‘They Planned To Put Acid In All The Reservoirs…’

I’ve just finished reading Stephen Bentley’s book ‘Undercover: Operation Julie – The Inside Story’. Stephen Bentley was one of the undercover police officers who worked on Operation Julie the celebrated undercover police investigation which ran between 1976-78. Operation Julie resulted in a huge drugs bust in 1977 and was followed in March 1978 by the sentencing of 15 people at Bristol Crown Court who were jailed in total for 124 years. The trial at Bristol was presided over by Mr Justice Park aka Sir Hugh Park, but there were numerous other associated trials in lower courts as well which dealt with more than 100 defendents, as well as a raid in the Dordogne in the south of France. Operation Julie was an investigation which spanned much of the UK and involved 11 police forces, but most of the action took place in rural mid-Wales.

Numerous myths surround Operation Julie – many of them have been denounced as being untrue even by the officers who worked on the case and others have been denounced as being untrue by friends of the people who were prosecuted. Some things that have been accepted as ‘fact’ by everyone are highly improbable if one just thinks a little bit about what was alleged to have happened. One thing that everybody agrees on – including Stephen Bentley – is that Operation Julie cost a huge amount of money, was hampered by police corruption and did nothing at all to impede the tide of hard drugs that had begun pouring into the UK as a result of organised crime.

The stars of Operation Julie were a group of hippies who were living in mid-Wales in the mid-1970s and who had allegedly set up an LSD factory with the intention of manufacturing enormous quantities of the drug in order to spike the reservoirs supplying water to Birmingham with the aim of enablling the Brummies to receive the beneficial effects of getting off their heads. The spiking of the reservoirs story is the one thing that many people think that they know about Operation Julie, but that is also something for which there doesn’t seem to be much evidence. Some of the people from mid-Wales who were convicted did subscribe to the idea that taking LSD was a good idea – they took LSD themselves and had no doubt made a bit of it, but that’s about where the truth ends. As the years have passed, there has been increasing disquiet expressed about what happened during Operation Julie, the lies that the police fed to the media – that the media then obediently and very successfully promulgated – and regarding the fact at least one of those imprisoned did no more than make sandwiches for her boyfriend who was alleged to be making the LSD. Bentley himself claims that during the course of Operation Julie the undercover officers uncovered far more serious crime which was ‘handed over’ to others to deal with.

Operation Julie was conducted whilst business was booming for John Allen and his associates’ empire of child prostitution, porn and hard drugs in north Wales. Allen’s children’s homes, the Bryn Alyn Community, were receiving children from local authorities across England and Wales and Allen also had a villa in the south of France where he was taking children for ‘holidays’. Operation Julie could not have failed to have stumbled across Allen’s criminal empire.

The principal ‘LSD factory’ which was placed under observation by Operation Julie was located in a house at Tregaron, the home of Richard Kemp and his girlfriend Christine Bott. Another house, Plas Llysyn, owned by American Paul Arnaboldi – Kemp’s friend – in another part of mid-Wales, Carno near Llanidloes, was also observed. Bentley and another undercover officer infiltrated a village called Llandewi Brefi whilst disguised as hippies. Llandewi Brefi was targeted because a man called Alston Hughes aka ‘Smiles’ lived there. Alston was English and had connections in London and Birmingham and was alleged to be the distributor of the vast quantities of LSD produced nearby – he received an eight year prison sentence. All this surveillance and infiltration was happening on the patch of the Dyfed-Powys police force.

At that time, there was abuse of children in care happening in Dyfed and Pembrokeshire (Dyfed-Powys Police cover Pembrokeshire). Ioan Bowen Rees, the County Secretary of Dyfed County Council, moved to Gwynedd County Council to take up the post of Chief Exec in 1980, where he remained until 1991. It was on Ioan Bowen Rees’s watch that organised child abuse in the children’s homes in Gwynedd reached dizzy heights, with children being trafficked to London and Brighton (see posts ‘I Know Nuzzing…’ and ‘Are You Local?’). Alison Taylor, a social worker from Gwynedd, blew the whistle on the child abuse loudly and clearly to Bowen Rees and his Director of Social Services Lucille Hughes – Alison was sacked and the abuse continued. Bowen Rees’s idea of investigating Alison’s concerns was to invite his former colleagues from Dyfed County Council up to ‘review’ the children’s homes in Gwynedd. Under Bowen Rees the chaos, corruption and fuckwittery in Gwynedd Social Services reached new highs (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’). Gwynedd was a by-word for a Council that was a law unto itself, founded upon nepotism and cronyism. Operation Julie could not have missed the stories emanating out of Gwynedd – Gwynedd is only a few miles north of Aberystwyth Police Station, the venue for the meeting of the Operation Julie team for briefing and it borders Machynlleth, where it was claimed the crucial evidence was found that led to the establishment of the whole enormous police operation. At the time there was serious institutionalised corruption in the North Wales Constabulary/Police and in the legal system across Wales. The drug squad based in Gwynedd in particular were totally bent and I personally know people whom they framed and who ended up in prison (see post ‘Top Of The Cops’). One man who was fitted up by the drug squad in Gwynedd and then violently assaulted by a police officer in Bangor Police Station ended up in Risley Remand Centre and was then transferred to the ‘care’ of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh for a year after Dafydd diagnosed him with ‘cannabis psychosis’. There was never an investigation into what happened to him – or his wife who also had cocaine planted on her – at the hands of the police. The Chief Constable of North Wales throughout the paedophile and serious corruption years who presided over some truly extraordinary events was Sir Philip Myers (see post ‘Top Of The Cops’).

I suspect that as with the prosecutions of paedophiles in north Wales, Operation Julie made a great display of prosecuting and imprisoning the small fry – and very likely a number of people who were completely innocent – whilst ignoring some very serious criminals. In his book Bentley mentions uncovering links to the CIA.

Although the publicity in the wake of the Operation Julie painted a terrible picture of the hippies on trial who were running the ‘biggest LSD factory in the world, supplying 90% of the world’s LSD’, there is plenty of evidence that they weren’t quite the people portrayed in the media. In mid-Wales their neighbours actually liked them – yes they were hippies, but they were friendly and well-educated (two of those involved were medical doctors and one had a PhD in chemistry). When the undercover police first infiltrated mid-Wales, their cover was nearly blown because their behaviour was so much worse than the people whom they had placed under surveillance. Bentley’s own account of himself in his book isn’t too flattering – he stresses that he was never a corrupt officer, but he seems to have known many people who were. I can understand the difficulty that he and his colleagues encountered when they tried to pass themselves off as hippies…

After Operation Julie, Stephen Bentley left the police force and in 1997 he became a barrister – he mentions that the recreational drug of choice for barristers is cocaine…

Stephen Bentley is now living in the Philippines.

Dr Christine Bott – who ended up being sentenced to nine years in prison for daring to be the girlfriend of Richard Kemp (the ‘drug chemist’) and for making meals for the ‘gang’ – had read medicine at Liverpool University and then worked as a GP. What she really liked doing was keeping and breeding goats and she was well-known in mid-Wales for this. Richard Kemp had done his PhD at Liverpool University, which was where he had met Christine – Richard was sentenced to 13 yrs.

Christine and Richard were students at Liverpool in the 1960s. Liverpool University produced graduates who did very much worse things than Christine and Richard. Whilst Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was at Liverpool University in the early 60s he was visiting IRA activists in order to pick up a bit of advice to use in activist activities back home in Wales (see post ‘A Network Stretching Back Decades’). The security services will have known about Dafydd – they had all the Welsh nationalist activists under observation, because of their links to the IRA and the Gov’ts fears that Welsh activism might become very violent. Stephen Bentley talks about the FWA (Free Wales Army) in his book – one of the leaders of the FWA was Julian Cayo-Evans, who was based in Lampeter and Bentley and his colleagues used to bump into supporters of the FWA. The Welsh political blog Jac O The North is written by Royston Jones who was a member of the FWA and a friend of Cayo – at one point (I think during the investiture) Jac went into hiding in Ireland because he was surrounded by the security services wherever he went in Wales. Of course the security services knew about Dafydd – but the security services helped conceal the Westminster Paedophile Ring, which was being supplied with child prostitutes by the paedophile gang who Dafydd was assisting.

Professor Robert Owen, the Medical Ombudsman for Wales who concealed Dafydd’s wrongdoing (see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’), was Professor of Surgery at Liverpool Medical School. North Wales was/is packed with Top Doctors and other professionals who had been educated at Liverpool University who were among the paedophiles’ friends. None of them were ever arrested. Yet a well-liked GP who kept goats and lived quietly in deepest mid-Wales ended up being sentenced to nine years in prison on the basis of the alleged activities of her boyfriend.

Dr Christine Bott had also worked at Charing Cross Hospital. We know that the paedophiles’ friends enjoy the support of their colleagues in the London teaching hospitals. I wonder what Christine knew about who. We can’t ask her, because she is dead now, as is Richard and a number of the others who were sentenced. When Christine and Richard came out of prison they kept a low profile, so no-one ever heard their side of the story. They were welcomed back to mid-Wales, so people there couldn’t have had much of a problem with them. What we did hear much about were the over-blown fantasies of dodgy coppers in terms of the activities of hippies – the police revealed that a rat ‘which had died from an overdose of LSD’ had been found at one property. At Plas Llysyn at Carno, samples of water from the cellar were taken which incredibly enough contained LSD ‘which matched LSD samples’ in the possession of the police. A frog and a mole were also taken away for testing – it was revealed that they’d been on acid as well. But beyond ‘traces’ of LSD, nothing was discovered after the police had broken into the Plas in the belief that it was a constituent part of the biggest LSD factory in the world. The police knew why they didn’t find anything though – it was because the hippies had abandoned the Plas! So how did the hippies manage to make their getaway along with all the equipment and goodies whilst the police were watching the place?

As is often the case with raids by the drug squad, by the time that the Operation Julie cases came to trial, the police boasted of having discovered a wonderland of goodies worth an absolute fortune – when the police didn’t actually produce the mountains of LSD, allegations of a huge stash of LSD buried somewhere in woodland in mid-Wales were bandied about. Likewise, the value of the LSD that the police claimed to have recovered didn’t equate to what was actually recovered by the police (the situation conjures up the old favourite which made an outing on one of Mel Smith and Gruff Rhys Jones’s programmes years ago – ‘that means the police are paying three times as much for their drugs as the rest of us’). The event which actually precipitated the establishment of Operation Julie and which sounded even more like the fantasy of a dodgy copper was a lot more worrying than stories about rats, frogs and moles overdosing on hallucinogens, as we shall see.

In the mid-70s, a number of senior police officers – including some of those who led Operation Julie – were trying to persuade the Home Office to set up a national police force and a national drug squad. My post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’ describes the serious corruption at the top of the Home Office’s drugs branch at this time, which went hand in hand with the corruption on the part of some of the Top Doctors holding Home Office drugs licences and treating addicts, including Dafydd.

Prior to Operation Julie, Detective Chief Inspector Dick Lee of the Thames Valley Police Drug Squad maintained that he had noticed a huge increase in the amount of LSD ‘arriving into the UK’ whilst he policed pop festivals in the south of England. Dick Lee was someone who wanted a national drug squad created which operated independently of the rest of the force. The international suppliers of LSD in mid-Wales were only ever brought to the attention of Dick Lee after Gerry Thomas, an associate of David Solomon – a Californian who was associated with Timothy Leary and who had been introduced to Richard Kemp in 1968 by a university colleague – was caught trying to smuggle cannabis into Canada. Thomas had known Richard Kemp and Kemp’s friends and Thomas gave information to the authorities in Canada in return for a shorter sentence. The information that he supplied was that the ‘biggest acid lab in the world’ was being run in mid-Wales. Thomas named Richard Kemp, Christine Bott, David Solomon and ‘a man called Henry’. This ‘intelligence’ was passed across the Atlantic and reached the ears of Dick Lee. Richard Kemp ‘was known’ to be living in Wales and ‘driving a red Range Rover’ – well of course this was ‘known’, he and Christine weren’t trying to hide, they lived in Tregaron with their goats and Christine even appeared in the local press with her prize-winning goats. Dick Lee alerted the Dyfed-Powys Police and Detective Sergeant Richie Parry – who was in charge of the Dyfed-Powys Drug Squad pre-Operation Julie – contacted his old drug squad colleague Dai Rees who was now a traffic inspector in Dyfed-Powys Police and told him to get in touch in the event of any ‘incidents’ involving a red Range Rover.

As so often happened in matters involving the drug squad in those days, within weeks – in April 1975 – ‘by pure coincidence’ the control room heard about a serious car crash near Machynlleth involving a red Range Rover. It was of course Richard Kemp’s car and he and Christine were in it at the time. The accident was a serious one – Kemp’s Range Rover had hit another car head on which contained a Minister and his pregnant wife. The Minister’s wife was killed and the Minister was seriously injured, although Kemp and Christine ‘escaped with their lives’. Kemp’s Range Rover was impounded by the police and searched.

During the search, the police found six strips of paper in the car which when ‘reconstructed’ into one piece was found to have the words ‘hydrazine hydrate’ written on it,a key ingredient in the manufacture of LSD. The police therefore had the evidence that they needed against Richard Kemp – whom Dick Lee already ‘knew’ was part of an enormous drugs ring – the evidence needed to set up a huge national police operation involving those senior officers who had been so keen to do this but needed to persuade the Home Office and ACPO that there was justification for it. Why a man with a PhD in chemistry who was allegedly mass-producing LSD  – indeed 90% of the global LSD supply – would need to write the name of the main ingredient on a piece of paper and cut it into small pieces which were then strewn around his car was never explained. This ‘evidence’ is as implausible as the physiologically impossible ‘evidence’ on which the Rev Emyr Owen from Tywyn was convicted in 1985, after he was accused of chopping penises off corpses and eliciting erections in the severed penises – penises which were never actually found (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

So it must have been most convenient when Richard Kemp crashed his car in Machynlleth – just after the police had been told to look out for any incidents involving that car – killing a pregnant Minister’s wife in the process (the local people liked Richard and Christine remember which could have caused the police difficulties), whilst those scraps of paper with ‘hydrazine hydrate’ written on them were in the car belonging to Mr Big. The only thing that the police seemed to have forgotten to mention was that the writing on the paper was in lemon juice and that they read it by warming the paper up, a la Fatty in the ‘Five Find-Outers’ as conjured up by the imagination of Enid Blyton. Although I seem to remember that Fatty’s nemesis was actually a foul incompetent policeman called Mr Goon – one wonders how Fatty never found himself fitted up for dealing to the ‘Secret Seven’.

The bits of paper constituted the solid evidence needed for Dick Lee and his mates such as Detective Inspector Derek Godfrey from Scotland Yard to convince the Home Office and ACPO that a massive police operation across the UK was needed. Not that ACPO will have needed that much convincing – the President was Sir Philip Myers the Chief Constable of North Wales. In Feb 1976 a meeting was held at Brecon between a number of Chief Constables and senior drug squad officers and a multiforce operation was arranged which evolved into Operation Julie. In May 1976 officers from Operation Julie had moved into the house overlooking Richard Kemp’s cottage and had placed him and Christine under constant surveillance. After Operation Julie concluded, other police officers revealed their concerns that not only had Operation Julie been the preserve of some not very competent senior officers with massive egos who liked to think of themselves as supercops, but that the whole Operation had been conducted in secrecy without the knowledge of or scrutiny of anyone else. Dick Lee had created exactly what he and his mates had dreamed of – an ‘elite’ squad independent of the rest of the force, answerable to no-one.

In 1976 a man working with children was found guilty by Talgarth Magistrates Court (Talgarth is near Brecon) of two counts of indecent assault on boys from the Bryn Alyn Community.

Although in Dick Lee’s opinion Richard Kemp was Mr Big, even after the police put him and his friends at Plas Llysyn under intense surveillance they didn’t find the sort of evidence that one would have expected to find in world leading LSD factories, although Neville Dunnett, a Home Office scientist and forensics expert, believed that the Plas was an LSD factory. Obviously the police found the animals who had all been tripping and the water from the cellar which was obliging enough to match samples of LSD in the possession of the police, but they didn’t find much else – until on the day of the big swoop in March 1977 when they did dig up some LSD making equipment from a well at Plas Llysyn. The police didn’t actually manage to even find much LSD in their first raid on Kemp’s house in March 1977, the date on which Julie conducted simultaneous raids on 87 homes across England, Wales and the Dordogne. It was only when they raided Kemp and Christine’s house again in Dec 1977 that they found £1000 cash in a package and a plastic box containing the mind-blowing quantity of LSD  that confirmed that the biggest LSD factory in the world was down at Tregaron run by the boyfriend of a doctor who bred goats.

The biggest LSD factory in the world certainly took some detecting. The surveillance equipment used to maintain a 24 hour watch on Richard Kemp and Christine Bott was top of the range stuff and had been supplied by the security services at Whitehall.

The centre of the action may have been in mid-Wales dangerously near to all those corrupt professionals who had a thing about hippies – whilst the corrupt professionals within spitting distance were afforded protection by the security services and the Home Office as they facilitated a paedophile ring with links to organised crime dealing in child prostitution, porn, drugs and trafficking – but the identities and backgrounds of some of the senior officers involved in Operation Julie is more than enough to ring alarm bells.

Stephen Bentley was plucked from the Hampshire Drug Squad to work on Operation Julie. He had grown up on Merseyside and before joining the Hampshire Drug Squad he had worked as a police officer in the Merseyside/Lancashire area. Bentley’s book mentions the most extraordinary situation involving the South West Lancashire CID Task Force before he went south  – they had set up their temporary HQ in Knowsley Hall, a stately home near Liverpool, the family seat of the Earl of Derby. Bentley explains that allowing the police to use Knowsley Hall as their HQ assisted the 18th Earl of Derby with the financial strain of the upkeep of his house. Earl Derby aka Lord Edward Stanley soon found a longer term solution to his financial problems – in 1971 he created Knowsley Zoo and Wildlife Park in the grounds of the house. Bentley does not tell us whether anyone questioned whether it was right and proper for the police to be camping out in someone’s stately home whilst they conducted enquiries.

Lord Edward Stanley was Deputy Lieutenant of Lancashire, 1946-51 and Lord Lieutenant of Lancashire, 1951-68. He was Pro-Chancellor of Lancaster University, 1964-71. Lord Stanley was Director of Martin’s Bank – as well as a Director of Granada Television.

There was a TV documentary made about Operation Julie, ‘from the police perspective’. It was made by Bob Mahoney for Tyne Tees TV.

So Dick Lee from Scotland Yard persuaded the Home Office and the ACPO to set up Operation Julie after the discovery of those scraps of paper in Kemp’s car. Bentley admits that in the mid-70s ‘corruption was rife in certain departments and squads’ of the Metropolitan Police. After Operation Julie, Lee left the police force and became a freelance journalist. Well after all that glowing publicity surrounding the hefty sentences handed down to those who were about to poison the country’s drinking water and addle the brains of our youth, Dick Lee was far too famous to waste his time being a policeman. Other members of the police force were critical of his published work, suggesting that the content compromised police operations.

In 1977 one of the venues used to hold the briefings regarding the Operation Julie raids was the fifth floor of Tintagel House at Lambeth, a building which housed some departments of the Met. The Flying Squad and other CID departments were excluded from the Tintagel House briefings, although Stephen Bentley mentions that the SPG (Special Control Group) attended ‘in force’. The SPG were the contingent from the Met who took advantage of their position to violently assault ethnic minorities and lefties. In 1979 one of the officers from the SPG succeeding in killing Blair Peach, a teacher who was on an anti-NF march. The officer was did this was never publicly named let alone charged although other members of the SPG admitted that they knew his identity.

The ‘nerve centre’ of Operation Julie was established at Devizes, in the HQ of the Wiltshire Constabulary – the hub of the operation later moved to Swindon. It has now been admitted by his Tory colleagues that Sir Peter Morrison, Tory MP for Chester, 1974-92 and an aide to Margaret Thatcher, was abusing children. Morrison was known to have abused children in children’s homes in north Wales. Peter Morrison’s father was John Morrison, the 1st Baron Margadale, Conservative MP for Salisbury, 1942-65, whose family seat and estates were in Wiltshire. John Morrison was Lord Lieutenant of Wiltshire, 1969-81. Lord Lieutenants tend to spend time with Chief Constables among other people. Peter Morrison’s elder brother Charles managed the family estates and in 1964 was elected as Tory MP for Devizes. He remained MP for Devizes until 1992 and was a friend and supporter of Ted Heath. Charles had been influential in Wiltshire before he became their MP – in 1958 he became a member of Wiltshire County Council and he Chaired the Education Committee, 1963-64. Charles Morrison’s wife was related to Ian Fleming by marriage and an article that Ian Fleming wrote entitled ‘To Westminster With Love’ opened with the words ‘Charles Morrison – Licensed To Kill’. Well somebody certainly was and it wasn’t a bunch of hippies in mid-Wales. Charles and Peter’s sister, Mary Morrison, has been Woman of the Bedchamber to Queen Elizabeth II for over fifty years.

Detective Superintendent Dennis Greenslade was drafted into Operation Julie from the Regional Crime Squad based in Bristol – Bentley remembers that Greenslade too was very unpopular – and Greenslade’s colleague from Avon and Somerset Police, Detective Chief Inspector Herbert also worked on Operation Julie. Greenslade was another officer who supported the creation of a national drug squad. The drug squad in the West Country during the 70s and 80s conducted themselves pretty much as the drug squad in North Wales did – dope smoking hippies and teenagers were pursued by the police and treated as serious criminals whilst far more serious crime was ignored. I knew of corruption in the drug squad in both Bristol and Taunton at the time of Operation Julie. Two corrupt drug squad detectives in Taunton were demoted and ordered to go back into uniform as plods on the beat, but they still managed to have the family of a local school girl who had been wrongly accused as a result of a school teacher’s idiocy threatened at gunpoint – whilst the man with the gun did this, he made a reference to the unsolved murder of a housewife from Bath, Mrs Beryl Culverwell. I also knew of a police constable from Bristol who was thrown out of the force for dealing in heroin but was quite miffed about this because he maintained that the other officers who had been doing it with him had all remained in the force. I knew of someone else who was arrested for the possession of cannabis, taken to Bridgwater Police Station where he was assaulted and then had his own cannabis sold back to him by the police. The Chief Constable of Avon and Somerset Constabulary, 1974-79 was Kenneth Steele.

Whilst Kenneth Steele and his officers were pursuing school children and threatening to murder members of their families, they accused Norman Scott of shooting his own dog as a publicity stunt after John Newton – the hit man who told the Old Bailey in 1979 that he had been paid by Jeremy Thorpe to kill Norman – killed Norman’s dog and then tried to kill Norman but was prevented from doing so when his gun jammed (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’).

There is a further link with Jeremy Thorpe mentioned by Stephen Bentley. Bentley talks about a lady called Pam who owned a house in the locality under observation and rented it out to some of the Operation Julie officers. Pam also had a home in Bayswater in London at Orme Square – Jeremy Thorpe was Pam’s neighbour. Pam had celeb connections by marriage – she was the ex of John Mayall who had been in a band with Eric Clapton. My post ’95 Glorious Years!’ explains how a great many very unpleasant things happened to Francis Ormsby-Gore in a way that leads me to suspect that he may have been targeted by the paedophiles’ friends. Francis’s sister Alice died from a heroin overdose – she was the former partner of Eric Clapton. Clapton has admitted that he treated her appallingly, as well as introducing her to the joys of heroin addiction, only to give it up himself leaving her in a mess.

Bentley mentions connections to other celebrities that I have previously heard had used those abused and trafficked by the paedophile gang in north Wales and he also mentions meeting Michael Wilding junior, the son of Elizabeth Taylor, at a party near Devil’s Bridge a few miles away from Aberystwyth. The interesting thing about rural Wales is that although it was and is sneered at by those who imagine themselves to be metropolitan sophisticates a cut above the sheepshaggers, Wales is quite nice really and the people who make derogatory comments about its permanent inhabitants do nonetheless like to make visits to Wales or to even acquire a second home there. Among those people there was always a cohort who liked taking drugs and having sex with much younger people who were poor and not in the least bit famous.

Whilst dealing with Pam, Bentley discovered a few things familiar to anyone who has had been on the receiving end of the paedophiles’ friends: that the police in Wales are very strongly influenced by Freemasonry and that this exerts a corrupting force upon them; that police business is openly gossiped about and discussed with other people who are not police officers in a way that it shouldn’t be; and that often the wives of police officers know almost as much about police business as their husbands do. Bentley also discovered that Pam was very friendly with a police officer based at Lampeter Police Station whom Bentley felt could not be trusted and thus the Operation Julie team had no dealings with the police at Lampeter.

The biggest acid lab in the world in mid-Wales was alleged to be connected to another acid lab in Hampton Wick, Greater London, which was placed under surveillance by a police team from RAF Hendon in Oct 1976. The police maintained that these ‘two drug rings’ had begun as one organisation. They maintained that a Henry Todd – remember ‘a man called Henry’ whom Gerry Thomas had mentioned to the authorities in Canada? – had been the person handling the sales of the LSD produced in mid-Wales because the mid-Wales cohort were producing so much LSD that they couldn’t handle the sales by themselves. The police alleged that Todd and the ‘organisation’ had been based in Cambridge but had then set up one ‘ring’ in mid-Wales and had recruited an Andy Munro to work as a chemist in a house at Hampton Wick. Henry Todd was imprisoned for eight years.

David Solomon received a ten year prison sentence, despite there being very little evidence to link him with the LSD factory at all – he had actually been in New York throughout most of Operation Julie. It was Solomon’s conviction that enabled the police to tell the world that Kemp and Chrstine had connections with Timothy Leary – Dick Lee had actually spent a great deal of time trying to find evidence of this but couldn’t.

Stephen Bentley’s book mentions that Operation Julie also utilised the services of Detective Superintendent Gerry Squires from the City of London Police Fraud Squad in tracing the assets of those running the biggest acid factory in the history of the world. Assets did play a role in the trial at Bristol, but Bentley mentions links to profits in Vancouver from a heroin business and a group of doctors and lawyers who were providing the money to buy $3 million worth of heroin. I can’t find any mention of them being put on trial.

 

All branches of Operation Julie was either working directly in the locations where the paedophile gang based in north Wales and their friends were running their enormous well-oiled machine or very close by. Not only was Operation Julie involved in a surveillance operation in Wales, the heart of the paedophiles’ friends territory, but they were holding briefing meetings in Lambeth whilst Lambeth Borough Council’s social services dept had been infiltrated with paedophiles and whilst Lambeth were also sending children in their care into the clutches of John Allen ‘on placement’. Rob Evans, who was one of the managers of Gwynedd Social Services children’s homes under the regime of Ioan Bowen Rees in the 80s, had been recruited from the West Country where he had been a ‘team leader’.  Talgarth Magistrates Court, where a man had been found guilty of indecently assaulting boys from John Allen’s empire, was a short drive down the road from Brecon , the meeting point of the ‘supercops’ where they agreed to establish Operation Julie – the case at Talgarth happened in the same year as the discussions in Brecon.

I cannot understand how Operation Julie did not stumble across the paedophile gang that was operating in Wales – which dealt in drugs as well as in child sex – which only continued business unhindered throughout Operation Julie, but expanded their business. Perhaps Stephen Bentley and his colleagues did know about John Allen, Dafydd et al but Bentley just didn’t mention them in his book.

So who was Home Secretary whilst the police and the criminal justice system concerned themselves with wild animals who had taken LSD, whilst an absolute fortune was squandered on an investigation that imprisoned eccentric young people who at most were users of drugs themselves and small time dealers, whilst highly implausible evidence was found at convenient times and whilst clairvoyant police officers also seemed to know that there would soon be an incident involving Richard Kemp’s car in west or mid-Wales – an incident which when it happened involved the death of a young woman – yet ordered their officers on the ground not to go near a gang of very serious criminals who had colonised much of Wales?

The Home Secretary who agreed to set up Operation Julie on the basis of animals with a penchant for hallucinogens and Dick Lee’s psychic abilities was Roy Jenkins. Roy has starred on this blog recently and did a great many favours for the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part I) – Jenkins had also been Home Secretary at an earlier time in the 60s under Harold Wilson when Bryn Estyn, one of the children’s homes in north Wales with some of the highest levels of child abuse, had been directly managed by the Home Office. The Home Secretary who was in office during most of the investigation whilst gangsters who killed some of their victims as well as some witnesses but were allowed to go about their business unhindered and while the flimsiest evidence – some of which was very obviously fabricated – was deemed sufficient to imprison people for years was Merlyn Rees. Merlyn was another man who was a loyal paedophiles’ friend (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’). Roy Jenkins was appointed by Harold Wilson and Merlyn Rees was appointed by Jim Callaghan.

Who was the DPP who approved the prosecution of people on the basis of the fantasies of some bent coppers? The DPP who was in place during the earlier fit-ups of the suspects will have been Sir Norman Skelhorn. Skelhorn was DPP 1964-77 and before he retired there was huge concern expressed in many quarters regarding the practices of the police and the sheer number of miscarriages of justice that seemed to be occurring. In 1972 Skelhorn had granted the bank robber Bertie Smalls, Britain’s first supergrass, immunity from prosecution in a deal described by the Law Lords as ‘unholy’. The criticism constantly levelled at supergrasses is that they may be tempted to tell a pack of lies and name innocent people in return for lenient treatment. Skelhorn has also found his place in history as a result of admitting that whilst he was DPP terrorist suspects in N Ireland had been tortured and told a meeting of Harvard Law School Forum – after it had been agreed by Heath that torture should not happen under any circumstances – that when dealing with ‘Irish terrorists’, any methods were justified. In April 1976 after Young Liberal Peter Hain was cleared of robbery at a branch of Barclays Bank, six Liberal MPs led by David Steel demanded Skelhorn’s resignation. I don’t suppose Steel et al could dish too much dirt on Skelhorn though – because there was the matter of the doings of Cyril Smith and Jeremy Thorpe to consider.

Sir Norman Skelhorn was an active Freemason.

Upon Skelhorn’s retirement, Merlyn Rees appointed Sir Thomas ‘Tony’ Hetherington as DPP and it will have been Hetherington who was in office when the later Operation Julie prosecutions were prepared. Hetherington remained as DPP until 1987 and became the first head of the CPS when it was formed in 1986. The CPS that subsequently refused to prosecute in so many cases connected to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal or those child abuse cases involving Cyril Smith, Greville Janner and others. Hetherington did make the decision to prosecute Jeremy Thorpe however, although after that trial he might as well have not bothered (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). Hetherington lied to two newspapers about never receiving police information concerning Cyril Smith. During his later years as DPP he oversaw a number of major changes introduced in the wake of concerns raised during Skelhorn’s incumbency eg. the introduction of PACE in 1984 and the creation of the CPS.

Hetherington was the son of a Top Doctor who was educated at Rugby and Christ Church, Oxford and was called to the Bar in 1952. He was the first DPP who was a career civil servant. He became part of the team supporting the Attorney-General and Solicitor General in 1962 and was head of the permanent legal staff supporting the Law Officers (A-G and SG), 1966-76. So Hetherington was the man behind Normal Skelhorn. He was appointed Deputy Treasury Solicitor in 1975. Which was when the Treasury Solicitor’s office was in the process of ruining Mary Wynch and illegally divesting her of her property (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). As part of his mission to shine a light on the organs of the DPP, Hetherington allowed BBC Panorama’s team to film the DPP’s office at work. It was considered a very daring move, but I suspect that the BBC were happy to do their Lord Haw-Haw bit.

Hetherington was knighted in 1979. Which was the year that Thorpe was acquitted of conspiracy and incitement to murder. It was Hetherington who failed to prosecute any SPG officers after the death of Blair Peach.

The Attorney General, 1974-79, was Samuel Silkin. Silkin was a barrister from a well-known Labour family (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part I’). His father Lewis Silkin was the Labour MP for Peckham and a Minister in Attlee’s Cabinet, 1945-50 and his brother John Silkin was also a Labour MP and Cabinet Minister. John Silkin was very influential and at one point looked as though he would become leader of the Labour Party. Samuel Silkin retired in 1983 and was given a peerage in 1985. He Chaired the Society of Labour Lawyers.

The Solicitor General, 1974-79, was Peter Archer, a Labour MP for the West Midlands. Between 1967-70 Archer had been PPS to that good friend of the paedophiles Sir Elwyn-Jones whilst Elwyn-Jones was Attorney-General. In 1969 Archer was Britain’s representative on the UN’s ‘third committee’ on Human Rights. He was a founder member of the Amnesty International  Committee in 1961 and Chairman of Amnesty International’s UK section, 1971-74, as well as being a member in the Anti-Slavery Society. Archer was an extremely active member of the Fabian Society – he sat on the executive committee, 1974-86, was Chairman, 1980-81 and from 1993 until his death in 2012 he was President. He was also a leading figure in the Society of Labour Lawyers.

In his capacity as Solicitor General Archer authorised prosecutions in N Ireland.

Archer was close to Samuel Silkin when Labour were in opposition. When Silkin retired after Labour’s defeat in 1979, Archer was passed over for the role of Shadow A-G by one of the best friends that the paedophiles have ever had, former Secretary of State for Wales Lord John Morris. Peter Archer was Chief Legal Spokesman in Michael Foot’s Shadow Cabinet in 1981. In 1982 Archer became a Crown Court Recorder – he concentrated on his career at the criminal Bar after Labour’s defeat in 1970.

Archer was Shadow Secretary of State for N Ireland under Neil Kinnock, 1983-87. In 1986 he urged the reconsideration of the case of the Birmingham Six and in 1987 was not returned to the Shadow Cabinet.

Archer was a Christian Socialist and was always used as the living embodiment of ‘the Labour Party owes more to Methodism than to Marxism’ – Archer was very active in the Methodist Church in the Black Country and worked as a lay preacher.

In 1992, that excellent year for the paedophiles’ friends when so many good things happened for them including the murder of five witnesses by a petrol bomb just a few days after the General Election (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’), Archer picked up a peerage.

In 1998 Blair appointed Archer to make recommendations concerning the claims from the families of Holocaust victims whose assets in Britain were seized – Archer Chaired the £25 million compensation fund. Archer also led the 2007 ‘Tainted Blood’ Inquiry.

 

There has been huge quantities written about Operation Julie, but because so much was written by journalists who had close connections with the police I haven’t spent time reading much of it. It is established that the police had a hotline to many media outlets and were able to ensure that the story that reached the general public was one of heroic cops sending down dangerous criminals who presented a threat to western civilisation. Stephen Bentley mentions going out boozing with Colin Willis, the showbiz editor no less of the Daily Mirror and the evening ending in a huge punch-up between Bentley and some other folk – imagine the headlines if the ‘hippies’ had done that and it had been witnessed by a journalist. The Earl of Derby who obviously had a very cosy relationship with the police in the north west of England was a Director of Granada TV. Lawrence Byford, the Chief Constable of Lincolnshire at the time of Operation Julie, had a son – Mark – who worked for the BBC and who eventually reached the very top of that organisation.

Most of the people who were convicted have since died without their stories being told, although Lief Fielding did write a book.

So I have no idea why the police and full forces of the Home Office descended upon Richard Kemp and Christine Bott in 1975. I remember that in the case of the Macguire Seven, the reason why someone named Annie Macguire as an IRA bomb-maker after being duffed up by the police was that it was such a ludicrous notion that they were sure that the police would never make anything stick and Annie would be safe. In the event the police convinced themselves and a Court that this respectable middle-aged woman who was a member of the Tory Party and had nothing to do with Republican activism or politics, was indeed running a bomb factory from her kitchen and employed members of her family, including a 15 year old boy, to assist her. Oh and Annie Macguire was sexually assaulted in custody as well. At the time the British press ran lurid headlines about Aunt Annie’s bomb kitchen. When Annie Macguire was released from prison – after years – the running theme of her story was that she had no idea that such things could actually happen in Britain. The Macguire Seven were convicted in 1976 – the Guildford Four and Birmingham Six were convicted in 1975. Perhaps Gerry Thomas named Richard and Christine in an attempt to give some information, any information, to the authorities in Canada, thinking that it was such a ludicrous notion that they were supplying the whole world with LSD that charges would never stick. Or perhaps Gerry Thomas was unscrupulous, knew how daft the authorities were, told them a load of poppycock in order to get himself a lighter sentence and didn’t care what the consequences were for anyone else.

At the trial in Bristol, Sir Henry Park lavished praise on the officers of Operation Julie and complimented them on their ‘intelligent handling’ of the material. Including presumably the evidence of the mole, the rat and the frog who had all been tripping. Between 1970-74 Henry Park was the Presiding Judge of the Western Circuit – he was very well known in the West Country and almost certainly knew the senior officers in the Avon and Somerset Constabulary.

My post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron’ describes how Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was actually given the remit to provide ‘substance abuse services’ in north Wales via his charity CAIS, upon whose Board sits some of the people named in the Waterhouse Report as failing to respond to the presence of a paedophile ring in north Wales, although they were senior managers in the social services.

Dafydd set up CAIS in 1977. In the 1972 the Chief Constable of North Wales Sir Philip Myers was the police’s representative on the Advisory Council for the Misuse of Drugs.

 

 

 

 

 

So Who Was It Exactly Who Appointed The Corrupt Old Bastard?

Yesterday’s post ‘A UK Network’ explained why I suspect that the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal may have been precipitated as a distraction at a time when it rather looked as though the lid was about to be blown off the activities of the paedophile ring operating in north Wales and their buddies in the mental health services. I described how there was obviously a network of corrupt professional people stretching across the UK who were concealing rampant abuses in the child care and mental health services and speculated on possible links between north Wales and the north east of England. I mentioned the notorious Bryn Alyn Community, a private business run by a vicious criminal, John Allen, who was subsequently imprisoned for sexual assaults on teenage boys. Bryn Alyn was established in 1968 and accepted hundreds of children sent from Local Authorities across the UK. I’ve just read the part of the Waterhouse Report that deals with Bryn Alyn and it’s even more mind-blowing than the rest of Waterhouse’s whitewash.

The first thing that I noticed was Waterhouse’s mention of which Local Authorities sent children to Bryn Alyn – substantially London authorities, but also authorities from the north west of England, the West Midlands and Newcastle no less. So that pretty much confirms my suspicions regarding the locations of professionals who were colluding with those we know and love in north Wales, as postulated in previous posts. However there are other authorities mentioned as well – including Devon and Oxfordshire. But Waterhouse mentions something else that I was not previously aware of – that John Allen owned a villa in Bordeaux and also some sort of facility in Bordeaux where children from Bryn Alyn were taken for ‘holidays’. Someone else I know used to pop back and forth to Bordeaux for the purposes of ‘work’ which no-one ever actually specified – Dr Dafydd Alun Jones! Dafydd made frequent visits to northern France as well, again on the pretext of visiting ‘GP friends’ or ‘holding clinics’ – which I always felt was rather improbable. Regular readers will remember some other people from north Wales who enjoyed visits to France – Elfed Roberts and his mates! Elfed was a former senior police officer in the North Wales Police, left under a substantial cloud and then became Chair of the North West Wales NHS Trust – one of his high points during his incumbency there was to have me arrested for having pink hair, calling his car a penismobile and because he was ‘fed up’ of my complaints (please see post ‘After The Attempt To Frame Me…’). Elfed and his friends used to frequent an establishment that I remember being called Chateau de Cop – I have found online adverts for a hotel in the Loire Valley called Chateau de Cop Choux, I think that is indeed the hang-out that Elfed and his mates use. The disgraced of north Wales certainly enjoy a good standard of living – but have they not heard of something called the European Arrest Warrant? (Another disgraced name featured on the blog also has a house not a million miles away from Bordeaux – Robert Bluglass. He has (or had) a second home in the Pyrenees.)

Some of the Local Authorities had received complaints from children regarding the abuse that they had been subjected to whilst at Bryn Alyn. In 1976 Anthony David Taylor was convicted of two offences of indecent assault at Talgarth Magistrates Court. In 1975, before the Court case, Taylor wrote to the Welsh Office admitting that he’d committed previous offences against boys from Newcastle-Upon-Tyne whilst they were on a summer holiday scheme that Taylor ran for Bryn Alyn, asking the Secretary of State for anonymity for social workers when they had committed offences, citing his own case! The Secretary of State for Wales at the time was John Morris aka Lord Morris of Aberavon. But of course the Welsh Office had no idea that there were serious problems with child abuse in homes in north Wales… In previous posts I mentioned how Waterhouse used numerous techniques to dismiss or discount evidence from witnesses when they explained how they had been violently or sexually assaulted whilst in care in north Wales and ignored other evidence such as forged documents that would have set off loud alarm bells in any intelligent person. What is Waterhouse’s comment with regard to this social worker who freely fesses up to abusing children but feels able to write to John Morris asking for anonymity? Waterhouse states that the Inquiry heard from four other witnesses that Taylor sexually assaulted them whilst they were at Bryn Alyn, that the panel had ‘no reason to doubt the truth of any of the complainants’ but that Taylor is ‘now retired and ill and it is unnecessary to say anything further about him’.

This was exactly what used to be said to me when I mentioned Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’s activities – ‘he’s retired’. Except Dafydd hadn’t retired, he was running private nursing homes where people alleged that they were being abused and fleeced and had been given the contract by the NHS to provide ‘substance misuse services’ (please see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’). As for when I mentioned Dr T. Gwynne Williams the lobotomist – people would simply yell at me ‘he’s dead, how dare you say such things’. Dr X/Dr Tony Francis and the dreadful Dr DGE Wood even documented that I had ‘even’ made terrible allegations against ‘deceased’ people. The deceased people had done some terrible things – and as the complaints about them had been ignored whilst they were alive it was hardly surprising that I was not prepared to keep quiet about them just because they had died. Another ‘deceased person’ who abused her position was Sheila Jenkins, a social worker with the appalling Arfon Community Mental Health Team, who lied about me to the police in order to have me unlawfully thrown out of Ysbyty Gwynedd – Sheila was also happy to slander me in the local community. I was told to stop ‘speaking ill of the dead’ at my own birthday party by a former colleague of Sheila’s husband. I suspect that the man at my birthday party had no bloody idea at all of the sort of things that dear old Sheila actually did, but the people who worked with her, as well as those who worked with Dafydd and the lobotomist, most definitely knew what they were all up to. But I suspect that it was DGE Wood’s valiant defence of those who concealed the paedophile gang that landed him his senior roles with the Royal College of General Practitioners and perhaps even bagged him his OBE…

A boy from Plymouth placed at Bryn Alyn made complaints to the police in Oct 1989 and Aug 1990 and a solicitor’s letter was sent to his social worker in Plymouth in June 1990. Devon Social Services reported their concerns about Bryn Alyn to the Welsh Office in Oct 1990. Boys from Sandwell and Solihull in the West Midlands made allegations of abuse whilst at Bryn Alyn and a number of complaints between 1988-1993 were also reported to the Welsh Office.

In March 1993 a 15 year old girl placed at Bryn Alyn by Oxfordshire Social Services went to Clwyd Social Services with complaints of physical abuse from staff and sexual harassment from other residents and refused to return to Bryn Alyn. She stated that at one point she had been thrown across the room by a male member of staff which resulted in injury. She was placed with foster parents. The next month she turned up at Wrexham Police Station saying that she wished to withdraw the complaint. Waterhouse notes that the police wanted to continue to pursue the complaint in the public interest, but the CPS returned the file, refusing to take further action. The Director for Public Prosecutions at this time was Dame Barbara Mills. All was well in Waterhouse World though – he noted that the girl acknowledged that the man who threw her across the room had a ‘very positive, caring and supportive relationship’ with her. When he wasn’t throwing her across the room. Or perhaps even sending the boys around to ensure that she withdrew her complaint whilst she was living with foster parents – a placement presumably arranged by whoever had sent her to Bryn Alyn.

Manchester and Salford College of Technology as well as Manchester Social Services were also told of the sort of things that happened to young people at Bryn Alyn. A mature student called Denis Williams had the misfortune to end up on a ‘placement’ at Bryn Alyn in 1983. He was so appalled at what he witnessed that he compiled a report and sent it to Manchester and Salford College of Technology. In Nov 1983 he was told by an unidentified ‘senior officer’ from Manchester Social Services Dept that his concerns had been fully investigated and that his report was ‘unfounded and unprofessional’. He was also told that John Allen was threatening legal action against him. Denis was made of stern stuff and in June 1985 went to the Home Office about events at Bryn Alyn. The Home Secretary at that time was Leon Brittan. No-one seemed to have mounted an investigation or put a stop to what was happening. Waterhouse notes that in Sept 1992 Denis was interviewed by a number of newspapers and BBC TV. Guess what? Denis was unable to be traced by the Tribunal so wasn’t available as a witness! Of course by the time that the Waterhouse Inquiry was held, a number of former residents of Bryn Alyn and the other homes in north Wales had been found dead. I wonder if Denis too had been found dead in suspicious circumstances by then? Because I’ve not heard of him since. But Ronnie has an explanation! ‘The picture given by Denis Williams is truly alarming…but he stayed only three days…his strictures upon particular individuals were not mirrored by the volume of substantial complaints about them’. Denis did what any good student should do – he noted everything, got the hell out of there and sent a report to the college who had sent him on the placement. He was rubbished, threatened with legal action by a vicious paedophile, alerted the Home Office in the wake of the threats, got nowhere, went to the press and then disappeared off the face of the earth. Ronnie merely notes that not many other people had complained…

Waterhouse documents that the ‘principal witness on behalf of the Welsh Office’, John Lloyd, ‘told us of a number of allegations of physical and sexual abuse at the Community’s various premises that were reported to the Welsh Office between 1989 and 1992’. In May 1993 there were two other reports to the Welsh Office of boys at Bryn Alyn who had been injured after alleged assaults.

Waterhouse was told again and again of sexual assaults and assaults so brutal that young people sustained injuries. One boy suffered anal bleeding after a sexual assault, was taken to a GP and was – interestingly – told that he had haemorrhoids. So there was a tame Top Doctor on tap as well then. Waterhouse was told by another witness that he had been tied to a tree with a piece of rope, the end of the rope being tied around his neck. Ronnie noted that the witness who related this anecdote was now a patient at Broadmoor. I wonder how he ended up there? Were there perhaps allegations made regarding his extreme dangerousness by any of the people previously named on this blog, in the face of no evidence at all? Or had the poor sod been driven crazy after a few years at Bryn Alyn? (Waterhouse notes that placements at Bryn Alyn were long-term, most being about three years.) There were other allegations of abuse against the man who tied this person to a tree – but Ronnie concludes that the evidence was ‘so limited’ that he was ‘not persuaded he was party to child abuse’. (Of course if someone really wasn’t going to be party to child abuse at Bryn Alyn they’d walk out after three days. And find that they were called a liar and then find themselves threatened with legal action.) A young woman gave evidence that when she was at Bryn Alyn as a teenager, she was forced into a chair by two staff and strong bleach was rubbed into her scalp. Her hair subsequently fell out. Other people gave evidence that they were punched, kicked and thrown around. But all poor old Ronnie could do was observe that these were ‘troublesome’ children, that some former residents were ‘too emotionally disturbed to give oral evidence and be cross examined’, that staff hadn’t had training in restraint so were just doing their best really, that one man constantly accused of violently assaulting children was ‘strong, a disciplinarian’ but ‘fair’…

It just goes on and on, as this silly old fucker was confronted with the most damning evidence stretching back over decades and constantly explained it away. Of course sometimes he couldn’t explain it away, so as he did in the case of the forged document that was compiled in an attempt to get Nefyn Dodd off the hook (please see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’), he just notes it and moves on. For example he noted that ‘for unexplained reasons’ details on the P45s given out to two of the staff at Bryn Alyn are inconsistent with the employment records of Bryn Alyn. In other chapters of his Report he notes that the dates that certain witnesses maintained that they were resident in various children’s homes in north Wales are inconsistent with the records of the establishments themselves. So Waterhouse concludes that the witnesses can’t be relied upon. Of course, the records compiled by the criminals running these institutions – criminals who had a track record of abusing children, lying, forging documents and altering documentation – couldn’t possibly be wrong… Ronnie observes without comment that the records of the children placed at Bryn Alyn had all been stored together, at a Pickford’s storage depot in Hoole near Chester and on 25 Oct 1996 had all gone up in flames, so most of the children placed at Bryn Alyn could never be traced and therefore couldn’t be invited to give evidence.

I have mentioned in a previous post that the only people whom Waterhouse found it in his heart to condemn in his Report were the staff who had actually been convicted of offences against children and were already serving – or had served – prison sentences. So what did he have to say about John Allen, the owner of the nightmare that was Bryn Alyn, who at the time of the Inquiry had been convicted of sexual offences against young people in his care and who was in prison? Waterhouse was told repeatedly of the numerous sexual assaults that Allen carried out on boys at Bryn Alyn and was also told that Allen gave large sums of money and gifts – substantial gifts as well, on one occasion a motorbike – to favoured boys with whom he regularly had sex. He was told about Allen’s violent temper, which resulted in ferocious attacks on children leaving them with injuries. He was even told that there were a number of boys at Bryn Alyn who were openly referred to as ‘Allen’s bum boys’. Waterhouse states of Allen that ‘his reputation was that of a caring and generous person’. Waterhouse stresses how staff had told him that Allen lavished money and gifts on certain boys, of how ‘kind and generous’ he was. Of course Waterhouse is aware that there was ‘some contemporaneous discussion and gossip about Allen’s predilections among both staff and residents’ and that there ‘was some talk of Allen’s ‘bum boys’ but it did not amount to a great deal’.

I had heard something similar to this many years ago when I first complained about Dr Dafydd Alun Jones. I was castigated for referring to his ‘private life’ ie. his shagging of female patients. I too was told that a lot of people thought that Jones was a nice man because he ‘helped’ patients by giving them somewhere to live and finding them jobs. The patients concerned were invariably young female patients, the accommodation that they were provided with was Jones’s own house and the jobs in question were located in his house, as nannies and housekeepers. Whilst all this was going on, five female patients made statements to a local MIND representative that they had had sexual relationships with him. As for Dafydd himself – when I told him that he was nothing short of a psychopath, he replied ‘I think that I am a nice man. I’m kind to children.’ Well Dafydd was nuts, of course he would come out with some silly, obviously untrue statement, but he was surrounded by dozens of people who knew exactly what he was doing – just like all those people who waxed lyrical about John Allen’s generosity knew what he was doing. Waterhouse had an interesting take on John Allen’s violent attacks on children as well: ‘We do not think that he was an habitually violent man: the complaints against him of using excessive force are heavily outweighed by the allegations against him of sexual misconduct’.

One allegation that victims of Allen made was that he ran a gay prostitution racket, including a number of brothels and also a gay porn business. Waterhouse makes reference to Allen’s ‘film studio’ and boys alleged that they’d been taken there and asked to pose naked, but still old Ronnie doesn’t click. Ronnie did note however that Allen continued his contact with some of the boys long after they’d left Bryn Alyn. Ronnie takes a dim view of this, mentioning that boys were ‘encouraged to live in unfamiliar surroundings such as Brighton or London in accommodation provided or subsidised by Allen….at a time when they were highly likely to fall prey to many temptations’. Temptations such as working in a brothel in Brighton or London owned by Allen one presumes.

By the time that Waterhouse stumbled through this Inquiry with his eyes tightly closed, a lot of former residents of children’s homes in north Wales had been found dead. Some had been killed in a fire in Brighton, whilst they were attending a party at which John Allen agreed to meet them. John Allen didn’t turn up but an arsonist did (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’). Waterhouse even manages to mention that a Court had reached a verdict of ‘unlawful killing’ after the Brighton fire, but then he passes on… He also mentions another witness who had made allegations of abuse against Allen – this witness had given evidence at John Allen’s trial for sexual assault and had been found dead days later… All in a day’s work for Ronnie though, he moves on to the next brutalised terrified witness who’s dared come forward, no doubt busily working out how he can discredit them or dismiss their evidence…It is also mentioned in the Waterhouse Report that the police had admitted that there were 280 ‘absconders’ from the Bryn Alyn Community between Jan 1 1991 and 19 June 1991. ‘Absconders’ in this case being kids running away from people who were battering them and raping them, rather than armed robbers escaping from the Scrubs. I bet that the police returned every one of them to the caring embrace of John Allen as well. What on earth did the police – and Ronnie – think had caused 280 kids to flee during a period of six months?

So what did Ronnie conclude was the prevailing situation at Bryn Alyn? Get ready, here comes a summary worthy of Perry Mason: ‘…(John Allen apart) sexual abuse by members of staff of the Community was not rife…’ Ronnie did have a reservation though – that ‘the…few girl residents were specifically vulnerable’ to the sexual abuse that he did admit was happening at Bryn Alyn…’ No Ronnie, you’ve got it wrong. The girls were comparatively safe – as much as anyone could ever be safe in that hell-hole – because it was the BOYS that they wanted to force to work in their male prostitution racket. That Ronnie is why the girls weren’t getting expensive presents like hi fis and motorbikes – it wasn’t them being bribed and beaten into providing sexual favours for all and sundry, including it would seem a few bigwigs from Westminster, it was the boys… One would have thought that Ronnie would have realised that something was amiss though – even he noted that it was ‘a grave concern that so many members of staff were named in a major police investigation’…

The numerous reports that were given to the Welsh Office regarding complaints from the youngsters at Bryn Alyn apart, it seems that the Welsh Office had long since been aware of the unsuitability of Bryn Alyn as a facility for children. Ronnie explains that Bryn Alyn was finally removed from the register by the Welsh Office in 1997 but it would be ‘unnecessarily tedious’ to detail the exchanges between the Welsh Office and the Bryn Alyn Community (indeed – who knows what was revealed in those exchanges). However, Ronnie mentions that Welsh Office Inspectors recognised in 1975 that Allen’s ‘expansionist regime’ (Allen was certainly packing the kids in – at it’s peak the ‘Community’ housed some 250 children and there were frequently insufficient facilities such as bedrooms for them), did not have the infrastructure to cater for the residents and that ‘basic problems’ were allowed to ‘proliferate’ over twenty years. It seems that during those 20 years, the Welsh Office raised a few questions and their own inspections of Bryn Alyn – when they actually did them – noted serious problems. But John Allen was allowed to continue with his trade in people unhindered…

Regarding the connections between people who worked at Bryn Alyn and the wider UK – there were other links as well as those with the Local Authorities that were placing children there. For a start although most of the Bryn Alyn Community was based around Wrexham, there were branches of it in Cheshire and Shropshire. Many staff members had worked in previous children’s homes and moved onto work at other children’s homes, both within and outside of the north Wales region. One member of staff was a former Liverpool probation officer. Some of the ‘senior managers’ had certificates in the residential care of children from Salford Polytechnic. Some of the teachers who worked there had qualifications in special needs from Chester College. One member of staff had previously worked for Derbyshire Social Services and had responded to one of the recruitment adverts in ‘New Society’ placed by John Allen. ‘New Society’ was, at that time, considered very much the journal for social work and carried pages of adverts for social work positions, including very senior ones, such as for Directors of Social Services. So John Allen was recruiting via the reputable professional journal, he did not even have to resort to the recruitment methods of Bryn Estyn ie. by word of mouth via the local Rugby Club. ‘New Society’ considered itself a liberal, progressive journal for the enlightened. I do not ever remember it carrying articles suggesting that the practices which were routine at Bryn Alyn even existed. Yet surely, word of life at Bryn Alyn must have reached the ears of many of it’s readers. John Allen seems to have been a bit of a Jimmy Savile – his abuses were an open secret. And not even that much of a secret.

My co-researcher has sent me a brief summary of John Allen’s brushes with the law. At some point in the 1970s he was sentenced to six years in prison for offences against children. In 2002 he was arrested for historic offences against children in the Wrexham and Flintshire areas. In 2003 a judge threw out 44 charges against him on the grounds that due to the publicity and the time lapse he would not get a fair trial. In August 2013 Allen was charged again under Operation Pallial. In November 2014 he appeared at Mold Crown Court, charged with 40 offences of indecent assault and another 20 sex offences against children. He was subsequently found guilty on 26 charges of child abuse and in December 2014 was jailed for life.

The Waterhouse Inquiry was ordered by William Hague whilst he was Secretary of State for Wales. His PPS at the time was Nigel Evans. The Permanent Secretary will have been either Rachel Lomax or Sir Michael Scholar. Sir Michael Scholar is a man with many fingers in many pies. Between 1982 and 1983 he was Private Secretary to Margaret Thatcher. He was Permanent Secretary at the Welsh Office between 1993 and 1996. He was appointed President of St John’s College, University of Oxford in August 2001. He is also Pro Vice Chancellor, Chairman of the Conference of Colleges and Chair of the Oxford University Careers Service. In 2008 he was appointed Chair of the UK Statistics Authority, which oversees the Office of National Statistics. He is an honorary fellow of the Universities of Aberystwyth and Cardiff and has an honorary doctorate from the University of South Wales (like so many others who seemed to play a role in concealing the dreadful reality of the north Wales children’s services or mental health services – please see post ‘Oh To Be In Receipt Of Academic Honours’). Michael’s son Tom is a civil servant too. He was appointed Chief of Staff at Number 10 Downing Street when Gordon Brown became PM – that was the Gordon who appointed Patricia Scotland as Attorney General.

Ronnie’s own autobiography, in Chapter 24, explains that when he was approaching retirement, he received a call out of the blue from the Welsh Office, telling him that he was going to be leading the Inquiry into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. Two other people made up Ronnie’s panel whom I haven’t yet mentioned. That was Margaret Clough and Morris Le Fleming. The reason that I haven’t mentioned them before is because there is very little information available about them. Margaret was something in social work and Le Fleming was involved in a company called ‘Groundworks’. They would seem to be literally nonentities.

Now would William Hague, Nigel Evans or Sir Michael Scholar like to tell us all who it was exactly who decided to appoint a man who personally knew some of those who in key political or public roles in the region under investigation; who knew even more people who knew other people directly connected with the scandal; who systematically discredited just about every witness except those who actually carried out the beatings, the buggery and the rapes; who ignored forged and doctored evidence and who somehow failed to notice that key witnesses had disappeared off the face of the earth or had been found dead? And who appointed two anonymous deadbeats to assist him as he conducted his Inquiry into the biggest child abuse scandal in the UK?

 

After the publication of the Waterhouse Report, there was much wailing and gnashing of teeth and quite understandably, as numerous people alleged that it had been a whitewash. One major criticism was of the terms of reference, which had been set by William Hague. The Inquiry only looked at the abuse of children within Gwynedd and Clwyd County Councils by the care staff. This of course meant that it failed to investigate what those care staff or other people connected with them did to the residents of children’s homes from north Wales outside of north Wales. If anyone wanted to find a more effective way of ensuring that no part of that Inquiry would touch on children from those homes being taken to other locations by their ‘carers’ to be molested by public figures – or indeed even being molested by public figures within the homes – they could not have thought of a better way to do so. In response to the questions raised about the limited remit of the Inquiry, a spokesman for Hague was quoted as saying ‘The Terms of reference were prepared by officials in the Welsh Office and agreed by Ministers and widely supported by Parliament. There were no serious representations from MPs or the judge to challenge them at any time’. What were the names of those officials and Ministers?

Lest anyone’s still in a sound sleep out there about how hard somebody was working to chuck a spanner in the works, my co-researcher has reminded me that the Welsh Office had a pretty big hand in things before they even got round to appointing the corrupt old git Ronnie and the two stooges. Nicola Davies QC was appointed by the Welsh Office DURING the Jillings investigation (please see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’) to examine the need for a judicial inquiry. Why was this and who in the Welsh Office made the decision and subsequently appointed her? Davies subsequently stated that a judicial inquiry into the abuse allegations would not be in the public interest. The Jillings Report was suppressed on the advice of lawyers, including Michael Beloff QC – did Nicola Davies’s decision not to hold a judicial inquiry influence this decision? Yet only twelve months later, Hague announced that a judicial inquiry would be held and appointed Ronald Waterhouse to lead it.

Of course, the allegations of Waterhouse being a massive cover-up exploded again after the Jimmy Savile revelations. The Home Secretary at the time announced that there would be a review of Waterhouse, carried out by another judge, Lady Justice Macur. That Home Secretary was Theresa May. When the Macure Review was finally published it was so heavily redacted that it was virtually meaningless. Stephen Crabb, the Secretary of State for Wales, whilst reassuring everyone that of course no-one would ever seek to protect child abusers, stated that Macur was ‘satisfied’ with Waterhouse’s Inquiry and that there was ‘no reason to undermine Waterhouse’s findings’.

I am happy to tell Stephen Crabb, Theresa May and Lady Justice Macur that I am currently in possession of nearly 10,000 documents covering a period of nearly thirty years that were compiled by some of the social workers who facilitated the abuse of children in north Wales, by the corrupt lawyers who encouraged social workers and others to perjure themselves in attempts to have me imprisoned – one of those corrupt lawyers, Ron Evans, actually acted for the Local Authorities in north Wales at the Inquiry – and by scores of other ‘professionals’ who were involved in concealing what was happening. It is particularly farcical that at the very month that one of the very brave souls went to Clwyd Council and told them what had happened to her, refusing to go back to Bryn Alyn but who then suddenly withdrew her complaint, I was being dragged through the Courts in Bangor – accused of staring at a fucking social worker in Safeways. Of course, the original allegations against me were much more serious – that I had shouted and sworn at her and threatened to assault her. When cross-examined in Court, she started crying and admitted that I had not even spoken to her. And no-one asked any questions. But then no-one asked any questions on any of the occasions on which these people took me to Court and the cases collapsed because they had committed perjury – even when the charges were so serious that had I been found guilty I’d have faced a lengthy prison sentence. I invite Theresa, Stephen and Lady Justice Macur to read this blog, acquaint themselves with the full details and tell me that Waterhouse was no cover-up. Keen readers will of course have spotted that several names on today’s post have cropped up in the media in connection with the elusive Westminster Paedophile Ring.

Just to remind you all, here is the list of Secretaries of State for Wales who were in office whilst the Bryn Alyn Community was in operation:

Cledwyn Hughes, George Thomas, Peter Thomas, John Morris, Nicholas Edwards, Peter Walker, David Hunt, John Redwood, David Hunt (again), William Hague.

I was asked the other day if I was going to attend any further meetings of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board because people are missing my reviews of the Board meetings. Much as I know that I would derive much entertainment from observing those meetings, unfortunately I am not able to. That is because I am currently living at a secret location under police protection. Because somebody wants to kill me. I’m sure that I don’t need to explain why somebody might want to kill me.

Now, would the many people who have been outed on this blog care to start preparing their statements for the police, because believe me, the police are interested in you all.

Theresa May – I await an explanation for what your Gov’t and indeed your party have done to Wales.