwick wrote that ‘today I have been requested by the four BMA consultant psychiatrists for urgent assistance’ and that he has now received ‘further alarming reports’ about me. The ‘four BMA consultant psychiatrists’ are the paedophiles’ friends Tony Francis, his wife Sadie Francis, Dr M. Devakumar and Dafydd.

On 2 Sep 1988 PM Rees, an administrator for Gwynedd Health Authority, wrote to Chadwick, referring to Chadwick’s letter of 24 Aug 1988 to Dr DJC Davies, regarding plans to arrange a meeting between the psychiatrists, the corrupt Welsh Office lawyer Andrew Park, ‘solicitor to the Welsh Health Authorities’ and a representative of the North Wales Police.

On 14 Sept 1988 a letter from PM Rees to Devakumar explained that ‘as requested through the BMA’, a meeting had been arranged with Chief Inspector Parry to discuss me.

A document dated 21/9/88 constitutes the notes made after a meeting at Ysbyty Gwynedd held on 16 Sept 1988 ‘to discuss the action to be taken’ regarding the ‘problems’ posed by me. The usual suspects attended the meeting – a collection of Top Docs, senior Angels and managers who have featured previously on this blog – as did Chief Inspector Parry. Parry confirmed at the meeting that at Bangor Magistrates Court in Nov 1987 I was given a conditional discharge and bound over for a year. That was the result of an attempt by Dafydd to have me prosecuted for assaulting a doctor. It subsequently became clear that I hadn’t assaulted anyone – I had however shouted at a doctor. The doctor concerned had been involved in threatening me and illegally detaining me at Ysbyty Gwynedd earlier that year (see post ‘The Night Of The (Dr Chris) Hunter’) and of course my requests for an investigation had been ignored.  After the assault case collapsed, the paedophiles’ friends had me prosecuted for breach of the peace. Parry explained to the meeting that ‘any threatening behaviour during this period could result in her retrial for the original offence’.

Obviously there had been no ‘threatening behaviour’ from me because I had not been retried.

Another document in my medical records simply entitled ‘Gwynedd Health Authority’ records that Chief Inspector Geoff Lloyd of the North Wales Police attended a meeting about me on 14 Oct 1988 with Andrew Park and usual suspects. A new name joined the usual suspects – Mr G. Palmer, Chief Administrative Nursing Officer. At this meeting Tony Francis informed everyone about the injunction that he had taken out against me, on the basis of him perjuring himself and giving an account of all those assaults which it was later admitted by Andrew Park and Francis’s own lawyers Hempsons that I had not committed. Dafydd told the meeting that he was not prepared to take out an injunction against me. In 1994 Dafydd changed his mind and obtained an injunction in the High Court in Liverpool after discussing his anus in court and the threats made by another person to stick a hand-grenade up his bum, which according to Dafydd was all my fault (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’). I will be blogging more about Dafydd and his injunction soon.

Chief Inspector Geoff Lloyd told the meeting that my conditional discharge imposed by Bangor Magistrates would run out on 10 Nov 1988. The note stated that the ‘Malicious Communications Act was coming into force on 29 Sept 1989’ and it was agreed to refer any mail sent by me to after that date to members of staff which contained ‘malicious communications’ to the police with a view to prosecuting me under this legislation.

There was never any attempt to prosecute me under the Malicious Communications Act so presumably my communications weren’t malicious enough. However I am curious about the use of the tense in the letter ie. that the Act ‘was coming into force’. This suggests that the document was written before the Act came into force – but the note claims to be an account of a meeting held AFTER the Act had come into force. There are no signatures on this document and I am wondering if it is yet another document which was not compiled when, or recording what, it claimed. I have a number of such documents in my possession – many of them dated during 1988 or 1989. I believe that they were forged or at the very least were backdated and written long after the date would suggest (see post ‘Possible Discovery Of More Forged Or Amended Documents’). Many of these documents were allegedly written by Alun Davies and were letters to the Welsh Office regarding my complaints. The dates are inconsistent, none of the letters are signed and there are other errors in the letters which suggest that they were written by someone at a much later date to cover the arse of the north Wales NHS. I will be blogging more about them soon.

My medical records contain an internal memo dated 8 Nov 1988 to Alun Davies from Tony Francis complaining that my letters have not been forwarded to the police. Francis demands that this is done and also says that he’s made a statement to the police and forwarded a letter to the administrators to give to the police. The memo states that it was dictated but not signed by Tony Francis.

There is an undated letter from Alun Davies to Chief Inspector Parry saying that Davies is sending Parry a letter that I had written to Dafydd.

My suspicions that there was a great deal of forgery going on are confirmed by a note dated 24 Nov 1988  explaining that Andrew Park has amended an account of a meeting ‘as arranged’. This was not Park redrafting a lawyer’s letter – this was Park making up what happened in a meeting in which the homicidal maniac that was me was being discussed. A meeting attended by a senior police officer. What ever would be wrong with providing a fictitious account of that meeting?

It will have been very clear to Chief Inspectors Parry and Lloyd that in spite of the florid allegations that were made about my ‘antics’ constantly, there was no evidence that I was doing anything other than writing very angry letters detailing criminal activity and asking for an investigation. Furthermore there had been a number of incidents in which the paedophiles’ friends had been demonstrated to have perjured themselves in their attempts to have me charged yet no questions had been asked about them lying to the police. By the time that Parry and Lloyd were attending these meetings about me, Dafydd had been sued by Mary Wynch and the case had been reported in the London-based press and Alison Taylor had blown the whistle on the abuse of children in care in Gwynedd and had been sacked from her job by Dafydd’s mistress Lucille Hughes.

Whilst the Chief Inspectors attended meetings with the paedophiles’ friends, Alun Davies had recorded a conversation with me without my knowledge in which the fat idiot had tried to entrap me, without success. There is a transcript of the call in my files, with Davies asking me ‘ooh what are you planning to do to us then’, obviously hoping I was going to fly off the handle and explain how I would be decapitating and dismembering them all in the near future.

There  are other references to other obliging police officers in my files.

On 13 Oct 1990, Mr D. Hinchcliffe, the general administrator of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, wrote to the policeman at Denbigh Police Station, Mr Bob Rowlands, about my ‘harassment’ of them all. Mr Hinchcliffe was obviously on good terms with Mr Rowlands because the letter begins ‘Dear Bob’. Mr Hinchliffe mentions a previous letter of his about me which he sent to Bob on 25 Sept 1995, but my files don’t have a copy of that one. I wonder why? Hinchliffe’s letter to Bob was CC’d to Dafydd, D. Griffiths and Janice Davies. D. Griffiths was a general administrator at Clwyd Health Authority who had a solid track record of refusing to reply to my letters detailing the criminal activities of Janice Davies – Dafydd’s Nurse Ratched on Bryn Golau Ward.

 

On 11 Oct 1994 Dafydd wrote to the MDU, 192 Altrincham Road, Sharston, Manchester about me. His refers to his previous letters about me behaving an a ‘menacing and intrusive way’. He accuses me of throwing a rock through a glass door at his house on Anglesey. Not that Dafydd had any evidence at all that I did this. Indeed Dafydd isn’t quite sure when the rock was thrown because he wasn’t actually in his house when it happened. Dafydd explains that he ‘was away’ but ‘two person were sleeping in the house and found the rock and broken glass door in the morning’. Dafydd thinks that the rock was thrown through the door ‘at probably about 3 am’. How the hell did he managed to time if if he wasn’t there and the only two people who were, were slumbering – did one of them at least not wake up when the rock came flying through the door????. Oh – Dafydd had a dog as well, a drug dealer’s dog, a Doberman who tried to attack the police on one occasion. Didn’t the dog bark? As for knowing that it was me who threw the rock – of course he knew that it was, because as Dafydd tells the MDU lawyers Hempsons ‘I can conceive of no other person likely to have done this’.

Dafydd was running a sex trafficking ring who dealt in drugs and child porn, I can conceive of a great many people who might have chucked the rock. If indeed a rock had ever been chucked. Dafydd noticeably provides no evidence whatever – no photos, no statements from the two persons who were sleeping in the house, not a sausage. He did tell the MDU that I was charged with assault on a junior doctor but he forgot to add that the charges were dropped when the junior doctor admitted that I hadn’t assaulted him after all.

Dafydd also says in his letter that a psychiatrist ‘whose name escapes me at the moment but which can be retrieved’ stated that I would ‘very likely end in a secure ward for the criminally insane’.

Yes Dafydd, because you, Tony Francis, Dr Chris Hunter and the rest of the paedophiles’ friends were constantly trying to fit me up after carrying out secret assessments on me which concluded with recommendations that I should be sent to a high security hospital because I was criminally insane…

Dafydd mentions one such incident – ‘I can recall an occasion when forensic psychiatrists attended a conference discussing the possible risks and possible management’. Would that have been the conference held by Dafydd’s mate Dr Chris Hunter – of whom I had never even heard at the time – who held a conference about me after Tony Francis and Dafydd asked him to? A conference that was held without my knowledge in north Wales – whilst I was working in a London medical school. A conference which was attended solely by paedophiles’ friends, many of whom had never met me (see post ‘The Night Of The (Dr Chris) Hunter’).

There is no solid evidence amongst any of this garbage – if the name of the person who made the splendid comments about me ending in a ward for the criminally insane ‘can be retrieved’, why wasn’t it retrieved before Dafydd wrote this letter? Or indeed since?

The name of that particular person wasn’t retrieved, but a whole list of other names was. Dafydd had back up! He told the MDU that they had his permission to approach: Avril Davies, the Mental Health Act Administrator at the Hergest Unit; Alun Davies; Tony and Sadie Francis; Hugh Thomas Pierce; Mrs Janice Glass; DC S.A. Owen ‘who has now become extensively involved in this matter’.

Avril Davies and the Francis’s were paedophiles’ friends. I have no idea who Hugh Thomas Pierce is. Janice Glass was one of Dafydd’s servants at his house, but I’ve never met her. And I did not even know of the existence of DC Owen, although he/she had become ‘extensively involved in this matter’.

I only heard about me throwing a rock through Dafydd’s door at 3 am some time after I’d done it, when a nurse at the Hergest Unit told me what I’d done. Which is just as well – DC Owen or indeed any other police officer hadn’t interviewed me about my crime, so if that helpful nurse hadn’t have let me known that I’d been over at Dafydd’s in the small hours chucking rocks through his door, I’d have been blissfully unaware of my crimes.

Dafydd worked as an expert medical witness. This is a man who had people banged up in Ashworth and Broadmoor for the rest of their lives on the basis of his ‘evidence’.

Much more recently in 2009 DC Steve Power was involved in yet another attempt to frame me on the part of the North West Wales NHS Trust – after a previous attempt had fallen apart (see post ‘After The Attempt To Frame Me…’). When my lawyer had Steve bang to rights in the police station, Steve announced that he would be taking this matter no further because he was retiring in a matter of days. I recognised Steve Power when he interviewed me in 2009. I had met him about four years previously, after I made a complaint to the police about being assaulted by staff in the Hergest Unit. I was locked in a room and prevented from reporting the assault when it happened, so after I got out of the Hergest Unit I wrote to the North Wales Police. I received a letter back with an appointment to discuss the matter at Caernafon Police Station. I turned up for the appointment only to be told by the police officer on duty that ‘another matter’ had arisen, so he was unable to see me. He told me that he would send me another appointment. I never heard another word. The officer was DC Steve Power.

 

Alison Taylor the social worker who blew the whistle on the abuse of the children in care in north Wales had a great deal of trouble with the North Wales Police. The two North Wales Police officers who’s names are usually heard in relation to the investigations into the abuse of children in care after Alison blew the whistle are Detective Superintendent Peter Ackerley and Detective Chief Superintendent Gwynne Owen. Alison’s concerns were rubbished and she was accused of fabricating multiple abuse allegations, including allegations against former Superintendent Gordon Anglesea and manipulating children into making false accusations.

I too was accused of ‘manipulating’ and ‘encouraging’ people to complain about Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends. It never seemed to occur to the paedophiles’ friends that their conduct was so dreadful that when it was witnessed by people other than kids in care or psych patients – who had become very used to being routinely abused – people were horrified. They didn’t need to be ‘encouraged’ or ‘manipulated’ by me to complain.

The conduct of the North Wales Police over many years left a great deal to be desired.

I have found out that former Detective Constable Jo Bott was interviewed during the 1991-93 investigation into child abuse in north Wales. Bott repeatedly took refuge by answering ‘no comment’. Well there’s a turn up for the books – because when I witnessed Jo in action in 1993 when she was a key mover and shaker in false accusations that a new father was a danger to his baby whilst two people who had sexually and physically abused children were afforded full protection by Bott, Bott had a great deal to say. In fact Jo was ever so friendly and chatty as she extracted information from a new parent who trusted her. When Jo returned to see that man a few weeks later, having used the information that he provided about the abuse of at least FOUR children to protect the abusers and frame an innocent person, Jo still had a bit more to say – only this time, what she had to say was rather unpleasant and threatening as opposed to friendly and chatty (see post ‘It’s All About Protecting Children’).

Come on Jo, tell us what you know about who had it in for the other completely innocent and good father involved in it all as well, Martin – who was found dead at a most convenient time for you and the paedophiles’ friends…

The 1991-93 North Wales Police investigation into child abuse recommended that Gordon Anglesea should be prosecuted. Not only was he not prosecuted until many, many years later, but this information was concealed. It only became public in 1997 when Gerard Elias QC revealed it at the Waterhouse Inquiry.

It is thought that the Police Federation backed Gordon Anglesea’s libel case against HTV Wales, Private Eye, The Indie on Sunday and The Observer, which Anglesea won in 1994 (see posts ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd’ and ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd – A Few Additional Comments’). North Wales Police officers attended Anglesea’s libel hearing and they knew that information was being witheld ie. that there had been a recommendation that Anglesea should be prosecuted.

 

In 2005 the ‘investigative journalist’ Richard Webster published a book called ‘The Secret of Bryn Estyn’. Webster’s book was principally a vehicle for trashing the reputation of Alison Taylor. His theory was that the secret of Bryn Estyn was that there was no serious abuse there, that it was just another bog standard mediocre children’s home.

I cannot understand why Webster ever took an interest in Bryn Estyn. He had no connections with Wales and when he planned and wrote the book he was based in Suffolk. He contacted people in north Wales telling them that he was writing a book on institutional child abuse in 1996 but BEFORE the Waterhouse Inquiry was announced.

Webster’s volume is substantial, but it is clear to anyone from north Wales that Webster either had no idea of what was going on or that for some reason he had been sent to assist the paedophiles’ friends. No-one could have lived in north Wales for any length of time over the last few decades and not have noticed that the health and welfare services were and still are truly dreadful. This escaped Webster. He also concluded that Lucille Hughes paying a special visit in person to interview a kid who had alleged that he had been abused was a sign of Lucille’s concern and conscientiousness. This was Lucille bloody Hughes – she probably went out to see the boy to threaten him at gun point, Lucille was not a nice person.

No-one seems to know who funded Webster whilst he ‘researched’ and wrote his book. He made many visits to north Wales and stayed there for substantial lengths of time. Furthermore Webster enjoyed a very cosy relationship with certain people in the North Wales Police.

Some two weeks after the publication of the Waterhouse Report in 2000, Richard Webster wrote an article for the ‘New Statesman’ entitled ‘Can A Whistleblower Be Wrong?’. This was an attack on Alison Taylor where she was accused again of making it all up and getting the kids to make it all up as well. In order to write the article, Webster had gained possession of confidential police documents, including witness statements. He had interviewed Peter Ackerley at length on at least one occasion, although this was denied by Diane Kaiser, the solicitor for the North Wales Police – documentation subsequently demonstrated that Webster had interviewed Ackerley. Webster also used the statements that Gwynne Owen – another person who trashed Alison – made to the CPS for the NS article.

The ‘New Statesman’ had a shock when in 2001 Alison sued them for defamation. I think that Alison represented herself. The NS admitted in court that they published Webster’s article on the assumption that Alison could not afford to sue them. The publisher of the NS at the time of the article was Peter Wilby and it was owned by Geoffrey Robinson. The NS instructed Bindman and Partners to act for them and Adam Speker QC was Counsel. Bindman and Partners had represented Peter Howarth at the Waterhouse Inquiry. Howarth was one of the prime organisers of the paedophile ring in north Wales and was jailed for numerous sex offences against the boys in Bryn Estyn.

In 2002 the NS and Webster fell out. The NS severed his representation on the grounds of the irreconcilable differences between them and Webster because of his refusal to settle the case. The NS subsequently settled with Alison in Dec 2002 and she withdrew her case against Webster. Webster protested about the publication of a settlement notice – he was represented (it was suspected pro bono) by Adrienne Page QC. Page is the cohabitee of Adam Speker and a colleague of Cherie Booth. Justice David Eady presided over the hearing, despite Eady having had previous dealings with Webster.

Page and Speker continued their links with Webster and they provided legal advice for ‘The Secret of Bryn Estyn’. The book was launched at a party in the Commons organised by Claire Curtis-Thomas, the then Labour MP for Crosby. Curtis-Thomas is associated with Dr Death’s mate Shirley Williams and she also has close links to the Westminster Paedophile Ring hot spots of south Wales and Cheshire. Webster published the book himself – and later self-published a paperback version.

Webster died in 2011 but his website – which is yet another vehicle for trashing Alison Taylor – is still online and is obviously being maintained by someone.

Someone must have been behind Webster. He seems to have had only one principle aim – to discredit Alison Taylor in any way that he could. His was an expensive project and somebody footed the bill.

Geoffrey Robinson, the owner of the ‘New Statesman’ when it launched Webster’s attack on Alison, has been the Labour MP for Coventry North West since 1976. Robinson was Blair’s Paymaster General, 1997-98 – he resigned after lending all that dosh to Mandy…Robinson’s personal fortune is estimated at approx £30 million. Robinson owns a number of homes even grander than the one that Mandy purchased with the dosh that was lent to him by Robinson, including one in Tuscany at which the Blairs took one of their famous holidays courtesy of their very rich friends.

 

To return to Ron Davies.

Rhodri Morgan explains that Neil Wooding passed the warning about Ron cottaging at the Castle Gate to Val Feld, ‘a big cheese in the Swansea Labour movement’ and a close friend of Julie, Rhodri’s wife. So Val Feld told Julie.

Val Feld was a woman from a privileged family in Caernarfon who knew all about the abuse of vulnerable people in Wales and I bet that she knew about Ron before Neil Wooding said anything to her. Val founded Shelter Cymru and was the Director of the EOC (Equal Opportunities Commission) for Wales, 1989-99. She was the AM for Swansea East, 1999-01. Val was a mate of paedophiles’ friend Jane Hutt and just a few weeks ago Hutt had a plaque placed on the wall of the Senedd in tribute to Val who kept quiet about so much. For details of what Val ignored, see post ‘Reports Of Death Were Greatly Exaggerated’.

 

Neil Wooding, the man who sent up the flare regarding Ron Davies, is Director of Strategic Planning Performance and Capability at the Office for National Statistics. Neil is an old lag from the Welsh Gov’t. He was Director, Pubic Service Management Wales, 

Not only did Rhodri claim not to know what cottaging was, but Rhodri also experienced confusion over Castle Gate, the site of Ron’s cottaging. Rhodri explains in his book that he presumed that ‘Castle Gate’ was the name of some dive of a pub where Ron had been entertaining himself. Then someone told Rhodri that Ron had been cottaging at Castle Gate in Cardiff – the entrance to Cardiff Castle. Which was approx 100 yards from Rhodri’s constituency office in Transport House.

Rhodri was nearly as close to Ron’s preferred cottaging territory as the Bangor Police were to Garth Road public toilets.

Rhodri wonders in his book whether Blair ‘knew about’ Ron. It is highly probable that he did because Blair specialised in promoting paedophiles’ friends to high office, particularly the Lords. However Rhodri does confirm that ‘MI5 didn’t know’ because of Ron’s ‘astonishing ability to cover his tracks’.

Cottaging at the entrance to Cardiff Castle hardly demonstrates an astonishing ability to cover one’s tracks. Rather it demonstrates complete confidence that everyone knows what you are doing and that no-one is going to blow the gaffe. Of course MI5 knew, they were probably the strangers who were meeting Ron at the Castle Gate for sex. Why does Ron think that the encounter with Boogie ended in disaster just as Blair was about to ensure that Ron became Wales’s FM?

Rhodri notes that Ron was good mates with Nick Brown. Nick Brown has been the Labour MP for Newcastle-Upon-Tyne East since 1983. Nick’s CV ticks numerous boxes which suggests that he has known about the paedophiles and their friends for decades (see post ‘News From Sicily’).

Shortly after Ron Davies had his moment of madness with Boogie, Nick – who was the Minister of Agriculture at the time – became embroiled in some sort of scandal involving a rent boy. Blair’s autobiography ‘A Journey’ admits that Alastair Campbell successfully re-packaged the incident as a good-news story about Brown coming out as gay because Blair was crapping himself at the idea of the Gov’t being hit by two sex scandals in such close succession.

According to journalist Tom Bower, Nick Brown ‘was accused of paying £100 to rent boys to be kicked around a room, and admitted his sexuality’.

‘Private Eye’ recently reported that Nick Brown is suing Bower over a particular sentence in Bower’s book ‘Broken Vows’ -not even a sentence that I would have thought was particularly incriminating. Brown’s barrister is Adrienne Paige QC! Paige was one of the junior barristers who worked with the crooked barrister George Carman on libel cases (No Ordinary Methods’). Carman knew about the north Wales/Cheshire paedophile gang and its link to the Westminster Paedophile Ring. Blair was a junior barrister in Carman’s team and Carman was also the head of Cherie’s chambers.

 

Although Ron was a Master of Disguise with a Cunning Plan who excelled in covering his tracks by having casual sex with male strangers in central Cardiff at one of the city’s most popular tourist attractions, Ron was gregarious and socialised with many people who of course all had no idea at all of his ‘other life’. The other life that was a constant source of gossip.

Rhodri was such a good mate of Ron that Rhodri was the campaign manager behind Ron’s efforts to become what Rhodri called ‘Top Taff’ in the Shadow Cabinet. Ron became Top Taff in 21 Oct 1993 when John Smith appointed him Shadow Secretary of State for Wales. Ron remained as Top Taff after John Smith’s death, throughout Margaret Beckett’s position as Acting Leader of the Labour Party and continued in the role once Blair ascended the throne.

Whilst Rhodri was busy negotiating Ron’s future as Top Taff, I was subjected to constant attempts by the paedophiles’ friends in north Wales to construct me as a dangerous offender and imprison me. Attempts which continued with increased vigour after Ron had become Top Taff because by then people just would not stop alleging that a paedophile ring was in operation in north Wales which was being concealed at the highest levels of society because of its links to Westminster and Whitehall and its connections to paedophile rings in other parts of the UK.

Ron’s Chief Political Advisor and spin doctor was Rhodri’s next door neighbour, Huw. Huw was married to Julia, who had been Rhodri’s secretary since shortly after he was first elected to the Commons in 1987. After Ron resigned as Secretary of State in Oct 1998, he hid from the media by staying at Huw and Julia’s place. Nick Horton, the chief political reporter of the ‘Western Mail’, turned up at Rhodri’s house in search of Ron because he’d been told that Ron was there. Rhodri was so relieved that Horton never guessed that Ron was next door – no-one knew that Ron was in there because Huw and Julia drew the curtains for the whole weeks whilst Ron laid low. House of Ron’s adviser and spin doctor goes into lock-down for a week with all curtains drawn whilst Ron is rumoured to be kipping at Rhodri’s next door? Of course no-one guessed – the fact that no-one published Ron’s whereabouts was completely unrelated to everyone having egg on their faces after keeping schtum about Ron for years.

Something went a bit sour after Ron’s resignation though. Rhodri makes reference to strained relationships and Julia resigning as Rhodri’s secretary…

 

In previous happier times, at Welsh night during the 1996 Labour Party Conference, the Welsh Affairs team all dined together – Rhodri, Ron and Win Griffiths.

Win Griffiths is a former teacher who was Labour MEP for South Wales,  1979-89 and Labour MP for Bridgend 1987-05. Griffiths was a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, 1997-98 reshuffle. After leaving Gov’t Griffiths Chaired the Welsh Grand Committee. He retired from Parliament in 2005.

After retiring Griffiths was Chair of Bro Morgannwg NHS Trust for eight years, a Trust which was in the usual troubled dysfunctional state for an NHS body. In 2012 Lesley Griffiths praised Win for his ‘dedication’ to Bro Morgannwg. Not sure that is much of an endorsement Win. Lesley also named Win’s successor as Chairman – it was Andrew Davies, the former AM for Swansea West and bedfellow of Meri Huws, who previously faced allegations that his Ugandan discussions with Meri had been responsible for Meri landing the job as Chair of the Welsh Language Board (see post ‘People With Energy’).

As for Win, he then moved on to become Chair of WCVA – so he’s the one who is overseeing the waste of public funds and the activities of the paedophiles’ friends that is the Third sector in Wales.

 

Pre-devolution, Ron was big pals – and dined regularly – with Dafydd Wigley and Richard Livsey, as a group of ‘pro-devolution leaders’. Rhodri comments that Ron provided ‘really good leadership’ to this group.

Richard Livsey was the Lib Dem MP for Brecon and Radnorshire, 1985-92 and 1997-01 and was Leader of the Welsh Lib Dems, 1997-01. Livsey was an agriculturalist who after his death was described by everyone as a ‘gentleman’. His time in the Liberal Party stretched back to 1960 and he tried for a seat in the Commons in 1970 and in 1979. Livsey will have known about Jeremy Thorpe and Cyril Smith.

Livsey was close friends with Geraint Howells – Howells was his mentor. Geraint Howells was one of those who signed the Early Day Motion in 1992 demanding an investigation into the case of Mary Wynch. Like everybody else who signed that EDM – except for David Bellotti – Howells then never mentioned Mary again and received a peerage. The only one of those who’s name was on the EDM who did not bag a peerage was David Bellotti who tabled the EDM. David Bellotti lost his seat soon after tabling the EDM and was never returned to Parliament. Geraint lost his seat too, unexpectedly, as a result of a very dirty deal on the part of Plaid and the Green Party, but he escaped to the Upper House (see post ‘A Few Of The Relevant Politicians Re Mary Wynch’s Case’).

When Livsey stood down as Leader of the Welsh Lib Dems in 2001 – after the Waterhouse Report had been published and difficult questions had been, temporarily at least, silenced, Livsey was given a peerage.

 

Ron Davies also had an ‘excellent working relationship’ with Rachel Lomax, the Permanent Secretary at the Welsh Office, 1996-99. Rachel Lomax oversaw the setting up of the Welsh Assembly. She arrived in the Welsh Office just in time for the establishment of the Waterhouse Inquiry as well.

William Hague – the Secretary of State for Wales at the time – must have really wanted Rachel because she was an economist who was recalled to the Welsh Office from the World Bank, where she was a Vice-President and Chief of Staff to President of the World Bank.

Lomax went to Cheltenham Ladies College, then Girton College, Cambridge and then to the LSE. After she left the LSE in 1968 she joined the Treasury. She was Principal Private Secretary to Nigel Lawson, 1985-86, whilst Lawson was Chancellor, then a Deputy Secretary at the Treasury, then Deputy Chief Economic Advisor, 1990-94. In 1994-95 Lomax was head of the Economic and Domestic Secretariat at the Cabinet Office.

Rachel has certain been where the action is. Sir Peter Morrison was Lord Commissioner of the Treasury, 1979-81, so she’ll have known him and like everyone else who worked with him will have heard about him molesting children in care in north Wales, Cheshire and London. It was while Sir Peter Morrison was Lord Commissioner of the Treasury that Dafydd unlawfully had Mary Wynch arrested, imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and then unlawfully imprisoned for a year in Denbigh. Rachel Lomax touched Mary Wynch’s life again in 1994. In 1994 it was the Treasury solicitor who finally ruined Mary (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’).

Mary was far too old for Peter Morrison to have been interested in her and she was female anyway, but as well as knowing that at least one person had almost certainly been murdered whilst in the care of one of Dafydd’s nursing homes and that a group of local lawyers were collaborating together to fleece their clients, Mary also witnessed the preparation of young patients in the North Wales Hospital for their futures in the sex industry. Dafydd had given instructions that the patients on the young people’s ward should be encouraged to have sex with each other and the Angels would gather around to watch the show.

By the time that Rachel Lomax had arrived at the Welsh Office to organise the cover-up, Peter Morrison was safely dead and buried.

 

Rhodri’s book explains a rather dodgy deal that Rachel facilitated for Ron in 1998. The HQ of the interim Assembly was located at Crickhowell House in Cardiff. The rent on Crickhowell House was kept low provided that the future Assembly committed to a new HQ on the adjoining site. The landlord of the whole area was the ABP (Associated British Ports) property subsidiary Grosvenor Waterside. The ABP could then recover their loss on the low rent through the enhanced capital values on the land surrounding the new Assembly building. Rhodri thought that it was most unsavoury that such a corrupt deal underpinned the building housing the Assembly from the very beginning. For details of the other massive scams involving ABP and the development of Cardiff Bay, see post ‘Corruption Bay Special’).

Honest Rhodri never wanted the Assembly to be located in Cardiff Bay anyway – he wanted it to be in Cardiff City Hall, next to Cathays Park where the civil servants worked. The corrupt civil servants, who had spent decades concealing the criminality involving Dafydd and the paedophiles. Numerous documents among those detailing the criminality and cover-ups in my possession have the Cathays Park Welsh Office address on them, including some of those that I am fairly sure are forged (see post ‘Possible Discovery Of More Forged Or Amended Documents’). I will be blogging more about those documents soon.

Rhodri himself had an office in Cathays Park as well and it was the traditional home of the Secretary of State for Wales. Rhodri explains that it was really great working in Cathays Park because everybody was there and you could just pop along to see whoever you needed to. That’s right Rhodri, the office of the corrupt Medical Ombudsman was there, as was the office of the corrupt Welsh Office lawyer Andrew Park, then in later years the corrupt Public Services Ombudsman and of course the corrupt Social Services Inspectorate was there as well. Just to tie everything up nicely, the office of the corrupt Mental Health Tribunal was also situated in Cathays Park. Everything conveniently located on one site!

 

Not only did the corrupt Secretaries of State have an office in Cathays Park, but they even had an apartment there, so they could live on campus among the crooks. The apartment was originally created from a few offices for the use of Nicholas Edwards and his wife Ankaret. Old Nick and his wife made good use of the flat between 1979-87, as did Peter Walker (1987-90) and David Hunt (1990-93) and (1995). However John Redwood (1993-95) didn’t use the flat, he insisted on returning to his place in Wokingham to sleep.

No wonder there was havoc in Wales whilst Redwood was Secretary of State and everyone was desperate to see the back of him – him not living above the shop must have profoundly disrupted the smooth operation of the corrupt machine. On the other hand I’m sure that David Hunt, the man who assisted with so much of the most serious wrongdoing of the paedophiles’ friends during his long and glorious career (see post ‘The Paedophiles’ Friend Of Cardiff North’) found that flat very useful for the days between 26 June 1995-5 July 1995, when Hunt returned to his old job as Secretary of State for Wales in what must have been for the shortest length of time that anyone has ever occupied a senior Gov’t position. It was during those heady risk-laden days when the knotty problem of the ‘retirement’ of Dafydd – a retirement which never was – and the ‘closure’ of the North Wales Hospital took place. Not that the North Wales Hospital did close, although everyone was told that it did. Part of it stayed open in secret.

Get digging out there at Denbigh, I know that old Hunt will have pushed the boat out in the summer of 1995 and probably got hardly any sleep at all what with all those civil servants running in and out of his flat screaming ‘but how are we going to explain the human remains if we close the bloody place down and someone turns it into luxury apartments???’, but Hunt deserves to be exposed before he joins the rest of the paedophiles’ friends who are dropping dead on an almost daily basis…

 

Rachel Lomax was one of those who scarpered after Ron’s downfall at the hands of Boogie – she resigned from her post as the Welsh Office and in Dec 1998 took up the role of Permanent Secretary at the DHSS. Rhodri observed that just before Ron hit disaster Rachel Lomax had purchased a new house for herself in the Vale of Glamorgan and such was Lomax’s loyalty to her home nation that she kept her home in the Vale of Glamorgan.

Lomax left the DHSS/DWP in 2002 and then served as Permanent Secretary at the  Dept of Transport, having moved there with her Secretary of State Alistair Darling when Blair reshuffled his Cabinet following the resignation of the Secretary of State for Transport Stephen Byers, he who subsequently described himself as a ‘cab for hire’ in a lobbying scandal and was banned from Parliament for two years (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part IV’).

From 2003-08 Lomax was a Deputy Governor at the Bank of England, serving on its Monetary Policy Committee. She left just before the collapse of Lehman Brothers in 2008 to ‘pursue other interests’. In Dec 2008, Lomax became an independent non-executive Director of HSBC Holdings, where she was also a member of the audit and risk committees. In Dec 2010 Lomax joined BAA (now Heathrow Airport Holdings) as a non-executive Director. Rachel is also a non-executive director of Serco and a trustee of Imperial College London (see post ‘I Don’t Believe It!’ for the details of the research fraud and misconduct on the part of those who have worked or are still working at Imperial) and has served as President of the Institute of Fiscal Studies.

 

There is another person who could tell us all a great deal about Ron and a lot of other people as well but he seems to have kept a very discreet silence – a man called Les who is a former Cardiff taxi driver. After ferrying the general public around Cardiff, Les worked as the official driver for that very good friend of the paedophiles of north Wales Lord Wyn Roberts, then as the official driver for Ron and then as the official driver for Rhodri. Les could give us the best anecdote ever in terms of who he had in the back of the cab…

Lest anyone think that I have a problem with Ron and others mentioned on this blog because they are gay and I am conflating gay men with child abusers, I don’t and I’m not. The problem that I have tried to highlight on this blog is that a number of the people discussed have used prostitutes – male and female – who were coerced into that business whilst they were kids in care and to coerce them into sex work those kids were subjected to very great cruelty at the hands of serious criminals. If sex workers are consenting adults who have not been coerced into that work I don’t consider what they are doing or who their customers are to be anyone else’s business. Despite some of the scare stories, the best research into sex work has shown that there is a contingent of prostitutes who are adults with agency, fully in control and who conduct business discreetly and safely. Many of them have actually worked as nurses and furthermore prostitution among nurses is a good deal more common than anyone likes to admit. Sadly there are also people who have been forced into prostitution – ironically by the sort of nurses who worked for Dafydd – and who most definitely need protecting and rescuing.

The people discussed on this blog do not have track records of being honest and transparent and they all try to portray themselves as having only ever conducted relationships with consenting adults, even when that most definitely is not true. Ron may have become notorious for cottaging at the Castle Gate or for picking up Boogie on Clapham Common, but before he became an MP Ron was an advisor for Mid-Glamorgan Education Authority whilst everybody in Mid-Glamorgan Education Authority ignored serious complaints about drama teacher John Owen sexually abusing his pupils (see post ‘Yet More Inglorious Bastards’).

In north Wales there was a Mafia code of silence regarding the activities of the paedophile gang – partly because some people were terrified of them but partly because everybody was covering the arses of their friends and relatives and that technique was also used to secure themselves jobs, promotions and, in later life, pensions.

Consider just this alone. Ron worked as a tutor-organiser for the WEA, taking over from Neil Kinnock in 1970 when the Windbag was elected to Parliament. Rhodri Morgan also worked for the WEA in south Wales, 1963-65. When they were young, Rhodri and the Windbag shared a house. Rhodri and the Windbag spent many enjoyable years campaigning together. Wayne David, who succeeded Ron as Labour MP for Caerphilly, also worked for the WEA in south Wales, starting in that role in 1985. Like Ron, Wayne was a teacher who trained at Cardiff University. I could continue…

Were any of this lot, a bunch of not very bright people who scraped their way into universities – usually in south Wales – and somewhere along the way developed a massive sense of entitlement and fancied themselves as Cabinet Ministers or even PMs, ever going to grass each other up? They saw the way that many other people in Wales lived and that was certainly not for them. No matter how many of them banged on about the forefathers going down the pit, most of them had never got their hands dirty themselves. Glenys Kinnock has never been near a pit in her life, she lives a millionaire’s life between London and Europe and her daughter-in-law is PM of Denmark. Pretty good for a school teacher from Holyhead whose home town suffers from severe disadvantage and was host to a paedophile gang. Never mind the Castle Gate, Ron Davies could probably have gone cottaging in the middle of John Lewis’s in Cardiff on a Saturday afternoon and no-one would have said a word.

Alun Davies, the corrupt NHS manager in north Wales who constantly tried to have me imprisoned, didn’t come from north Wales. Davies was from the Rhondda…

Ron’s wife – now ex-wife – Christina Rees, the Labour MP for Neath, is a barrister. Her wiki entry is incredibly brief and talks about her school days and love of sport.

‘We didn’t know.’

After Ron fell from grace on Clapham Common a few people from south Wales who didn’t have ambitions to become PM but who didn’t dare identify themselves in the press, admitted that they did know, that indeed ‘everyone knew’ about Ron and furthermore that he was a vindictive aggressive bastard whom a lot of people didn’t dare cross.

Ron resigned as Secretary of State for Wales after Boogie, but he didn’t resign as an MP. In fact Ron put up quite a fight. His first strategy was to make a speech in the House about the violence that he had suffered at the hands of his father as a child. Which is sad but Ron is by no means alone in having had that happen to him. This was followed by Ron coming out as bisexual. Then Ron claimed to have some interesting psychiatric problem which involved him seeking out ‘risky situations’ – for which he was of course ‘receiving help’.

If Ron was paying good money to attend Dafydd’s sex therapy clinic it wasn’t very effective because in 2003 Ron was caught in another risky situation in a well known cruising and dogging spot. Ron’s story was that he was looking for badgers.

At no point did Ron simply say ‘I’m gay, now sod off because it’s no-one else’s business but mine’.

It was after he was photographed looking for badgers that Ron stepped down as MP for Caerphilly. However, Rhodri’s book explains that Ron did not go quietly.

It was the Chairman of the Party, Brian Curtis, who was left to ensure that the Labour Party divested itself of Ron by persuading Ron to pull out of the candidacy for Caerphilly before the 2003 General Election election. Ron had recently bought an expensive house on a mortgage and he refused to stand down unless his PPI to cover his mortgage payments could be activated. Rhodri states that  Jessica Morden, the General Secretary of the Labour Party, was ‘unhappy’ about providing the letter of cover to Ron’s bank – Ron needed a letter saying that he’d been forced to resign his candidacy to prevent accusations from the bank that he’d voluntarily left his job. Ron only stood down once he knew that the insurance on his mortgage was secured.

Rhodri tells us that ‘Jessica did what she had to do because it was absolutely necessary in the reputational interest of the Labour Party’.

Rhodri believing that this was sufficient to save the reputation of the Labour Party reminds me of a document that the former Chair of the North West Wales NHS Trust Elfed Roberts wrote when he got wind of Edwina Hart’s plan to abolish the Trust. Elfed memorably wrote that ‘the Trust must be seen to be beyond reproach at this crucial time’. How did Elfed and his colleague Martin Jones the CEO of the Trust ensure that the Trust was seen to be ‘beyond reproach’ at that crucial time? Well in the face of the rising toll of patient and staff suicides, Elfed and Martin refused to investigate any patient complaints, sent an extract from my medical records to a senior member of staff in Bangor University, rang various other colleagues of mine and told them that I was dangerous, intimidated a number of people who had witnessed what was happening to me and who had made statements about it and then had me arrested on the grounds that I had pink hair and had laughed at Elfed’s car and called it a penismobile.

Elfed and Martin seemed unaware that they had become famous as a result of their attempts to be seen to be beyond reproach at a crucial time. No wonder that Edwina carried out her plan to abolish them. Then Edwina stood for the leadership of the Labour Party in Wales and during the leadership debates the topic of anti-social behaviour was discussed. A lady in the audience asked how the candidates were going to tackle anti-social behaviour among young people. Edwina responded by saying that it wasn’t only young people who were capable of anti-social behaviour. I and the person whom I was watching this with were howling with laughter because we suspected that Edwina might have well have been thinking of two particularly unhinged NHS senior managers in north west Wales…

 

What Rhodri doesn’t explain is what Ron Davies was doing buying an expensive house on a mortgage when he knew that everyone was trying to get rid of him – and why did Ron bother to buy PPI, everyone knew by then that the buggers never pay up. Was Ron expecting perhaps to not only be in need of PPI but confident that he would be able to get them to cough up?

What happened to Jessica, who just did what she had to do? (Dafydd used to say that on the rare occasions that he was actually put on the spot and asked why he had broken the law. ‘I just did what I had to do’ would always be accompanied with Dafydd’s claim that ‘I found myself in this bizarre situation’. Yes, with a load of abducted victims of a paedophile ring imprisoned in a dungeon at the North Wales Hospital…)

Jessica Morden was well rewarded for doing what she had to do to save the reputation of the Labour Party ie. ensure that Ron bagged an expensive house in return for not standing again as the Labour MP for Caerphilly. Jessica was accepted as the Labour candidate for Newport East and became the MP for that constituency in 2005. Jessica was selected by the use of an all woman shortlist. No-one could accuse Blair of parachuting Jessica into south Wales though. Not only had Jessica been the General Secretary of Welsh Labour, but in 1991 she worked for Huw Edwards, Labour MP for Monmouth and she then worked for Llew Smith, Labour MP for Blaenau Gwent, 1992-95.

So Jessica had been around quite long enough to not know about Ron cottaging at the Castle Gate.

Llew Smith was also elected as the MEP for South Wales East in 1984. He stood down in 1994 – and made way for one Glenys Kinnock!

Huw Edwards succeeded the Monmouth seat from the Tory MP Sir John Stradling Thomas after Sir John was found dead in his Dolphin Square flat. Readers who follow the comments section of my blog will remember how often Richard Card has commented on the death of Sir John. Sir John had been expressing concern about the allegations of Westminster figures being involved in child abuse and was believed to be about to speak publicly and possibly name some of those alleged to be involved. He was found dead hours before he was due to speak.

Children trafficked for sex from the Ty’r Felin children’s home in Bangor were taken to Dolphin Square (see post ‘Are You Local?’). One of the community social workers employed on the Maesgeirchan estate on which Ty’r Felin was located was Meri Huws – Meri is alleged to be a former bedfellow of Rhodri Morgan (see post ‘People With Energy’).

Jessica got her chance at Newport East after Alan Howarth, the sitting MP, was elevated to the Lords by Blair. Howarth became famous when he crossed the floor. He was the Tory MP for Stratford-upon-Avon, after being elected in 1983. In 1995 he defected to Labour, was selected for Newport East and subsequently became a Minister in Blair’s Gov’t. Howarth was dropped from the Gov’t in 2001, after the Waterhouse Report had been published and the claims that it was a massive cover-up had been silenced, at least temporarily.

Howarth was an unlikely defector to New Labour. He had been a hard right Tory, a founder member of the Thatcherite No Turning Back group. Early in his career, Howarth had worked in the Conservative Party Chairman’s office under Willie Whitelaw – who spent many years in many capacities concealing the abuse of children and mental health patients in north Wales. Then Howarth became Director of the Conservative Research Department and Party Vice-Chairman. Matthew Parris used to work in the Conservative Research Department and claimed that there was a senior member of staff there who used to go cruising for young men on London buses. Parris also maintained that every summer, a group of male staff from that Dept would take a holiday at a place in Italy known as the ‘Villa of Shame’ where they were supplied with ‘boys who were always willing’.

What possible use could Blair have made of Howarth in 1995 when Howarth defected – whilst demands for a public inquiry into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal had been followed by Nicola Davies QC reviewing the paperwork to see whether a public inquiry should be held? Nicola found that the paperwork of the North Wales Police relating to the abuse of children was missing from 1989 onwards. There’s a surprise.

Howarth crossed the floor on 8 Oct 1995. Peter Morrison had been conveniently found dead three months before and now Nicola Davies QC and Secretary of State for Wales William Hague just had to work out how to rig the Public Inquiry into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal that people were demanding.

On the eve of the 1997 General Election the Labour MP for Ogmore, 1979-01, Sir Ray Powell told an interesting tale about two of his Blairite colleagues. He alleged that Mandelson and Ron Davies offered him a peerage if he gave up his seat in the Commons for Alan Howarth, the Conservative who had crossed the floor to join the Labour Party (see post ‘News From Sicily’)…

 

The political career of Ron Davies didn’t finish once he’d secured his upmarket house.  In 2004 he resigned from the Labour Party claiming that they were all a bit incompetent in the Welsh Labour Party. Ron then joined the new Forward Wales Party and stood for election as an MEP. In 2007 he stood for election to the Assembly – as an Independent – for Caerphilly. In 2008 Ron was back on Caerphilly County Borough Council – where he had begun his career decades previously. He held the Economic Development and Urban Regeneration portfolio, originally as an Independent but later actively supported the ruling Plaid group on the Council. In recent years there has been an ongoing scandal at Caerphilly County Borough Council involving financial mismanagement on a huge scale. There has been a criminal investigation which found serious wrongdoing but it was decided to proceed no further with the investigation because of the cost of the investigation. So it rather looks as though some of Ron’s colleagues have made off with hundreds of thousands of pounds of public money and they will not be held to account.

Ron joined Plaid in 2010 and has since stood as a Plaid candidate in three elections.

 

Rhodri explained in his memoir that he was sympathetic to politicians who stood accused of involvement in sex scandals as a result of his own experience. At one time a ‘Top Welsh Tory’ put it around that Rhodri had been cautioned for picking up prostitutes in the Cardiff docks area. A full apology to Rhodri was issued and a donation to charity was made after Rhodri approached the Tory Party Chairman at the time for help. That Chairman was Dr Brian Mawhinney, now Lord Mawhinney.

Mawhinney was a Tory MP, 1979-05 and concealed the wrongdoing of Dafydd and the paedophiles whilst he was Minister of State for Health, 1992-94. Mawhinney was PPS to Tom King, 1984-86, whilst King was Secretary of State for NI and then held Ministerial positions in the N Ireland Office between 1986-92. So Mawhinney knows all about Kincora.

Mawhinney’s brother Richard is a lawyer who is married to Patricia Scotland QC. Patsy’s big break was representing the Welsh Office at the Waterhouse Inquiry – she was given a peerage during the Inquiry. Patsy never looked back, she has gone from high office to high office, despite being embroiled in scandal and dogged by allegations of improper conduct wherever she goes. When Patsy was given the brief for the Waterhouse Inquiry her brother-in-law Brian was a member of the Cabinet.

Details of Patsy’s network of paedophiles’ friends can be read in posts ‘Baroness Patricia Scotland QC Was On Board As Well!’, ‘More On Baroness Patricia Scotland QC – And Her Very Sleazy Friends’ and ‘Even More About Baroness Patricia Scotland QC’.

Brian Mawhinney was Chair of the Tory Party, 1995-97. Which was just when everyone was dealing with the very tricky problem of Dafydd, the paedophile gang, the demands for a public inquiry and then the setting up of the rigged Waterhouse Inquiry. Mawhinney became Chairman of the Party on the last day of David Hunt’s tenure as Secretary of State for Wales. Peter Morrison was found dead eight days later.

I would imagine that the Tories were in such deep shit during Mawhinney’s time as Chairman of the Party that they would be very vulnerable indeed to approaches by angry Labour politicians who claimed to have been the subject of baseless rumours circulated by the Tory Party. Mawhinney might have been so worried that he could have even resorted to apologising to Labour MPs who perhaps really had been cautioned for kerb crawling around Cardiff docks.

Rhodri stood accused at some point between 5 July 1995 – 11 June 1997. Which was when the patients in north Wales were being left destitute and dead after their day centre had been closed down and when such strenuous efforts were being made to have me banged up in a secure unit.

 

As for other news recently. Professor Nick Hardwick, the Chairman of the Parole Board (see post ‘Inside Information About A Hergest Unit Death’), has stated that if details are released about Top Doctors who serve on the Parole Board, the Top Doctors would be at risk of coming under attack on social media. Did Nick perhaps have in mind recent blog posts of mine in which I mentioned that Professor Robert Bluglass and Drs Colin Berry and David Mawson all served on the Parole Board after Bluglass and Berry actively concealed the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles and David Mawson just politely failed to mention it when faced with the evidence?

Southern Health have been fined £2 million after the HSE mounted a prosecution against them in the wake of the deaths of Connor Sparrowhawk and another patient. This is substantially the result of the efforts of Connor’s mum Dr Sara Ryan who has worked very hard since Connor’s death to expose massive failures at Southern as well as the deaths of hundreds of patients which were never investigated. Sara has been subjected to the usual that anyone complaining about serious failings in the NHS can expect – she was described as ‘toxic’ by the Top Doctor whose negligence and dishonesty resulted in Connor’s death, she received an anonymous insulting call from a member of staff at Southern, the son of a senior NHS manager sent out a tweet describing her as a ‘fucking pest’ and then she was insulted all over again when she gave evidence at a GMC fitness to practice hearing.

Sara feels a sense of satisfaction now. I am not underestimating what Sara has achieved, but no-one involved in Connor’s death – or indeed in the deaths of the hundreds of other patients who were slaughtered by Southern – have lost their jobs. They are all still practising. The £2 million fine will be paid by Southern from its vast budget of public money. It will be given to the British state’s coffers. It was the British state who allowed Southern to kill patients. I would not be surprised if as a result of being fined £2 million, Southern now put in a plea for some special source of extra money from the Gov’t on the grounds that they are short of cash. They’ll get it as well.

The statements made by Southern yesterday were cut n pasted from the usual NHS template. ‘We’ve failed’. ‘This will be a catalyst for change.’ Just like all the other deaths were going to be a catalyst for change. As indeed was the conviction of the mass murderer Harold Shipman. So that’s why no-one been struck off in the wake of the genocide at Southern.

There is only one thing that will be a catalyst for change in the NHS – people who have abused or killed their patients being escorted out of their offices in handcuffs and then put on trial.

 

 

The Newcastle-Upon-Tyne Connection?

My post ‘A UK Network’ speculated upon possible connections between north Wales and the north east of England. I described how I suspect that the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal did Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends in north Wales a very big favour by muddying the waters just at the very time when Alison Taylor, Mary Wynch and I were writing to politicians, Ministers and others regarding the criminal activities of welfare professionals in north Wales. At the time I didn’t realise that what I was witnessing and experiencing was a direct result of the paedophile ring in north Wales and I don’t think that Mary did, but Alison was of course a children’s social worker for Gwynedd Social Services who was blowing the whistle on the abuse happening in the children’s homes.

‘A UK Network’ named Dr Neil Davies and Professor Bob Woods as being two senior figures who worked in the mental health services in north Wales for years who had both previously worked in Newcastle-Upon-Tyne. Neil Davies read medicine at Cambridge and then worked in Newcastle, Bob Woods did his clinical psychology training in Newcastle and worked there afterwards. Bob Woods had also worked at the Institute of Psychiatry before moving to Bangor. Neil Davies was a Consultant Psychiatrist in north Wales (he has now retired) and Professor Bob Woods is a Clinical Psychologist who for many years ran the Clinical Psychology training at Bangor University, working in partnership with the mental health services in north Wales. Bob Woods is Professor of Old Age Psychology at Bangor University and specialises in dementia and Alzheimers.

Neil Davies was for many years a Consultant Psychiatrist in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh – I met him whilst Dafydd unlawfully imprisoned me there in the winter of 1986/87. My post ‘How I Arrived At Denbigh’ details the entries that Neil Davies made upon my medical records in 1986 after being confronted by a nurse who told him that she was most unhappy about being implicated in Dafydd’s illegal activities and the ‘deal’ that he had done with a corrupt policeman at Bangor Police Station, a Superintendent Roberts. Davies reassured her that it wasn’t actually her who was breaking the law or participating in the ‘deal’ (that was the word that Davies actually used on my medical records), all she had to do was to refuse to let me out of the locked ward where I was being unlawfully held.

I met Neil Davies again some years ago. He was then a Consultant at the Ablett Unit, Ysbyty Glan Clwyd. I went to see him after my lawyer had conducted a battle for more than a year to get me an appointment at the Ablett Unit, so that I would never have to risk my neck with the dreadful Hergest Unit again. The North West Wales NHS Trust had simply ignored my lawyer’s repeated requests – I don’t know why, because they hated me and the lethal Dr Tony Roberts of the Hergest Unit had made it clear that I could die before I’d receive any support, but no, they just couldn’t find it within them to refer me elsewhere. After a very long battle and my lawyer pointing out repeatedly that denying me care was simply illegal (although breaking the law has never bothered the north Wales mental health services), I did receive an appointment to see Neil Davies.

I remembered Neil Davies from the North Wales Hospital, but when I went to see him we didn’t mention meeting there, although I presumed that he did remember me. When I went to see him at the Ablett, I hadn’t yet gained access to the records that he’d written at Denbigh years earlier, so I knew nothing about these written confessions of illegal incarceration and deals with corrupt police officers. At the Ablett, Neil Davies was very chatty and pleasant – people always find Neil Davies chatty and pleasant, he is not conspicuously deranged like Dafydd – and we actually spent most of the time discussing my publications. I only saw Neil Davies I think about three times when I gave up again – dear old Tony Roberts reared his ugly head once more, throwing hissy fits and ordering junior doctors at the Ablett not to treat me no less, because I was ‘his’ patient, not Neil Davies’s. God knows what was going on, I just gave up with them at that point.

Last year however my lawyer forwarded yet more records to me, including the incriminating records that Neil Davies had compiled at Denbigh. But she also forwarded the records that he had compiled about me when I’d been to see him at the Ablett. I discovered that there had been no official referral. Alun Davies, the corrupt manager of the Hergest Unit, had simply ‘had a word’ with Neil Davies at a meeting about another matter in mid-Wales and asked him if he would see a ‘difficult patient’. I can only imagine what Davies said about me. Furthermore it came as no surprise that there was no appropriate referral – Alun Davies conducts his whole existence on the basis of ‘having a word’ with people (often his corrupt contacts) and if he ever was told that a third party had been critical of the Hergest Unit, his standard response was to bellow ‘I’ll be having a word with them’. He even bellowed that he would be having a word with Edwina Hart the Health Minister when she implemented a policy that he didn’t like.

The records from Neil Davies were illuminating. He had written a letter to my GP after my first appointment mentioning that he’d seen me, but he didn’t realise ‘who she was’ until I started talking about my work. Davies stated that he realised that he ‘knew me by repute’ – presumably he had forgotten completely about the corrupt deal and illegal detention that he had been party to in Denbigh. But then that sort of thing was an everyday occurrence out there.  Now when Neil Davies said that he knew me by repute, he didn’t mean hat he knew me as an academic. Davies meant that he knew me as the woman who had dared to complain about Jones and Denbigh, the women whom the mental health services had spent years trying to imprison because she was so phenomenally dangerous but who had recently completed a PhD and was now appearing in the press commenting about the failing mental health system. I even found copies of some of my academic papers among Davies’s records relating to me (good to know that you thought they were worth keeping Neil!). Davies’s letters to my GP didn’t mention me being a potential axe murderer as most of the correspondence about me usually did, but interestingly he talked about me being a ‘very disordered personality’ (yeh, that’s how I am such a prolific writer Neil, when you’re as mad and as disordered as me you can write even more publications than anyone else). Interestingly enough, in support of his claims of my ‘disordered personality’, the only thing that Davies managed to dredge up was that I had just broken up with someone after a ‘brief relationship’. The brief relationship in question had lasted nine years. Which I think is longer than any of Dafydd’s serial marriages lasted…

What was most telling though was the copy of Neil Davies’s hand-written notes that my lawyer forwarded. At the top of the first sheet of the ‘contemporaneous notes’ that he made during my first appointment with him, Neil Davies had written ‘DAJ issue’. ‘DAJ’ in north Wales psychiatry ALWAYS translates as ‘Dafydd Alun Jones’. In the Hergest Unit, Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) even used to say ‘DAJ’ rather than utter Dafydd’s name. So although we didn’t mention Dafydd during our meeting and although no letter had ever been sent to Davies telling him that when I was younger I had made complaint about Dafydd, he knew that there was a DAJ issue. He also considered it to be so overwhelmingly important that it was the first thing that he wrote down. In doctor speak. Not mentioned again in any official correspondence. Which sums it up really – are you a prolific academic with an out-patients appointment after you happened to have ended a nine year relationship? Well of course you have a ‘disordered personality’ – because you’re the bastard who complained about Dafydd breaking the law and sexually exploiting patients 25 years ago and we know you ‘by repute’.

I have never heard any allegations at all that Neil Davies sexually exploited patients. But he knew all about Dafydd and my records demonstrate that he colluded with Dafydd’s criminality. For all his pleasant manner, Neil Davies’s remedy was the same as everyone else’s – this patient must be discredited…

I have never had any dealings at all with Professor Bob Woods, although I know a number of people who have. However he has been working in north Wales for long enough to be well aware of the history and practices of the mental health services. Although his CV boasts of his status as one of the UK’s leading lights in dementia and Alzheimers, he also works in ‘partnership’ with the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board which was responsible for the abuse and neglect at Tawel Fan, a dementia ward in the Ablett Unit. Tawel Fan was the worst mental health care scandal that the UK had experienced for many years (see post ‘The Tawel Fan Scandal’).

I mentioned in my post ‘The Case Of The King’s Sperm’ that one of the friends and protégés of the crazed psychiatrist and eugenicist Eliot Slater – who with his colleagues Dr Carlos Blacker and Dr Desmond Curran discussed the possibility of asking King George VI to donate sperm in order to artificially inseminate a patient of Curran’s – was Professor Sir Martin Roth. Martin Roth died in 2006 and was a very big name in UK psychiatry – he worked in Newcastle and it was there that he achieved his towering reputation. Roth’s speciality was old age psychiatry, particularly dementia and Alzheimers. I suspect that Martin Roth may have been yet another person who’s status and reputation was used to protect those screwing up so badly in the mental health services in north Wales for decades.

Roth was appointed Professor of Psychological Medicine at Newcastle in 1956, whilst Newcastle was still part of the federal Durham University. He stayed there until 1977. He will have been there when both Neil Davies and Bob Woods worked in Newcastle. Roth established units for child psychiatry, neurosis and psycho-geriatrics. His obituaries tell us that ‘he embraced the discipline of clinical psychology within his department’.

By 1959 Roth had an international reputation and was consulted by WHO (World Health Organisation). In the 60s Roth became known for his pioneering dementia research, demonstrating that the problems with a poor prognosis experienced by many elderly people in psychiatric hospitals attributed to senility and dementia were actually a result of treatable conditions eg. depression or infections. Roth instigated studies with Sir Bernard Tomlinson into Alzheimers and it is claimed that as a result of this, ‘patient care was improved’. Roth and his researchers undoubtedly conducted interesting work into the molecular pathology of Alzheimers, but in view of what happened at Tawel Fan and the standard of ‘care’ meted out to thousands of other elderly people with dementia or Alzheimers, I’m not convinced that Roth’s research has led to an improvement in patient care. Some of the recent scandals in the care of the elderly mentally ill have been as bad as the Ely Hospital Scandal in the late 60s.

In 1964 Roth was a member of the Clinical Research Board of the MRC and Director of the MRC Research Group in psychiatry at Newcastle.

Between 1965-75 Martin Roth was an advisor to the Ministry of Health on mental health and was involved with Keith Joseph in Gov’t plans to replace mental hospitals with units in District General hospitals and community care. Roth was said to have ‘expressed concern about the quality and scope of care, which went unheeded’. I have noted previously how when Denbigh was closed, the abusive practitioners who had been employed at Denbigh were simply re-employed in the new services and most of them carried on with their abusive and/or negligent practices. It wasn’t the building at Denbigh which was the problem. But Bob Woods and Neil Davies have never admitted that, at least publicly.

In 1971 Roth was elected as the first President of the newly created Royal College of Psychiatrists.

Roth was knighted in 1972 whilst he was at Newcastle.

After Roth left Newcastle he continued his Alzheimers research at Cambridge, where he was the first Professor of Psychiatry between 1977-85, then Professor Emeritus. Roth was a Fellow of Trinity College Cambridge from 1977.

Roth was considered to have pioneered psychogeriatrics, but he was also described by Professor Claude  Wischik, a former PhD student of his, as being ‘a leading voice for biological psychiatry and was listened to throughout the world’. However Roth also had interests in anxiety, panic attacks and agoraphobia.

Along with Willy Mayer-Goss and Eliot Slater, Roth wrote ‘Clinical Psychiatry’, the standard text until well into the 80s. The first edition was published in the mid-50s, but further editions and revisions were published until 1977. Roth was also responsible for Camdex – the Cambridge Examination for Mental Disorders of the Elderly, published in 1988.

Roth is attributed with having done much work on the diagnosis and classification of mental disorders and it is said that it was Roth’s work that in the 1970s led to the task of differentiating between the affective disorders. Roth’s obituary in the Daily Telegraph in Oct 2006 maintains that ‘his greatest contribution lay in his emphasis on categorisation, on clinical diagnosis, on the formulation of reliable and objective systems for describing psychopathology’. How successful were Roth’s efforts? According to the obituary of Roth written by Claude Wischik, Roth emphasised a ‘quantitative scientific approach using mathematics, genetics, experimental biology and physics’. His ‘perceptions were enshrined…in definitions of distinctive forms of illness captured in DSM [the American Psychiatric Association Diagnostic and Statistics Manual] and ICD [WHO’s International Classification of Disease]’.

I’m not quite sure where Claude has witnessed maths, genetics, experimental biology and physics being utilised in the diagnosis of mental health problems but I have certainly never seen it happening and I don’t know of any other patient who has. What I and most other people I have known observed was diagnoses being made after short superficial interviews and cases of numerous patients receiving a number of different diagnoses over a period of time. Dr Tony Roberts only had one diagnosis – borderline personality disorder. Dafydd only had one diagnosis for private patients – PTSD. Other diagnoses from Dafydd depended upon what was convenient for his purposes at that particular moment – over the course of a few months he told people that I had paranoid schizophrenia, a process psychosis, a disturbed personality disorder and then told me that I had manic depressive insanity. Two years later, after I had complained about him, he agreed with Professor Robert Bluglass that I was criminally insane. Which mathematical equations and laws of physics they used to make those diagnoses I do not know – there are no references to maths and physics on any medical notes of mine. Or even experimental biology and genetics. Whenever I have read DSM I have seen no references to the equations and physics necessary to make any of the diagnoses detailed within. I suspect that all of the psychiatry that I encountered was actually predicated on the Neil Davies methodology ie. ‘DAJ issue’ being the most important symptom to be taken into account.

During Roth’s career, psychiatry did of course come under attack and Roth defended psychiatry against its critics, the most famous of that time being R.D. Laing, Thomas Szasz and Ivan Illich. Roth challenged Szasz’s view that ‘psychiatry merely provides a police and custodial service on behalf of the socio-political establishment to deal with deviancy’. I have to contradict Roth – in north Wales, that is exactly what psychiatry did and Neil Davies and Bob Woods knew it. Critics of Szasz, including Roth, maintain that mental illness is ‘real’ and the problem is how to help. That is perfectly true – I witnessed numerous people in north Wales who were deeply distressed, who were suicidal, who were so clinically depressed that they could not talk, walk any distance or look after themselves or who were living with serious psychotic symptoms. But whether they received ‘care’ or ‘treatment’ and what ‘care’ or ‘treatment’ (or diagnosis) they received had far less to do with their symptoms or degree of distress than the vendettas being conducted against anyone who dared complain about Dafydd and the paedophiles. People were undoubtedly often left to die if they had dared cross the path of those we know and love. A common pattern was incarceration in the North Wales Hospital (when it was still in operation) and if that didn’t shut someone up it was transfer to Risley Remand Centre/prison/secure psychiatric unit, all the way up to the level of Broadmoor/Ashworth/Rampton if necessary. It is clear from my records that this was the course planned for me. Not because I’d assaulted anyone, committed violent offences etc – but because I had complained about Dafydd, Gwynne the lobotomist and Tony Francis (Dr X). This was also the path followed by so many of the children in care in north Wales who were abused by the paedophile ring. There really was no correlation with any degree of illness. After Denbigh closed, the solution was to fail to provide any care and support or indeed basics such as housing and disability benefits, whilst harassing and threatening the patient and then to stand back and wait for them to turn up dead sooner or later.

Professor Anthony Clare interviewed Thomas Szasz on ‘In The Psychiatrist’s Chair’ many years ago and accused Szasz of cruelty in failing to recognise the suffering caused by mental illness – Szasz became very angry with Clare for trying to colonise the moral high ground. Szasz’s ideas certainly can be used to justify cruelty – the Arfon Community Mental Health Team used to quote Szasz when they justified abandoning their clients to suicide – but Dafydd et al have had a ball with conventional psychiatry. Except that of course when it suited them, they started quoting Laing and Szasz…

As for Ivan Illich, Roth claimed that he was ‘a brooding presence in night, like a dysfunctional lighthouse, emitting shafts of darkness to confuse unwary travellers’. Unwary travellers were confused far more by Dafydd facilitating a paedophile ring whilst utilising a network of psychiatrists across the UK – some of them being of international stature – to ensure that he was never held to account (let alone stopped) and that anyone who challenged him was ruined.

I note with some irony that Roth wrote about the use of psychiatry to silence Soviet dissidents…

Roth’s Daily Telegraph obituary maintained that ‘Roth never lost his sympathy for the individual patient or his awareness of the reality of his or her suffering’. I never met Martin Roth, he may have been an excellent, compassionate doctor. However, at least two who had worked in his empire at Newcastle ignored a great deal of suffering indeed…

In 2006 Roth’s former student Claude Wischik noted that ‘the times of vast psychiatric institutions housing populations in excess of 1000 souls in varying degrees of torment and hopelessness are still etched in the collective social consciousness and their residue lives on in the stigma which is still so often attached to mental illness’. I would argue that rather than stigma arising from the population’s collective memory of asylums, it arises from psychiatrists telling third parties that people are ‘criminally insane’ or ‘extremely dangerous’ or indeed merely ‘disordered personalities’ because of a ‘DAJ issue’ many years ago…

In terms of it’s status as a profession, it seems that psychiatry has a lot to be grateful to Martin Roth for. Not only was he the first President of the Royal College of Psychiatrists, but his ‘expert early nurture’ was instrumental in it’s ‘robust growth’ into the powerful institution with political muscle that it is today.

Like all medical institutions that want to be taken seriously, the Royal College of Psychiatrists has a very grand office – it is situated in Belgravia. It was Martin Roth who assisted with the acquisition of this very upmarket building. Roth’s Times obituary explains that there was great difficulty in raising the money for the ‘splendid late-Georgian town house, 17 Belgravia Square SW1’, but with the ‘persuasive wiles of Roth, the influence of Lord Goodman and a very substantial gift from the charitable Trust of Marks & Spencer, it was done’. My first thought was what fiddle had Marks & Spencer been involved in, particularly as Arnold Goodman – Harold Wilson’s solicitor who was widely believed to have been a crook – played a role. Lord Goodman acted as legal advisor to Jeremy Thorpe after Thorpe was charged with conspiracy to murder and incitement to kill.

But I have found another article concerning the acquisition of 17 Belgravia Square by the Royal College of Psychiatrists, explaining that the building cost £750,000 (at early 1970s prices) and that ‘the money had to be borrowed and substantial amounts of interest paid’, although there was ‘additional help from generous sponsors’.

So how did a fledgling organisation ever raise and repay that money? £750k was a very great deal of dosh in the early 1970s – 17 Belgravia Square nestles among the residences of relatives of the Royal family. Much of Belgravia is of course owned by one particular relative of the Royal Family – the Duke of Westminster. The Duke of Westminster in the early 70s was Gerald Cavendish Grosvenor, Prince Charles’s mate – who is now dead – but was the President of the City of Chester Conservative Association when Sir Peter Morrison was MP for Chester and molesting boys in care in north Wales (see post ‘I Want Serious Money Now Please’). Gerald Cavendish also had a claim on St George’s Hospital Medical School – who concealed Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends’ wrongdoing – because his family provided the money for the charitable Trust which founded St George’s (see post ‘Running The Country – And All That Jazz’).

Not that setting up shop in a palatial building in the poshest part of London was ever what Roth and the Royal College wanted – Roth explained that ‘we didn’t chose to go to a fashionable place but we couldn’t find any other’. Presumably there were no tin sheds in Basildon available when Roth and the Royal College of Psychiatrists went looking for office space, so they were dragged kicking and screaming into Belgravia.

Martin Roth was made a Fellow of the Royal Society in 1996, one of only three psychiatrists ever to have been given such an honour (one of the others was Sigmund Freud).

In his obituary in the British Journal of Psychiatry in April 2007, Roth was described as ‘the most respected and most successful psychiatrist of his generation’. Roth studied medicine at St Mary’s Paddington and although nearly every article available about him stresses his Messianic qualities, his deep compassion for his patients, his inspirational role as a teacher and a scientist, a Special Article in the British Journal of Psychiatry April 2007, ‘Sir Martin Roth: An Appreciation’, explains that Roth stated that his decision to embark upon a career in medicine arose out of ‘the necessity to qualify at something I could make a living at’.

My suspicions that two of the north Wales contingent passing through Roth’s empire helped ensure that the wrongdoing on their patch was concealed in the same way that Dafydd’s stint under Bob Hobson at the Maudsley ensured that no-one ever fessed up to exactly what Dafydd was doing lest the reputation of Hobson took a tumble, were fuelled by a comment of Claude Wischik, Professor of Geratology at Aberdeen, after Roth’s death. Claude observed that he was the last of the ‘Roth-Mafia’, the Professors of Psychiatry trained and inspired by Roth. That’s the problem with medicine – it really does operate as a Mafia, with a network that no-one is allowed to leave or dishonour. If you do, you’ll be sleeping with the fishes. Who ever was going to admit that two of those who had trained at the knee of one of ‘the most successful and most respected psychiatrist of his generation’ were working with old Dafydd who was colluding with organised crime? Far easier to perpetuate the myth that they’re all ’eminent’ up there in north Wales – although for some reason for donkeys years that quiet rural region had a terrifyingly high suicide rate…

 

Martin Roth was a lifelong friend of Eliot Slater – he who suggested procuring the King’s sperm – and they co-authored together. One account of Roth’s career states that Roth met Eliot Slater when he went to work at the Maudsley, but another account states that Slater invited Roth to come to work at the Maudsley with him. The lack of clarity could be significant because although Roth did work at the Maudsley after he qualified, things did not go smoothly and he left prematurely.

My post ‘The Case Of The King’s Sperm’ provided some details of Slater’s unpleasant notions and running mates. Slater was not simply ‘a man of his time’, he clung on to his fondness for lobotomy long after it had become discredited and when he was younger he had worked with Ernst Rudin, the architect of Hitler’s eugenic sterilization policies. Slater was an enthusiastic eugenicist who worked at the Maudsley/Institute of Psychiatry for decades. He will have been there when Dafydd ‘trained’ at the Maudsley.

Roth credited Slater with being ‘the greatest influence on his intellectual development, firing him with a conviction that scientific method could be used to elucidate clinical psychiatric problems’. Roth was ‘impressed by the scientific integrity and precision of Eliot Slater’s writings’.

Slater went to work at the Maudsley as Senior Registrar to Professor Sir Aubrey Lewis. The Maudsley was considered to be the ‘Mecca of academic psychiatry in the UK’.  One toadying commentator stated that Slater and Lewis were ‘both intellectual titans’ but ‘proved to be incompatible’. Slater himself stated of Aubrey Lewis: ‘at first I was impressed but later I found he poured jars of cold water on people, some of whom gave splendid presentations’. Whether Slater is referring to real or metaphorical jars of cold water I do not know – this lot were so crazy and so arrogant that they would have quite capable of drenching one another when lecturing. Whatever was going on, Slater felt that he had no option other than to leave the Maudsley after only two years. In his own words ‘I felt unhappy and it was clear that I had no future there’.

Aubrey Lewis was yet another mad eugenicist – he died in 1975. He was born in Australia and qualified as a doctor from the University of Adelaide. He then carried out some anthropological work on Aborigines – it can be assumed that was probably quite unsavoury. He arrived at the Maudsley in 1928 and became Clinical Director in 1936. Lewis was a member of the Eugenics Society and contributed to a 1934 volume ‘The Chances of Morbid Inheritance’, edited by Carlos Blacker (another psychiatrist who was in hot pursuit of the King’s sperm, along with Slater). This book has been described as being ‘remarkable for its total admiration for the German work and workers, including Ernst Rudin’. The ‘German work’ was of course all that eugenic thought that so influenced Hitler and which he put into practice…

In 1946 the Maudsley was designated the Institute of Psychiatry, under the auspices of the University of London. Aubrey Lewis was appointed to the inaugural Chair of Psychiatry at the Institute, which he held until his retirement in 1966. Aubrey’s wiki entry proudly reproduces a quote that stated that it is ‘said that the flowering of British psychiatry after World War II can be attributed to three things: a long humanitarian tradition, the NHS and Aubrey Lewis’.

‘Humanitarian tradition’ is not a phrase that one readily associates with these unhinged adherents to the ideology which excited the Nazis so much. If British psychiatry did any flowering following World war II it could probably be best compared to the blooming of Amorphophallus titanium aka the Corpse Flower, a plant with a giant bloom that smells of rotting flesh.

The Maudsley is nothing if not good at promoting itself. Aubrey Lewis was credited with attracting ‘many of the most promising medical graduates from around the world’. So that’s how Dafydd found himself entering through their doors then.

Aubrey Lewis was a member of the Advisory Committee on Medical Research of WHO.

Lewis had a most effective PR man who worked with him, a psychiatrist called Michael Shepherd, who died in 1995. Shepherd worked with Roth. Shepherd notes that Lewis had an ‘austere appearance’, which was captured in portraits which some people stated made him look ‘mean’. Shepherd however was able to confirm that this was deceiving, Aubrey was a lovely old buffer.

Michael Shepherd was yet another towering figure in British psychiatry – the Maudsley churned them out – who was born in and went to school in Cardiff no less. Shepherd started working in psychiatry at the Maudsley in 1947 and in 1956 joined the staff of the Institute of Psychiatry as a Senior Lecturer. In 1961 he became a Reader at the Institute and in 1967 he was appointed to the Chair of Epidemiological Psychiatry, yet another world first. Shepherd was also a Consultant Psychiatrist at the Maudsley – he spent his whole career at the Maudsley/Institute of Psychiatry except for 1955-56, which he spent at John Hopkins University, Baltimore. So Shepherd will have been another giant who was at the Maudsley when dear old Dafydd ‘trained’ there.

Shepherd was a Founding Fellow of the Royal College of Psychiatrists in 1971. Who knows, perhaps he contributed to the palace in Belgravia for which they had to beg, steal and borrow to fund.

In the late 50s, Shepherd established a GP Research Unit at the Institute of Psychiatry under the auspices of the DHSS. He remained the Director of this Unit until he retired in 1988. Shepherd maintained that the capacity of the mental health services could not be enhanced by an ever-proliferating number of psychiatrists, it could only be enhanced by GPs focussing on the more minor psychiatric problems. Thus Shepherd pressed for better support and training for GPs, rather than more resources for psychiatry which certainly pissed a lot of his psychiatrist colleagues off. Shepherd himself stressed the interpersonal and social aspects of a case and left the epidemiological studies to his team of young researchers.

Enhancing the role of GPs, emphasising the interpersonal and the social – are we talking about a human being for once among all the lobotomising eugenicists that Dafydd rubbed shoulders with? Probably not – I have only found one patient opinion as opposed to the many colleagues of Shepherd who recorded his splendours – the patient spoke of Shepherds ‘chillingly superior glance’. Yes, that probably summed up the extent of his communication skills. ‘You’re a piece of shit and of course no-one’s facilitating a paedophile ring or shagging the patients – now let me introduce you to Dr Gwynne Williams and his ice-pick…’

Michael Shepherd devised a classification system which involved identifying the dreadful Aubrey Lewis as a ‘representative psychiatrist’, whom Shepherd seemed to feel embodied all the elements of one who was great and good in that profession.

Shepherd was the founding Editor of ‘Psychological Medicine’, the go-to journal between 1969-93.

There are hints that Shepherd had help in achieving the status of a Colossus. It was observed that ‘it is important to note that he was served by generations of young research workers whose assistance helped him achieve the epidemiological studies for which he is renowned’. His former student the media psychiatrist Anthony Clare stated that Michael Shepherd was ‘without equal’ in his record of ‘selecting and nurturing young men and women who would go on to fill senior academic posts in Britain and throughout the world’. So they did his research for him – although I bet he still put his own name on the publications and he may even have left theirs off – and if they were lucky he ‘selected and nurtured’ them. There’ll be a lot of senior people who owe their careers to Shepherd – and probably a few who had their careers brought to a sharp stop by him as well. Clare explained that Shepherd ‘identified able and committed doctors in Africa, Asia, South America and East Europe on his travels…he often raised funds for their salaries and took a great personal involvement…securing them a foot on the ladder of academic achievement, whilst helping to maintain the Maudsley’s position as one of the world’s great postgrad centres for teaching and research’. So Shepherd had his paws on the purse strings as well then.

Michael Shepherd sounded as though he wielded a great deal of power in post-war psychiatry. No wonder everyone continued to hail the Maudsley as a fine institution, despite the Nazi sympathisers and pursuers of Royal sperm on which its foundations were built. No-one was going to dare admit the monster that was Dafydd had been spawned down there. Presumably Michael Shepherd didn’t ‘select and nurture’ Dafydd – he sent him back to north Wales when he realised what Dafydd was like. I can’t believe that they didn’t notice what Dafydd was like – there’s no way that he went from competent trainee at the Maudsley to lunatic facilitating a paedophile ring and sexually exploiting the patients the minute that he hit home turf. The attitude will have been what it was at St George’s/Springfield – we know what Dafydd is doing but as long as he’s not doing it on our patch we don’t give a damn.

 

As I read about the barking mad deeply unpleasant megalomaniacs at the Maudsley, I was struck by how many of them were described as highly cultured men, who loved arts and the ballet, literature, poetry and music and who spent much time pursuing such interests – as well as of course being scientific geniuses who overflowed with compassion for the poor wretches who filled their clinics. No I don’t believe it either.

In 1967 a collection of essays and articles by Aubrey Lewis was published. It was called ‘The State of psychiatry’. That State was an absolute disgrace then and it’s no better now.

 

 

 

It’s A Piece Of Cake…

Recently I listened to an interview on the ‘Today’ programme with a very angry Rabbi Laura Janner-Klausner, daughter of the late Lord Greville Janner. Laura was fuming over what she alleged was the smearing of her late father, a Labour politician, whom she described as ‘great and good’. Janner of course has been the centre of a number of allegations that he sexually abused children in Leicestershire and was linked with Frank Beck, a Leicestershire social worker who in 1991 was imprisoned for abusing children in care. Janner and his other daughter Marion, as well as Marion’s ’emotional support dog’ who has also starred on Radio 4, featured in my previous post ‘Sisters Are Indeed Doing It For Themselves…’. Although Laura robustly defended her father maintaining that he was an innocent man targeted by malicious liars, she failed to mention that the reasons why her father wasn’t prosecuted for sexually molesting children were the serial failures of the CPS. Laura maintained that the allegations against Janner caused a deterioration in his Alzheimers and his doctor had confirmed that. Before Janner died there was of course going to be a ‘trial of the facts’ in his case because medical evidence had deemed him unfit to stand trial. Some of that medical evidence was contested in Court. Although Laura fumed away, she also displayed a triumphalist note, stating that her father’s accusers had now dropped their civil cases against his estate. That Laura is just as likely to be down to the fact that your brother is a barrister who made an awful lot of noise about challenging your father’s accusers, than to your father’s accusers being a bunch of liars. Laura is now fighting to have all references to the allegations against her father erased from the Independent Inquiry Into Child Sexual Abuse and she may well be successful, as that Inquiry is falling apart anyway. During her interview Laura expressed some very interesting ideas about the ease of securing a conviction against someone and/or suing them for historical child abuse. According to Laura it’s a pushover – one just makes serious unfounded allegations, one doesn’t even have to appear in Court and hey presto, job done. An innocent peer convicted! She of course made reference to ‘compensation culture’ and assured the listeners that there are lawyers throughout the nation encouraging such claims. I’ve got news for Laura – for most of my adult life I lived in north Wales, the region which saw the worst child abuse scandal in the UK and I never once saw a lawyer begging people to come forward with allegations of abuse. What I did witness though was some of the former residents of the homes where abuse had happened unlawfully detained and discredited by the mental health services, denied care for their very serious distress, repeatedly arrested for ludicrous ‘offences’ and smeared and harassed by the welfare services. A number of people among that group known to me are dead, as are even more people not personally known to me. Some of them were found dead in very suspicious circumstances. The managers of the ‘services’ hosting this abuse were never prosecuted and did not even lose their jobs. Neither did the scores of public servants who knew what was happening but failed to act. Most of the politicians charged with ultimately overseeing those public servants ended up in the House of Lords and may very well have been mates with Greville himself. The one politician whom it is acknowledged was having sex with underage boys and visiting children’s homes in north Wales, Peter Morrison MP, ended up as Sir Peter Morrison and obtained roles as Margaret Thatcher’s Parliamentary Private Secretary and Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party. The children who were abused in those homes, if they managed to stay alive and out of prison, usually ended up living in not very salubrious accommodation on low incomes. They certainly led very different lives to Laura, who went to Cambridge University and is now a regular on the BBC, which gives her a voice denied to people who have been abused whilst in ‘care’. Laura is now writing a book about ‘resilience’ – I wonder who is more resilient, the Cambridge educated daughter of a member of the House of Lords, or someone who spent their childhood being molested by those paid to care for them, denied mental health care for the distress that this caused and was then kicked out into the world at 16 or 17 into substandard accommodation to live on benefits. Now Laura, who do you think has come out of all of this smiling then? Oh and it’s highly unlikely that the kids growing up in care happen to have a barrister in the family to fight their corner either.

The enormities of Laura’s fantasies were impressed upon me in the hours after she gave that interview, when I read the Jillings Report in detail. I have mentioned the Jillings Report previously – it was the first external investigation into child abuse in children’s homes managed by Clwyd County Council and covered the period 1974-1995. The findings of the Report were so damning that the Council’s insurers, Municipal Mutual, on the advice of their lawyers, Browne Jacobson, ordered it never to be made public on the grounds that what had happened was indefensible and everyone involved would be at risk of being sued to such an extent that they would be personally bankrupted. Limited extracts from the Report were made available to a small number of people in 1996 and nearly all copies of the Report were pulped. However, years later, in the wake of constant allegations that the subsequent Waterhouse Report had been a cover-up and that public figures had been involved in a paedophile ring operating in children’s homes in north Wales, someone managed to locate a copy of the Report and it was eventually released, although very heavily redacted, in 2013. Lest Laura Janner-Klauser has actually convinced anyone that it’s a piece of cake for people who have once been in care to make themselves heard when they make allegations that they were sexually abused, I will provide a review of the Jillings Report here – of course I only have a copy of the redacted version, which removed the names of the people most culpable. The version is very heavily redacted at that, pages and pages are blacked out. Nonetheless, what remains is very incriminating indeed.

The Jillings Report was commissioned by Clwyd County Council after a number of their staff had been imprisoned for serious sexual assaults on children in care and it was realised that twelve young people who were former residents of children’s homes in Clwyd had been found dead. The London-based media had started to take an interest in what was happening and allegations of a paedophile ring involving senior public figures were being made. Clwyd County Council could no longer keep a lid on it all, so they commissioned an independent panel led by John Jillings, the former Director of Derbyshire Social Services, to investigate. The other members of the panel consisted of Gerrilyn Smith, a clinical psychologist with much experience in working with survivors of child sexual abuse and Professor Jane Tunstill, a social work academic who had been employed by the University of East Anglia and was then appointed to a Chair at Keele. The panel carried out their investigation between March 1994 and December 1995 – their report was completed in February 1996.

The panel were constrained from the outset. Municipal Mutual refused to allow them to issue a public notice in advance of their investigation lest too many witnesses turned up. The newly appointed Chief Constable of the North Wales Police, Michael Argent, refused to co-operate with them and the police withheld 130 boxes of evidence. The non-co-operation of the police was seen to be significant because there were constant allegations that not only had the police known about the scale of the abuse and failed to act but that some officers themselves had been involved. Gordon Anglesea, a senior officer with the North Wales Police, had famously won a libel case against Private Eye and the Independent in December 1994, after they accused him of abusing children in care. The man who gave evidence that Anglesea had abused him, Mark Humphreys, was found dead on 2 February 1995, after the trial. Anglesea was eventually convicted of child abuse and imprisoned last year, but died a few months after beginning his sentence. Some staff representing other organisations and former staff of Clwyd refused to meet the Jillings panel. The documentation that they received from Clwyd Social Services was incomplete, muddled and frequently unsigned and undated. The panel were obstructed to such a degree that they considered resigning, but persevered because they knew that due to the forthcoming local government re-organisation Clwyd County Council would cease to exist beyond March 1996 and there may well have been no further possibility of an investigation. What they did not know was that Municipal Mutual were going to suppress their report anyway. Municipal Mutual did try and place a number of other constraints upon the panel from the outset, but they fought back against this.

The problems in Clwyd had been attributed to Clwyd providing large residential care facilities that were difficult to manage, that took children from within the county as well as from across Wales and England. There were very serious problems at Bryn Estyn, a former Home Office run approved school in Wrexham, where members of staff had been imprisoned for child abuse. It was said that staff existed who used ‘old methods’ of discipline and ‘found it difficult to adapt to new Department of Health regulations’. Translated this meant that some staff violently assaulted children, punching them in the face, stomach and groin, ordering other older or bigger/tougher children to assault them, ordering children to urinate and defaecate on each other or forcing them to carry out arduous tasks. As well as raping them, sodomising them, groping them and forcing them to perform oral sex with staff. Even if the ‘old fashioned’ staff hadn’t been doing all this, by the 1990s it was accepted that aggregating deprived and troubled young people into large residential establishments, often located in remote rural areas, was inappropriate. Furthermore in many of the homes sexual abuse between the children was endemic, as many of them were victims who had evolved into perpetrators. There were no programmes in existence in Clwyd to address sexual offending by juveniles.

There had been numerous convictions of child care workers in Clwyd. William Mars-Jones had presided over the trial of Jackie Thomas in 1986 (she was convicted of indecent assault on a boy in care) – when in Jan 1987 David Gillison, a former member of staff at Bryn Estyn, was convicted of gross indecency, Mars-Jones requested an inquiry by Clwyd County Council, because it was noted that Thomas and Gillison were linked. Frederick Rutter had worked at Bryn Estyn between 1982 and 1983 and afterwards at other establishments managed by Clwyd Social Services, as well as at the privately owned Bryn Alyn Community (whose owner John Allen was also imprisoned for the sexual abuse of children in care). In 1988 Frederick Rutter was appointed as the warden at Pen-y-Llan hostel, managed by the Clwyd and Alyn Housing Association. In July 1991 he was convicted of rape and indecent assault on young women. It came to light that not only had he been given a reference to obtain the job at the Housing Association despite concerns about him and that there were ‘irregularities’ in that reference, but he had formerly been a probationary police officer but had chosen to resign at the end of his probationary period rather than be dismissed.

On 17 July 1991 a letter from Roger Davies in his capacity as Clwyd County Secretary and Solicitor was sent to the Chief Constable of North Wales Police – I think at the time that would have been David Owen – expressing deep concern at the abuse that had taken place and raising the possibility that a paedophile ring was in operation. An investigation was undertaken by a specially established police team, led by Detective Superintendent Ackerly, which lasted over three years. In March 1992, 17 people were arrested and detained for questioning. Jillings states that former social services staff were charged with physical and sexual offences regarding Bryn Estyn. The names Stephen Norris, Peter Howarth and Paul Bicker Wilson are given, but the fourth name is redacted – however other information available suggests that it was probably David Birch (who was later acquitted of offences against children). Although there was also very serious concern concerning the Bryn Alyn Community and the activities of its proprietor John Allen, who was alleged to have been running a porn and gay prostitution empire, this was considered to be outside the scope of the panel. However although Bryn Alyn was privately owned, many links existed between Bryn Alyn and the statutory sector. Clwyd County Council maintained that they were in favour of the Welsh Office holding a major public inquiry because of the possibility of a paedophile ring.

Alison Taylor, the former Gwynedd County Council social worker who had been the first person to blow the whistle on the paedophile ring that was operating in north Wales, submitted her 1991 dossier of concerns to the Jillings panel. They wrote to Lucille Hughes, Director of Gwynedd Social Services and on 1 May 1995 the Deputy Director of Gwynedd Social Services wrote back to the panel stating that Alison Taylor’s allegations were made known to the police and the Welsh Office, had been fully investigated and that no charges had been brought. (The name of the Deputy Director of Social Services is not given, but I suspect that it might have been the dreadful Rob Evans, who in his capacity as Deputy Director, was also concealing abuse in the mental health services in Gwynedd.) In 2000 the Waterhouse Report named Lucille Hughes as knowing that a paedophile ring had been in operation in the social services but had failed to respond. There were cross county placements of children between Gwynedd and Clwyd.

In their report, the panel refer to the Hughes Report of 1985, concerning the abuse of children in N Ireland, the Staffordshire Social Services Dept ‘Pin-Down’ Report of 1991 and the Report following the major inquiry into Frank Beck’s activities in Leicestershire in 1992. They mention that there are currently extensive police enquiries underway in five local authorities in England and that the Department of Health have admitted that there is a ‘significant problem’. The panel note that since 1977, 10 people working in children’s establishments in Clwyd had been charged with offences against children in care, including five past or present members of staff at Bryn Estyn. The panel make reference to the adolescent unit run by the NHS, the Gwynfa Unit. I seem to remember that it was the Gwynfa Unit that was located at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. Presumably this is the ‘young persons unit’ that Mary Wynch told me about, where Dr Dafydd Alun Jones (the one time partner of Lucille Hughes) encouraged the young people to have sex with each other as staff watched the live sex show. The panel conclude tha