The Battle For The Labour Party’s Soul

Readers might remember that the Battle For The Labour Party’s Soul took place in 2015 when Jeremy Corbyn stood for the leadership against a collection of clapped-out Blairites who had previously been convinced that Ed would have been PM by then and that they would all be Cabinet Ministers. Would Yvette the Strong Woman win the leadership? Or would it be Andy ‘I’m From The North Me’ Burnham?  I was delighted when Jeremy won and then appointed John McDonnell as his Deputy, I’d never had such a laugh. Except after all those phone calls to Dafydd of course. Kim Howells is on record as saying that ‘two old Trots’ will never lead the Labour Party to victory, but he’s got to admit that they are enormously entertaining.

There was however a previous Battle For The Labour Party’s Soul which involved an even greater campaign of vilification than that which the mainstream media mounted against Jeremy in 2015, although because the press did not believe that Jezza would ever win the Labour Party leadership, they only mounted their attack on him after he was elected Labour Party leader in Sept 2015.

The first Battle For The Labour Party’s Soul took place in 1983, when Peter Tatchell stood as the Labour Party’s candidate in the Bermondsey by-election of February of that year. Peter Tatchell was subjected to an all-out character assassination before the by-election; Bermondsey was a safe Labour seat, so a massive hate campaign was launched from multiple angles to ensure that Tatchell didn’t win.

Now that Peter Tatchell has attained the status of a National Treasure on account of his Brave Fight For Gay Rights, people who were born by Feb 1983 will find it difficult to believe that to which Tatchell was subjected, by the media, the opposition and by the leadership of his own Party. Tatchell was given a really, really bad time; it was constructed as a battle against the far-left, but most of the insults thrown at Tatchell were slung at him solely because he was gay and a campaigner for gay rights when such past-times were enough to exclude one from polite society.

The press coverage leading up to the 1983 Bermondsey by-election has gone down in history as  the most sordid and vindictive coverage of an election campaign that there has ever been. The dirty tricks and abuse included the famous photo of Tatchell which appeared in the tabloids and was doctored to make it look as though he was wearing heavy make-up. There were quips about ‘the queen’ and references to Tatchell as ‘her’. The campaign material of Tatchell’s opponents, even of that nice Simon Hughes who stood as the Liberal candidate and stressed that the by-election involved a ‘straight choice’ – as opposed to a queer choice – was appalling.

HISTORY - libber834b

Simon Hughes said not one word in condemnation of the homophobic abuse directed towards Tatchell and Hughes subsequently won the by-election. Years later Simon Hughes admitted that he was bisexual and had been in homosexual relationships.

Simon Hughes was the Lib Dem MP for Bermondsey and Old Southwark and the preceding constituencies, 1983-2015; President of the Lib Dems, 2005-09; Deputy Leader of the Lib Dems, 2010-14.

Sir Simon Hughes
Simon Hughes2.jpg
 Minister of State for Justice and Civil Liberties Dec 2013-May 2015

Before and after the by-election, Peter Tatchell was violently assaulted and received death threats; I always thought him admirable to have withstood it all. Tatchell was remarkably forgiving towards Simon Hughes when Hughes later admitted to having had gay relationships himself and maintained that he ‘didn’t know’ about the abusive campaign material issued in his name.

I have just read Tatchell’s 1983 book, ‘The Battle for Bermondsey’, which provides much detail regarding the Bermondsey by-election campaign, the events leading up to it and the history of the Labour Party in Bermondsey. In his book, Tatchell provided extracts from the hate mail which he received at the time from people who were horrified at the notion of a gay man representing the constituency, but which dwell extensively on the sexual practices that the writers presume that Tatchell indulged in. It reminded me rather of the screaming homophobes of my teenage years, who, when I stated that I didn’t really have a problem with consenting gays, would yell at me ‘do you know what they do??? They don’t just hold hands you know’. I wasn’t 100% certain of what they did do, because I didn’t consider it any of my business and I’d never have been rude enough to ask them. As I got older I did gain some idea of ‘what they do’ and I still didn’t consider it any of my business… Peter Tatchell’s book provided some shining examples of the lurid fantasies of his more rabid correspondents.

One reason why I read up on the Bermondsey by-election and what went before it, is that Bermondsey, Peckham and Dulwich were the areas which came under the domain of Southwark Borough Council. Previous posts have described how Southwark was one of the Councils which sent huge numbers of kids in care to children’s homes in north Wales throughout the 1970s and 80s and some of the most serious complaints of abuse, such as children being forced to have sex at gunpoint, were made by children from Southwark. Southwark continued to send kids to children’s homes in north Wales in great numbers even after the most serious complaints had been made. Huge amounts of money was being transferred from Southwark Council into the coffers of John Allen et al, so much that numerous people in Southwark Council could not have not noticed this.

Sir Simon Hughes I am sure would tell us that he didn’t know about Dafydd and the gang in north Wales. Previous posts have provided details of Simon Hughes’s background, but I’ll note here that Hughes was educated at the Cathedral School, Llandaff, where he was Dean’s Scholar and Head Boy in 1964, then at Christ College, Brecon and Selwyn College, Cambridge where he graduated with a law degree. Hughes subsequently attended the College of Europe in Bruges. He was called to the Bar at the Inner Temple in 1974.

The Llandaff Cathedral School has long been a favourite seat of learning for the paedophiles’ friends and their offspring. Professor Geoffrey Chamberlain went there; when Simon Hughes was contesting and then representing Bermondsey, Chamberlain was concealing the south London branch of the Westminster Paedophile Ring which was operating via St George’s Hospital, the associated mental health unit Springfield Hospital and Wandsworth Social Services. Chamberlain’s mate Oliver Brooke, the Professor of Paediatrics at St George’s, was a key figure in the pan-European paedophile ring of which Dafydd’s gang was a part. Ollie was jailed in Dec 1986, but his mates who colluded with him all remained in business at St George’s and Wandsworth. See previous posts, including ‘Oliver!’.

After the bad PR which accompanied Ollie’s imprisonment, St George’s symbolically deposed their Dean and in 1988 replaced him with Professor Sir William Asscher. Asscher had spent most of his career in Cardiff, where he had er concealed the crimes of Dafydd’s gang in north Wales, the related gangs in south and west Wales and the crimes of George Thomas aka Viscount Tonypandy, the Labour MP for Cardiff Central and then Cardiff West, 1945-83, the Secretary of State for Wales, 1968-70 and the Speaker of the House, 1976-83. See previous posts.

Christ College, Brecon is another favourite establishment of the paedophiles’ friends. Plenty of highly influential paedophiles’ friends have of course passed through Cambridge University, including Selwyn College, which was one factor which afforded Dafydd et al such protection. As well of course as all those dodgy barristers with Welsh connections.

Simon Hughes first joined the Liberal Party in 1972, when he signed up to Cambridge University Liberal Club as a student. Jeremy Thorpe’s penchant for casual sex with a wide variety of men was well-known in the Liberal Party by 1972 and quite a number of them knew that he was hassling and threatening Norman Scott by then as well, including Emlyn Hooson, a barrister practising in Wales and big figure in the Liberal Party, especially in Wales. People in the Liberal Party also knew about Cyril Smith abusing children and even more people knew about it after details appeared in an alternative paper in Rochdale in 1979 and the story was picked up by ‘Private Eye’. David Steel was so concerned that it would impact negatively on Jeremy Thorpe’s forthcoming trial as well as damage the Liberals that Steel made an arrangement with the crooked much-feared barrister George Carman QC – who acted for Thorpe – to keep the Cyril Smith story out of the mainstream press. Carman knew about Dafydd’s gang in north Wales/Chester.

 

Lord Elizabeth Butler-Sloss is a member of Inner Temple. Butler-Sloss’s  brother Michael Havers was the Tory MP for Wimbledon, 1970-87 – Geoffrey Chamberlain and many of his colleagues lived in Wimbledon – and while Havers was Attorney General for England and Wales as well as AG for N Ireland, 1979-87, under Thatch, he blocked prosecutions against a number of high profile paedophiles, including the diplomat Sir Peter Hayman.

The Lord Havers QC
Lord Havers 1987.jpg

Elizabeth Butler-Sloss came into her own in 1988, when she Chaired the Inquiry into the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal and concealed the extent of the havoc caused by the trafficking gang in the North East of England with links to Dafydd’s gang (see previous posts eg. ‘Twas The Night Before Christmas And The Culprits Were Named…’).

Mahatma Ghandi and Jawaharlal Nehru, the PM of India, studied law at the Inner Temple:

The Inn contains several buildings and sets of buildings used to house Chambers, with those rooms above the second floor generally being residential in nature. The sets are Crown Office Row, Dr Johnson’s Buildings, Farrar’s Building, Francis Taylor Building, Harcourt Buildings, Hare Court, King’s Bench Walk, Littleton Building, Mitre Court Buildings, Paper Buildings and the eastern side of Temple. 

 

Simon Hughes became part of the SDP-Liberal Alliance, along with Dr Death – who was personally mates with some of the Top Docs in north Wales who were facilitating Dafydd’s gang – the Boy David and Shirl, who also knew all about Dafydd’s gang and who, in 1979 when she was Secretary of State for Education, refused to hold a Public Inquiry into UCNW (Bangor University), despite the chaos reigning as a result of the institution being run by Dafydd and the gang. Hughes joined the newly founded Lib Dems in 1988 and was their Spokesman for Education until 1992, during which time teachers in north Wales and elsewhere with links to Dafydd’s gang were convicted of offences against children.

Simon Hughes moved to Bermondsey in 1981. There may have been many reasons why Hughes relocated, but in 1981 Dafydd’s gang were in need of help, because Mary Wynch had begun legal action against them. Mary alleged serious corruption on the part of legal and medical professionals in north Wales, so she was using Birnberg and Co, based in Camden, as her solicitors.

Simon Hughes will have known about Dafydd and the gang in north Wales by 1981, because Mary’s litigation made legal history and caused a stir from the moment that she began it. It was in the aftermath of Mary beginning legal action that reinforcements arrived in north Wales, including in the form of Tony and Sadie Francis, in the early 1980s. Dafydd knew that he could be in very, very deep shit if he didn’t call in numerous favours and those being called upon to help out knew that they’d go down with the Titanic as well if assistance wasn’t forthcoming.

Strange but true

 

On 25 Jan 1981, The Gang Of Four broke the mould of politics and made the Limehouse Declaration:

  • The Iron Lady - 1982 Alliance Referendum
  • The SDP Gang of Four Stock Photo, Royalty Free Image ...
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When the Gang Of Four broke the mould of politics, they based their strategy for targeting seats entirely on their knowledge of Dafydd’s gang and the Westminster Paedophile Gang (see post ‘We’ve Been Expecting You…’).

The strategy led to this:

The Baroness Thatcher
portrait at half length of an older white woman with coiffed, light golden brown hair, wearing jewellery, dressed in a dark suit, hands crossed, against a cloudy backdrop
 Prime Minister of the United Kingdom
In office
4 May 1979 – 28 November 1990

 

In 1992 -after the Gang of Four had broken the mould of politics and the Tories had been in Gov’t for 13 years – there were proposals that Garth Angharad, a ‘hospital for mentally abnormal criminals’ near Dolgellau, should be closed down. Elfyn Llwyd, the Plaid MP for Meirionnydd Nant Conwy and then Dwyfor Meirionnydd, 1992-2010 and a very good friend of Dafydd’s gang, tabled an Early Day Motion on 21 May 1992 opposing the closure of Garth Angharad, on the grounds that there were no other ‘hospitals’ in Wales providing a service like Garth Angharad. What services did Garth Angharad provide? Well it didn’t have an A&E or any machines that went ping or indeed even any Top Doctors. Because Garth Angharad was indeed a hospital like no other. It wasn’t run by the NHS or even BUPA; Garth Angharad was a remote old building hidden away in Snowdonia which was owned by Paul Hett, a solicitor who was struck off in 2007 for embezzling clients’ money. Paul Hett was the proud owner/manager of three children’s homes/schools in north Wales where children were abused, some of those schools/children’s homes having been located at Garth Angharad. Hett was so flaky and the abuse of kids housed in his institutions so bad that even Ronnie Waterhouse had a few harsh words for Paul Hett and his institutions. Garth Angharad was simply a prison for the victims of Dafydd’s gang who were held there illegally. See post ‘More On Those Prisons For Folk Who Dared Complain’.

The case conference held about me in 1989 – while I was sitting in a London medical school as a postgrad – which I only found out about four years ago and was Chaired by Dr Chris Hunter, Dafydd’s mate who I had never heard of until four years ago and took evidence from numerous other people whom I hadn’t heard of which culminated in Hunter declaring that I was extremely dangerous, capable of murder and should be sent to a high security hospital and offering to compile a Court Report even though I wasn’t facing any charges at the time (see post ‘The Night Of The (Dr Chris) Hunter), was held at Garth Angharad.

Simon Hughes was one of those who signed the EDM opposing the closure of Garth Angharad. See posts ‘Further Information on Garth Angharad Hospital’ and ‘More On Those Who Signed That Early Day Motion’.

When Simon Hughes signed that EDM opposing the closure of a an unregulated private prison owned by a man who had owned and managed schools where children were abused, Simon Hughes had spent four years as the Lib Dems Spokesman on Education.

 

Peter Tatchell eventually became the Secretary of the Bermondsey Labour Party, but he and his supporters did not become the dominant force there until the early 1980s. The conveyor belt of kids in care from Southwark to north Wales had begun years before Peter arrived in Southwark. Peter had previously lived in Hornsey (north London), yet another area with which Dafydd’s gang had excellent diplomatic relations; Peter had been a youth worker. Previous posts have mentioned that as a gay activist in London at the time, Peter must have known about the trade in people between London and north Wales but he has never spoken about it.

I do not however assume that Peter was necessarily involved in abusing youngsters. Previous posts have discussed a good friend of mine who moved to north Wales in 1979 and opened a cafe. He ended up being as much of a target of Dafydd’s gang as I did, because he told a few too many people that pre-1979, he was a youth worker in north London and that he withdrew from a social work course after he raised concerns about the abuse and neglect of clients by Haringey and Islington Councils, only to be told by his tutors at the North London Poly that he could not criticise the Councils and that was the end of it. This man also told people in north Wales about the luxurious life-style of one Margaret Hodge that he witnessed and he also knew a well-known ‘radical lawyer’ and his wife, the radical lawyer’s wife  in recent years having sat as a member of the GMC. The Top Doctors dripped so much poison into so many ears regarding my friend who owned the cafe that eventually no Top Doc would agree to treat him and it was recorded upon his medical records that he ‘destroys therapists’. No, they destroyed him because he was a witness and a whistleblower…

In Bermondsey, much was made of Peter Tatchell being Unemployed. Perhaps Peter Tatchell considered that a better option than working in social work/youth work in London at that time…

Tatchell’s book enters into considerable detail regarding the dreadful corruption in the Bermondsey Labour Party and its long history. Tatchell is not simply speculating; the people and events which he describes have been verified but most of it was never reported in the mainstream media.

John O’Grady was the leader of Southwark Borough Council, 1968-82. John Allen opened Bryn Alyn, which received so many kids in care from Southwark, in the late 1960s. O’Grady was a founder member and the Vice-Chair of the Social Democratic Alliance (SDA), which was formed in 1975 by a group of right wing Labour MPs and was a forerunner of the SDP. After much twisting and turning by everyone involved, after the SDP was formed in 1981, the SDA dissolved into it.

 

Tatchell identifies the Labour MP for Bermondsey, Bob Mellish, as well as his business associates and friends, as being the cause of the toxicity in Bermondsey. Mellish and his mates ran the Constituency Labour Party as a personal fiefdom, lied to everyone and rigged absolutely everything for the benefit of themselves while Mellish made much of being a True Cockney Who Represented The People, particularly against Incomers And Migrants. Bob Mellish sounds as though he was doing exactly the same as Dafydd, but Dafydd did it in north Wales in Welsh. The strategies were identical.

Bob Mellish’s business associates included the notorious T. Dan Smith from the North East of England who was notorious for his massive civic corruption, particularly involving local authorities and building contracts, which stretched as far as London. T. Dan Smith was involved with the corrupt Yorkshire-based businessman John Poulson, who in turn was responsible for the end of the career of Reginald Maudling, Heath’s Home Secretary who had previously served as Chancellor of the Exchequer Under Macmillan and Douglas-Home, Reggie having been caught out in dodgy business deals linked to Poulson. More recently, allegations that John Poulson was involved with the organised abuse of children have surfaced. See previous posts for further information on T. Dan Smith and John Poulson.

Robert Joseph Mellish, Baron Mellish served as the Labour MP for Rotherhithe, 1946-50 and then Bermondsey, 1950-82. Mellish was born in Deptford, the thirteenth of fourteen children. His father was a docker. After Mellish left school he worked for the TGWU. He began work at the Stratford office of the newly created TGWU on the evening of the day that he left school. So Mellish was there at the very beginning, which might explain why he was selected as the candidate for Rotherhithe, in the face of candidates which were considered to have a much greater chance and who were more popular across the constituency, after the TGWU dockers’ delegates voted for him en bloc. He easily won the constituency in a by-election in 1946 and in 1950 the constituency was expanded and named Bermondsey.

Mellish had fought the Japanese in South-East Asia during WW II, which gave him a great deal of kudos in many circles, the Japs being renowned for their extreme cruelty during the war.

In 1950 Mellish was appointed PPS to George Strauss, Minister of Supply. George Russell Strauss, Baron Strauss (18 July 1901 – 5 June 1993) was a Labour MP for 46 years and was Father of the House of Commons, 1974-79. Strauss was the son of the Tory (and previously a Liberal Unionist) MP Arthur Strauss (1847–1920), who later joined the Labour Party. George Strauss was educated at Rugby, where the hostile treatment experienced by him and other Jewish boys left him as a vehement supporter of racial equality. Sadly some of that obviously didn’t rub off on ‘I hate darkies’ Mellish, more of which soon. Strauss became a metal merchant and a leading member of the London County Council on which his wife Patricia also served.

Members of the London County Council, including Jim Callaghan’s wife Audrey (see post ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’), colluded with the organised abuse of children and vulnerable people.

Strauss gained the seat of Lambeth North in 1929. He lost it in 1931, but regained it in a 1934 by-election. In 1939 Strauss was expelled from the Labour Party for supporting the ‘Popular Front’ movement of Stafford Cripps, whom he had served as PPS. Strauss was Parliamentary Secretary at the Ministry of Transport, 1945-47 and was the Minister of Supply, 1947-51. After boundary changes, Strauss became MP for Vauxhall in 1950, which he represented until 1979. On 9 July 1979 Strauss was created a life peer as Baron Strauss of Vauxhall in the London Borough of Lambeth.

The investigation into the paedophile ring that operated in the children’s homes of Lambeth throughout the 1970s, 80s and 90s which had links with Dafydd’s gang – kids were abused in Lambeth and sent to north Wales where they were abused – maintained that organised abuse of children in Lambeth dated as least as far back as the 1940s. See previous posts.

In 1951 Bob Mellish was appointed PPS to the Minister for Pensions, George Isaacs. George Isaacs was the MP for Gravesend, 1923-24, then Southwark, 1929-59. George Isaacs was an active trade unionist in the early years of the 20th century and served as General Secretary of the National Society of Operative Printers and Assistants (NATSOPA), 1909-49. This post also took Isaacs onto the General Council of the TUC – he was President of the TUC in 1945 – and he was active in the Labour Party. Isaacs was Minister of Labour and National Service in Attlee’s Gov’t, 1945-51 and then Minister of Pensions in 1951. Isaacs retired from Parliament in 1959. He had long since moved to East Molesey in Surrey where he served as a Deputy Lieutenant and as a JP. Isaacs was eventually Chairman of the Surrey Bench of Magistrates. Isaacs lived until 1979, so he was around to assist Dafydd and the gang as they built up their empire of child sex workers throughout the 1970s.

 

Bob Mellish was Chairman of the London Regional Labour Party, 1956-77 and it was through the London Regional Labour Party that Mellish exerted influence during the 1950s and early 1960s, when Labour were in Opposition.

Mellish was appointed as Gov’t Chief Whip, 1969-70 and 1974-76, by Harold Wilson and was renowned as a tough Chief Whip. He was Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister for Housing and Local Government, 1964-67, then becoming Minister of Public Building and Works, 1967-69. Mellish became Minister for Housing and Local Government in 1970, under Tony Crosland, Secretary of State for Local Government and Regional Planning. Tony Crosland was a swinging bisexual who concealed the paedophile gang in the North East of England which was linked to Dafydd’s gang in north Wales and supplied Dafydd’s gang with staff and children from the 1970s onward (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’).

Mellish was a Wilson loyalist and was said to have wept when he heard the news that Wilson had stepped down as PM in 1976. He supported Footie to replace Wilson, but in vain; Callaghan won the leadership ballot. Mellish got on well at a personal level with Foot, despite the great ideological differences between the two men, but disliked Callaghan so much that he resigned from the Cabinet within months of Wilson’s own retirement.

It was Foot who in Dec 1981 as Labour Leader made a speech stating that Tatchell would not be endorsed as a Labour candidate and that Foot didn’t ever envisage that he would be.

I mentioned previously that Bob Mellish was a racist git and proud of it. At one stage he opened a speech by saying “As I come to this platform, many of you will know that I have never been an anti-racialist”. In 1976 Mellish argued that the Malawi Asians expelled by Hastings Banda should not be allowed to live in Britain despite possessing British passports:

We cannot go on like this. I do not care what those on this side of the House, or the Opposition side or anywhere else, say. Problems at local level will become worse and worse for our own people unless something is done. All hon. Members know that people come to their surgeries describing the most distressing conditions – terrifying conditions. People born and bred in their own constituencies have been on the housing waiting list for as long as six years. But, on the points system, one must give immigrants preference…People cannot come here just because they have a British passport – full stop.

Wasn’t having a British passport traditionally the essence of the criteria that allowed one to ‘come here’?

Tatchell mentioned in his book that a black person was actively blocked from becoming active in the Bermondsey Labour Party when Mellish and his henchmen were in control.

 

Thatch’s Gov’t was keen to get a Labour figure to sit on the London Docklands Development Corporation as Vice-Chairman in 1980 but the Labour Party was entirely opposed to the creation of the LDDC and refused to nominate. Mellish offered a way through as he was willing to take the post; as a sitting MP he would lose his seat if the post was paid, so a special provision was made that it would be unpaid until the Vice-Chairman elected to take payment.

Mellish’s appointment as Vice-Chairman of the LDDC, a non-elected body, was made directly by Michael Heseltine. Heseltine originated from Swansea and is someone else who knew about Dafydd’s gang, their role in the Westminster Paedophile Ring and Heseltine tried to benefit from that knowledge. Sir Anthony Meyer’s battle with Beata Brookes, a Tory politician in north Wales who was a former social worker, which resulted in an all-out civil war in the Tory Party in north east Wales (see previous posts) and Meyer’s subsequent ‘stalking horse’ challenge to Thatch’s leadership was a plan by Meyer to lever Heseltine in as Tory leader, but for reasons which are not yet clear to me, Heseltine didn’t go for it at the time as Meyer expected and hoped.

When I wrote my post ‘The Celtic Iron Lady And Yet More Recent History’, I presumed that Sir Anthony had gone into battle to prevent Beata Brookes from bagging a Westminster seat because he knew that Brookes was a mate of Dafydd and Lucille and was fully on board with the trafficking ring. I found out later that Anthony Meyer was also fully on board with the trafficking ring and went into battle because he just hated Beata and the Thatcherite wing of the Tory Party. Pretty much an everyday story of north Wales folk – fighting tooth and nail because they hate each other but everyone’s on board with Dafydd’s gang.

Mellish’s wiki entry tells us that his ‘acceptance of a post with the LDDC exacerbated the split with the Bermondsey Constituency Labour Party which had elected a slate of left-wing officers at its annual meeting that same year’. That is true, but the wiki entry does not mention the endemic corruption and the business deals with corrupt businessmen that Mellish was involved with which were part of the reason why there was a ‘split’ between Mellish and the ‘left-wing officers’ of his CLP. The split was always described as being ideological, but Mellish was involved in matters which no honest activist would ever have been able to defend and support.

Mellish’s wiki entry continues with the info that he ‘was against the shift to the left in the Labour Party and decided not to stand for election again. Tam Dalyell later said that “Mellish’s final years in the Commons were dogged by controversy and beset with troubles in Bermondsey from hard-left ‘yuppie’ incomers and the Militant tendency, people who were moons apart from the dockers who had selected him four decades earlier”.

Tam Dalyell failed to mention that Mellish ensured that his constituents knew all about his dad being a docker and Mellish fighting the Japs during the war which will have gone down very well with many of them, but no-one told those constituents that Mellish and his crew were exporting the most disadvantaged kids in the Borough into the hands of a gang of paedophiles in north Wales and that the reason why Mellish’s constituents couldn’t get housing wasn’t simply because the darkies were jumping the queue, it was because Mellish and his corrupt associates had completely screwed up local authority housing.

You should have socked it to them Mr Tatchell, I know that you were given a dreadful time, but if you had exposed the worst of what was going on and the links between Dafydd’s gang and Thatcher’s Gov’t, then history could not have been rewritten as a fight between yuppies playing at being lefties against a noble working class man who Really Spoke For His Constituents. Likewise had anyone briefed the dockers re some aspects of Enoch Powell and his activities, they might not have been so robust in their (alleged) support of him in 1968.

It was the same old crew who won the biggest prizes as a result of Lord Bob and his mates being The Authentic Voice Of Sahf London:

The Baroness Thatcher
portrait at half length of an older white woman with coiffed, light golden brown hair, wearing jewellery, dressed in a dark suit, hands crossed, against a cloudy backdrop

 

Documents released from the National Archives relatively recently confirmed that Thatcher did indeed want to extinguish trade union power in the UK. Nice one Lord Bob of the Dockers, you certainly helped there!

The Baroness Thatcher

Bob Mellish 1964.jpg

 

 

Sir Peter Morrison

Peter Morrison

 

The Lord St John of Fawsley
Lord St John of Fawsley.jpg

 

So why was Bob Mellish involved with Dafydd and the gang? Probably because of this particular child molester and mate of Dafydd’s gang, who was another Labour Party vote-puller of the same vintage as Bob Mellish and was also a friend of Harold Wilson and someone who, like Mellish, hated Jim Callaghan:

The Viscount Tonypandy
George Thomas, Commons Speaker.png

 

Bob Mellish wanted his ally John O’Grady to be selected to succeed him as the constituency MP, but the constituency party selected  Tatchell, the Secretary of the Bermondsey CLP. Mellish threatened to resign immediately and force a by-election if Tatchell was endorsed by the Labour Party nationally. Michael Foot, then the Labour Party leader, hung Peter Tatchell out to dry in his Dec 1981 speech – without forewarning Tatchell – in which he stated that Tatchell would never be endorsed “so far as I am concerned”. Footie was rude about Thatchell’s Gay Lib activism. This was the Footie who shagged anything that moved of both sexes when he was younger and who’s wife Jill Craigie told him to satisfy his ‘additional needs’ with other people but not to bother to provide her with the details. See previous posts. Footie knew about Dafydd and the gang and colluded with them. Footie kept his own sexual shenanigans out of the press by making it clear to them that he had even more dirt on Lord Rothermere and Lord Beaverbrook than they did on him and one word about Footie’s additional needs in the press and the world would find out about the additional needs of Lords Rothermere and Beaverbrook.

Those other men of principle Denis Healey and Fattersley, who also knew about the activities of Dafydd’s gang, as well as the activities of George Thomas, Greville Janner, Sir Peter Morrison, Lord St John of Fawsley, Sir Cyril Smith, Jeremy Thorpe, Lord Louis of Mountbatten, Ma’am Darling and Ma’am Darling’s husband Lord Snowdon, joined Footie in condemning Peter Tatchell and his gay leftie ways. Merlyn Rees was also Shocked and Disgusted by Tatchell. Merlyn Rees not only colluded with Dafydd and the paedophiles throughout his career, particularly when he was Home Secretary, 1976-79, (see previous posts), but Merlyn Rees was a Director of Municipal Mutual in 1996 (see post ‘I Predict A Riot’).

Municipal Mutual were the insurers of Clwyd County Council and the North Wales Police. In 1996, when the Jillings Report into the abuse of children in the care of Clwyd County Council since 1974 was completed after the Jillings Investigation and it was known that Jillings had concluded that the abuse had been horrific, indefensible and that organised abuse had been taking place in north Wales for decades prior to the 1970s, Michael Beloff QC, the legal adviser to Municipal Mutual, ensured that no-one except for Municipal Mutual’s lawyers read the Jillings Report, not even the Clwyd Councillors. Michael Beloff QC ordered that if Malcolm King, the Chair of Clwyd’s Social Services Committee – who was feared to be a bit of a loose cannon where the matter of the abuse of kids was concerned – ever managed to see the Report and publicise its contents, then King should be sacked. See post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’

No-one did ever see the Jillings Report for many, many years because all known copies were pulped; in 2013, someone produced a copy that had been lurking quietly somewhere and it was finally made publicly available. It was so heavily redacted that it was virtually meaningless, even to those of us with a good knowledge of who the culprits were.

 

When the UK press were throwing everything including the kitchen sink at Peter Tatchell, Dafydd’s gang were trying to snare me into a glorious future which would have involved providing sexual services to the vile old grunters who were giving Tatchell such a bad time.

Strange but true

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Strange but true

Er, no Dafydd, I wouldn’t have even been tempted… Not even if I had known that one of their mates was the thirteenth son of a docker who had fought the Japs.

No rational person would ever have been tempted, which was why Dafydd’s gang murdered people who challenged them.

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In August 1982, it became clear that Tatchell would be permitted to stand if the CLP selected him again, so Mellish announced his resignation from the Labour Party to sit as an Independent MP. In November 1992, Mellish resigned his seat in Parliament and forced the 1983 by-election in which Mellish campaigned for John O’Grady who stood as a Real Bermondsey Labour candidate. O’Grady’s campaign involved him travelling around the constituency in a horse and trap singing a homophobic song about Thatchell.

You should have given me a ring Peter, I’d have popped down to Bermondsey three years later and sung a song about Dafydd, because I’d encountered him by then.

O’Grady performed badly at the Feb 1983 by-election although Mellish did take satisfaction from the heavy defeat of Tatchell by the bisexual Simon Hughes.

In 2003, after Mellish’s death, Tatchell claimed that Mellish was secretly bisexual and was “persistent” in propositioning Tatchell but warned Thatchell when he was rebuffed not to publicise it as no one would believe him. It wouldn’t actually surprise me if this was true. I’m not someone who believes that a paedophile lurks on every corner, but these mad old sods were so confused and hypocritical about sexuality, including theirs, that some very odd things were happening. Tatchell quietly behaved with a great deal of dignity in the face of these bastards and while I would never suggest that he should ever have conducted himself like them, Tatchell should have dropped the bomb of Dafydd, the Top Docs and the trafficking gang and dealt with them for good. We would have helped you Peter, but the British state were far too busy assisting Dafydd in murdering our friends and wrecking our lives. Even so, had someone even told me that Tatchell had been stung by the London arm of Dafydd’s gang I’d have been a most willing worker…

North Wales Hospital, Denbigh - County Asylums

 

Lord John Walton, President of the BMA, 1980-82; President of the GMC, 1982-89:

  • Appointment with the Dean - City Church Newcastle
  • Lord Robert Kilpatrick, President of the GMC, 1989-95:
  • Obituary: Robert Kilpatrick, Baron Kilpatrick of Kincraig ...
See previous posts for more information on Walton and Kilpatrick.

Bob Mellish later joined Dr Death and the SDP. So the Devil went straight into the arms of Dafydd’s own true friends (see posts ‘Dr Death’ and ‘We’ve Been Expecting You…’)

David Owen

 

In 1985 the thirteenth son of a docker who didn’t like darkies and had also fought the Japs stood down from the LDDC and accepted a peerage on 12 July 1985 as Baron Mellish, of Bermondsey in Greater London, sitting as an independent.

In July 1985, Dr D.G.E. Wood, Tony Francis et al were busying themselves with preparations to wreck the future careers of my friends and I. I had contacted lawyers as well as Keith Best, the Tory MP for Anglesey, re my concerns over the activities of the mental health services in north Wales, unaware that the whole lot of them were colluding with the gang. Mary Wynch’s application for leave to sue Dafydd and the gang was heard by the Master of the Rolls on 9 July 1985; Mary was given leave to go ahead and sue Dafydd and the gang. See post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’.

In August 1985 my best friend from school worked in the box office at the Edinburgh Fringe. When she refused to pull strings to obtain a ticket and accommodation – the event was sold out by the time that she was asked – for Samuel Brittan, a journo on the FT and the brother of Leon Brittan, Home Secretary, June 1983-Sept 1985, Samuel sent a copy of the letter that my friend had sent him, in which she apologised but explained that she could not get him a ticket and an hotel, to his mate Michael Grade, the then Controller of BBC 1. Michael Grade wrote back to Samuel telling Samuel that he was ‘appalled’ at my friend’s ‘rudeness’ and that he would ensure that Samuel did get a ticket ‘even if I have to give you mine’. The Edinburgh Fringe box office went apeshit, presented my friend with copies of Brittan and Grade’s correspondence and gave her a bollocking. Just weeks previously my friends’ parents, who were both mental health professionals working in the West Country, had given me advice as to how to deal with the horrors then being thrown at me by the north Wales mental health services.

In 1986, my friend and her husband moved to a flat in Bethnal Green when they began their careers in the media. I stayed at their flat for a short time, for the first few weeks of my MSc at Hammersmith Hospital. We were all threatened by some seriously nasty characters. We attributed it to thuggery and possibly fascist activity but I now know that the sex offenders and nasties were gifts from Dafydd’s gang. Over the next five years, we all found ourselves on the receiving end of gangsters (see post ‘The Turn of The Screw’). In early 1991, just after I was forced out of my job at St George’s, my friend was unlawfully sacked from her job with the Royal Television Society. Her husband was soon afterwards forced out of his job at the BBC. Dear old Michael Grade and his pals were terrifically good mates with everyone at the RTS and the BBC… See previous posts.

Leon Brittan was known to have concealed the Westminster Paedophile Ring and there have been allegations that he too abused children and young people.

Leon Brittan

 

Official portrait of Lord Grade of Yarmouth crop 2.jpg

 

It was Michael Grade who supported Esther Rantzen in establishing ChildLine, after a conversation between them in 1985. Rantzen has been accused of ignoring calls to ChildLine from kids in care in north Wales and one woman maintains that she told Rantzen about Jimmy Savile but was ignored. In 1988 I wrote to Rantzen about Dafydd and the abuses of mental health patients in north Wales. I did not receive a reply. Rantzen’s sister Priscilla Taylor worked as a social worker for Lambeth Borough Council and Priscilla’s boss Valerie – later Baroness – Howarth was appointed Chief Exec of ChildLine by Rantzen. See previous posts.

The Lord Havers QC
Lord Havers 1987.jpg

 

Bob Mellish was a supporter of Millwall Football Club and was President of the Millwall Supporters Club. Wasn’t there a sizeable problem with serious violence on the part of Millwall fans at that time? And er, infiltration of the fans by the NF? NF recruiters distributing their leaflets at matches involving Millwall? And links between the organised violence at football matches and serious organised crime?

The tallest building in Milton Keynes, Mellish Court, is named after Bob Mellish. So there’s an honour for Milton Keynes, although perhaps someone could explain why a corrupt old bastard from Bermondsey who’s business associates were builders and planners involved in municipal corruption across the whole of England should be honoured by a tower block in Milton Keynes…

China's 'loadsamoney' culture shocked this humble ...

 

Tam Dalyell’s obituary of Mellish which was published in the Indie gives further insights into the sources of Mellish’s power. Dalyell described Mellish as the ‘cement that prevented the Labour Party being split asunder’ under the entry of Britain into the Common Market and that Mellish achieved that by a ‘remarkable feat of political management’ which was matched by his ‘wheeling and dealing’ in Gov’t on ‘wage limits agreed by Jack Jones and Hugh Scanlon, the closed shop, the Docklands Labour Scheme and the compulsory introduction of comprehensive schools’.

Dalyell told us that Mellish was far more successful as Wilson’s Chief Whip than anyone ever thought that he would be; when Mellish was appointed, it was widely believed that Wilson had made a terrible mistake and that Mellish would be the most dreadful bully, but ooh no, he did a wonderful job. Mellish was appointed Chief Whip in 1969, just after John Allen opened the Bryn Alyn Community and the trade in disadvantaged children between the wider UK – including Southwark – and north Wales began in earnest. George Thomas was Secretary of State for Wales, April 1968-June 1970. When George Thomas was Secretary of State, responsibilities for Health and Social Services in Wales were transferred to the Welsh Office. George was in charge of the kiddies homes and the psychiatric hospitals!!!

 

Ian Mikardo, Mellish’s constituency neighbour and someone who was on the left of the Labour Party, was initially ‘quite appalled’ at Mellish’s appointment as Chief Whip but later stated that Mellish was ‘to a perfect degree a round peg in a round hole’. Ian Mikardo was someone who knew that disadvantaged children from his own constituency in the East End were being abused and trafficked by Dafydd’s gang but Mikardo said nothing (see previous posts).

Eight of Mellish’s 13 siblings died as children from conditions such as meningitis and scarlet fever. According to Dalyell, this resulted in Mellish having a lifelong commitment to healthcare. You’ve guessed it, Mellish ‘devoted his time to the work of the East End hospital Boards throughout his life’. The East End hospital Boards who did not help their disadvantaged patients as much as they pretended to or indeed should or could have; the hospital Boards who removed slum kids from their parents and transported them to Australia knowing that they were going to lives of sexual abuse and slavery or, from the late 1960s onward, sent them into the arms of Dafydd and the paedophile gang.

For details of how, in the mid-1980s, a group of healthcare workers and managers in the East End who had concealed Dafydd’s crimes extracted dosh from Ken Clarke at the DoH to reopen the Mildmay Mission Hospital in Shoreditch and transform it into a hospice for terminally ill AIDS patients, many of whom were rent boys who had been abused and trafficked by Dafydd’s gang, see post ‘Apocalypse Now’.

The Mildmay also looked after a number of high profile celebrity AIDS patients. Their names have never been revealed, being people who were afforded rather more respect and concern than the victims of Dafydd’s gang. A number of celebs, including former East Enders stars are supporters of the Mildmay’s work.

The Labour MP Peter Shore was someone who assisted in extracting the dosh from the DoH to transform the Mildmay into a hospice for AIDS patients. Peter Shore was one of those who opposed Peter Tatchell standing as the Labour candidate in Bermondsey. Shore was someone else who knew about the activities of Dafydd et al and benefited greatly from keeping his trap shut (see previous posts).

 

A few other Interesting Facts with regard to Bob Mellish:

Mellish’s appointment as PPS to George Isaacs was backed by Mandelson’s granddad Herbert Morrison, then the Deputy Leader of the Labour Party. George Thomas was first elected in 1945, the year that Mandy’s granddad became Deputy PM. Mandy’s granddad knew Thomas.

Mandy’s granddad was born in and went to school in Lambeth. He was Leader of London County Council, 1934-40; MP for Hackney South, 1935-45 and for Lewisham East and then Lewisham South, 1945-59. In 1959 Herbert Morrison was elevated to the peerage.

Tam Dalyell alleged that Bob Mellish’s commitment to improving housing and slum clearance ‘created a bond’ between Mellish and Dame Evelyn Sharp, who was Permanent Secretary at the Ministry of Housing and Local Gov’t, 1955-66, during which time Mellish served in that Ministry. Sharp was born in Hornsey – now part of Haringey – the daughter of the vicar of Ealing. Sharp’s uncles included Richard Harvey, Archdeacon of Halifax, Sir John Harvey, Judge of the Supreme Court of New South Wales and Sir Ernest Harvey, Chief Cashier to the Bank of England. Evelyn Sharp studied at Somerville College, Oxford and graduated in 1925.

Sharp joined the Civil Service in 1926, served at first in the Board of Trade and then in the Ministry of Health, which at the time was concerned with Housing and Local Gov’t and this became Sharp’s speciality. When the Ministry of Housing and Local Gov’t was formed in 1951, Sharp worked with Harold Macmillan. From 1964, Sharp’s Minister was Dick Crossman. Mellish was promoted to Minister of Works in 1967, the year after Sharp retired. Dick Crossman was Lord President of the Council, 1966-68 – Herbert Morrison was Lord President of the Council, 1945-51 – one responsibility which comes with that position is that of the visitor to UCNW.

Evelyn Sharp had some interesting sidelines for the mandarin running the Ministry concerned with Housing and Local Gov’t while a corrupt MP with business associates who were notorious for local authority corruption in terms of building and planning worked in her Ministry. After she retired, Sharp was Director of Bovis, the construction company and was President of the London and Quadrant Housing Trust. Sharp served on the Royal Commission on Local Gov’t in England, 1966-69 and was a member of the IBA, 1966-73. Sharp’s enthusiasm for modernist architecture and urban rebuilding caused it to be said of her that she ‘truly did come close to doing as much damage as the Luftwaffe’; Sharp gave her backing to many development of high rise flats. Low income residents of the cities of the UK will have had a bum deal, but Sharp, Bovis, Mellish and their mates will have done very well out of it.

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When Mellish was causing havoc in Bermondsey, Mandy was working for LWT and then in 1985 began ‘modernising’ the Labour party and doing all that he could to make the Windbag electable after the Windbag was appointed Leader of the Labour Party in Oct 1983. The Windbag who knew Tony Francis and who’s wife was a school teacher from north Wales and who were both colluding with Dafydd et al.

The biggest light entertainment star on British TV in the early 1990s was Cilla Black; ‘Blind Date’, the show hosted by Cilla, was so profitable for LWT that it turned it’s fortunes around. Cilla was a close friend of Geoffrey Chamberlain at St George’s Hospital Medical School, who was colluding with that paedophile ring in south London and Dafydd’s gang in north Wales. Mandy was a member of Lambeth Borough Council, 1979-82.

Michael Grade was an executive for LWT throughout the 1970s and in the early years of the 80s.

 

The Lord Morrison of Lambeth
Herbert Morrison 1947.jpg
The Lord Mandelson
Peter Mandelson.jpg

 

Tam Dalyell considered Bob Mellish to be the ‘authentic voice of working class dockland London’ – the authentic voice who was so concerned for his dockland constituents that he helped Thatch out by becoming Vice-Chair of the LDDC, 1981-85.

Mellish’s constituents will all have bagged jobs as bankers after the development of London’s Docklands:

Hotels in Docklands, London | Accommodation in Docklands ...

 

For further information regarding how those who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang were part of the regeneration of London’s Docklands, see post ‘The Bodies Beneath Canary Wharf’.

Bob Mellish is on record as saying about Harold Wilson that ‘the Prime Minister is a soft and decent man, almost too gentle. Some say it’s a weakness. I believe it’s a strength. He is very loyal to his friends…I am not a sycophant, but I do respect and admire him.’

Bob Mellish: one crooked old bastard who was Mr Big in the London Labour Party, supporting a whole host of other crooked old bastards, who were all in the pockets of the crooked old bastard who was PM. The entire farce was underpinned by an absolute idiot but a very dangerous idiot:

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

He doesn’t just hold hands you know!

Bob Mellish died in May 1998, during the middle of the Waterhouse Inquiry. Ronnie Waterhouse was on very good terms with Frank Chapple, the General Secretary of the ‘moderate’ union, the EETPU (Electrical, Electronic, Telecommunications and Plumbing Union), 1966-84 and Ronnie acted for the EETPU on many occasions. Chapple was personally involved in the attempt in Nov 1980 to flood the Bermondsey Labour Party with phoney members – many of whom lived nowhere near Bermondsey – when Tatchell and other members of Bermondsey CLP were challenging Mellish and his mates with regard to their abuses and corruption. The applications to join the Bermondsey CLP were all done using the EETPU as a vehicle, by people using their affiliation to the EETPU as the basis of their application. Two such people were Southwark Councillors Charles Sawyer and Joe Lees. If they are still alive perhaps they would like to explain why they sent so many disadvantaged kids into the hands of a vicious sex abuse gang in north Wales who then trafficked them back down to London to work as rent boys, infecting many of them with HIV in the process.

Frank Chapple, Baron Chapple of Hoxton (8 August 1921 – 19 October 2004) was born in the slum area of Hoxton, east London. There was no bath or running hot water in the Chapple home. A Communist Party member early in his adult life, Chapple left the party after and partly as a result of, the Soviet suppression of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956. Thereafter he remained a forceful anti-communist. Frank Chapple will have known many of the members of the Communist Party in the 1950s, including many of the radicals who used to spend their summers at Croesor in north Wales who were friends with Sir Clough Williams-Ellis, his wife Amabel and their friend Bertrand Russell. The crowd who used to visit Croesor knew about Dafydd’s gang, which before Dafydd ran the show was led by Gwynne the lobotomist (see post eg. ‘The Village’).

Hoxton is just down the road from the flat in Bethnal Green in which my friends lived in 1986-87. The Krays grew up in Hoxton and hung around with the more degenerate politicians as well as gangsters and showbiz folk. Lod Bob Boothby used rent boys and was reputed to have had an affair with Ronnie Kray as well as his long-standing relationship with Harold Macmillan’s wife Dorothy. I cannot understand why no-one was surprised when many years later it was revealed that Ronnie Kray was being feted and treated like a King in Broadmoor. Broadmoor and indeed the whole mental health system was run by criminals and traffickers which was how Jimmy Savile made his way into it and was given senior managerial responsibilities. See posts ‘Socio-Politicial Context of The North Wales Mental Health Services In The 1980s’, ‘A Pretty Classy Piece Of Operation’ and ‘The Old Devils’.

 

Chapple served as a member of the General Council of the TUC, 1971-83. Throughout that time the TUC concealed the crimes of Dafydd and associated gangs, sometimes very directly by protecting abusers employed in health and social care who were members of trade unions (see eg. posts ‘A Very COHSE Relationship With Some Very Nasty People’ and ‘Mary Turner – An Appreciation’). Chapple first joined what became the EETPU in 1937 and he had held offices at every level in the union. After his retirement, Frank Chapple was elevated to the Lords. Frank Chapple died in 2004. So he was around well after the publication of the Waterhouse Report to ensure that the truth remained suppressed.

Baron Chapple of Hoxton:

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One of Chapple’s sons, Barry Chapple, was a regional official of Amicus, which succeeded the EETPU. Amicus was the UK’s second largest trade union and the largest private sector union, formed by the merger of MSF and the AEEU, agreed in 2001 and two smaller unions, UNIFI and the GPMU. MSF was the union that represented many professionals in the NHS who were not Top Doctors or Angels and MSF used their knowledge of the wrongdoing of the Top Doctors to wield a great deal of power in the NHS, but did not use their influence to stop the wrongdoing or the abuse of patients. David Hole, who served as one of the MSF reps at St George’s Hospital Medical School when I worked there, 1989-91, was along with his colleagues concealing an enormous mountain of crap including crap directly relating to the trafficking gang which was operating in south London at the time and the Westminster Paedophile Ring (see previous posts). Amicus merged with the TGWU in 2007 to become UNITE.

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Jeremy Corbyn

 

Lest anyone wants further evidence of the wrongdoing in Southwark with Dafydd et al, not only is Southwark on the doorstep of the Maudsley, where Dafydd ‘trained’ with other Top Doctors who were facilitating organised abuse and who protected Dafydd et al in north Wales for the rest of their careers, but Dafydd’s mate Dr Jim Birley (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’) joined the Maudsley as a consultant in 1969. Birley was the Dean of the Institute of Psychiatry, 1971-82, Dean of the Royal College of Psychiatry, 1982-87 and President, 1987-90. He was President of the BMA, 1993-94.

There are plenty of accounts that suggest that Jim Birley was quite mad. He spent time working with William Sargant at Tommy’s – as did Dr Death – when Sargant was carrying out such dangerous irresponsible experiments on patients that many of them died. Jim Birley claimed to have seen miraculous recoveries as a consequence of barbarous treatments that even at the time were known not to work. Then Jim Birley had a psychotic breakdown himself but was alleged to have made a full recovery within two days, so he returned to work.

Jim Birley was one of the British psychiatrists who took Soviet psychiatry to task in the late 1980s for abusing psychiatry for political purposes. While his mate Dafydd had the victims of a paedophile gang who had dared complain illegally imprisoned in a dungeon.

Jim Birley didn’t confine himself to Top Doctoring in hospitals. He established the Windsor Walk Housing Association which was supported accommodation. At about the same time Birley established the Camberwell Rehabilitation Association, which employed patients to undertake tasks such as making fuse boxes. In 1971 Jim Birley – after meeting David Ennals – founded the Southwark Association for Mental Health.

In 1971 David Ennals was leading a major campaign for MIND and Ennals joined in the long tradition of MIND in concealing the crimes of Dafydd and the gangs associated with him (see previous posts). Ennals later became Chair of MIND and it was whilst Ennals was Chair that Tony Smythe was appointed as Chief Exec of MIND. Tony Smythe had links with paedophiles’ rights groups such as PIE. David Ennals was Secretary of State for the DHSS, 1976-79, while Dafydd and the gang ran riot in north Wales. Before he had ever met Jim Birley, Ennals had served as a junior Minister in the Home Office – whilst the Home Office was directly responsible for managing Approved Schools, such as Bryn Estyn and Axwell Park, where there were paedophile gangs in operation.

Lord David Ennals’ son Sir Paul Ennals was Chief Executive of the NCB (National Children’s Bureau). Peter Righton the social work academic who was a convicted paedophile was involved with the NCB. Paul Ennals was also a member of safeguarding Boards in Haringey, Gateshead, Sunderland and Tyneside. Which would have meant a lot of commuting. All of the locations in which Sir Paul was busy safeguarding had paedophile rings operating in the children’s services. Lord Ennals’ brother Martin Ennals was Secretary-General of Amnesty International for some years.

See previous posts for further information re David, Paul and Martin Ennals.

 

Much as I admire Peter Tatchell’s resistance in the face of the gangsters which were Bob Mellish and his mates and one can only fall about laughing at the idea that Labour big wigs believed that Tatchell was the Labour Party’s problem, Peter and his supporters fell into the usual trap of campaigning on behalf of the Top Docs, their campaign being to keep St Olave’s Hospital open, although St Olave’s closed in 1985. In the late 1960s, St Olave’s operated a Day Hospital for psychiatric patients which St Olave’s shared with Cane Hill Hospital. Cane Hill Hospital was used as a dumping ground by the Maudsley for ‘chronic’ patients who were ‘never going to get better’. Those patients will have been in a very sorry state and they will have been drugged up and abandoned. A Top Doctor will not have gone near them for months on end. In the late 1970s, virtually all the ‘services’ and patients at St Olave’s were transferred to Guy’s. In 1979, only 40 patients remained at St Olave’s and 30 of them were psychogeriatric patients, who were eventually transferred to New Cross Hospital. They too will have been abandoned by the Top Doctors.

I can understand that Peter may have felt that the psych patients of St Olave’s had so little that Peter et al were helping by keeping a shite mental health service going. After all, in the latter half of the 1990s, I argued very strongly for keeping the Day Centre in the Hergest Unit open on the grounds that at least it provided patients with a warm meeting place where they could socialise and have a cup of coffee with their friends, many Empowered Service Users being so poor and isolated that if the Day Centre shut they would not even be able to do that. Before the Day Centre died by a thousand cuts, it was a vastly preferable ‘service’ to that which was the North Wales Hospital Denbigh or the thugs of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team. After the Day Centre closed, patients died and became destitute en masse. See previous posts. However, what Peter and his supporters should really have been aiming for, while admittedly doing what they could to make patients’ lives as comfortable as they could under the circumstances, was to smash the racket that the Top Doctors were running, because that was the real problem. Those patients, along with the kids in care, were being abused and neglected, while the Top Docs stuck their noses into every trough available and dictated their own salaries. Every Gov’t Minister fell for it, even Battling Barbara Castle who was Going To Stamp Out Private Medicine. She didn’t, because the Top Docs told her to fuck off and Battling Babs didn’t dare cripple them and their rotten to the core profession. Furthermore Battling Babs ‘went private’ for fertility treatment herself because it wasn’t available on the NHS.

David Ennals and Dr Death were Ministers in the DHSS under Battling Babs.

Jeff Crowther, who for years worked as a nursing officer/manager in the mental health services in north Wales (see previous posts), was considered quite a leftie by his colleagues. Jeff loathed the Royal Family and one day I heard him telling the other Angels that the country fell for the Royals’ scams at every Royal Wedding and Royal Baby, but the Royal Family were a bunch of leeches who were bleeding the nation dry. I very much preferred Jeff to many of his colleagues, but he knew what Dafydd and the gang were doing, he admitted to me that Dafydd ‘was a corrupt old bastard’ and that he knew that Dafydd was sexually abusing patients and when I lost my temper and yelled at Jeff ‘why won’t any of you stand up to him?’, Jeff said ‘because we’ve got jobs to keep and mortgages to pay’ and walked off.

Sir Peter Morrison Jeff. One of those whom Dafydd was supplying with boys in care for sex parties. Morrison’s sister Dame Mary was Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to HM Queen Lilibet. The Duke of Westminster, one of Carlo’s closest friends, was involved in concealing Dafydd’s gang. So was Carlo himself, in his capacity as Chancellor of UCNW (Bangor University). Carlo’s mate Jimmy Savile was a visitor to Bryn Estyn, where one boy alleged Savile witnessed a gang rape of one boy. Why do you think that Di was making PR visits to AIDS wards where victims of Dafydd’s gang were dying, or to Broadmoor where victims of Dafydd’s gang were banged up and being assaulted by Savile? You knew all of this, you were not as thick as some of your colleagues and you kept quiet because you wanted a job as an Angel. You still didn’t grass the bastards up when they killed your wife and then sent a murderous thug after you.

Looks like you were taken to the cleaners as well Jeff.

Charles, Prince of Wales

 

Labour Party ‘grandees’: Do you think that basing your election strategies and indeed Gov’ts on the continued success of a gang of paedophiles in north Wales was a particularly sensible idea? I wouldn’t expect anything better to have emanated from the brain of the Windbag, but surely some of you could have worked out what was going to happen? Battle for your soul? You didn’t have one, you only had a sole, which I and the others Empowered Service Users experienced as you trod on us for decades, you thick-as-pig-shit-we’d-better-give-the-Top-Docs-everything-that-they-ask-for-because-they-know-about-George-Thomas-and-anyway-we-won’t-get-medical-care-ourselves-if-we-piss-them-off utter dipsticks.

 

For all the mouthing off by Cockney Wanker and his chums about being the Authentic Voice and Committed to the Constituents, areas like Southwark are still on their knees, so somehow Cockney Wanker’s constituents didn’t reap the rewards throughout the decades that Cockney Wanker et al laid down their lives to fight their corner in the face of the invading gay hordes in the form of Peter Tatchell and co. I note that Cockney Wanker himself ended up in the Lords. Along with Lord Chapple, Lord Owen, Lord Kinnock, Lord Mandelson and the rest of them.

As for the fate of the wider UK after Cockney Wanker had saved us from Mr Tatchell:

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Ray Gunter succeeded Bob Mellish’s mate George Isaacs as Labour MP for Southwark, 1959-72. Gunter was born in Wales and had a background in the railway industry and the trade union movement – specifically his union, the Transport Salaried Staffs’ Association (TSSA). Gunter was elected as the MP for South East Essex in 1945 and was a backbencher throughout the six-year Labour Gov’t of Attlee. In the late 1940s, Gunter’s Essex seat was broken up; he was elected for Doncaster in Yorkshire in 1950. He was unseated in 1951 by the Tory Anthony Barber.

Gunter was associated with the right wing of the Labour Party and was a member of the Labour Party’s NEC, 1955-66. He was president of TSSA, 1956–64. Gunter was returned to the Commons as a TSSA-sponsored MP in 1959 and became a Shadow Cabinet member.

After Labour won the 1964 General Election, Harold Wilson made Gunter Minister of Labour. The dilemma Gunter faced was his trade unionist’s natural view that trade unions should be able to negotiate responsible pay rates for their members through “free collective bargaining” but on the other hand the wildcat strikes in some parts of British industry were often seen as damaging to the economy, and “wage restraint” was the alternative. Soon after Labour’s 1966 General Election victory, the seamans’ strike saw this conflict came to a head. Gunter took the same tough line as Harold Wilson. He would later describe his stint as Minister of Labour as a “bed of nails”. Gunter sought to complete his work by bringing in a new bill drawn from the findings of the Donovan Commission Report on trade union power, but Wilson reshuffled him to Minister of Power in April 1968. Gunter was rumoured to have been linked with negative leaks from Cabinet and resigned from Gov’t on 1 July 1968, stating he could no longer work in a Wilson Gov’t. Gunter’s successor in labour affairs, Barbara Castle, saw her proposals to reduce trade union powers in her 1969 White Paper, ‘In Place Of Strife’ fail in the teeth of concerted trade union opposition. Gunter resigned from Parliament in 1972.

Gunter died in 1977 and was buried on the Isles of Scilly, where for many years – like Harold Wilson – he had a house, located in Launceston Close, Old Town and called Y Bwythen Bach. Gunter’s name lives on in a block of sheltered flats for the elderly built by Southwark Council in Walworth; not that Gunter found himself spending his twilight years in that block of flats.

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Ray Gunter was succeeded in his Southwark seat by Harry Lamborn. Lamborn was born in London and also had a background in the union movement, specifically his union USDAW, local government and the London Co-operative movement.

Lamborn was a member of Camberwell Borough Council, 1953-65 and was Mayor in 1963/4. He represented the Dulwich constituency on the London County Council, 1958-65. Lamborn was elected to the successor body, the GLC, in 1964 for the constituency of Southwark and was re-elected in 1967 and 1970. Lamborn was Deputy Chairman of the GLC, 1971/2.

Harry Lamborn was elected for Southwark a by-election in May 1972 and after his constituency was eliminated in boundary changes, he ran in the newly configured Peckham. He was comfortably re-elected in the Feb 1974 General Election and was PPS to Denis Healey, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, 1974-79. Throughout it all, kids in care from Lamborn’s constituency were sent into the arms of Dafydd and the paedophiles.

Lamborn was comfortably re-elected in the Tory landslide of 1979, but with a reduced majority. He died in August 1982 and was succeeded in the Peckham constituency by Harriet Harman, a star of many previous posts on this blog. Harriet did and said nothing either about the kids from her constituency who had been and continued to be sent to children’s homes in north Wales where they were abused either, but then Harriet’s dad John Harman was a Top Doctor who was mates with many of those facilitating and colluding with Dafydd’s gang.

Harry Lamborn’s name too lives on in a block of sheltered flats for the elderly built by Southwark Council, on Gervase Street off the Old Kent Road in Peckham. Will Harriet too be immortalised in the name of a block of old people’s flats? Well Jane Hutt’s mate Val Feld who did more than most wimmin in Wales – except for Jane Hutt herself, Julie Morgan, Lesley Griffiths and Edwina Hart of course – to collude with Dafydd’s gang is remembered by a plaque on the wall of the Senedd (see previous posts)…

 

While reading about Southwark, I noticed something odd. Susan Elan Jones was a Councillor in the London Borough of Southwark, 2006-09 and was Deputy Leader of the Opposition on that Council, 2007-09. Susan Elan Jones is currently the Labour MP for Clwyd South, after being elected in the 2010 General Election, succeeding the paedophiles’ friend Martyn Jones (see previous posts). Susan Elan Jones is rather hopeless and invisible as an MP, but she has done a bit of screaming in the direction of the two old Trots who currently lead the Labour Party. Susan was one of those who resigned from Jezza’s Shadow Cabinet in June 2016, denouncing Jezza as unelectable and calling on him to stand down.

Part of Susan’s statement read: ‘When I was re-elected as MP for Clwyd South in May 2015, I made a plea that we should never forget those in our society who are less fortunate…although I shall no longer be a Shadow Minister, I will of course continue to be totally committed to my work in Parliament and my constituency, as well as to the Party of which I have been a member for nearly 31 years’.

Well Susan, some years ago this lot were on the doorstep of your constituency and as someone who grew up near Wrexham during the 1970s and 80s, you’ll know that a lot of people are still living with the consequences, so I’m wondering when you’re going to remember those who really were a great deal less fortunate than you were:

 

 

 

 

The milking of the notion of Violent NHS Patients continues. I’ve been too busy to read all the news stories properly today, but I see that The Torygraph is leading with a report that two patients died in a clinical trial at UCL and it was covered up (this will not be the first time that has happened) and other reports tell us that the NHS ‘needs more’, the billions and billions extra that they have been promised is still not enough.

Of course the ‘Today’ programme this morning also led with an NHS story; it is that hoary old chestnut Angels Are Being Attacked By Patients. This one is a favourite as any fule kno and it usually accompanies demands for more dosh. The strategy has a long and glorious history as well; my post ‘A Very COHSE Relationship With Some Very Nasty People’ used info from a PhD thesis that mapped the scare stories featuring Dangerous Mental Patients with pay claims from asylum attendants in the first half of the 20th century, although there was plenty of evidence to suggest that it was the patients who were usually on the receiving end of neglect and brutality. Matthew Hancock the Health Secretary has stated that the first NHS strategy to tackle Violence Against Staff is being launched.

That’s funny Matthew because I clearly remember that happening some years ago. The reason why I remember it so clearly was that I was one of the Violent Patients whom Keith Thomson, the CEO of the NW Wales NHS Trust, proudly told the local press about; one woman had been banned from all NHS premises by the use of a restraining order, it was in all the north Wales papers! That woman was me and I later discovered that the restraining order was legally invalid. It was issued by the corrupt judge Huw Daniel on the day that a court case collapsed against me because at least eight NHS staff were found to have lied to the police. One of those who lied was an occupational therapy student called Mike, who admitted to his line manager that he had been forced to make a statement about me after I rang him up for help and advice, having been banned from all NHS premises by the legally invalid restraining order… The original prosecution was mounted against me for ‘threatening to kill’ Alun Davies (the mental health services manager) after I made a complaint that an Angel and four healthcare assistants had assaulted and injured me. Alun Davies was sitting in the National Assembly with Jane Hutt and her officials when he repeatedly rang the police maintaining that he was terrified and that I presented a very real risk to him. As I sat, injured, in a locked ward at the other end of Wales…

So where was the prosecution of Alun Davies, at least six NHS workers including the Nurse Manager of the Hergest Unit Lena Henry and at least one police officer for perjury and conspiracy then??? Oh, there wasn’t one.

At the same time that Keith Thomson told the local papers about the Violent Patient who had been banned from all NHS premises, the RCN rep for Ysbyty Gwynedd provided the same newspapers with figures for the numerous ‘assaults’ on NHS workers at Ysbyty Gwynedd which I knew to be grossly exaggerated. The RCN rep knew the reality as well, because he was Gareth Phillips, who until he had health problems and was signed off work sick, was employed as an Angel at the Hergest Unit. Gareth’s wife Penny had also worked as an Angel at the Hergest Unit for years. Gareth wangled that job as a RCN rep by keeping schtum about the abuse of patients. Gareth was Jeff Crowther’s closest friend and they used to spend their weekends and holidays off in the summer going to festivals where they would indulge, in their own words, in a ‘drugs binge’.

Why were the former kids in care from north Wales who alleged that they had been abused by staff told by Ronnie Waterhouse and everyone else that they couldn’t be believed? Because they had drug problems and were thought to be after compensation. An Angel who regularly indulges in recreational chemicals, is looking at the end of their career and still wants a good salary? Come this way sir, we have a job as an RCN rep if you agree to keep your mouth shut and tell lies to the media when we fit up one of the witnesses to Dafydd’s trafficking gang.

By the time that I was acquitted of ‘threats to kill’ I’d nearly finished a PhD. After I had the temerity to get my PhD, a campaign of harassment was unleashed upon certain people in Bangor University, including my PhD supervisor and his wife, a number of my friends and even the Vice-Chancellor. See previous posts. Alun Davies subsequently began frequenting the University, a place where he had never previously set foot. Not only that, but Davies began turning up in the Students’ Union building when I was in there. Davies was frequenting Bangor University on the pretext of asking students to volunteer for charidee work. Some students had been volunteering at the Hergest Unit, a lovely bunch who volunteered with a group set up by the Hergest whistleblower. Alun Davies ordered that the group should be disbanded because the students Weren’t Qualified. No, but they all had an interest in entering the mental health professions and furthermore they noticed that Hergest patients were being abused and neglected. That was when Davies noticed that they Weren’t Qualified.

Students of Bangor University: as people who had passed A levels, you were ALL More Qualified than Alun Davies, who had NO qualifications. Davies began his career as the lowliest grade of NHS clerk in south Wales and rose to the top on the basis of his frank corruption. Davies came from the Rhondda, which was the domain of George Thomas and on the doorstep of the Windbag. Geddit???

Here’s Baroness Windbag, who’s mum and dad gave her boyfriend the Windbag a helping hand with his political career by introducing him to their mate Lord Cledwyn, the Labour MP for Anglesey, 1951-79, who was mates with Jim Callaghan and concealed the molesting ways of George Thomas, who served as a Welsh Officer Minister under Secretary of State Cledwyn and succeeded Cledwyn as Secretary of State for Wales. See posts ‘The Cradle Of Filth’ and ‘How Much Greater Is A Man Than A Sheep?’.

Baroness Kinnock.jpg

 

Between 1974 and 96, Gwynedd County Council managed children’s homes on Anglesey, including one in Holyhead, where kids were abused by Dafydd’s gang. This was the Chancellor of UCNW throughout the decades when that institution was run by Dafydd and the gang:

Charles, Prince of Wales

 

Glenys and Neil: After I graduated, Dr D.G.E. Wood and your mate Tony Francis hurled at and insulted me and told me to get out of North Wales. When I didn’t, they hurled at me a bit more. When I did eventually leave north Wales and go to work in London, their mates down there hurled at and insulted me and told me to got back to north Wales. Could you ask Carlo where exactly he wants me to live, because there seemed to be a lot of indecision. Perhaps Carlo could provide me with a cottage on the Duchy’s estate, like he did for Peter Ball, the molesting Bishop?

The Gov’ts latest drive against Violent NHS Patients – believe me, there’s been quite a few now, all labelled as the first drive against Violent Patients – has been given a boost by legislation which will Double The Sentences of Violent Patients. The legislation was proposed by Chris Bryant, the Labour MP for the Rhondda. Bryant is a former vicar who some years ago appeared on Gaydar clad only in a rather sad pair of undies, accompanied by a message asking ‘Oi mate, do you want a fuck?’ I do not know how many offers the Rev Bryant received, but if he’d peddled his bottom in the vicinity of Gwynne, Dafydd and the gang in north Wales in the 1980s, he’d have had plenty of takers. When Thatch was destroying the Rhondda in the 1980s, Chris was a fresh faced Oxford grad who was a staunch supporter and member of the Tory Party (see previous posts). I really do think that someone ought to tell his constituents.

One of the tabloids today – I think it was ‘The Sun’ – reported that Cops believe that there may be ‘another two Saviles’ at large ie. celebs who are serially sexually assaulting kids. I would have thought that the world would now be a little suspicious of elderly men who wear nothing but a pair of gold lame shorts and ask 4 yr olds if they’ll be his girlfriend when they are invited to ‘glittering balls’ arranged by the NHS to raise money, but no, the Top Docs don’t learn, as they have learned nothing with regard to De-escalation Techniques When Faced With Violent Patients. Vanity, money and the desire for a gong will win the day every time.

 

Bizarre plan to give Savile a new title to strip his ...

 

BBC News Wales reported today that the Royal College of Psychiatrists has employed a Poet in Residence no less. It is the brother of one of the Manic Street Preachers. I imagine that the Royal College of Psychiatrists will manage to kill anyone’s enjoyment of poetry stone dead. The Manic Street Preachers did of course star Richie Edwards, who disappeared many years ago. Richie was very able but had been distressed for years; he was a serious self-harmer and I really don’t think that the Top Docs did him much good…

 

As it is Halloween, here’s some pictures of the ghosts that haunt north Wales:

 

 

Not That Anyone Ever Knew Anything About This Lot Who Are Haunting The Region Of Course…

Life In Cold Blood

Previous posts have described how the security services monitored what was happening in north Wales, as well as at other places such as St George’s Hospital Medical School and Springfield Hospital, but used their resources to protect Dafydd et al, not their victims. It was obvious to me that ‘national security’ was being defined in terms of avoiding reputational damage to institutions such as law and medicine, although the corruption was so serious many lives were undoubtedly at risk.

While reading Hugo Young’s biography of Thatcher, ‘One Of Us’, I was reminded of a landmark judgement during that Thatcher years, in which the interests of the Gov’t were defined as the interests of ‘national security’, no matter what the interests of the Gov’t was.

In 1984, Clive Ponting, a senior civil servant in the MoD, felt that the deception and misinformation on the part of the Cabinet regarding the sinking of the Belgrano during the Falklands conflict was so great that he leaked sensitive Gov’t documents to Parliament via the Labour MP for Linlithgow, Tam Dalyell. Clive Ponting had witnessed discussions between Michael Heseltine, the then Defence Secretary and Heseltine’s officials, who concluded that Parliament should continue to be misled regarding the sinking of the Belgrano.

When Ponting was identified as the source of the leaked documents, he was prosecuted under section 2 of the Official Secrets Act. The presiding judge at Ponting’s 1985 trial was Justice McCowan.

 

Ponting was subsequently acquitted by the jury, despite remarks in McCowan’s summing up which, as ‘The Daily Telegraph’ said in a leading article, ‘seemed to lean heavily towards the prosecution case’. Ponting’s defence had been that his actions were to save Parliament from being misled and were therefore in the interests of the State (a defence under the Act). McCowan ruled that the interests of the State must mean the interests of the Gov’t of the day, to which the Civil Service was bound by a relationship of trust. McCowan’s ruling meant that civil servants had no higher duty than their duty to carry out the instructions of Ministers.

So it was Justice McCowan who determined that if the Gov’t wished to conceal the crimes of a pan-European sex trafficking ring which was murdering witnesses, that was in the national interest.

 

Sir Anthony James Denys McCowan (12 January 1928 – 3 July 2003) was a British barrister and judge of the High Court of Justice and Court of Appeal. After attending Epsom College, McCowan studied at Brasenose College, Oxford, where he was a member of the University Conservative Association. McCowan was called to the Bar at Gray’s Inn in 1951. Sir William Mars-Jones, President of UCNW, 1982-95 and Ronnie Waterhouse’s friend, who acted as an umbrella for Dafydd and the trafficking gang for years, was a member of Gray’s Inn. After building up a practice in criminal, property and personal injury law, McCowan was made a QC in 1972 and was appointed a judge of the Queen’s Bench Division of the High Court of Justice in 1981. In 1989 McCowan became a judge of the Court of Appeal, but only sat for eight years until ill health forced him to retire in 1997.

McCowan was born in Georgetown, Guyana, the son of a magistrate. In 1951 he helped found the Bow Group, the first meeting of which was attended by, among others, William Rees-Mogg, Geoffrey Howe and Norman St John Stevas. Howe worked as a barrister on the corrupt Chester and Wales Circuit and was a lifelong friend of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse. When I worked at St George’s Hospital Medical School, a member of staff who was well-acquainted with the gay scene told me that St John Stevas was known to be ‘holding spanking parties with little boys’ and that ‘no-one knows how he is getting away with it’.

McCowan’s pupillage was with Stanley Rees, at 1 Crown Office Row. Sir Stanley Rees was born in South Africa. His father was an English doctor of Welsh descent and Rees subsequently read law at University College, Oxford. After taking Silk in 1957, Rees defended in a series of high profile criminal trials at the Old Bailey, including the Brighton police corruption case, at which his client was acquitted. Rees was Recorder of Croydon, 1961-62 and the last Chairman of the East Sussex Quarter Sessions, 1964-71. When Rees was appointed a High Court judge in 1962, he went into the Family Division. His most famous case was the wardship proceedings concerning the three children of the 7th Earl and Countess of Lucan.

In the drawn-out first hearing in 1973, Rees – unimpressed with Lord Lucan’s character – gave custody to Lady Lucan, a decision that Lord Lucan’s friends later suggested had triggered the events of the following year. Although Lord Lucan had been granted ‘reasonable access’ to his children, his friend John Aspinall later said that the decision had been a ‘terrible blow’.

On the evening of November 7 1974, a year after the custody hearing, Lady Lucan ran into a Belgravia pub with blood on her face, saying that she had just escaped from a murderer. The police later found the body of the family nanny, Sandra Rivett, in a mailbag in the basement of Lady Lucan’s house.

Lady Lucan told police that she had gone downstairs to find the nanny when her estranged husband attacked her. When challenged by her, he said that he had mistaken the nanny for her and killed her. A warrant was soon issued for Lord Lucan’s arrest and a search was launched along the Sussex coast near Newhaven where it was believed he may have committed suicide; another theory was that he had fled overseas.

A week after Lucan’s disappearance, Rees presided at a further hearing concerning the children and after two and a half hours of secret consultation with Lady Lucan, he announced that the children would remain with their mother. Lord Lucan was never seen again.

After being attacked by her husband, Lady Lucan had the misfortune to end up in the hands of St George’s Hospital and her sanity was questioned. Lady Lucan always maintained that the various Top Doctors who pronounced on her alleged mental health problems were taking instructions from her husband.

The coroner who presided over the inquest of Sandra Rivett, Dr Paul Knapman, was a St George’s graduate himself and in his capacity as the coroner for Westminster presided over some of the highest profile inquests of the 20th century. When I worked in medical research in London I was told quite explicitly that Knapman was corrupt.

 

Sir Anthony McCowan practised in London and on the South Eastern Circuit. He became leader of the South Eastern Circuit in 1978, having been appointed Deputy Chairman of the East Sussex Quarter Sessions in 1969. McCowan was a member of the Parole Board for England and Wales, 1982-84 and of the Crown Court Rule Committee, 1982-88. In 1986, the year after the Ponting case, McCowan became Presiding Judge of the South Eastern Circuit. Throughout the 1970s and 80s, John Allen owned brothels in Brighton, Sussex, where kids from children’s homes in north Wales were trafficked.

On 3 Oct 1989 McCowan was appointed to the Court of Appeal of England and Wales and made a Privy Councillor. In 1991 McCowan was made Senior Presiding Judge of England and Wales, a position he held until ill-health forced him to resign in 1995. He resigned from the Bench two years later.

1991 was the year of the Great Cover-Up; the year that I and my two friends who worked in the media and who wanted to make a film about north Wales had our careers ruined (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’); the year that there were two attempts to have me imprisoned by the paedophiles’ friends in north Wales, one of those attempts taking place at the Royal Courts of Justice in the Strand (see post ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’); the year that the Somerset contingent who knew what was happening to me in north Wales really began raking in the money (see post ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’); and the year that Lilibet gave Sir Peter Morrison his knighthood and also handed out honours to a few others who were involved in the Westminster Paedophile Ring.

The Lord Chancellor when McCowan was appointed Senior Presiding Judge of England and Wales was paedophiles’ friend Lord James Mackay (see post ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’).

When he was young, Anthony McCowan had briefly featured on Conservative Central Office’s list of approved Parliamentary candidates, but soon decided to concentrate on the Bar.

During the 1980s McCowan presided in a number of highly publicised IRA trials. After his promotion to the Court of Appeal, McCowan was one of the judges on the appeal of the Maguire Seven in 1991; the appellants had spent 15 years in prison after being jailed at the Old Bailey for running an IRA bomb factory. Following an 18 day hearing, the judges allowed the appeal on the sole ground that traces of nitroglycerine found on their hands and gloves at their north London home, which formed the basis for their convictions, could have been the result of innocent contamination. They rejected five other grounds of appeal, in particular claims that the prosecution scientists had deliberately withheld relevant evidence.

The miscarriage of justice involving the Macguire Seven was quite extraordinary. There was no evidence against them, they had been horrifically brutalised while in police custody, including Anne McGuire – a middle aged lady who was a member of the local Conservative Club – and her 14 year old son Patrick. After she was released, Anne McGuire gave interviews in which she said that despite the brutality that she had suffered at the hands of the police, she never thought that she would be convicted because the allegations were so ludicrous. As with the Birmingham Six, virtually every professional involved in the Macguire Seven case had lied and lied and lied.

It was Anthony McCowan, in his capacity as Lord Justice McCowan, who in March 1993 rejected the application of the families of six victims of Hillsborough for a judicial review to quash the Hillsborough inquest verdict.

 

Clive Ponting was not the first civil servant under Thatcher’s Gov’t to have been prosecuted under the Official Secrets Act. In 1983, Sarah Tisdall, then an FCO clerical officer, leaked British Gov’t documents to ‘The Guardian’ and was subsequently jailed. in 1983. Tisdall anonymously sent ‘The Guardian’ photocopied documents detailing when American cruise missiles would be arriving in Britain. The documents set out the political tactics that Heseltine, then Defence Secretary, would use to present the matter in the Commons.

There did not appear to be any threat to national security in the revelation but the Gov’t nonetheless brought a legal action against ‘The Guardian’, seeking an order requiring the newspaper to reveal its source. Although ‘The Guardian’ successfully argued that it was protected by section 10 of the Contempt of Court Act 1981 from providing the information, the judgement by Justice Scott was almost immediately overturned. The appeal by the Attorney-General – paedophiles’ friend Michael Havers – was on the grounds that although the documents themselves were harmless, a civil servant capable of leaking them might leak other documents which could pose a threat to national security.

‘The Guardian’ complied with a court order to hand over the documents, which were identified as coming from a FCO photocopying machine. The machine led to Tisdall. In March 1984, Tisdall pleaded guilty to a charge under section 2 of the Official Secrets Act 1911. She was sentenced to six months in jail, but was released after four months.

‘The Guardian’ handed over the documents when the Editor Peter Preston realised that he might go to prison if they did not. So Sarah went to prison instead. There was much criticism of Preston from other journos at the time for failing to protect his source. But then Preston knew what was happening to kids in care and mental health patients in north Wales and he never published a word about it. Furthermore ‘The Guardian’ was accepting advertising revenue from Social Service Depts which they knew had been infiltrated by paedophiles. See post ‘Workers’ Play Time’.

 

The prosecutions of Tisdall and Ponting took place in an atmosphere of paranoia and panic on the part of Thatcher’s Gov’t re ‘national security’.

I cannot help wondering if Thatcher’s Gov’t were well aware that the wrongdoing of people like Peter Morrison and St John Stevas was so great that they were going into overdrive in order to ensure that it never became public. After all, whilst all this was happening, a bunch of benign students in Bangor had been placed under surveillance by the security services because of the fear that they were going to uncover the enormity of the crimes of Dafydd et al.

Heseltine: we were not terrorists, we were entirely harmless young people, with no money and no access to things like broadsheet editors. What on earth did you think that you were doing you mad old git? All I did was complain about an old pervert and people directly linked to your Gov’t tried to kill us and indeed did kill one of us.

 

My friend Anne Vernon was killed in the spring of 1986. Heseltine did not occupy any Ministerial position at the time of Anne’s death, because he had waltzed out of the Cabinet in Jan 1986, over the Westland row, another incident from which someone in Somerset who knew what was going on in north Wales did very well out of (see post ‘Those Who Wish To Serve’). Douglas Hurd was Home Secretary when Anne was murdered by the British state. Law-abiding harmless Anne, doing a PhD on noctuid moths, who’s mum was a teacher and who’s dad was an accountant. Because her closest friend in north Wales had complained about the people running the Westminster Paedophile Ring.

 

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Is it not extraordinary that Thatcher’s Gov’t set out to kill the young adult children of some solid Tory supporters?? I expect that Thatch thought that we were holding the country to ransom.

 

After completing my MSc at Hammersmith Hospital/Royal Postgraduate Medical School in June 1987, I spent a few months living with Brown and some others in Leicester. Brown was doing his PhD at the Centre for Mass Communication Research at Leicester University. I have mentioned previously that although Brown was in receipt of an ESRC studentship which covered tuition fees paid to Leicester University, he was given absolutely no facilities or mentoring at all. Not even a desk, although other PhD students were accommodated. So Brown made himself an office in our house and worked from home. The only facilities that Leicester University provided for him were library facilities.

Leicestershire was the location of the paedophile ring which included social worker Frank Beck and Labour MP Greville Janner. Beck had not been jailed when we were living in Leicester and Greville Janner had not yet been investigated by the police, although many complaints had been made about Beck and Janner. As in the case of north Wales, the police, the local authorities, the criminal justice system and the NHS in Leicestershire were fully on board with the gang, as were huge swathes of Leicester University, particularly those members of staff in the medical school, education, law and the social sciences (see posts ‘An Expert From England’, ‘Radical Leicester and Some Other Free Radicals’ and ‘Gwlad y Menig Gwynion’). Leicester University also had strong links to the BBC/media industry, as a result of the former Principal being the father of David and Richard Attenborough.

 

University of Leicester – view of the Attenborough tower.

 

David Attenborough’s bibliography includes: Zoo Quest to Guyana (1956); The Tribal Eye (1976); The Trials Of Life (1990); The Private Life Of Plants (1994); The Life Of Birds (1998); Amazing Rare Things (2007); Life In Cold Blood (2007).

David’s brother was the notorious luvvie dear, dear Dickie. Dickie starred in ‘I’m All Right Jack’ (1959). In the late 1950s, Attenborough formed a production company, Beaver Films and began to build a profile as a producer on projects including ‘The League Of Gentlemen’ (1959). His feature film directorial debut was the all-star screen version of the hit musical ‘Oh! What A Lovely War!’ (1969). Attenborough’s later films as Director and Producer include ‘Chaplin’ (1992).

After 33 years of service as President of the Muscular Dystrophy campaign, Attenborough became the charity’s Honorary Life President in 2004. In 2012, the charity established the Richard Attenborough Fellowship Fund to honour his lifelong commitment to the charity and to ensure the future of clinical research and training at leading UK neuromuscular centres.

Attenborough was also the Patron of the United World Colleges movement, whereby he contributed to the colleges that are part of the organisation. He was a frequent visitor to the Waterford Kamhlaba United World College of Southern Africa (UWCSA). The Baroness of Ely is involved with the United World Colleges movement, having attended Atlantic College, one of the United World Colleges, herself.

Attenborough was a longtime advocate of education that does not judge upon colour, race, creed or religion. His attachment to Waterford was his passion for non-racial education, which were the grounds on which Waterford Kamhlaba was founded. Waterford was one of his inspirations for directing the film ‘Cry Freedom’.

Attenborough founded the Richard Attenborough Arts Centre on the Leicester University campus in 1997, specifically designed to provide access for the disabled, in particular as practitioners.

Richard Attenborough was elected to the post of Chancellor of the University of Sussex in March 1998. He stood down as Chancellor of the University following graduation in July 2008. There now hangs a portrait of him in the newly opened Attenborough Centre for the Creative Arts on the university campus.

 

 

Attenborough was also head of the consortium Dragon International Film Studios, which was constructing a film and television studio complex in Llanilid, Wales, nicknamed ‘Valleywood’.

Now why would Dickie have been taking an interest in poor old Wales just as people began demanding that the criminal investigation into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal should be re-opened?

In March 2008, the ‘Valleywood’ project was placed into administration with debts of £15 million and was considered for sale of the assets in 2011.

So which numpty in the Welsh Gov’t gave the green light to the nonsense in the first place?

Attenborough had a lifelong ambition to make a film about his hero the political theorist and revolutionary Thomas Paine, whom he called ‘one of the finest men that ever lived’. Attenborough said in an interview in 2006 that ‘I could understand him. He wrote in simple English. I found all his aspirations – the rights of women, the health service, universal education… Everything you can think of that we want is in Rights of Man or The Age of Reason or Common Sense’.

#Me Too Dickie!!

Sadly Dickie could not secure the funding for his feminist socialist blockbuster. Do you know Dickie, I too have found that if a bit of tenacity, sacrifice and God forbid cash is required for a Cause for the Oppressed, suddenly people become a great deal less enthusiastic.

The website ‘A Gift for Dickie’ was launched by two filmmakers from Luton in June 2008 with the aim of raising £40m in 400 days to help him make the film, but the target was not met and the money that had been raised was refunded. I would imagine that Dickie was a man who was very hard to buy for, so he probably just used to get socks and underpants for Christmas.

In Dec 2008, Dickie suffered a fall at his home after a stroke and was admitted to St George’s Hospital. He’ll have been OK there, they weren’t going to neglect or abuse Dickie, like Cilla he’ll have been useful for PR purposes. In Nov 2009, Dickie held a ‘house clearance’ sale and flogged off a few Lowries, Nevinsons and Sutherlands at Sotheby’s, generating £4.6 million. In Jan 2011, Dickie sold his estate on the Isle of Bute for £1.48 million.

In June 2012, shortly before her 90th birthday, Dickie’s wife Sheila Sim entered the professional actors’ retirement home Denville Hall, for which she and Dickie had helped raise funds. In Oct 2012, it was announced that Dickie was putting the family home, Old Friars, with its attached offices, Beaver Lodge, which come complete with a sound-proofed cinema in the garden, on the market for £11.5 million.

In Dec 2012, in light of his deteriorating health, Dickie moved into a nursing home in London to be with his wife. Dickie died on 24 August 2014, five days before his 91st birthday.

Lest anyone accuse me of being mean spirited and begrudging Dickie and his wife comfort in their later years, I honestly don’t. The reason why I ruthlessly take the piss out of people like Dickie and his extended clan is that they know something about the grim underbelly of the welfare services, yet they knowingly allow themselves to be used as a shameless PR vehicle if anyone dares to say ‘Oh Christ, look what happening here’.

 

After Frank Beck was given five life sentences and a further 24 years in prison in Nov 1991 at Leicester Crown Court for sexual and physical assaults, including rape, against more than one hundred children in his care, there was subsequently outrage in Parliament when Beck gave an interview to a local BBC radio station from inside prison. This was not only considered to have involved a huge misjudgement on the part of the BBC, but it transpired was also against Home Office rules. The BBC was colluding with abuse in high places, as was the Prison Service and the Home Office itself. All three institutions were endemically corrupt and were cravenly following instructions from Gov’t, even when those instructions were to conceal VIP traffickers. Justice McCowan had set the precedent. Concealing paedophiles with links to Gov’t was now in the interests of national security.

Why was anyone surprised that Greville Janner’s mate was allowed to address the nation from his prison cell?

 

I now realise that Brown and I – at that time with Dafydd and the gang in hot pursuit of us – probably could not have ended up living in a worse place than Leicester, if we were not going to live in north Wales, in the way that I could not have ended up working in a worse place than St George’s Hospital Medical School between 1989-91. Since beginning this blog I have been told that traps were laid for both of us to ensure that we ended up living and working on the manors of Dafydd’s mates. Dafydd’s gang had tentacles across Europe by the late 1980s, but Leicester and St George’s were hot spots, along with Haringey, Islington, Lambeth, Camden, Richmond-upon-Thames and Brighton.

Brown did his first degree at Aston University which was run by Sir Freddie Crawford, Thatcher’s mate who was a Freemason and at the heart of the corruption of civic life in Birmingham. Previous posts have explained how Brown and I were targeted by the gang when we were still undergrads. Brown wanted to do his PhD with the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies at Birmingham University.

The CCCS was a cool n trendy place, but it was most definitely under fire from Thatcher’s Gov’t, they hated it because of the perception that it was a colony of leftists. The CCCS was founded in 1964 by Richard Hoggart and Stuart Hall was Director, 1968-79. Raymond Williams was also involved with the creation of the CCCS. The CCCS produced some very famous sociologists, such as Angela McRobbie, Paul Gilroy and Paul Willis.

Birmingham University closed the CCCS suddenly in 2002. There was much outrage and it was widely perceived to have been a political move and a backlash against the CCCS as a result of so many of their staff locking horns with the authorities at Birmingham University over the years. However the CCCS did have a track record of a relatively high proportion of PhD students not completing.

The CCCS produced some excellent work, but some of their associates were among those on the left who were colluding with the Westminster Paedophile Ring. Since researching for this blog I have come across quite a few such names linked with the CCCS. It is very sad that everyone on the left talked about bringing down Thatcher, but the thing that would have done that would have been to have exposed Sir Peter Morrison, Norman St John Stevas and other child molesting Tories with Royal connections, but the lefties wouldn’t do it because there was the matter of Greville Janner, George Thomas and all those Labour-run Councils who were supplying kids in care to the gangs…

Then there was the gay scene, which no self-respecting leftie could dare reveal overlapped with the rent boy scene, the rent boys coming from the children’s homes of north Wales and elsewhere. I have been told that the reason why Dafydd et al became so over-excited about me was that when we were undergrads, Brown and I had been clocked going to a club in Birmingham which had a gender-bending contingent in attendance. We also used to frequent a clothes shop/designers in Birmingham called Kahn and Bell to buy our gear. Kahn and Bell jointly occupied a premises with a vintage clothes shop run by a man called Whiskers – I don’t know what his real name was – who was pretty stereotypical, all handle-bar moustache and leather and he used to compere at the gay nightclub Heaven. The shop used to get raided by the corrupt West Midlands Police on a regular basis who would charge in searching for ‘drugs’, but only ever find a load of young people with interesting hair-styles.

It is quite funny to think of those old fools Gwynne the lobotomist and Dafydd steaming away at the thought of a young woman with coloured hair who dared visit such places – obviously it could only mean that I’d be more than happy to drop my knickers for elderly Top Docs liberally covered in Brylcreem – but I don’t think that they should have tried to murder my friends and I when I said no thanks. Indeed I did just say no thanks, a lot of people seem to believe that I must have inflicted a crippling kick to their cerregs. I wish I had, I just thought that they were horrid old perverts trying their luck, I didn’t realise that they were running a paedophile gang targeting kids as young as 10.

 

Brown applied to the CCCS, was interviewed but didn’t get the offer of funding. They were very nice about it, wrote him a friendly letter telling him that he had performed very well and that his work was of an excellent standard, but funding was tight and difficult decisions were having to be made. Brown later noted that some much weaker candidates had been offered funding, but he didn’t dwell on it. Instead he came to live in our shared house with us on Anglesey, while he built up his publication list and waited for the next round of studentships.

I have been told that the paedophiles’ friends were desperate to keep Brown out of the CCCS and to ensure that he ended up instead at the Centre for Mass Communication in Leicester (the only other place which was researching his chosen field), where the plan was to do everything possible to stop him getting a PhD.

When Brown was a student at Aston, he became very friendly with a lecturer called Guy Cumberbatch and began publishing with him. Guy came up to stay with us on Anglesey one summer and at one point Brown lodged with Guy and his wife at their house in Leicester  and in return did the housework and baby sitting. Guy had previously worked at the Centre for Mass Communications in Leicester. Guy never discussed Dafydd and the paedophiles with us, but Guy was no fool and he took an interest in the murky underworld of political life. He also personally knew some of the 1980s figures who were loud voices on the morality scene, such as dear old Mary Whitehouse and the Rev Brian Brown (not THE Brown, just a pillock with the same name), as well as a senior policeman in the Obscene Publications division who I think was later accused of corruption. These folk all knew about the organised abuse of young people and were keeping schtum.

Guy particularly hated Freddie Crawford and in the end left Aston for Worcester University.

People have been telling me for ages that Guy was knifing Brown without our knowledge, but I haven’t put anything about it on the blog yet, but Brown recently confirmed that yes, Guy had done and said a few things that one would not have expected from a friend and mentor.

I don’t know whether Guy was bribed or threatened, but I am told that the rot had begun when Brown was an undergrad. It would also have been crucially important for Dafydd et al to nobble Guy, because Guy’s area of research was, in the 1980s, ‘video nasties’ and the like and research into whether such material really did increase aggression in children who watched it. Guy’s research interest was dangerously close to other questionable material – John Allen was producing child porn as well as trafficking children and young people.

 

Brown’s first degree was in psychology and there were close links between the Psychology Dept at Aston and the Psychology Dept at UCNW (Bangor). Margaret Newton at Aston, a dyslexia specialist, was a big mate of Prof Tim Miles, the dyslexia specialist at UCNW. Tim Miles was a lovely old boy, but he must have known about Dafydd and the paedophiles. Dafydd was pulling the strings in the Psychology Dept at UCNW until Prof Fergus Lowe overthrew Dafydd in the late 1980s and then created his own toxic empire based upon lying, cheating and holding everyone who had colluded with Dafydd over a barrel (see post ‘Feet In Chains’). Furthermore Tim Miles had built up his reputation as a result of his fieldwork with children on Anglesey in the mid-1960s. Not only had Dafydd conducted ‘mental health research’ on Anglesey, 1959-62, but Lucille Hughes had been a children’s social worker on Anglesey in the 1960s. Tim must have known that Dafydd and Lucille were running that gang, he couldn’t possibly have missed it.

One of the mature students on Brown’s course at Aston, Diane Underwood, after causing much grief to Brown and others before the end of the course, subsequently rocked up at UCNW, working for Fungus. Diane arrived at UCNW as the war against Brown and me really escalated. Oh and just to let us know that we were surrounded, Diane spotted us on the platform at Bangor Railway Station one day – now that was a coincidence – and made a point of coming up to Brown to make her presence known, but then refused to engage in conversation when I tried to talk to her. Diane now seems to have disappeared off the face of the planet.

Guy Cumberbatch knew about the murder threats that had been made to Brown and Guy knew that the man making them had previously violently assaulted someone. Dr D.G.E. Wood, the corrupt GP who worked in the Student Health Centre at UCNW, knew about the murder threats to Brown, as did Dr Adrian Bell, my tutor in the Dept of Plant Biology. There was no help or advice forthcoming from anyone.

Whether it was Guy who was responsible for Brown being rejected by the CCCS and subsequently ending up being ignored at Leicester University by Guy’s former colleagues, I do not know. But a few interesting things went on at the CCCS in those days.

 

Stuart Hall stood down as Director of the CCCS in 1979 to take up the position of Professor of Sociology at the Open University, but Hall remained a very powerful influence at the CCCS as well as in wider sociology as a whole and on the left.

Hall was born in Jamaica and in 1951 won a Rhodes Scholarship to Merton College, Oxford, becoming part of the Windrush generation. Hall continued his studies at Oxford by beginning a PhD but, galvanised particularly by the 1956 Soviet invasion of Hungary (which saw many thousands of members leave the Communist Party of Great Britain and look for alternatives to previous orthodoxies) and the Suez Crisis, abandoned this in 1957 or 1958 to focus on his political work. In 1957, Hall joined CND and it was on a CND march that he met his future wife, the feminist historian at UCL, Catherine Hall. From 1958 to 1960, Hall worked as a teacher in a London secondary modern school and in adult education.

After working on the ‘Universities and Left Review’ during his time at Oxford, Hall joined E.P. Thompson, Raymond Williams and others to merge it with ‘The New Reasoner’, launching the ‘New Left Review’ in 1960 with Hall as the founding Editor. In 1958, the same group, with the Marxist historian Raphael Samuel, launched the Partisan Coffee House in Soho as a meeting place for left-wingers. Hall left the board of the ‘New Left Review’ in 1961 or 1962.

E.P. Thompson was one of the radicals who had a second home at Croesor in north Wales, as did Eric Hobsbawm, who was also involved with the Partisan Coffee House. Thompson and Hobsbawm knew about Dafydd and the paedophile gang (see post ‘The Village’). Raphael Samuel knew Hobsbawm and Thompson well – Raphael Samuel taught at Ruskin for decades (see post ‘A Study In Tyranny’). Matt Arnold, who became the Head of Bryn Estyn in May 1973, taught at Ruskin in the mid-1960s and one of his students was Peter Howarth, to whom Arnold gave a job at Bryn Estyn in Nov 1973. Arnold bagged the job at Bryn Estyn after the previous Head, Peter Burton, his wife had their young son were killed in a car crash. The Deputy Head of Bryn Estyn was killed in the same crash. Peter Burton had only been in post for about a year when he was killed. His predecessor, David Ursell, had been suspended after only four years in post, after a complaint regarding the way in which he enforced discipline. Ursell’s predecessor Harold Bennett had retired in 1967 after 26 yrs.

As far as I can see, somebody badly wanted Matt Arnold in post as the Head of Bryn Estyn and that person could have been on manoeuvres by the late 1960s.

In 1969 John Allen established the Bryn Alyn Community.

 

It was in the latter half of the 1960s that Leo Abse began working towards bringing about what became the Children Act 1975. Abse co-ordinated everything single-handedly, but received assistance from others in ensuring that the legislation was passed, others which included childcare experts such as Dafydd’s colleagues and helpful politicians like Jim Callaghan and Dr Death (see post ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’). The Children Act 1975 vastly increased the number of children finding themselves in the hands of the paedophiles of north Wales.

To spare the readers of this blog the confusion that I experienced for years, let me explain that when the police and others made comment about paedophiles being ‘very clever people’ who are working in professional positions ‘high up’ in society, I think that it was Dafydd and his mates that they were referring to. Police: next time, can you please not use the sort language that one uses if one is addressing primary school pupils? If you had simply mentioned an insane old idiot in north Wales, I would have realised immediately to whom you were referring.

 

There was abuse at Bryn Estyn before Arnold and Howarth arrived, but once those two took up positions there, business really boomed. Arnold and Howarth had previously worked at Axwell Park Approved School in Gateshead, where there had been complaints of boys being abused.

Scores of Labour and trade union figures passed through Ruskin College, including John Prescott, who was a student there at the same time as Howarth and when Arnold was teaching at Ruskin. For details of Ruskin and those who taught or were students there, see post ‘A Study In Tyranny’.

 

Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, Stuart Hall was closely associated with the journal ‘Marxism Today’ and in 1995, he was a founding editor of ‘Soundings: A Journal of Politics and Culture’. I can’t complain about ‘Soundings’, they published an article that Brown, I and a colleague at Bangor wrote about the north Wales mental health system. 

Hall’s political influence extended to the Labour Party and had a profound impact on the Party under both the Windbag and Blair, although Hall was highly critical of New Labour. The Windbag – and his wife – knew all about Dafydd and the gang as well as of course George Thomas and Ron Davies’s penchant for moments of madness and looking for badgers. The Windbag had known Tony Francis, Dafydd’s partner in crime, when Francis was a student in Cardiff. When Brown applied to the CCCS, the Windbag was the leader of the Labour Party.

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Stuart Hall was linked to the Centre for Mass Communication Research in Leicester. Hall first presented his ‘encoding and decoding’ philosophy in the form of ‘Encoding and Decoding in the Television Discourse’ (1973), a paper he wrote for the Council of Europe Colloquy on ‘Training in the Critical Readings of Television Language’ organised by the Council & the Centre for Mass Communication Research at Leicester. In 1974 the paper was presented at a symposium on Broadcasters and the Audience in Venice.

There was quite a degree of hostility between broadcasters and media academics and a lot of people in academia grumbled that a few academics such as Guy Cumberbatch and Alastair Hetherington were too close to broadcasters. Hetherington was the son of Hector Hetherington, a professor at University College Cardiff who later became Principal of Glasgow University. Alastair Hetherington served in the Intelligence Corps in WWII and then went into journalism. He was Editor of ‘The Guardian’ for nearly twenty years and then was appointed as Controller of BBC Scotland.

In 1982 Hetherington was given a Chair by Stirling University. There was much gnashing of teeth and my two friends who’s media careers were killed in the early 1990s and who found a gangster after them when they had wanted to make a film about north Wales (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’), were media students at Stirling at the time. My friends were among those who signed a letter to ‘The Scotsman’ in protest at Stirling appointing Hetherington – who had until then had no academic background – as a toadying gesture to the rich and famous (see post ‘Workers’ Play Time’). I have recently found that this did not go unnoticed by those who were protecting national security – my friends were already under surveillance because of their friendship with Brown and me.

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At one point, Polly was a fellow traveller with Dr Death.

 

One of my friends had that Jack McConnell in her bed once – without her permission either (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). Now Jack would never have become First Minister of Scotland and then Lord Jack if he had not kept schtum about celebrity paedophiles (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’). You might be friends with Kirsty Wark Jack, but I’ve got 10,000 documents.

 

Stuart Hall’s colleague Richard Hoggart was the father of Simon Hoggart, the journo and Parliamentary sketch writer who knew about the Westminster Paedophile Ring.

 

Raymond Williams, another pal of Hall et al, was a Marxist cultural theorist. Williams was Welsh, but investigated his Welsh identity from the perspective of someone who grew up on the Welsh-English border near Abergavenny. Williams was the son of a railway worker in a village where all of the railwaymen voted Labour while the local small farmers mostly voted Liberal. Williams’s writings on cultural theory are great, but his novel ‘Border Country’ sent me into such a sound sleep that I didn’t finish it. 

When Raymond Williams was at Trinity College, Cambridge, he joined the Communist Party of Great Britain and, along with Eric Hobsbawm, Williams was given the task of writing a Communist Party pamphlet about the Russo-Finnish War. Williams became part of the New Left in the 1950s, but by the 1970s he was a member of Plaid, which is why Leanne Wood, who styles herself as a Plaid Marxist, mentions him when she’s on ‘Any Questions’.  Raymond did ignore that paedophile gang though Leanne. But then so did you. When Leanne quoted Raymond Williams on ‘Any Questions’, she referred to ‘a man called Raymond Williams’. Dimbleby elaborated and said ‘you mean the sociologist Raymond Williams’. No Dimbleby, he was a cultural theorist. At least Leanne managed to get his gender right. I would have thought that the BBC could have dug up someone who knew who Raymond Williams was.

Williams retired from his post at Cambridge University in 1983 and spent his last years in Saffron Walden.

Raymond Williams, relaxing in that well-known Welsh working class community of Saffron Walden.
Raymond Williams At Saffron Walden.jpg

 

Saffron Walden market square in July 2012, with the half-timbered Guildhall. Indistinguishable from Methyr Tydfil.

Castle Street contains many historic buildings. It always reminds me of Llanfair­pwllgwyngyll­gogery­chwyrn­drobwll­llan­tysilio­gogo­goch.

 

Bridge End Gardens, a group of seven interlinked 19th-century gardens, including a maze, rose garden and walled garden. Just like the scree slopes of Snowdonia.

Saffron Walden’s MP, for its eponymous Westminster constituency, was Sir Alan Haselhurst, 1977-17. It has been considered a safe seat for the Conservative Party since 1922. I know a little bit about Saffron Walden, because one of my house mates from my undergrad days at UCNW came from there. He was one of those who knew what was happening to me at the hands of the Top Docs and he was also a victim of the chaos that rained down upon us in 1983, when the gift from the security services that was Trishles came our way (see posts ‘He Got On His Bike And Looked For Work’ and ‘A Local Boy Made Good?’). My friend from Saffron Walden was driven out of his job with a drug company in 1991!

The security services will have heard all the phone calls that we were making to each other as we were all driven out of our jobs within weeks of each other.

 

Tony Blair was elected as MP for Sedgefield in June 1983. Sedgefield is a constituency just down the road from the territory of the paedophile gang in the north east, of which Matt Arnold and Peter Howarth were members, until they relocated to Bryn Estyn. During the 1970s and 80s, hundreds of children in care from the north east were sent to children’s homes in north Wales (see post ‘Another Episode Of Friends…’).

Before he became an MP, Blair was a pupil barrister of George Carman QC. Carman knew about Dafydd and the paedophiles and he was retained by Greville Janner and Jimmy Savile, lest he was needed. Cherie also worked in Carman’s Chambers.

Ron Davies was elected as the Labour MP for Caerphilly on the same day that Blair won Sedgefield. In 1998, Blair was just about to appoint Ron as First Secretary of the new National Assembly of Wales, but poor old Ron was caught with his trousers down on Clapham Common in the company of Boogie, a male prostitute. Of course, as Rhodri Morgan explained, Rhodri ‘didn’t know’ that Ron had such encounters because Ron cleverly covered his tracks. So carefully that Ron used to go cottaging at Cardiff’s most popular tourist attraction (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’):

A popular cottaging location for a potential FM:

 

Castles in Cardiff

A thick, lying pillock, whose family ran Swansea University:
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In 2007 a collection of Raymond Williams’ papers was deposited at Swansea University by his daughter Merryn, herself ‘a poet and author’. Merryn’s bio on her website tells us: ‘I went to grammar school in Hastings in eleven-plus days, studied English at Murray Edwards College, Cambridge, and got a doctorate for my thesis on Thomas Hardy’s novels. After that I taught adult students for the Open University and the W.E.A., living for several years near Cranfield University where my husband worked as a physicist. I am literary adviser to the Wilfred Owen Association, having a great interest in the poets of the First World War.’

There’s a down to earth Welsh girl for you!

This is Dai, he holds the Raymond Williams Research Chair in Cultural History at Swansea University. He is – or was – Chair of the Arts Council of Wales, so he decides who gets the dosh:

 

Professor Dai Smith

 

This is Oily, Dai’s offspring:

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Oily got his hopes up, but I think they’ve been dashed now. Oily didn’t live in Saffron Walden, Oily lived in Surrey, until he decided that he’d like to be a Cabinet Minister, preferably Chancellor of the Exchequer. Then he remembered his dad and the pits and the NHS and Nye Bevan and Oily moved to Pontypridd.

Oily’s dad wrote the 2008 volume, ‘Raymond Williams: a Warrior’s Tale’.

Warrier???? He pussy-footed around a gang of sex traffickers and lived in Saffron Walden after spending a few decades at Cambridge University.

The Raymond Williams Society was established in 1989 ‘to support and develop intellectual and political projects in areas broadly connected with Williams’s work.’ Presumably that includes banging on about peace, socialism and feminism while keeping schtum about a gang of paedophiles who are murdering witnesses. The Raymond Williams Centre for Recovery Research was opened at Nottingham Trent University in 1995. The Raymond Williams Foundation (RWF) supports activities in adult education. A collaborative research project building on Williams’s investigation of cultural keywords, called the ‘Keywords Project’, was established in 2006 and is supported by Jesus College, University of Cambridge and the University of Pittsburgh.

 

The person who interviewed Brown at CCCS was Professor Michael Green. Brown told me that Michael Green ‘came over as a bit of a twit despite the loving obituaries which he inspired’, but Brown presumed that he just hadn’t hit it off with Green. The other media specialist who was at CCCS when Brown wanted to do a PhD with them was Ann Gray, who ended up with a Chair at Lincoln University.

 

So after drawing a blank at the CCCS, Brown was offered a studentship at the Centre for Mass Communication Research at Leicester University, which unbeknown to him was at the heart of a load of people concealing the activities of Lord Greville, Frank Beck et al, who had close links to Dafydd and the gang in north Wales.

The Centre for Mass Communication Research was established in 1966 under Prof Jim Halloran’s directorship, initially concentrating on delivering PhDs. In 1978 the Social Science Research Council (predecessor of the ESRC) invited Halloran to design and deliver the UK’s first Masters Degree in media and communications.

Brown’s supervisor at Leicester was Paul Hartmann ‘who was affable enough, but we mostly made small talk about his motorbike and building projects he was undertaking around his house, so there wasn’t much by way of solid academic advice’. So Brown did it by himself.

 

The backgrounds of the senior managers at Leicester University when Brown was a PhD student there and an account of an interesting game of musical chairs which took place at the very top of the institution can be read in my post ‘Gwlad y Menig Gwynion’.

 

As for my arrival at St George’s in 1989 as a result of an offer of a job opportunity which seemed to be a dream come true but turned out to be a living nightmare (see post ‘St George’s Hospital Medical School, 1989/1990…’), I have been told that it was all stage-managed as carefully as Brown’s eventual arrival at Leicester was. D.G.E. Wood et al in north Wales knew that I was looking for a research post, preferably in the area of fertility studies, which would allow me to complete a PhD at the same time and I responded to an advert in ‘New Scientist’ placed by St George’s offering such an opportunity. Now for the really interesting bit. When I was interviewed, it was for a fixed term contract as a research assistant. St George’s then telephoned me that evening, told me that I hadn’t got the job that I’d applied for, but I was such a good candidate that they were prepared to create a job for me, a permanent one at that and could I start immediately…

I knew that Prof Oliver Brooke at St George’s had been imprisoned for child porn offences in 1986, but I had no idea that he was a key figure in a pan-European paedophile ring containing many professional people, with which Dafydd’s gang were directly linked (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’). Neither did I realise that many members of Brooke’s gang were still working at St George’s, Springfield Hospital and in Wandsworth Social Services, that I’d be surrounded by them and that the only reason why I was offered that job was to hound me out of medical research and ensure that I didn’t get back in again. After Brooke was jailed, Sir William Asscher was appointed as Dean of St George’s. Asscher had spent his whole career in Cardiff, he was a mate of Dafydd et al and he’d concealed their crimes as well as the offending of George Thomas, for years. Asscher was sent to St George’s for no other reason than to continue with the cover-up post-Brooke, he kept a home in Glamorgan and moved back there when he retired from St George’s. See post ‘The White Heat Of This Revolution’.

Here’s a man who knew what was going on but who’s desire to become PM was greater than his concern for the lives of the witnesses who’s corpses were regularly turning up in north Wales:

 

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It was just after I began the job at St George’s that Gwynedd Health Authority took me to the High Court in Cardiff in an attempt to obtain an injunction to prevent me even writing to them to pursue my complaints (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’.  The legal advice was given by Andrew Park, the crooked lawyer who was employed by the Welsh Office. The Secretary of State for Wales at the time was Peter Walker.

The barrister who witnessed the extraordinary scenes in Chester Court on the occasion in 1990 when four members of the paedophile gang perjured themselves repeatedly and 14 charges against me had to be thrown out of Court – the barrister herself was deliberately sent to the wrong Court, leaving her no time to prepare my defence – was Suzanne Evans. Suzanne was friendly and courteous towards me, but she knew that four people had lied repeatedly on oath, she knew that the judge – Justice Roch – had simply ignored their perjury AND Suzanne witnessed Roch offer to give the four perjurers more time to rewrite their affidavits. Furthermore Suzanne knew that she had been sent to the wrong Court. I have documents in my possession written by a lawyer employed by Gwynedd County Council which not only make it clear that Gwynedd County Council were told about the change in Court and judge in advance but my team wasn’t, but also indicate that the four perjurers from the Arfon Community Mental Health Team had not actually previously seen the affidavits that they had allegedly sworn. See post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’.

Suzanne Evans is a graduate of St Anne’s College, Oxford and is now working as a Family Law barrister at Oriel Chambers in Liverpool and Preston.

‘In the Public Law arena she acts predominantly for parents, appearing in cases involving a wide range of key issues including neglect, addictions, non-accidental injury, domestic violence, mental health etc. In care proceedings she acts for parents, grandparents, Children’s Guardians and Local Authorities. In Private Law Children cases Suzanne acts for parents involved in the sometimes complex and distressing process of resolving the arrangements for their children post separation.’

Suzanne, you watched four members of a paedophile ring perjure themselves in an attempt to have me imprisoned and you watched a judge collude with them. Didn’t you think that you should have followed this up, rather than just have walked out of the door when 14 allegations against me were demonstrated to be fallacious?

The Home Secretary at the time was David Waddington, the Lord Chancellor was Lord Mackay and the Attorney-General who had authorised the prosecution was Sir Patrick Mayhew.

 

By the time that I was working at St George’s, some of those in Somerset who knew what was happening to me at the hands of Dafydd et al had acquired a great deal of money and a few others had found their careers taking a sudden turn for the better (see posts ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’ and ‘Those Who Are Ready To Serve’).

I have explained in previous posts how the Somerset contingent suddenly found themselves tripping over aristos with connections to the Gov’t. I am trying to work out when the odious David Kirke and the Dangerous Sports Club began to spend their time in the region of the Cottage Inn near Fiddington – it must have been in about late 1985. In Nov 1986, the BBC TV programme ‘The Late Late Breakfast Show’ which was presented by Noel Edmonds, set up a badly managed stunt involving a bungee jump which resulted in the death of the volunteer, Michael Lush. There was an almighty fuss and I can remember the twat Kirke pompousing away in the media (and in Somerset) explaining how the BBC should have taken advice from him and if they had done that no-one would have died. Two of Kirke’s mates from Somerset later succeeded in killing a Bulgarian student by firing him from a medieval catapult in Nov 2002. There was a prosecution for manslaughter in 2004 but the nice lady judge at Bristol directed the jury to acquit the two defendants.

By the time that Michael Lush died, I had heard a great deal about Kirke, he must have been hanging around in Somerset for a year or so by then. So the son of the Governor of the Bank of England and his mates found themselves in close proximity to people who knew me at the end of 1985 or so. I hadn’t yet encountered Dafydd by then, but I had encountered D.G.E. Wood, Gwynne the lobotomist and Tony Francis. I had contacted Keith Best, the MP for Anglesey, about the problems that I was having with the north Wales mental health services and he in turn had written to the paedophiles’ friend Lord Wyn Roberts. Best and Roberts were Ministers at the Welsh Office and at that time Nicholas Edwards was Secretary of State for Wales (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’ and ‘Old Nick Bites The Dust’). Everyone was concealing the trafficking gang.

The Lord Kingsdown aka Robin Leigh-Pemberton
Lord Kingsdown.jpg

 

The Secretary of State for the DHSS at the time was Norman Fowler, who is currently Lord Speaker:

The Lord Fowler looking rough
Official portrait of Lord Fowler crop 2.jpg

 

The Home Secretary at the time was Douglas Hurd, who assumed that office on 2 Sept 1985. Hurd was the nephew of the botanist Prof Edred Henry Corner, who knew Prof Greig-Smith, of the Plant Biology Dept at UCNW (see post ‘Additional Security Meaures’). Greig-Smith was a colleague of scores of people who were concealing the trafficking gang, including Chris Wood, who was the wife of D.G.E. Wood and Ralph Oxley, who’s wife Isabel Hargreaves worked as a social worker for Gwynedd Social Services. One member of staff in Plant Biology, Dr John Wilson, was known to be picking up under-aged girls in Bangor for sex and Dr Adrian Bell and his wife Alison were worried that John Wilson was going to get himself arrested and cause a scandal. John’s conduct was widely known to staff in the Plant Biology Dept as well as to those in the Zoology Dept. Other people whom I heard directly commenting on it included John Farrar, who many years later became a PVC at Bangor University and his wife Stel. At the time Stel had just finished her PhD, but years later she worked as a lecturer in the Dept of Lifelong Learning, while the Head of Dept was Meri Huws. In the 1980s Meri Huws worked as a community social worker on the Maesgeirchan estate in Bangor, the location of the Ty’r Felin children’s home, where the social workers trafficked the children for sex, including to Dolphin Square (see post ‘Are You Local?’). David Roberts, a technician who worked in the Zoology Dept, also knew about John pursuing school girls.

By the way, is there anyone else out there who would like to continue passing the tittle tattle on about me which they know damn well was made up by a gang of sex offenders because I had found out some of what they were doing? Stel? Fancy refusing to speak to me at a party again? What about you Meri? Feel like giving me one of your ‘you are a piece of shit’ looks? I can’t ask Fungus because the old bastard’s dead, but one day I really must go for an extended tour through Caernarfon and Bangor and watch everybody’s expressions now that I’ve outed the whole bloody lot of you on the internet. Did you really think that I didn’t know what at least some of you were colluding with, although it would seem that even more of you were colluding with serious crime that I realised…

Whilst huge swathes of UCNW concealed a trafficking gang, Carlo was the Chancellor. Sir Peter Morrison’s sister Dame Mary was Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Carlo’s mum. Then there was Carlo’s mate the Duke of Westminster, who was President of the City of Chester Conservative Association, who’s members were openly gossiping about their constituency MP Peter Morrison molesting young boys.

 

Now back in the mid 1980s, not only were some of the zoologists and plant biologists personal friends/relations of the Top Docs and the gang, but even biologists had to ensure that they grovelled with the best to big wigs lest they lost jobs or funding. So let’s have a look at some of those to whom the biologists had to toady.

A lot of funding for the research in the natural sciences at UCNW came from NERC, the Natural Environment Research Council. By the mid-1980s, people were getting worried about their ability to extract dosh from NERC, but up until just a few years previously, they didn’t have to work very hard for their dosh at all. They would just stick the grant applications in and everyone would be given funding for a few PhD students. The biological sciences at UCNW had established their reputation in the late 1960s as a result of the work of people like Prof Greig-Smith and Prof John Harper and their work was well-supported.

The Chief Exec of NERC, 1965-70, was mathematician and meteorologist Sir Graham Sutton. Sutton was Vice-President of what became Aberystwyth University, 1967-76, when Aber was hosting paedophiles’ friends en masse and churning out crooked lawyers who concealed the crimes of paedophile gang. Until the constituent colleges of the University of Wales became independent universities in the own right quite recently, Aber and Bangor were both part of the wider University of Wales. Carlo was Chancellor of the whole of the University and there was a close relationship between Aber and Bangor. Both colleges had Depts of Biological Sciences and Agriculture doing similar things and there was a bit of traffic between those Depts.

The son of one of Dafydd’s Angels – one of Dafydd’s key henchmen actually – has lectured for years in botany at Aberystwyth University. His sister was a children’s social worker who was employed by the Office of the Children’s Commissioner for Wales.

  • Strange but true

 

Sutton was born in Monmouthshire and was educated at Pontywaun Grammar School, then Aberystwyth University and then at Jesus College, Oxford. The former Principal of Bangor Normal College, the teacher training institution which crawled with paedophiles’ friends, is Professor Gareth Roberts, a mathematician who went to Jesus College, Oxford. I think that Professor Roberts also held a senior role in Gwynedd Education Authority at some point in the past and I think that he also worked as a Schools Inspector in Gwynedd. Meri Huws was employed as a lecturer at the Normal College after her stint as a social worker, as was Aled Griffiths. Aled Griffiths aka the Buffet Slayer has a brother, Huw, who was a solicitor in Gwynedd who spent years sitting in Court watching the paedophile gang stitch people up. Aled’s sister Gwenan Carrington was the Director of Gwynedd Social Services whilst her staff abused and neglected their clients and Aled’s wife Joanna Griffiths fulfilled exactly the same role in Conwy Social Services. Back in the pre-Cambrian, the Buffet Slayer was President of the Students’ Union at UCNW.

‘We didn’t know.’

Oh don’t be so bloody ridiculous, you were all working cheek by jowl with that gang of paedophiles.

  • Aled Griffiths | Bangor Law School | Bangor University
  • Meri Huws | Folly Farm | ZoomInfo.com

 

 

After a year teaching mathematics at Canton Secondary SchoolCardiff, between 1926-28 Sutton was a lecturer at University College, Aberystwyth before joining the Meteorological Office. He was seconded to Shoeburyness to work on the meteorological effects on gunnery practices and then transferred to Porton Down, best known as the Gov’t research establishment which among other things researches chemical and biological warfare. By the 1980s the only people who would work at Porton Down were those who would do anything for the comparatively high salaries on offer there.

Whilst working at Porton Down, Sutton was put in charge of the notorious 1942 trial which involved the release of anthrax spores over Gruinard Island as part of a biological warfare project. 

When WWII ended, Sutton was made Chief Superintendent of the Radar Research and Development Establishment, Malvern, a position he held until 1947, when he was appointed Professor of Mathematics at the Royal Military College of Science, Wiltshire. Sutton was Director-General of the Meteorological Office, 1953-65 and Vice-President of Aberystwyth University, 1967-76.

 

A previous post has mentioned that one of the botany students at UCNW, Peter Jackson, who knew what was happening to me at the hands of Dafydd et al landed a plum much sought after job with the RSPB after he graduated. He was an excellent naturalist but I have more recently been told that he was one of many who used his knowledge of what was being concealed in high places to secure his future.

The person who’s arm may have needed to be twisted at the time was Ian Prestt, Director General of the RSPB, 1975-91. Ian Prestt died in 1995 and his obituary in the Indie explains that after working as the Assistant Regional Officer (SW England), Nature Conservancy 1956-59, Prestt went to work for the RSPB, ‘appointed by the great Max Nicholson, doyen of international conservationists and then Head of the Nature Conservancy, as “his ornithologist”‘. Prestt worked at the Monks Wood Experimental Station, teasing out the relationships between ingested chlorinated hydrocarbons and the thin shells of birds’ eggs, leading to recognition of the threats to food chains and to humans.

Later Prestt worked at the Cabinet Office and in the Department of the Environment, under Secretaries of State Peter Walker and then Geoffrey Rippon, to wrestle with the pollution problems which were part of the roots of the subsequent Environment Bill. Walker was Secretary of State for the Environment, 1970-72, under Ted Heath. Peter Walker must have really had the dirt on Dafydd et al because this Tory wet who served in Heath’s Gov’t was retained by Thatch and served as Secretary of State for Energy, 1983-87. Thatch put him in that post because she knew that Scargill and the NUM were gearing up for the mother of all battles and she trusted Peter Walker to organised the opposition to the miner’s strike, which finally came in 1984-85. Walker did it as well.
One south Wales son of a former miner really pissed everyone off by sitting on the fence throughout the strike:
  • BBC Radio 4 - Desert Island Discs, Neil Kinnock
Er, could either of these two people have been the reason why the Windbag was over a barrel:
Dr Dafydd Alun Jones
The Viscount Tonypandy
George Thomas, Commons Speaker.png
 This man won’t have helped either:
  • Welsh people by religion
 Leo Abse, Labour MP, Pontypool then Torfaen, 1958-87. Abse was a crooked lawyer who paid off people who had been sexually assaulted by Lord Tonypandy and if that didn’t work, Abse threatened to fit them up and have them imprisoned. It was Abse who was responsible for the Children Act 1975, which sent hundreds of young people into the arms of Dafydd and the paedophile gang. In 1984 Lord Tonypandy was hospitalised with the effects of an STI. Abse organised the cover story and fed it to the media.
 After Walker organised the crushing of the miners, he became Secretary of State for Wales, in which role he directly colluded with the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles.
Two policemen arresting a miner at Orgreave
I note that Walker was Minister of MAFF, 1979-83. Mary Wynch was unlawfully arrested and imprisoned by Dafydd in 1979. Immediately prior to that, Mary worked as a secretary in the dysfunctional Dept of Agriculture in UCNW. I don’t know what Mary found out what going on in that Dept, but something was going on that brought the wrath of the paedophile gang down upon her head. The President of UCNW, 1947-82, was Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon, the 5th Baron Kenyon. Lord Kenyon was a land owner and his obituary claimed that he had done much to improve agriculture and health in north Wales. Lord Kenyon’s son Thomas was known to be sexually abusing at least one boy in care in north Wales. Thomas was never charged, although one of his conquests was sent to a detention centre after Thomas made a complaint of theft against him. Among other things, Lord Kenyon was: the most senior Freemason in north Wales, Chairman of Clwyd Health Authority, a member of the North Wales Police Authority, a magistrate and a Flintshire Councillor. He occupied numerous other public positions as well. Thomas died of an AIDS related illness in 1993. For further details see ‘A Bit More Paleontology’.
In that era, Agricultural Colleges and University Dept’s of Agriculture had a close relationship with the MAFF, because of the farming subsidy system, the role of the Gov’t organisation ADAS and legislation pertaining to  agriculture.
By the early 1980s, Richard Howarth, one of the members of staff in the Dept of Agriculture at UCNW, was an adviser to Thatch.
As for Ian Prestt’s other boss at the Dept of the Environment, Geoffrey Rippon, he played a role in the wrongful arrest and imprisonment of Mary Wynch. Mary circulated around the system run by the corrupt British state that she was still in the clutches of Dafydd in 1979. However, Mary was originally arrested in Oct 1977, when Jim Callaghan was PM, when Merlyn Rees was Home Secretary and when paedophiles’ friend and the man who was so closely involved with MIND for so many years, Lord David Ennals, was Secretary of State for the DHSS (see post ‘MIND Are Out For Mental Health – Never For Themselves Of Course’). David’s brother Martin led Amnesty for years and his son Sir Paul Ennals is involved with charidees, ‘safeguarding’ in Haringey and Tyneside and is the former Chief Exec of the National Children’s Bureau.
  • Strange but true

 

Mary was committed to prison and then released into the ‘care’ of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones at the North Wales Hospital by one James Blackett-Ord, who enjoyed the title of ‘His Honour the Vice-Chancellor of the County of Palatine of Lancaster’. James Blackett-Ord was actually a circuit judge. However his glorious title conferred upon him another role- to exercise general supervision over the conduct of the Chancery Division business in the north of England. The Chancery Division is a Division of the High Court of England and Wales and deals with business law, trust law, probate law, insolvency and land law in relation to issues of equity. So in Mary’s case, Blackett-Ord was effectively judging on a case that it was his role to oversee. Conflict of interest anyone? It gets much worse. The Vice-Chancellor of the County of Palatine of Lancaster is appointed by the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster after consultation with the Lord Chancellor. The Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster is a Ministerial Office of Government appointed by the Queen on the advice of, or by, the Prime Minister. Mary’s mother’s estate – the original source of the dispute – was administered by the Public Trustee (one of Mary’s later legal actions was against the Public Trustee). The Public Trustee is appointed by the Lord Chancellor – as well as Blackett-Ord! There was nothing impartial about this judge. But I haven’t finished. The Lord Chancellor was also in charge of the later investigation into Mary’s case in 1993 and 1995.

The Lord Chancellor when Mary was unlawfully arrested and imprisoned was Lord Elwyn-Jones, a mate of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse. The Windbag subsequently appointed Lord Elwyn-Jones as Shadow Lord Chancellor.

  • Neil Kinnock accuses George Osborne of behaving like ...
  • Neil Kinnock Quotes. QuotesGram

 

The Lord Chancellor when Mary’s case was ‘investigated’ was Lord Mackay of Clashfern.

Are we surprised that Mary was ruined?

After Blackett-Ord’s time as the Vice-Chancellor of the County of Palatine of Lancaster ended in 1987 (he is described as ‘stepping down’), from then on the office was held by a High Court judge of the Chancery Division. Was this perchance related to the shit that hit the fan over Mary’s case? Blackett-Ord died a few years ago and his obituaries described him as a ‘churchman’ and a ‘landowner’ from Northumberland – they also remarked on how much he enjoyed being the Vice-Chancellor of the County of Palatine of Lancaster. They do not explain why he completely shafted a respectable middle aged woman from north Wales who had been swindled by some local solicitors by having her arrested and then handed her over to man – who’s mistress was facilitating a paedophile ring – to be illegally banged up in an asylum for a year.

Blackett-Ord was appointed in 1972 – the year of Mary’s mother’s death and the original dispute. When Blackett-Ord was appointed, the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster was either Geoffrey Rippon or John Davies and the Lord Chancellor was Lord Hailsham, Quintin Hogg.

Walker and Rippon’s loyal lackey Ian Prestt became Deputy Head of the Nature Conservancy Council, 1974-75. In 1975, Prestt received an unexpected telephone call in his office at the NCC inviting him to dine. His hosts were the Chairman of the Council and Committees, four in all, of the RSPB. Eschewing head-hunters, they had decided that Prestt must be their man. He was Director General, 1975-91 and then President, 1991-95, of the RSPB.

The man who gave Ian Prestt his big break, Edward Max Nicholson, was President of the RSPB, 1980-85.

Max Nicholson was a naturalist and ornithologist who was educated at Sedburgh School and then Hertford College, Oxford. Nicholson was a founder member of the Oxford University Exploration Club.

In 1932 the British Trust for Ornithology was established and Nicholson was the first Treasurer and later Chairman (1947–1949). In 1947–1948, with the then Director General of the UN’s scientific and education organisation UNESCO, Julian Huxley, Nicholson was involved in forming the International Union for the Protection of Nature, now the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN).

Some members of Julian Huxley’s extended family and associates were friends with Bertrand Russell and the Welsh Bloomsbury set who used to spend their summers at Croesor in north Wales and who knew about Dafydd, Gwynne and their wrongdoing (see post ‘The Village’).

 

In 1949 Max Nicholson oversaw Part 3 of the National Parks and Access to the Countryside Act 1949, which established the Nature Conservancy (later the Nature Conservancy Council). Nicholson was Director General of the Nature Conservancy, 1952-66. During his leadership, the Conservancy established itself as a research and management body which promoted ecology as having broad relevance and application to land use decision-making and management. Which will be why the weak botanists and zoologists didn’t dare upset him and why the tougher ones were able to thrash out dodgy deals with him.

In 1961 Nicholson, together with Sir Peter Scott (see post ‘He Got On His Bike And Looked For Work’) and others, formed the group that created the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) (now the World Wide Fund for Nature), with which Carlo’s dad was famously involved for years while he blasted various species to death with a shotgun. It was Max Nicholson who ‘was instrumental in directing the Duke of Edinburgh towards conservation. The Duke’s involvement with the World Wildlife Fund enabled him to travel the world, virtually as a head of state, allowing him to make valuable contributions without apparently straying into the fray of politics, since, as Nicholson enjoyed pointing out, the politicians of the early 1960s had little conception of environmental issues’.

So Max made friends with Lilibet’s husband and ensured that Phil the Greek got a few freebies under the guise of doing something useful.

Nicholson was also a founder of the International Institute for Environment and Development and in 1966 he set up and headed environmental firm Land Use Consultants, (LUC), remaining with them until 1989.

In 1976 Nicholson was an instrumental part of the setting up the Trust for Urban Ecology. In 1978 Nicholson was instrumental in founding the ENDS Report, a highly influential journal for environmental policy specialists. Nicholson helped set up the New Renaissance Group and was a Trustee of Earthwatch Europe.

Nicholson’s 1931 essay A National Plan for Britain led to the formation of the think tank Political and Economic Planning, now the Policy Studies Institute.

Max Nicholson joined the civil service in 1940 and during WWII he worked for the Ministry of Shipping, then the Ministry of War Transport and was with Churchill at the post-war peace conferences at Yalta and Potsdam. Nicholson was Private Secretary to Mandy’s granddad, Herbert Morrison, the Deputy PM, 1945-52. During those years, Herbert doubled up as Lord President of the Council – so he would have been the visitor for the University of Wales…

You kept that quiet Mandy! Here he is, desperately trying to make the Windbag electable:

 

Leader of the Opposition Neil Kinnock talks to Peter Mandelson the Labour Party's director of communications at the Labour Party Conference in...

Max Nicholson also Chaired the Committee for the 1951 Festival of Britain. During the war years he was in charge of organising shipping operations and convoys across the Atlantic. Max was involved in the planning of ‘Operation Overlord’, the invasion of Europe. For his services he was awarded the CVO and CB. So Max was a birder who worked for the security services then.

 

Max married Mary Crawford in 1932 and they had two children, Piers and Tom. The marriage was dissolved in 1964. Nicholson then married Marie Mauerhofer (known as Toni) in 1965; they had one child, a son, David.

Max Nicholson seemed to have believed that he should rightly have been President of the World. He wrote a number of publications regarding how the planet should be organised and run and when the Callaghan Gov’t showed no particular interest in celebrating the Queen’s first 25 years on the throne in 1977, Nicholson got together with Charles Wintour, then Editor of the London Evening Standard, and Illtyd Harrington, then the Deputy Leader of the GLC, to promote the celebration of the Silver Jubilee.

 

Illtyd Harrington knew about Dafydd and the trafficking gang. Illtyd was an ally of Ken Livingstone and served as Deputy Leader of the GLC, 1981–84 and then as Chairman, 1984–85.

Harrington was born in Merthyr Tydfil. His father was an atheist and Communist, who fought against the Fascists in the Spanish Civil War and mother, known as Sally, was also an anti-fascist. Harrington was educated at the Roman Catholic Dowlais School before going to Trinity University College, Carmarthen (now part of University of Wales Trinity St David). Illtyd became a friend of Dylan Thomas while he was there.

Harrington gained employment in Brixton, before becoming a geography teacher at Kennington Secondary school. Then he moved on to become Head of English at Daneford School in Bethnal Green. Illtyd’s friends in the East End included the Krays.

Harrington was openly gay and lived for fifty years with his partner, Christopher ‘Chris’ Downes, who worked as a theatrical dresser for Laurence Olivier and Maggie Smith. Downes became a Board Director of the National Theatre on the South Bank. Both men were active members of the Board of Trustees of the National Youth Theatre. They shared a house in London and later in Brighton, where they entertained the gliterati. Both were heavily involved as writers and editors of The Camden New Journal and West End Extra. Downes died in 2003. 

Harrington’s nephew is actor Richard Harrington.

Harrington’s political career started with election to the Borough Council in Paddington in 1959 and in 1964, he moved up to the Westminster City Council, where he was leader 1972-4 and the GLC. He represented Brent South in 1973 on the GLC, having been rejected as a potential Parliamentary candidate for Merthyr. He was also Chairman of the GLC’s Policy and Resources Committee. During the period he was also Deputy Leader of the Labour Party. Illtyd was a member of Wilson’s kitchen cabinet when Labour returned to power in 1974.

Illtyd’s wiki entry tells us that ‘It was promulgated that he might be offered a peerage, but both MI5 and MI6 were investigating the Cabinet for suspected incidents of Soviet espionage and he was refused’. Well someone with a sense of humour has written that. The Lords is full of people with links to espionage activities but as long as they concealed Dafydd and the paedophiles, they were in. Illtyd concealed Dafydd and the paedophiles as well, so if he was refused a peerage there must have been some other reason.

In 1980, after the leader of the GLC, Sir Reg Goodwin, retired Harrington became Deputy to Andrew McIntosh. The flood of hard left councillors elected in 1981 staged a coup and ousted McIntosh in favour of Red Ken. Ken told Harrington ‘Of course I am not going to oust you as Deputy Leader, you are the acceptable face of extremism’.

Illtyd became an adviser to Red Ken when Ken became Mayor in 2001.

Later in life, Illtyd was a regular contributor to Camden New Journal.

 

Illtyd Harrington (left) and Andrew McIntosh celebrate Labour's victory over the Conservatives in the 1981 GLC elections

Illtyd Harrington (left) and Andrew McIntosh celebrate Labour’s victory over the Conservatives in the 1981 GLC elections. If Illtyd and his mates hadn’t have colluded with Dafydd and the traffickers, they might have been celebrating a General Election win over Thatcher.
 
If any of Illtyd’s mates who are still alive – John McDonnell perhaps? – would like to enlighten me, I’d be keen to know whether Illtyd and his crew were in any way related to the unpleasant things that happened to me and my friends when we lived on his manor (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’).
Max Nicholson saw the Silver Jubilee as an opportunity to lift the celebrations into ‘the realm of inspiration and guidance for the future’. He developed a document called ‘The Seven Thrusts’ in which he declared he was not content to leave ‘a haphazard legacy of scattered unrelated Jubilee halls, gardens, fountains, seats and suchlike’ but intended to initiate an overall plan for ongoing projects in partnership with local authorities and voluntary bodies.

The first of Max’s thrusts was the Jubilee Walkway, which aimed to knit London more closely together, and in particular to lure the walker from Leicester Square across Lambeth Bridge and on to the South Bank.

Max’s second thrust was to knit north London together by the fuller use of Regent’s Canal and the Grand Union Canal. The other thrusts involved the cleaning up and development of the Covent Garden area, improvement schemes overseen by the Civic Trust to develop a London-wide heritage and amenity programme, an extensive tree-planting programme and the development of ‘meanwhile’ use of derelict land, which included the creation of an urban farm at Newham. Nicholson also masterminded the Clean Up London Campaign.

Max ‘was against the Establishment’, although a ‘dedicated monarchist’, and predicted that the monarchy would survive the 21st century, because ‘any sensible person would realise that the system was patently more honourable than a presidency of ambitious and self-serving politicians’.

The nature loving anarchist who was Max spent most of his time in Chelsea, in the home he had bought when he was still quite young.

In 1982 Max enjoyed a proud moment when he accepted the Gold Medal for the World Wildlife Fund from the Duke of Edinburgh, the man who’s work with the WWF was of course as result of the efforts of Max.

Before Anne Vernon was killed, she used to talk about the RSPB as not being an organisation for anyone who was genuinely interested in birding. She maintained that it was run by grandiose people with Royal connections. I think I might know who she was talking about.

 

Magnus Magnusson was President of the RSPB, 1985-90. Magnus went to Jesus College, Oxford, which educated quite a few paedophiles’ friends because it is a college with Welsh connections. Magnusson was a journalist and before he found his true home pompousing on ‘Mastermind’, he used to present a lot of those TV programmes in the 1970s which investigated ghosts, past lives and other such matters. I watched a programme in which Magnus swore blind that the people whom he was interviewing were presenting evidence that they’d lived before. As is customary, Magnus’s guests had all experienced quite eventful previous lives, one of them had even been someone who had been part of the massacre of the Jews in York in 1190. No-one had just worked on a small-holding and done the washing-up for their entire lives.

  • Strange but true

 

Magnus also wrote for the ‘New Statesman’, as did many paedophiles’ friends and it was through the small ads in the ‘New Statesman’ that Brown and I encountered some of the mad people who caused us grief whom I now know were presents from the security services.

Magnus was the founder Chairman of Scottish Natural Heritage upon its inception in 1992. He was Lord Rector of Edinburgh University, 1975-78 and later in 2002 Magnus became Chancellor of Glasgow Caledonian University.

Magnus’s daughter Sally and his son Jon work in the media.

None of the Magnussons ever blew the whistle on Jimmy Savile. Sally Magnusson has presented ‘Songs of Praise’. As did Aled Jones, the 1980s school boy singing sensation who lived at Llandegfan and was a neighbour of all those Top Doctors and staff at UCNW who were desperately in need of a distraction just when Aled became a superstar overnight because Alison Taylor, Mary Wynch and I would not shut up about the crimes of the Top Docs. Aled went to school with the children of D.G.E. Wood. Aled also went to school with at least five kids whom I know were being abused by those we know and love, but Aled’s school didn’t give a stuff about them and neither did anyone else.

More recently, Aled has presented ‘Cash In The Attic’.

  • Strange but true

 

Walking In The Air-The Snowman by BeautyAndStrength on ...

Jesus Christ, he’s grabbed a little boy in his pyjamas, the Abominable Snowman must be working for Gwynedd Social Services.

 

Lord Derek Barber, a civil servant and agriculturalist, was President of the RSPB, 1990-91. Barber was educated at the Royal Agricultural College, Cirencester and served in WWII. He farmed in Gloucestershire before serving in various posts at the MAFF, 1946-72. After that, Barber took various advisory roles on countryside and agricultural matters, including to the Gov’t and BBC. Derek Barber will have been networked into the landowning paedophiles’ friends, such as Lord Kenyon and the Duke of Westminster.

Barber was also President of the Gloucestershire Naturalists’ Society; President of the Royal Agricultural Society of England; President of the British Pig Association; and a Vice-President of the Nature in Art Trust.

Barber picked up his peerage in Aug 1992, four months after the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed by the firebomb in Brighton (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

Barber sat as a crossbencher in the Lords.

 

The CEO of the RSPB, 1991-98, was Barbara Young aka Baroness Young of Old Scone. The Baroness of Old Scone is one of the breed of Labour peers who just go through life clocking up public appointments, anything will do, they’re not fussy, but the appointments do of course always include a few which involve keeping the lid on the barrel of crap which is the NHS.

Lady Old Scone is currently Chair of the Woodland Trust. She was the Chief Exec of Diabetes UK, 2010-15 and before that she was involved in the establishment of the CQC, Chairing that organisation between 2008-10. Lady Old Scone was Chief Exec of the Environment Agency, 2000-08 and other posts she has held include: Chair of English Nature; Vice Chairman of the BBC; Board member of AWG plc; and posts in a number of local health authorities, including Parkside Health Authority. In 2010 Barbara Young was appointed Chancellor of Cranfield University and was elected an Honorary Fellow of the Royal Society of Edinburgh in 2017.

 

One other person to whom biologists will have grovelled is Professor Peter Bridgewater, an Australian conservationist, who was Chief Scientist of the Nature Conservancy Council, 1989–90. Peter Bridgewater was also Chief Executive of the Australian Nature Conservation Agency and Director of the National Parks and Wildlife Service, 1990–97 and Secretary of UNESCO’s Man and the Biosphere Programme and Director of its Division of Ecological Sciences 1999–03. Subsequently Bridgewater was Secretary General of the Ramsar Convention on the Protection of Wetlands of International Importance and from 2007 he has been Chairman of the UK’s statutory Joint Nature Conservation Committee. Among many international appointments, Bridgewater was Chair of the International Whaling Commission, 1995-97.

 

Another name from the past who knew some of what was happening in Bangor was Dr Dorian Moss. Dorian was a statistician who worked at the Institute for Terrestrial Ecology in Bangor in the 1980s. He was a member of Bangor Bird Group and knew Anne well. Anne had spent a summer working at the ITE with Dorian. After the gang killed Anne, it was Dorian’s wife who came over to help sort Anne’s things out…

 

 

There are bombs going off everywhere at the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board. More patients have died unnecessarily and yet more notices have been issued by coroners with a view to ‘preventing further deaths’. Yet another damning report has been compiled re the mental health services in north Wales and Donna Ockenden, an independent investigator, appeared on camera saying that this cannot go on, the Board cannot simply continue to produce action plan after action plan after action plan, with no improvement in ‘services’.

Nothing will change. No-one in north Wales knows how to provide a mental health service, they never did know how to do that. They weren’t providing a mental health service, what they were doing was running a paedophile ring. Everyone knew it and everyone allowed it to continue. Patients’ complaints were ignored as were deaths, inspections were conducted by the paedophiles’ friends and subsequently described the traffickers as kind, compassionate and excellent. Research was faked and trumpeted as world leading by both Westminster and the Welsh Gov’t. The people at the Betsi are the very same people who ran that paedophile ring 20 yrs ago.

There is no mental health service in north Wales and very little NHS per se. The reason why people are finally squealing is that the situation is now so bad that better off people are dying as well. When it was just the dispossessed nobody minded. Now no-one is safe. It’s what happens when a cartel of Top Doctors are allowed to kill people who dare complain.

Everyone needs to stop the endless reports and reviews, the meaningless historical enquiries led by the paedophiles’ friends which are going to bring ‘closure’, the vacuous #Me Tooing and the promises to give Wales a ‘feminist Gov’t’ and they need to arrest those doctors who colluded with each other to refuse all care and treatment to anyone who complained. They also need to arrest the Health Ministers who were told repeatedly what those doctors were doing yet refused to act – Jane Hutt, Brian Gibbons, Edwina Hart, Lesley Griffiths and Mark Drakeford. People died. It was quite deliberate.

One person who might like to give evidence is Dr Gruff Penrhyn Jones, formerly of Waunfawr Surgery. Gruff was much more pleasant than his dysfunctional colleagues, but he knew what they were doing. For a period of years, Gruff knew that I was unlawfully refused all treatment by every single doctor in north Wales. There is at least one other patient living in Gwynedd who was in exactly the same position. Gruff looked on but did not act. But then no-one did. Gruff’s dad was a Top Doctor in north Wales and Gruff knew about Dafydd and the paedophiles. Gruff spent part of his career in Sweden and his son is in the Swedish police force. The last that I heard was that Gruff had left the UK, I think to live in Sweden. Gruff is not the only witness who emigrated, Dr Richard Tranter of the Hergest Unit and a number of his colleagues did as well.

The Top Docs watched an international paedophile ring in operation for years, said nothing and when Operation Pallial was launched they emigrated. Of course there is no mental health service in north Wales, how could there possibly be?

 

Those Who Are Ready To Serve

Some of my recent posts eg. ‘The Village’ and ‘The Turn Of The Screw’ and additions to my posts by the use of the ‘comments’ facility have mentioned how a number people in Somerset with links to the Tory Party who knew me before I went to UCNW (Bangor University) in 1981 found out about my battles with Dafydd and the sex trafficking gang and put this information to good use, receiving large quantities of dosh from persons unknown in return for their silence in the face of the horrific things which were happening to me and my friends as well as in return for their silence if I went to prison or was found dead.

I continue to receive information about – and yet more names of – those who knew me who decided to take advantage. I did notice at the time that a number of people whom I’d known in Somerset seemed to do spectacularly well for themselves, inexplicably so.  I have been told that less fortunate people who knew Brown and me who drifted into petty crime were paid to smear us and for info, but it was of course those who aspired and with influential connections whom I have been told really spotted the potential.

So let me introduce one of my playmates from when I was about six yrs old, along with some information regarding her later career – Janet Mitchell. Janet was Janet Sims when I knew her and most unusually for a girl in Somerset in those days, Janet became an engineer. Janet’s dad Fred Sims was a lecturer in mechanics at Bridgwater College. Janet wanted to follow in her dad’s footsteps, but had rather more academic aspirations so she aimed for an engineering degree. She didn’t do very well in her A levels, so she didn’t go to university after the sixth form, she took up an apprenticeship and completed academic qualifications when she was a bit older.

In 1982 Janet began working as an engineer at Westland Helicopters in Yeovil. Westland was a company which struggled all the way through the 1970s. It was a major news item on ‘Points West’ if somebody actually bought a helicopter, or even looked as though they might be reaching for their chequebook. In mid-1980s, by the time that Brown and I had begun writing to Ministers and the GMC about the Top Docs et al in north Wales, Westland became world famous as a result of the then Secretary of State for Defence Michael Heseltine’s robust support for the ailing company. People in Somerset thought it entirely reasonable that Heseltine seemed to be staking his career on the future of Westland, but the big wigs in politics and the London-based media ranted on about Heseltine’s inexplicable interest in a ‘small West Country company’.  It was a company which employed my former childhood playmate who’s mum and a few others knew what was happening to me at the hands of a branch of the Westminster Paedophile Ring and that had at some point been brought to Heseltine’s attention. Securing Heseltine’s backing was a real coup for Westland, it ailed no more and Janet’s career soon took off like a meteorite.

 

The Westland Affair involved Thatch and Heseltine going public over a Cabinet dispute with questions raised about whether the conventions of Cabinet Gov’t were being observed and about the integrity of senior politicians.

Westland was Britain’s last helicopter manufacturer and in 1985 was to be the subject of a rescue bid. Heseltine favoured a European solution, integrating Westland with a consortium including British Aerospace (BAe), Italian (Augusta) and French companies, but Thatch and the Trade and Industry Secretary, Leon Brittan, while ostensibly maintaining a neutral stance, wanted to see Westland merge with Sikorsky, an American company.

Heseltine refused to accept Thatcher’s choice and claimed that Thatcher was refusing to allow a free ministerial discussion about the matter, even suggesting she had lied about cancelling a scheduled meeting. When Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for his European consortium, he resigned and walked out of a Cabinet meeting in Jan 1986. Brittan was then forced to resign for having (on the orders of Thatcher’s aides, as he admitted some years later) previously ordered the leaking to the press of a confidential legal letter critical of Heseltine and for his lack of candour to the Commons about his efforts to persuade BAe to withdraw from Heseltine’s consortium. Thatcher’s survival as PM appeared to be in question, although she rode out the crisis. The episode was an embarrassment to Thatch’s Gov’t and undermined her reputation.

Now for the details of the scrap and those involved.

 

The rescue of Westland came as a great relief to the MPs in the area, Westland having previously been in deep trouble and an embarrassment. MPs with an interest included Tom King (Tory, Bridgwater), Paddy Ashdown (Lib Dem, Yeovil); Bob Boscawen (Tory, Somerton and Frome), David Heathcoat-Amory (Tory, Wells) and Jerry Wiggin (Tory, Weston-Super-Mare).

I have mentioned that Tom King was personally known to the people in Somerset who knew me and who received money in return for their silence, but at least one of them knew Jerry Wiggin as well and one of them aspired to get up close and personal with Paddy Ashdown, but I don’t know if that plan succeeded.

 

At the beginning of the Westland crisis Tom King was Secretary of State for Employment and his Minister of State was Sir Peter Morrison, who was abusing kids in north Wales, Cheshire as well as in other locations. On Sept 2, 1985, King was made N Ireland Secretary, where he was involved in concealing the scandal at the Kincora Boys’ Home, which was even worse than, but linked to, Dafydd and the gang in north Wales. On Sept 2, 1985, Peter Morrison was appointed Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan – who was involved in the decisions regarding Westland…

Tom King was given a peerage in 2001, the year after the Waterhouse Report was published, as the voices denouncing it as a whitewash began to fade.

 

Sir Jerry Wiggin was a farmer who was on the right of the Tory Party, a member of the Monday Club and a supporter of Ian Smith in Rhodesia. Wiggin was something of a bon viveur with his own ‘set’, usually high-living and right-wing Sir Bufton Tuftons. I remember well the Sir Buftons from my youth. Wiggin’s judgement was doubted by senior Tories and ‘Private Eye’ called him ‘Junket Jerry’ because of his frequent trips abroad. In 1981 Wiggin became a junior Minister at the Ministry of Defence, covering the armed forces; it was left to him to defend the withdrawal of the naval ice patrol ship Endurance from the South Atlantic, which is often seen as having been the trigger for the Argentine invasion of the Falklands in 1982. Wiggin was dismissed from the post a year later. On the eve of a Gov’t reshuffle in June 1983, Wiggin anticipated a promotion and was surprised to be sacked. Despite his pleading and invocation of his experience as a major in the TA, Thatch was unmoved. It was speculated that she may have heard rumours that Wiggin was something of a ‘chancer’ who had diverted an RAF helicopter to visit a girlfriend. At the time, he and his wife Rosemary Orr had recently divorced and Wiggin claimed massive trauma.

Wiggin’s son from his first marriage, William, the Conservative MP for Leominster from 2001, was a year ahead of David Cameron at Eton and married a former girlfriend of Cameron’s. Wiggin’s son Thomas is an asset manager and his daughter Audrey an ‘executive coach’. Wiggin married for a second time in 1991 when Morella Bulmer – who had previously married into the family of the cider group – became his wife.

After Wiggin’s sacking, he ‘seemed to nourish a grudge’ against Thatch. In 1989 he voted for Sir Anthony Meyer when Meyer made a token challenge for the leadership, an extraordinary step given Wiggin’s political views. I have no idea whether Wiggin was aware of this, but Anthony Meyer knew about the havoc that Dafydd and the gang were causing in north Wales and Meyer not only decided to wound Thatch, but also fought a battle to prevent the toxic Beata Brookes, Dafydd and Lucille’s partner in serious organised crime, from becoming the MP for Clwyd West (see post ‘The Celtic Iron Lady And Yet More Recent History’).

Wiggin frequently rebelled in the Commons. In 1996 he defied the Whips over the Firearms Bill, which tightened the use of guns after the massacre of children in Dunblane. His objection was that the proposed level of compensation for those affected by the banning of firearms was inadequate, adding, ‘I am deeply ashamed of my government’. As indeed should he have been, but not for that reason.

Wiggin was knighted in 1993, at about the time (or shortly after) the North Wales Police wound up their investigation into child abuse in north Wales and announced that there was no evidence of a VIP paedophile ring in the region subjected to a high level cover-up. Wiggin retired from Parliament in 1997. Just as the Waterhouse Inquiry got going.

William Rees-Mogg, a former Editor of ‘The Times’, described Wiggin as ‘a shrewd politician — though perhaps closer to the intellectual tone of the rugby XV than of All Souls’. Mystic Mogg lived in Somerset himself whilst all this was going on.

 

I note that Jerry Wiggin was a junior Minister in the MoD at the time of the Falklands conflict. The village in Somerset where the people who knew me and received thousands of pounds in hush money also contained a family with two sons who had both joined the Army after leaving school – they both went to school with me. The older boy joined the Army first and then two years later his younger brother followed. The younger boy alleged the most terrible experiences – what would now be described as very, very serious bullying from NCOs, the sort of thing that was alleged to be happening at Deepcut. This young man was rash enough to try and give back what he was receiving – or at least claimed to be – and he belted an NCO. He was subjected to MoD disciplinary measures, but everything just backfired. He went wild, absolutely beserk, was transferred to what I think must have been a military prison and then there was some sort of Top Doc’s intervention. According to him, he was ferociously beaten constantly, kept naked in cells for days on end, denied contact with anyone etc. Eventually he was discharged and went straight home to his family, which was the first that they knew about it all, because he had not been allowed to communicate with anyone.

This young man’s father was a trade union activist – he was a farm worker who had been involved with the union for years – and he hit the roof when he heard what had happened. He approached the union movement, numerous politicians, lawyers, he really was determined to elicit an investigation into what had happened. He fought for quite a few years and got absolutely nowhere. Meanwhile, his eldest son, who seemed to get on much better in the Army, had been sent to serve in the Falklands conflict. When he returned to Somerset, he was angry and disillusioned with the Army, claiming that the other ranks had been put at risk by the incompetence of the officers and that his mates had died as a result. No-one wanted to hear what he had to say – Somerset was True Blue and nearly everyone supported Thatcher’s adventure in the South Atlantic. This man was viewed not as a voice from the front line but as a wicked traitor.

I don’t know how much substance there was in the allegations made by the two sons of this family, but I imagine that the same politicians who spent years doing the most disgusting deals in order to keep a lid on Dafydd et al crushed these two young men and their family underfoot.

 

Jerry Wiggin was the MP for Weston-super-Mare. Jeffrey Archer grew up there and his mother used to write a column on the ‘Weston Mercury’. When Archer was given a peerage, he became Lord Archer of Weston-super-Mare. I imagine that he will have retained many links with the area, despite being based in Cambridgeshire and London. Archer and his wife had a number of connections with people known to Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘Tuppence And His Fragrant Wife’). Peter Morrison succeeded Tuppence as Deputy Chairman of the Tory Party.

 

Paddy Ashdown, the MP for Yeovil at the time, is a former Royal Marine who was in the SBS and worked as an intelligence officer with MI6. Yeovil was Paddy’s wife Jane’s home town and in 1976 when Paddy was selected as the Liberal Party’s prospective parliamentary candidate for Yeovil, he took a job with Normalair Garrett, then part of the Westland Group. Paddy wasn’t elected until 1983. In 1981 he became a youth worker with Dorset County Council’s Youth Service, working on initiatives to help the young unemployed.

In the early 1980s, Rob Evans, the senior manager in Gwynedd Social Services with responsibility for child protection when the children’s services in Gwynedd hosted a paedophile ring, had been a social work Team Manager in Dorset. In 1992 Evans was given responsibility for managing the community mental health services in Gwynedd. Patients were threatened, assaulted and fitted up for crimes by mental health staff. The area had one of the highest suicide rates in the UK. Complaints were never investigated and even when Evans condescended to meet patients who had the most terrible experiences, Evans simply talked around the subject and nothing was ever resolved (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’).

 

Paddy Ashdown knew about Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith and the numerous other Parliamentary molesters. He knew about the biggest, most dangerous bag of shit of all, Kincora Boys’ Home in Belfast, as well as much else because of his work with MI6. Paddy was living the high life in Geneva before he rocked up scratching a living in Yeovil. It wasn’t an obvious career move and it is highly probable that Paddy had been deployed to the West Country by the security services because of Thorpe’s shenanigans in north Devon at the time. At the time of Westland, David Steel was leader of the Liberal Party and the Liberals had formed their Alliance with Dr Death’s bunch. David Steel was told about Cyril Smith abusing boys and ignored it and Dr Death was mates with some of the Top Docs in north Wales with whom I was having such terrible problems. Paddy became leader of the newly merged party, the Lib Dems, in 1988 and was always a one for attempting back room deals with the paedophiles’ friends in a desperate attempt to get into Gov’t.

At the time of the Westland Affair, the brother of the former Liberal MP John Pardoe lived in the same village as those receiving the dosh to keep quiet about events in north Wales. John Pardoe had been the MP for North Cornwall who lost his seat in 1979, because, it was perceived, as a result of his strong support for Jeremy Thorpe, who was at the time standing trial at the Old Bailey for conspiracy and incitement to murder Norman Scott (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). In the 1987 General Election campaign, John Pardoe was campaign manager for the SDP-Liberal Alliance. When he was at Cambridge, John Pardoe was in Footlights with Top Tosser Jonathan Miller, who was called upon himself to come to the rescue of the paedophiles’ friends of north Wales (see post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’).

I have not been told that John Pardoe’s brother was involved with those we know and love – Brown and me knew him quite well and liked him, we spent a summer working on his farm, as did friends of ours – but this was such a heap of crap with the security services and others nobbling people who knew Brown and me and either bribing them to shaft us or wrecking the lives of those who stood by us, that I would be very surprised if Robin, John Pardoe’s brother, had not been approached. Furthermore, Robin Pardoe’s son Simon was an Aberystwyth graduate who at that time was working for ILEA, an organisation which was complicit with kids from inner London being sent to children’s homes in north Wales and his daughter Rachel had recently graduated from Sussex University. I really don’t think that Dafydd’s protectors will have been able to resist the opportunity.

 

At about this time, a company which could only be described being run by crooks and spivs, FPS (Financial Planning Services), arrived in Somerset. For a short while one of the Somerset contingent known to me took a job as a ‘financial consultant’ with FPS. She was told at the time that FPS were conmen and after she had spent a few weeks working for them, this became evident. She did eventually wave a fond farewell to them, but not before she found out that one of the leading lights in FPS was a former SBS action man of a Paddy-type. The SBS man was also a complete thug who terrorised everyone and sexually exploited young women. Was he known to you Paddy? Because you were all down there near Yeovil at the same time.

If you were sent to Somerset on Lilibet’s secret service Paddy, you did a bloody awful job. DAFYDD!!?? For God’s sake, was he really worth protecting??

 

Robert Boscawen, Tory MP for Wells, was the fourth son of Evelyn Hugh John Boscawen, 8th Viscount Falmouth. Boscawen’s ancestors included PM Charles Grey, 2nd Earl Grey.

After serving in the British Army during WWII, Boscawen served during 1947-48 in Hamburg, with the British Red Cross civilian relief teams organised by his mother, Lady Falmouth, a Vice-Chairman of the Tory Party. From 1948, Boscawen spent two years with Shell Petroleum before joining the family-owned Cornish china clay business, Goonveen. He became a Lloyd’s underwriter in 1952. Boscawen’s political career began in 1948 when he joined the Young Conservatives.

Boscawen was a member of the Monday Club and was MP for Wells, 1970-83 and then, as the result of boundary changes, he moved over to the nearby constituency Somerton and Frome. Boscawen supported the restoration of capital punishment, drastic cuts in the welfare state and student grants, but opposed abortion. He also became a leading supporter of Ian Smith after Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence.

Boscawen was interested in the NHS and sat on its London Executive Council, 1954-65. He was on the backbenchers’ Health Services Committee and Vice-Chairman, 1974-79. So it wouldn’t have been too difficult for leading Tories to lean on Boscawen if they thought that Dafydd et al were about to be exposed.

Boscawen served as a Lord Commissioner of the Treasury from 1981. Peter Morrison had been Lord Commissioner of the Treasury, 1979-81, during which time Boscawen had been an Assistant Gov’t Whip.

Boscawen was Vice-Chamberlain of Her Majesty’s Household 1983-86 and Comptroller of the Royal Household until 1988. Peter Morrison’s sister Dame Mary Morrison spent most of her life as Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Lilibet.

Boscawen became a member of the Privy Council in 1992, the same year that he retired from the Commons. Days after his retirement, the Brighton firebomb killed the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

Boscawen married Mary Codrington in 1949 and they had two daughters and one son, who followed him into the Coldstream Guards. Boscawen was a rower and yachtsman. He stroked the Trinity boat and rowed in the University trial eights. He was a member of the Royal Yacht Squadron and regularly sailed in international races, including the Fastnet.

 

Now here’s a funny thing. The MP who succeeded Boscawen in 1992, days before that firebomb did its best, was Mark Robinson. Mark Robinson was the man who wrote to me when I first raised concerns about Tony Francis, Dr D.G.E. Wood and Gwynne the lobotomist witholding my medical records from me and in the case of Gwynne, altering them. At the time, Robinson was the Tory MP for usually safe Labour seat of Newport West. He ended up writing to me because in 1985 Robinson was appointed a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, under Secretary of State Nicholas Edwards and it was Robinson who wrote to me after I paid a visit to Keith Best, the Tory MP for Ynys Mon, who was not only my constituency MP, but also a Minister in the Welsh Office (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). I had no idea at the time that Best was a crooked barrister who had previously lived in the Brighton area, had served as a Brighton Councillor when John Allen was trafficking kids in care in north Wales to brothels owned by Allen in Brighton and from the moment that Best arrived in north Wales concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang. Indeed I expect that’s why Best was sent to Ynys Mon as part of the reinforcements to assist the paedophiles’ friends.

Nicholas Edwards was still Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the Westland Affair (see posts ‘The Cradle Of Filth’ and ‘Old Nick Bites The Dust’).

Mark Robinson was born in Bristol to John Foster Robinson and Margaret, née Paterson. Mark Robinson’s father was High Sheriff of Avon in 1975, so he almost certainly knew Brown’s dad.

Dr D.G.E. Wood’s family came from Bristol, where his father worked as a Top Doctor. Wood went to medical school in Bristol. Lord David Hunt, who has spent most of his career concealing and colluding with Dafydd and the gang, did his degree in law at Bristol University and then in 1970 unsuccessfully contested Bristol South for the Tories. For some unfathomable reason, in the 1973 Birthday Honours Hunt was awarded an MBE for ‘political services in the west of England’. After unsuccessfully contesting Kingswood in 1974, Hunt was sent to contest the Wirral in a by-election in 1976 to provide back-up for Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Hunt subsequently provided the best of services to the paedophiles’ friends for decades, in his various roles at the Welsh Office and in his capacity as an international lawyer acting for the MDU and others.

By the mid-1970s, John Allen and others were flocking into north Wales purchasing isolated old buildings which were converted into children’s homes or residential schools. Nearly all of these establishments were part of the same paedophile ring. After the Children Act 1975, business really boomed. The Children Act 1975 was the work of Leo Abse who skilfully bullied and manipulated others into getting it onto the statute books. It was Dr Death who was roped into doing the crucial bit, introducing the private member’s bill that was necessary. See posts ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’ and ‘The History, Boys…’. Just before the Act was passed, Peter Morrison was selected as the Tory candidate for Chester, was then elected and a local authority reorganisation resulted in the creation of Gwynedd and Clwyd County Councils, which kicked off with Chief Executives David Alun Jones and T.M. Hadyn Rees respectively (see posts ‘I Know Nuzzing…’ and ‘Ain’t Nothing Clean – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists’). North Wales had opened for business as a production line for trafficked young people.

 

John Robinson’s family ran ES & A Robinson, the paper and packaging conglomerate that later became Dickinson Robinson Group. Apart from paper, the Robinsons were famous for cricket: Mark Robinson’s grandfather, Sir Foster Robinson, was captain of Gloucester; other members of the family played for, and captained, Gloucestershire. Mark Robinson was educated at Harrow and Christ Church, Oxford, where he read Modern History.

Mark Robinson spent six years at the UN: at the UN Relief Operation to Bangladesh; in the Office of the Under-Secretary General; and in the Office of the Secretary General, Kurt Waldheim. From 1977–83 Robinson was Assistant Director in the Office of the Commonwealth Secretary-General, who was then Sir Shridath Ramphal.

 

‘Sonny’ Ramphal was born in British Guiana. After attending schools in Georgetown, Ramphal studied law at King’s College London and was called to the bar at Gray’s Inn in 1951. So Sonny will have known Sir William Mars-Jones, who grew up in Denbighshire, a leading light at Gray’s Inn who was a mate of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse and President of UCNW. Mars-Jones and his family in north Wales provided years of protection for Dafydd et al.

As a pupil barrister Ramphal worked with the British politician and lawyer Dingle Foot. Sir Dingle Foot was born in Plymouth and was Liberal MP for Dundee, 1931-45. He joined the Labour Party in 1956 and was the Labour MP for Ipswich, 1957-70. John Allen came from Ipswich before arriving in north Wales in the late 1960s and opening the Bryn Alyn Community. Ipswich was also the base of Dr John W. Paulley and his wife. Paulley carried out harmful experimentation on his patients and Paulley’s wife ran a counselling and family therapy centre, which I suspect concealed organised abuse. Paulley was involved with the establishment of the University of Buckingham. See post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’ for further information on Paulley and his network.

Dingle Foot was Solicitor General, 1964-67, in Harold Wilson’s Gov’t. Wilson’s Gov’t concealed the abuse and criminality in north Wales and of course the sexual offences of George Thomas, who got on very well with Harold Wilson. Thomas was a junior Minister in the Welsh Office whilst Dingle was Solicitor General. The Secretary of State for Wales above Thomas was Lord Cledwyn, Labour MP for Anglesey, 1951-79 and friend of the Windbag and his extended family (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’).

Dingle Foot was the eldest son of Isaac Foot, solicitor and founder of the Plymouth law firm, Foot and Bowden. Isaac was Liberal MP for Bodmin, 1922-24 and again from 1929-35 and also a Lord Mayor of Plymouth. Dingle’s brother was Michael Foot, who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang and of course of George Thomas (see post ‘Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks…’). Another brother was Lord John Foot, a Liberal politician; another was Hugh, Lord Caradon, Governor of Cyprus and British Ambassador to the UN and yet another brother was Christopher, a solicitor who joined the family firm. Dingle also had two sisters. His nephew, Hugh’s son, was the journalist Paul Foot. Who campaigned on behalf of many people experiencing injustices but not anyone who was the victim of the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles or their friends.

Dingle Foot died on 18 June 1978 in a hotel in Hong Kong, after choking on a bone in a chicken sandwich. I don’t know if anyone actually witnessed his death. Peter Morrison, who had been the Tory MP for Chester since 1974 and who was looking forward to a Cabinet career when his mate Thatch became PM, must have been quite relieved when old Dingle pegged out. As must have been a great many other people, who weren’t Labour supporting paedophiles like George Thomas, but were paedophiles who supported the Tories. Croesor in north Wales was a village where many radicals and activists on the left spent the summer and they knew about Dafydd and the gang (see post ‘The Village’). Bertrand Russell, who lived in nearby Penrhyndeudraeth, was friends with some of this crowd and he knew about Dafydd et al as well. I suspect that Dafydd proved quite useful to Russell. Many of the Croesor contingent were lefties who knew Michael Foot and would have been delighted to bring Thatcher down, but the problem was that many people on the left were colluding with the sexual exploitation of young people as well.

 

Dingle’s pupil barrister Ramphal also studied law at Harvard. Ramphal started his legal career as a Crown Counsel in the Attorney-General’s Office in 1953, becoming Solicitor-General and then Assistant Attorney-General of the short-lived West Indies Federation. After a period in private practice in Jamaica he returned to Guyana in 1965 to be the Attorney General. Two years later Ramphal was also appointed Minister of State in the Ministry of External Affairs, later becoming Minister of Justice (from 1973) and Minister of Foreign Affairs (from 1972). In 1975 he left Guyana to be Commonwealth Secretary-General.

Ramphal served as the Chancellor of the University of Warwick, 1989-02, was at the University of the West Indies until 2003 and was then Chancellor of the University of Guyana. In 1995, along with Swedish PM Ingvar Carlsson – who became PM after the assassination of Olof Palme in 1986 – Ramphal was one of the co-chairs of the Commission on Global Governance. In the same year, the Commission on Global Governance produced a controversial report, ‘Our Global Neighbourhood’. The report was attacked because it calling for UN reforms that would increase the UN’s power. It was also criticised for the use of the term ‘global governance’ rather than ‘world federalism’.

The Commission on Global Governance was established in 1992 with the full support of the UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who oversaw the UN at a time when it dealt with several world crises, including the breakup of Yugoslavia and the Rwandan genocide. Neither of which were the UN’s finest hour.

 

Mark Robinson’s background at the UN and Commonwealth resulted in his appointment to the Foreign Affairs Select Committee after his election for Newport West in 1983, a position he held until in 1985 when Thatch transferred him to the Welsh Office. By 1985, I had already written to the GMC about Gwynne and raised concerns with UCNW (Bangor University) regarding his presence in the Student Health Centre. By that time Mary Wynch had been given leave by the Master of the Rolls Lord Donaldson to sue Dafydd et al after she was unlawfully arrested and imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and then in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and Alison Taylor had raised concerns about the abuse of children in care in north Wales.

At the time of the Westland Affair, Mark Robinson was still a Minister in the Welsh Office, colluding with Dafydd and the gang.

Robinson lost his seat at the 1987 General Election and was re-elected in 1992 for Somerton and Frome. By that time I and my two friends who worked in the media had been hounded out of our jobs (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). Robinson was appointed PPS to the Minister for Overseas Development, Baroness Lynda Chalker and the Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary, Douglas Hurd. Robinson has since served as a Commonwealth election observer.

 

Lynda Chalker was Tory MP for Wallasey, 1974-92. Wallasey is a constituency in Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Chalker was educated at Roedean, Heidelberg University, Queen Mary University of London and the Poly of Central London (now the University of Westminster). She worked as a statistician and market researcher, including a spell with Shell-Mex, before entering the Commons. Chalker held a number of Gov’t posts, including spell at the DHSS, 1979–82. Being a statistician, Chalker would have noticed the very high suicide rate in north Wales, the high number of deaths at Risley Remand Centre, the fact that Dafydd had more patients on 12 month sections than any other Top Doc in the UK and the enormous number of children in care from right across the UK who had been placed in the numerous children’s homes in north Wales. Chalker would have noticed the dire state of the finances at Gwynedd Health Authority and Clwyd County Council. She’d have known about Mary Wynch’s case as well because the shit hit the fan as a result of that in 1979-80.

Chalker served as a junior Minister at the Dept of Transport, 1982–83. In 1983 she became Minister of State at Transport and she was Minister for Europe, 1986-89. Professor Oliver Brooke of St George’s Hospital Medical School was jailed for the possession of child porn in Dec 1986. Brooke was a key figure in a pan-European paedophile ring and was involved in an international trade in child porn. Brooke’s colleagues at St George’s continued to facilitate and collude with Dafydd et al in north Wales and a paedophile ring in south London. John Allen owned a villa in the south of France where he took kids in care ‘for holidays’ and Dafydd ‘held clinics’ in France.

Chalker was Minister for Overseas Development and Africa, 1989-97.

In June 1974, Chalker was awarded an Honorary Citizenship from President Guebuza for services to Mozambique.

Chalker was given a peerage in 1992, after losing her seat in the General Election, days before that Brighton firebomb.

Chalker is the Founder and President of Africa Matters Limited, an ‘independent consultancy providing advice and assistance to companies initiating, developing or growing their activities in Africa’. She is a member of the international advisory board of Lafarge, a French company which produces cement, aggregates and concrete. The victims of Dafydd probably end up in their products as parts of flyovers. Chalker sits on the Board of Trustees of the Investment Climate Facility for Africa. She is a Consultant for Uganda’s Presidential Investors Roundtable (PIRT) that advises the President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, on ways to improve Uganda’s investment climate and competitiveness.

Chalker is a founding Member of the Global Leadership Foundation, an organisation which works to ‘support democratic leadership, prevent and resolve conflict through mediation and promote good governance’ in the form of democratic institutions, open markets, human rights and the rule of law. Chalker’s having great success on that front then. The Global Leadership Foundation achieves its aims ‘by making available, discreetly and in confidence, the experience of former leaders to today’s national leaders’. Is Blair involved? It sounds like the sort of thing that would appeal to him. The Global Leadership Foundation ‘is a not-for-profit organisation composed of former heads of government, senior governmental and international organisation officials who work closely with heads of government on governance-related issues of concern to them.’

Chalker is a Member of the Board of Trustees of Sentebale, a ‘charity set-up to reach Lesotho’s neediest children, many of whom are the victims of extreme poverty and the HIV/AIDS epidemic of that area’. Chalker founded the Chalker Foundation, which seeks to support the improvement of healthcare in Africa. Somehow I doubt that the needy children of Africa are going to benefit from Lynda’s largesse.

Chalker held the position of Non-Executive Director and Chairman of the Corporate Responsibility and Reputation Committee for Unilever, retiring in May 2007 having served three terms of three years. She joined the Board of Unilever as an Advisory Director in 1998, becoming a Non-Executive Director in 2004.

Professor Fergus Lowe’s empire at the School of Psychology at Bangor University was built on the back of huge grants from the ESRC and Unilever in 1992 (see post ‘Feet In Chains’). Fungus created his empire by overthrowing Dafydd’s influence in the School and then holding everyone who had colluded with or concealed Dafydd’s crimes over a barrel. Including Liverpool University, Dafydd’s alma mater, which employed – and continues to employ – many of Dafydd’s friends and associates. Philip Lever – Lord Leverhulme – was an advisory Director of Unilever  and was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1980-93 (see post ‘Heart of Darkness’).

Dr Death was MP for Plymouth Sutton and Plymouth Devonport, 1966-92 and was friends with some of the Top Docs associated with Dafydd and the north Wales gang. The Foot family were still very much a presence in Plymouth when Dr Death was the MP down there. Dr Death was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1996-09.

 

Lynda Chalker has served on the Africa Advisory Board of Renaissance Capital. She is a former Chairman of the Medicines for Malaria Venture and a former Non-Executive Director of Group Five. Chalker was shortlisted for the Grassroot Diplomat Initiative Award in 2015 for her work with ‘Africa Matters’.

In 2018, it was announced that Chalker would take over as President of the Royal Geographical Society.

Here she is, lest any disadvantaged children encounter her and need to run for their lives:

Official portrait of Baroness Chalker of Wallasey crop 2.jpg

 

Lynda Chalker holds the 20th-century record for continuous Gov’t service, along with Kenneth Clarke, Malcolm Rifkind, Tony Newton and Patrick Mayhew, as she held office for the entire duration of the Conservatives’ 18 years in power. Clarke, Newton and Mayhew knew about the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales and elsewhere, saw mountains of documentary evidence and actively concealed everything for years.

 

Chalker succeeded Ernest Marples as MP for Wallasey. Ernest Marples was a Minister under Macmillan and Douglas-Home throughout the Tory Gov’t, 1957-64. Marples was embroiled in much controversy throughout his political career, as a result of allegations of conflict of interest and dodgy financial deals, often involving companies which had been given Gov’t contracts.

In the late 1940s Marples was a director of a company called Kirk & Kirk, which was a contractor in the construction of Brunswick Wharf Power Station. Marples met civil engineer Reginald Ridgway, who was working as a contractor for Kirk & Kirk. In 1948 the two men founded Marples Ridgway and Partners, a civil engineering company. The new partnership took over Kirk & Kirk’s contract at Brunswick Wharf and in 1950 Marples severed his links with Kirk & Kirk. Marples Ridgway’s subsequent contracts included building power stations in England, the Allt na Lairige dam in Scotland, roads in Ethiopia and (significantly) England as well as a port in Jamaica. The Bath and Portland Group took over Marples Ridgway in 1964. Brunswick Wharf Power Station (also known as Blackwall) was built by Poplar Borough Council after WW II. Poplar was a borough where the organised abuse of children had existed for generations – by the 1970s, those children were being sent to children’s homes in north Wales.  By the 1990s, the stench of the scandal was so bad that people in north Wales and very rich high places in London were busy scratching each others backs to ensure that the truth never emerged (see posts ‘Apocalypse Now’ and ‘The Bodies Beneath Canary Wharf’).

Blackwall Power Station was built for the BEC (British Electricity Company), the predecessor of the CEGB. Walter McLennan Citrine, 1st Baron Citrine was Chairman of BEC/CEB (Central Electricity Board), 1947-57. Citrine was a leading British and international trade unionist. He was General Secretary of the TUC, 1926-46 and helped transform the Labour Party into a substantial force for government from 1939. Citrine was also President of the then influential International Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU), 1928-45. He was joint Secretary of the key TUC/Labour Party National Joint Council from 1931 and a Director of the UK ‘Daily Herald’, 1929-46, a mass circulation Labour paper.

Citrine was highly influential in the Labour movement. His involvement helped secure its recovery after the crushing defeat which followed the fall of the British Labour Gov’t in 1931. Citrine played a key role from the mid-1930s in reshaping Labour’s foreign policy, especially as regards re-armament and through the all-party anti-Nazi Council in which he worked with Churchill.

Citrine strengthened the TUC’s influence over the Labour Party. After Ramsay MacDonald formed a coalition with the Tories to force his policies through, Citrine led the campaign to have MacDonald expelled from the party. Citrine later supported the Attlee Gov’ts policy of nationalisation and served on the National Coal Board as well as Chairman of the CEB.

Citrine was in Liverpool and left school at the age of 12. He was a member of the ILP from 1906 and joined the Electrical Trades Union (ETU) in 1911. He was soon the leading activist for the ETU in Merseyside, the first full-time District Secretary in 1914, a post he served in until 1920, gaining much experience negotiating with major employers all round Birkenhead docks, as well as with electrical contractors in the area. Citrine became Secretary of the regional Federation of Engineering and Shipbuilding Trades (FEST) in 1919 and was elected Assistant General Secretary of the ETU in 1920. In 1924, he was appointed Assistant General Secretary of the TUC. Citrine was an enthusiastic acting General Secretary of the TUC during the General Strike of 1926 and was confirmed in that position afterwards.

With other leading figures, such as Ernest Bevin, Citrine helped change the face of British trade unionism. They took the unions from class conflict rhetoric to co-operation with employers and Gov’t in return for union recognition and industrial advances, ie. ‘from Trafalgar Square to Whitehall’.

Citrine accepted the position of Privy Councillor and this gave him total access to Churchill, the then Prime Minister and considerable influence with all Ministers on behalf of the TUC throughout WW II. Who’d have thought that Walter Citrine, born into the working classes on Merseyside and who left school at 12 would be sitting there drinking Chateau de Chasselas…

Citrine acted as an envoy for Churchill with the U.S and Soviet trade unions. This strengthened the position of the Labour ministers in Churchill’s Gov’t of 1940-45 which greatly assisted Labour’s election in 1945.

Citrine’s battled with the Communist International (the Comintern) after the General Strike. The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) and its front organisation in the unions, the Red International of Labour Unions (RILU)/later the Minority Movement, blamed the TUC leadership for the defeat of the strike. Citrine exposed this attempt by the Comintern to subvert the leaders of the British trade unions and this helped isolate British communists in the trade unions and Labour Party.

Many of the summer visitors to Croesor in north Wales during the middle years of the 20th century and their friends and colleagues who knew what Dafydd et al were up to (see post ‘The Village’) were members of the Communist Party of Great Britain and will have known about Walter Citrine and his battles. Such as Ed and David’s dad Ralph Miliband.

Citrine had originally been a keen supporter of the Russian Revolution and trade with the Soviet Union. He was one of the first to visit the Soviet Union in 1925 and did so again in 1935, 1941, 1943 and 1956. However, as President of the IFTU, based in Berlin from 1931-6, Citrine saw the rise of Hitler and the destruction of the huge German trade union and labour movement as partly the fault of the communists’ divisive tactics. He and Bevin were determined to prevent such an occurrence in Britain and this perhaps gave them a heightened sense of communist conspiracy in their dealings with internal opposition within the unions and the Labour Party. This caused much hostility to him amongst minority Left forces, such as the Socialist League, which would colour the attitude of many on the Left to him thereafter. Michael Foot’s biography of Nye Bevan is indicative of this.

In April 1940 Citrine and his colleagues in the TUC sued the ‘Daily Worker’ (which later became the ‘Morning Star’) for libel. Mr Justice Stable found for Citrine and the TUC. Sir Ronnie Waterhouse was friends with Justice Owen Stable’s son Philip. Citrine and his colleagues were awarded substantial damages and costs, but these were never paid, as the ‘Daily Worker’ changed publishers two days after the judgement. The TUC subsequently published the full judgement in a pamphlet by Citrine entitled ‘Citrine and others v Pountney: The Daily Worker Libel Case 1940’.

Citrine visited Finland in Jan 1940, at the height of its Winter War against the Soviet Union. In Oct 1941, a TUC delegation under Citrine’s leadership travelled to the Soviet Union as part of Churchill’s diplomatic efforts following the German invasion of Russia to bring the Soviet Union into the alliance against Germany.

It was at the invitation of the Minister of Fuel and Power, Manny Shinwell MP, that in 1946 Citrine was invited to join the newly nationalised NCB and given a welfare role for its then 700,000 or so miners (pithead baths, Summer Schools and machinery for joint consultation). Citrine served for a year until Shinwell again recommended his appointment as Chairman of the BEC (from 1955 the Central Electricity Authority) and in 1947, PM Attlee confirmed this appointment. Citrine served in this capacity for ten years, then remaining on the Board until 1962 in a part-time capacity.

Walter Citrine was given a peerage in 1946 and was an active attender of debates in the Lords in the 1960s.

 

In his capacity as Chair of the BEC/CEA, Walter Citrine will have been involved with Windscale Power Station. It is possible that Windscale was built by Marples Ridgway, but I haven’t been able to confirm this. On 10 Oct 1957 a fire at Windscale led to Britain’s worst nuclear accident. The reactors at Windscale had been built as part of the British post-war atomic bomb project. Windscale Pile No. 1 was operational in Oct 1950 followed by Pile No. 2 in June 1951. The 1957 fire burned for three days and there was a release of radioactive contamination that spread across the UK and Europe. On the morning of 11 Oct 1957, when the fire was at its worst, eleven tons of uranium were ablaze. Temperatures became extreme (one thermocouple registered 1,300 °C) and the biological shield around the stricken reactor was in severe danger of collapse.

The fire released an estimated 740 terabecqueres (20,000 curies) of iodine -131, as well as 22 TBq (594 curies) of caesium-137 and 12,000 TBq (324,000 curies) of xenon-133, among other radionuclides. Later reworking of contamination data has shown national and international contamination may have been higher than previously estimated. The Three Mile Island accident in 1979 released 25 times more xenon-135 than Windscale, but much less iodine, caesium and strontium. Estimates by the Norwegian Institute of Air Research indicate that atmospheric releases of xenon-133 by the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster were broadly similar to those released at Chernobyl and thus well above the Windscale fire releases.

Radioactive releases compared (TBq)
Material Half life Windscale Three Mile Island (compared to Windscale) Chernobyl Fukushima Daiichi
(atmospheric)
Iodine-131 8.0197 days 740 much less 1,760,000 130,000
Caesium-137 30.17 years 22 much less 79,500 35,000
Xenon-133 5.243 days 12,000 6,500,000 17,000,000
Xenon-135 9.2 hours 25 × Windscale
Strontium-90 28.79 years much less 80,000
Plutonium 6,100

 

The presence of the chimney scrubbers at Windscale was credited with maintaining partial containment and thus minimising the radioactive content of the smoke that poured from the chimney during the fire. These scrubbers were installed at great expense on the insistence of John Cockcroft and were known as Cockcroft’s Folly until the 1957 fire.

In 2007, tapes released to the BBC revealed that there had been a major cover-up regarding the Windscale fire and the reasons why this was. Scientists had been warning about the dangers of an accident for some time and the safety margins of the radioactive materials inside the reactor were being further and further eroded. Physicists at the Nuclear Research Laboratory in Harwell, Oxfordshire, were among those highlighting the potential dangers. However politicians and the military ignored the warnings; instead they increased demands on Windscale to produce material for an H-bomb. A succession of British PMs since WW II had been determined to persuade the Americans to share the secrets of their nuclear weapons with Britain. Harold Macmillan believed that if Britain could develop an H-bomb on the scale of the Americans, Britain would be treated as a nuclear equal and an alliance would be formed. At the very time that the fire at Windscale was being fought, with everyone involved unsure of whether they’d be able to bring the incident under control, Macmillan was arranging a summit in Washington. It laid the foundation of Britain’s ‘special relationship’ with the US.

Macmillan realised that if the American Congress knew that the fire at Windscale had been the result of reckless decisions taken in an attempt to produce an H-bomb, they might veto Macmillan’s and Eisenhower’s plans. Thus Macmillan covered up the true cause of the fire and issued a report saying that the accident had been caused by an ‘error of judgement’ by the Windscale workers. For 50 yrs, the official record on the accident was that the men who had in fact averted a potentially devastating accident were to blame for causing it. A subsequent inquiry cleared the Windscale workers.

 

Gov’t lies about the cause of the fire at Windscale might explain the roots of one of the many mysteries in which I have taken an interest. It does of course concern Dafydd. Before Dafydd embarked upon his glorious career in medicine at Liverpool University, in the early 1950s, he had already been thrown out of another degree course – I think that it was chemistry – at another university. Dafydd had been given a prestigious scholarship and the world was very angry when the Bethesda boy who had been given such an opportunity screwed it up. I don’t know why Dafydd was kicked out, but I expect that the wrongdoing involved will have been substantial, Dafydd doesn’t do things by halves. Yet somehow, after this huge disgrace that was very well-known and on his record, Dafydd subsequently bagged a place to do medicine at Liverpool – and the money to support himself while he did it. Back in Dafydd’s day, places at medical school weren’t as precious as they are now and medicine was not such a prestigious subject academically, but if one had previously buggered up a university place, one did not get another chance.

So how did Dafydd get through the doors of Liverpool University? It will have been nepotism because Dafydd and Liverpool Medical School only operate on nepotism, but knowing Dafydd, it won’t have been based on the nepotistic kindness of someone thought that he was a lovely young man who would make a good doctor. Dafydd will have had shit on someone so great that arms were twisted.

Before Dafydd went to Liverpool University, he worked at Windscale. The Legend of Dr DA that has been handed down through the Welsh mists tells us that it was whilst he was working as ‘an atomic scientist at Windscale’ that Dafydd decided that his future lay in medicine. Dafydd won’t have been an atomic scientist, but he was doing something at Windscale. Being Dafydd, if he was just cleaning the loos he’d have been creeping around variously ingratiating himself to or threatening people. Dafydd found something out whilst he was working at Windscale, which must have been very soon after Windscale opened, that had people jumping when he told them to jump for the rest of his life…

Dafydd’s adventures at Windscale might also explain why Gov’ts of all hues appointed nuclear physicists to preside over Top Docs when the Top Docs became even more uncontrollable than usual. Nuclear physicist Sir Alec Merrison Chaired an Inquiry regarding the pay and conditions of the Top Docs set up by Keith Joseph in 1973 (which reported in 1975) as well as the Royal Commission on the NHS, set up in 1976 by Barbara Castle, which reported in 1979. Barbara Castle as Secretary of State, along with her Health Minister Dr Death, allegedly chose Merrison to Chair the Royal Commission because he was a supporter of the NHS (see post ‘The History, Boys…’). It was of course nuclear physicist Lord Brian Flowers of Imperial College who was given domain over the Top Docs of London University whilst they committed huge research frauds and colluded with Dafydd’s sex trafficking gang.

Merrison and Flowers both had years of experience in the nuclear industry. Merrison had worked at the Atomic Energy Research Establishment Harwell, 1946-51. It was the physicists at Harwell who raised concerns about the dangerous design of/practices at Windscale. Merrison left Harwell for a post at the University of Liverpool. He was in that post when Dafydd was given a place to study medicine at Liverpool. Sir Alec Merrison remained at Liverpool until 1969, when he became VC of Bristol University. Dr D.G.E. Wood studied medicine at Bristol in the late 1960s and of course David Hunt had an association with Bristol University. Somehow I don’t think that Merrison being a supporter of the NHS will have been the driver behind him Chairing Royal Commissions concerning that organisation.

Even if Dafydd didn’t find out about the cause of the fire at Windscale, he probably did know that there had been some sort of cover-up. Dafydd would have also known something else that would have given him great blackmailing potential and ideas for his future business. That Ernest Marples, the MP for Wallasey, Minister in Macmillan’s Gov’t and the Director of the company that was building power stations and many other major infrastructure projects for the Gov’t, was using prostitutes. As of course were Harold Macmillan’s friends and Ministers (see post ‘In Memoriam – Bronwen, Lady Astor’). Macmillan’s wife was enjoying herself with various people as well, including the Conservative politician Lord Bob Boothby, who was bisexual and hanging out with gangsters, including the Krays (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’).

 

When Lord Denning conducted his 1963 investigation into the security aspects of the Profumo Affair and the rumoured affair between the Minister of Defence Duncan Sandys and the Duchess of Argyll, Denning confirmed to Macmillan that the rumour that Marples regularly used prostitutes was true. The story was suppressed and did not appear in Denning’s final report. By that time, Dafydd was working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and had been put in charge of the women’s wing. Nine hundred women, virtually all of them banged up because they had pregnancies which were inconvenient to other people or were saying things that might cause embarrassment to other people. For example that certain people were having sex with them or others when those certain people really didn’t want anyone to know that. Furthermore, not so far away from Denbigh, in Croesor were Sir Clough Williams-Ellis and his wife Amabel, who was a member of the Strachey family of ‘Bloomsbury set’ fame. Then there were all Clough’s friends who visited him or rented cottages on his estate, an assortment of alternatives and radicals. Including Bertrand Russell, who was highly sexually exploitative and had a few members of his family banged up on the grounds that they were insane as evidenced by their outrageous allegations about him (see post ‘So Who Was Angry About What?’).

 

Ernest Marples was given a peerage in 1974, but then in early 1975 suddenly fled to Monte Carlo, just before the end of the tax year, fearing that he would otherwise be liable for a substantial tax bill.

The flight came at a time when Marples was facing problems on several fronts. Tenants of his block of flats in Harwood Court, Upper Richmond Road, Putney, were demanding that he repair serious structural faults and had threatened legal action. Marples was being sued for £145,000 by the Bankers Trust merchant bank in relation to an agreement made with the French company Ernest Marples et Cie. He was also being sued by John Holmes, the chartered surveyor and Director of Marples’ property company Ecclestone Enterprises, for wrongful dismissal and who was claiming £70,000 in damages. The Inland Revenue was demanding that he pay nearly 30 years back taxes on his residence in Eccleston Street, Belgravia, London, as well as capital gains tax on his properties in Kensington. In addition, in 1974, Marples had lost 130 cases of wine to a fire in a store he owned under a railway line in Brixton and he had been convicted of drinking and driving for which he received a one-year ban and a £45 fine.

Marples’s departure came in the wake of the failure of a plan to avoid paying tax on his properties by involving a Liechtenstein-based company with which he had been involved for more than ten years. He was to sell his Harwood Court block of flats for £500,000 to Vin International which would refurbish and sell them for between £2.25 million and £2.5 million. Marples would only be liable for capital gains tax at 30% on the transfer to Vin which, as an offshore company, would only be liable for stamp duty at 2%. The plan failed following the change of Gov’t in 1974. After reports of this plan were published in the ‘Daily Mirror’, the Treasury froze Marples’ assets in Britain. In Nov 1977, he paid £7,600 to the British government in settlement of his breach of exchange control regulations, following which Marples made a return to London.

Marples’ final years were spent on his 45-acre vineyard estate in Fleurie, France. He died in a Monte Carlo hospital on 6 July 1978.

 

It is only since researching for this blog post that I have found out who Marples was and the extent of his wrongdoing. But there is someone in north Wales who knew of Marples – the Hergest patient, F, whom I discussed in my posts ‘Killing Floor – I Know Cos I Was There!’ and ‘An Appalling Vista’.  F is the man who claimed to have detailed information about the death of Jimi Hendrix and F alleged medical negligence; it was F who was fitted up for drugs and violently assaulted by the North Wales Police and who then experienced a psychotic episode as a result and set fire to his house after being refused help by Til, the thuggish neighbour in Carneddi who worked for S4C; F who was then arrested by the officers who had fitted him up and was detained in Risley Remand Centre where he heard the other inmates screaming as the screws beat them up; F who was then sent into the care of Dafydd at Denbigh although by that time he was no longer psychotic, but was given amphetamines by one of Dafydd’s drugs patients and was then kept in Denbigh for a year. There was never any investigation into any part of this. F disappeared within the psychiatric system and was forever after dismissed as a ‘chronic schizophrenic’.

F however had a sense of humour and thought that Dafydd was ‘a bit of a twat’. F knew that Dafydd was sexually exploiting female patients and F also knew that Mary Wynch’s mother died in questionable circumstances in one of Dafydd’s ‘nursing homes’. So F used to take the piss out of Dafydd. It was F who said to Dafydd after Dafydd accused him of lying, ‘I lied, you murdered’.

F used to talk about the Minster for Transport Marples a great deal, although for some reason F confused Ernest Marples with his wife, Lady Marples. But the reason why F made frequent references to ‘Mrs Marples’ was that F’s mother, a middle class business woman in Surrey, took part in a campaign to have Marples removed as a Minister back in the 1950s. F’s mother had attended an angry meeting of concerned people who confronted Marples and she lost her temper and hit Marples with a placard that read ‘Marples Must Go’. F’s mum then rushed back to the family home and there was concern that she might be arrested, but she wasn’t. F told everyone he knew about the day that his mother ‘hit Mrs Marples over the head with a placard and nearly got arrested’.

The game that the Angels played in north Wales was to maintain that the patients were all completely mad and could not be believed. However, if a high profile name was mentioned, or a mention of an influential friend or relative, those Angels clocked it, noted it and it was conveyed back to Dafydd Central. On every occasion. Even if F had never mentioned ‘Mrs Marples’ in front of Dafydd or an Angel – which he almost certainly had – F sat in my house and told me about it, several times and he told Brown as well. We now know that the security services had us under surveillance and had been bugging us and just about everyone else back as far as at least the early 1980s. They will have known about F’s mum and Ernest Marples and they were using all info gathered to protect Dafydd and the paedophile gang, not us.

The mountain of manure which was being concealed became ever higher with every minute that passed.

 

Now to return to Mark Robinson, the junior Minister who was the first umbrella of Dafydd’s to write to me and who subsequently found himself as the MP for a constituency near many people from my days in Somerset who were paid to keep quiet about what was happening to me.

Mark Robinson’s boss after Lynda Chalker was Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd. Hurd’s stint as Foreign Secretary, 1989-95, followed his time as Home Secretary, 1985-89. It was while Hurd was Home Secretary that Dafydd and the paedophile gang fitted people – including me – up with the assistance of the Home Office and corrupt police officers. Kids in care and mental health patients in north Wales were the victims of serious crimes on the part of the paedophile gang and their associates, but there were no investigations. Documentation was forged and this was happening in the Home Office as well. Hurd was the nephew of the botanist Prof Edred Henry Corner, who was known to some of the botanists at Bangor University who were colluding with Dafydd and the gang, one of whom was Dr D.G.E. Wood’s wife. For further details see posts ‘Security, Security’ and ‘Additional Security Measures’.

Hurd had been a favourite pupil of Baroness Jean Trumpington’s husband Alan Barker when Hurd was at Eton and in her autobiography Trumpers boasts that it was Hurd who, at the request of Barker, in 1979 secured her the position of UK delegate to the UN Commission on the Status of Women, in which role Trumpers managed to cause a few diplomatic incidents. In 1980 Thatch made Trumpers a Baroness and before long a junior Health Minister and it was in this capacity that Trumpers appointed Jimmy Savile to the management of Broadmoor Hospital – where some of the victims of Dafydd and the gang were ending up (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’). Savile visited Bryn Estyn on one occasion and a former resident of Bryn Estyn alleged that Savile witnessed him being sexually assaulted by a group of men.

Hurd also knew that kids in care were being found dead in Risley Remand Centre and that a visiting clap clinic was deemed necessary for the ‘medical wing’ – which was full of Dafydd’s patients. It was Hurd who was Home Secretary when Risley finally erupted into an uncontrollable riot in 1989. For details of the shameful state of Risley under Home Secretary Hurd, see post ‘Include Me Out’.

 

David Heathcoat-Amory, the Tory MP for Wells, 1983-2010, was another Somerset MP who would have had an interest in Westland. Heathcoat-Amory is the son of Brigadier Roderick Heathcoat-Amory and the nephew of Harold Macmillan’s Chancellor of the Exchequer, Derick Heathcoat-Amory.

David Heathcoat-Amory was educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford. He was President of the Oxford University Conservative Association and was a contemporary of John Redwood, William Waldegrave, Edwina Currie and Gyles Brandreth. Redwood was Secretary of State for Wales, 1993-95, when Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends made repeated attempts to have me imprisoned on the basis of their perjury. By that time, the dosh was certainly rolling into the pockets of people in Somerset. Waldegrave was Health Secretary, 1990-92, so his term of office covered the stuffing over of me at St George’s Hospital Medical School and my friends at that the Royal Television Society and the BBC (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). It was in about 1990 that the fortunes of the Somerset contingent seemed to take an inexplicable upward turn. Edwina was a junior Minister in Health at the same time as Trumpers and Trumpers allowed Edwina to take the blame for Savile being let loose in Broadmoor. Edwina admitted in 1990 in her ‘Diaries’ that it was widely known that Peter Morrison was molesting children and such was the panic in the Tory Party that she feared what people would do to conceal this.

Well now you know Edwina, they tried to murder my friends and I and had already succeeded in killing one of us by the time that you wrote that entry.

Gyles Brandreth succeeded Morrison as the MP for Chester. He discusses in his autobiography how local people and members of the constituency association openly shuddered at the recent memories of Morrison molesting ‘little boys’. See posts ‘I Want Serious Money Now Please’ and ‘It’s The Sun Wot Won It’.

Heathcoat-Amory qualified as an accountant in 1974 and joined Price Waterhouse. In 1980, he was appointed as the assistant finance director of the British Technology Group (BTG) where he remained until he was elected as MP in 1983. He is also a farmer with employees. Heathcoat-Amory’s various positions in Parliament included PPS to John Moore in 1985, when Moore was Financial Secretary to the Treasury. Moore was Secretary of State for Social Services/Social Security, 1987-89, in which capacity he concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al. Heathcoat-Amory was PPS to Douglas Hurd, 1987-88, when Hurd was Home Secretary. Heathcoat-Amory was Minister of State for Europe, 1993-94.

Heathcoat-Amory’s younger son, Matthew, committed suicide in 2001. His nephew Edward Heathcoat-Amory used to write for the ‘Daily Mail’ and has written for ‘The Spectator’. Paul Johnson, who was a youthful Labour supporter and mates with Sir Ronnie Waterhouse but then evolved into a right wing journalist involved with ‘The Spectator’, purchased an estate at Over Stowey in Somerset in approx the late 1970s. Johnson’s son Cosmo was friendly with at least one of those known to me who found themselves in receipt of so much money. Johnson’s wife is psychotherapist and former Labour parliamentary candidate Marigold Hunt, daughter of Dr Thomas Hunt who was physician to Churchill, Attlee and Eden. Johnson’s son Luke is the former Chairman of Channel 4. Marigold’s niece is Celia Walden, who is married to Piers Morgan.

 

There was another politician whom I believe played a major role in the good fortune of some of those who knew what was happening to me in north Wales – in particular Janet Mitchell – and that was Graham Watson, the Lib Dem MEP for Somerset and North Devon, Somerset and North Devon, 1994-99 and for South West England, 1999-14. Graham Watson might not have been a player at the time of the Westland Affair, but he certainly proved useful a few years down the line.

Watson was born on the Isle of Bute. His father was an officer in the Royal Navy and his mother a teacher. Watson was educated at the City of Bath Boys’ School and attended Heriot-Watt University where he studied languages.  He worked as an administrator at Paisley College of Technology (1980-83). He now speaks four European languages.

Watson had begun his political activity in the National League of Young Liberals in 1972. As international officer of the Scottish Young Liberals he became involved in the International Federation of Liberal Youth, becoming a Vice-President (1977) then General Secretary (1979) of the organisation. Watson was a founder of the European Communities’ Youth Forum. He served as a Council member of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party, 1983-93. Between 1983-87 Watson also served as head of the private office of then leader of the Liberals, Sir David Steel. 

Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith, Paddy Pantsdown, Dr Death… I need not continue. Graham had accumulated dynamite on a great many people.

In 1988 Graham Watson began work for HSBC in London and Hong Kong. His work there included three months with the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and gave him an interest in the Far East. He is now an adviser to the Asia Pacific Public Affairs Forum and is learning Mandarin Chinese.

Watson was Leader of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party in the European Parliament, 2002-04. He was Leader of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe in the European Parliament, 2004-09 and President of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party, 2011-15. Watson is a supporter of the Campaign for the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly, an organisation which advocates for democratic reformation of the United Nations. Obviously, Watson will want to be their leader.

Watson and his wife lived in Langport for years, but they now live in Brussels and Edinburgh, having extracted every drop of capital possible from the victims of a vicious paedophile gang and having found that they have bled Somerset and its opportunities dry.

 

The Westland Affair originated with Alan Bristow’s £89 million bid for the company in April 1985. Thatcher’s Gov’t forced the Westland Board to accept the bid from Bristow Rotorcraft. By June, Bristow was threatened to pull out unless the Gov’t assured him that there would be future orders for the company from the MoD and that the repayment of over £40 million of launch aid for Westland’s newest helicopter from the DTI was waived.

 

Alan Bristow was born in south London and after serving in WW II, he joined Westland as its first helicopter test pilot but was sacked after attacking the company’s sales manager. Bristow worked as a freelance helicopter pilot and then started his own helicopter trading and operating company in 1949. Bristow then provided helicopter spotting services for Aristotle Onassis’s pirate whaling fleet in the Antarctic. Bristow started operating flights in aid of oil exploration in the Persian Gulf. Bristow Helicopters Ltd eventually expanded to cover most of the globe outside Russia and Alaska, with notable profit centres in the British North Sea, Nigeria, Iran, Australia, Malaysia and Indonesia.

In 1968, Bristow took over from Freddie Laker as the Chairman of British United Airways. After leading the 1970 merger with Caledonian Airways to form British Caledonia, Bristow then returned to Chair Bristow Helicopters.

 

Bristow’s reign over the British helicopter sector came to an end in 1985 after he fell out with Lord Cayzer, whose family holding company British & Commonwealth was one of the shareholders brought in by Freddie Laker. Bought out by the Cayzers, Bristow retired and the company’s fortunes declined with the North Sea oil industry.

A keen equestrian, Bristow represented Great Britain at four-in-hand carriage driving with Phil the Greek.

Bristow claimed to have been offered a knighthood if he would return to the negotiating table to help Thatcher’s Gov’t out of its embarrassment re Westland.

 

Defence Secretary Heseltine was uninterested in Westland helicopters when initially approached by Tebbit, the then Trade and Industry Secretary, because plenty of American helicopters were available to meet Britain’s defence requirements. Heseltine attended two meetings about Westland’s future in June 1985, Chaired by Thatch. It was decided that Tebbit should persuade the Bank of England to co-operate with the main creditors in the hope that a recovery plan and new management would end the threat of receivership.

Brown and I had raised serious concerns with the Top Docs and Bangor University about Gwynne the lobotomist in the summer of 1984, after which Brown and I were threatened several times by Dr D.G.E. Wood. I also wrote to the GMC. It was in approx June 1985 that I also raised concerns about Dr Tony Francis. Francis had lied to me, denied that he had lied and was unlawfully witholding my medical records. For a long time I thought that perhaps Francis had simply made a mistake, not felt able to admit to it and the situation escalated unnecessarily. It was only relatively recently that I have discovered that Francis was actually fully on board with Dafydd, Gwynne and the paedophiles, was doing some pretty terrible things to patients without their knowledge and was probably far more dangerous than Dafydd and Gwynne because he wasn’t obviously identifiably mad to anyone within five minutes of meeting him. However, everybody who worked with Tony Francis did know that he was a troubled and dangerous doctor. No-one was warned. Patients remained on his list, were told by Angels that he was doing his best for them and were urged to return for more appointments  if they said that they didn’t want any more ‘services’ and new patients were referred to Francis as well.

 

Bristow withdrew his bid and in late June Sir – later Lord – John Cuckney was brought in as Chairman of Westland. Cuckney was educated at Shrewsbury School and then read medicine at the University of St Andrews, returning to the University after service with the Royal Northumberland Fusiliers and the King’s African Rifles during WWII to study history and economics. He was recruited by MI5 ‘with whom he served until 1959’. Although I doubt if he stopped serving then. ‘No-one leaves the Mafia’ after all. Particularly if there are lefties and service users Who Know to be dealt with and a load of greedy bastards from Somerset.

 

Cuckney’s time in MI5 featured in Peter Wright’s book ‘Spycatcher’ where Wright described him as ‘a tough, no-nonsense’ officer. After leaving MI5, Cuckney worked in the City at stockbrokers Standard Industrial Group, before joining merchant bank Lazards, where he became the first Director to resign in over 100 years. Cuckney then established Anglo-Eastern Bank with Sir David Alliance, specialising in trade finance between Britain and the Middle East.

Cuckney was appointed Chairman of the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board in 1970. He left in 1972 to become the first Chief Executive of the Property Services Agency to set up to manage the Gov’ts property estate. In 1974 Cuckney moved to the Crown Agents, which was in financial difficulty. He joined as Chairman and separated out the military sales arm as International Military Services (an MoD company), which he also became Chairman of and served until 1985. He left the Crown Agents in 1978, and briefly joined the Port of London Authority.

Cuckney subsequently became Director and/or Chairman of various companies, including travel company Thomas Cook, Midland Bank, tea company Brooke Bond, engineering firm John Brown, Westland, Royal Insurance, Investors in Industry (later 3i), Glaxo and Orion Publishing Group.

Cuckney had gained a reputation as a ‘the company doctor who never lost a patient’ following his involvement with the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board, Crown Agents, and John Brown. As Chairman of Westland, Cuckney’s favoured option of Sikorsky merging with Westland prevailed. You might not have lost your patient Westland Lord Cuckney, but a great many patients in north Wales died.

Following the Westland Affair, in 1992 Cuckney was appointed as an adviser to Peter Lilley, Secretary of State for Social Services – who also concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang – following the death of Cap’n Bob and the discovery that the Cap’n had stolen hundreds of millions of pounds from his companies’ pension funds. Cuckney headed the Maxwell Pensioners’ Trust and in 1995, brokered a £276 million out-of-court settlement, known as the Major Settlement, between the pension schemes and those institutions against which the schemes had potential legal claims.

So Cuckney sorted out the mess left behind by Cap’n Bob, but Dafydd was too much for him. If your mates from MI5 had helped extract my medical records for me Lord Cuckney, I could have published an insider’s account of the Top Docs’ criminality for you all years ago. You wouldn’t have had to keep paying the BMA whatever they demanded and Blair would never have become PM on the basis of his knowledge of the sordid business involved in concealing the Westminster Paedophile Ring and then caused a few more hundred layers of problems.

John Cuckney was given a peerage in 1995. When the world was told lies about Dafydd retiring, about the North Wales Hospital closing down, about there being no paedophile ring in north Wales, oh you all get the picture. John Cuckney sleeps in the Lords as a Conservative. Don’t bother to wake him up, he couldn’t stop a firebomb being thrown into a building with five key witnesses in there when his MI5 colleagues had every hospital, docs surgery, university, phone line and even the houses of targets bugged, whatever would he be able to contribute to the the Lords.

 

Re Westland, Cuckney proposed that a new minority shareholder of 29.9% be introduced. No British firm was willing, but Sikorsky was interested. Cuckney proposed that Westland merge with United Technologies Corporation, of which the US company Sikorsky was a subsidiary. Heseltine opposed this plan after realising that Westland would probably become responsible for assembling the Sikorsky UH-60 Black Hawk, which the Ministry of Defence would then be under great pressure to buy, whereas he preferred Westland to go into receivership so that British companies GEC and BAe could buy the viable parts of the business.

In mid-Oct 1985 Heseltine suggested a European consortium which would include French Aerospatiale, German MBB and Italian Agusta (Sikorsky was now negotiating a strategic linkup with Italian Fiat). Leon Brittan, who had replaced Tebbit as Trade and Industry Secretary in Sept 1985, at first urged Thatcher to consider a European option (Heseltine later claimed Brittan preferred this option, although Brittan denied this).

By mid-Oct 1985 I had contacted MPs, Ministers and the GMC about the mental health services in north Wales. People in Somerset knew that I was encountering very serious problems in north Wales. The security services had placed Brown and me under surveillance and we had already had extraordinary and upsetting encounters with two people whom we now know were working for the security services, a man called Leslie Gore, who was a psychotherapist working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’ and ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’) and a Jewish teacher from Stoke Newington, Naomi Grunfeld (see post ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’).

Leon Brittan knew all about the criminality in north Wales, as well as about the other sex trafficking rings across the UK with which the north Wales gang was linked, because Brittan had been Home Secretary, 1983-85 and was one of those concealing what was happening. It was Leon Brittan who as Home Secretary ‘lost’ files naming Westminster figures who were alleged to be abusing children and it was on Brittan’s watch that the Home Office gave a grant to an organisation campaigning on behalf of paedophiles’ rights.

By mid-Oct 1985, Alison Taylor had told the North Wales Police about the abuse of children in care in north Wales which she had witnessed. She was accused of lying and malice.

On 2 Sep 1985, Peter Morrison was moved from his position as a Minister for Employment, where his boss had been Tom King, to the role of Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan, who was at the centre of the Westland Affair.

 

Two other people who played a major role in enabling the abuse and crime in north Wales to continue unchecked also lived in Somerset at the time of Westland. Clifford Graham, who in the late 1980s and the early 1990s was the Dept of Health’s mandarin responsible for mental health as well as much else, lived in Somerset. My post ‘The Old Devils’ discusses how Cliff Graham not only presided over a totally corrupt Dept, but how everything that Cliff Graham did ensured that the abuse of patients continued to be embedded deeper and deeper into the mental health system. Graham was at the highest level of the DoH when patients were murdered in Ashworth and Broadmoor and while Savile was dropping into secure hospitals raping whichever patient he felt like. Ian Dunlop, the tame Prison Service Governor whom Hurd appointed to conduct the Inquiry after the 1989 Risley Remand Centre riots, also lived in Somerset (see post ‘Include Me Out’).

 

The Gov’t was officially neutral regarding the deals involving Westland (ie. arguing that it was a matter for Westland directors and shareholders) but by Nov 1985, Heseltine was lobbying hard for the European option. In late November Peter Levene, Chief of Procurement at the Ministry of Defence, had a meeting at the Ministry with his French, West German and Italian counterparts (the National Armaments Directors or NADs) and the representatives of the consortium, and agreed to ‘buy European’ for certain classes of helicopters. If Westland went ahead with Sikorsky, then its helicopters, under this new agreement, would be unable to be bought by the four governments. The meeting was later praised by the House of Commons Defence Select Committee. Thatcher, who only learned of the meeting through Cuckney, was displeased, as were Brittan and the Treasury, who thought the US option might be cheaper, although Thatcher and Leon Brittan kept to their official pretence of neutrality.

In Nov 1985, Sikorsky made an offer which was favourable to Westland’s management.

On 5 and 6 Dec 1985 Thatcher had two ad hoc meetings with Heseltine, Brittan, Tebbit, Willie Whitelaw (Deputy PM), Geoffrey Howe (Foreign Secretary) and Nigel Lawson (Chancellor of the Exchequer).

All of the above people knew about the crimes of Dafydd et al in north Wales. Willie Whitelaw had concealed them in numerous different roles, most obviously as Home Secretary, 1979-83, but also in his capacity as Lord President of the Council, 1983-88, which gave Whitelaw the role of visitor for the University of Wales. At the time, Wood, Dafydd, Gwynne and many others in UCNW were facilitating the trafficking ring. Carlo was Chancellor of UCNW and the sister of Peter Morrison who was a member of the sex ring was of course Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Carlo’s mum.

Geoffrey Howe, a good friend of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse, had worked for years as a lawyer on the corrupt Chester and Wales circuit and was Solicitor General under Heath. Howe was Lord President of the Council, 1989-90. It was of course Geoffrey Howe who put the fatal boot into Thatcher towards the end of 1990 for which many people were grateful, but it really was too little too late, look at the scale of the problem.

Nigel Lawson also damaged Thatcher and got rid of the idiot Alan Walters, but again, huge damage had already been done. Lawson’s constituency was in Leicestershire, bang in the middle of the paedophile gang of which Frank Beck and Greville Janner were part, which was being concealed by Top Doctors who also colluded with Dafydd (see post ‘An Expert From England’), as well as scores of people in Leicester University (see posts ‘Radical Leicester And Some More Free Radicals’ and ‘Gwlad y Menig Gwynion’), local lawyers and judges as well as Leicester City Council. And Keith Vaz of course. After Beck was jailed, the Kirkwood Report admitted that the degree of negligence on the part of the police was inexplicable. Although Kirkwood himself forgot to mention a few salient facts regarding Greville Janner.

Nigel’s daughter Nigella had been friends with some of the members of the Dangerous Sports Club when she was at Oxford. Some members of the DSC were personal friends of one of those in Somerset who bagged all that dosh (see post ‘The Village’).

Tebbit, like Whitelaw, concealed the criminality in north Wales in every way that he could. Tebbit was Chairman of the Tory Party whilst Peter Morrison was Deputy Chairman, Sept 1986-June 87 and has latterly admitted that perhaps there was a little bit of a sort of cover-up of Morrison’s  crimes.

 

Regarding the possibilities for rescuing Westland. Brittan argued that the NADs’ opposition should be set aside, but Howe and Tebbit were not unsympathetic to Heseltine’s proposed consortium, and the decision was deferred to the Cabinet Economic Affairs Committee (E(A)) on Monday 9 Dec 1985. Cuckney and a Westland financial adviser were invited to attend the E(A) meeting. Cuckney said that it was the management’s view that the Sikorsky option was the best one. A majority of the E(A) meeting agreed to dismiss the NADs’ opposition. Thatcher, who complained that three hours had been spent discussing a company with a market capitalisation of only £30m (a tiny amount in Gov’t terms), allowed Heseltine until 4 pm on Friday 13 Dec to submit a viable proposal for a European deal. He did (with BAe and GEC now part of his consortium), but Westland’s Directors rejected it and chose Sikorsky.

Heseltine had expected that there would be a second meeting of E(A) to discuss his consortium, but no such meeting was called; Thatcher later claimed that the Monday meeting had agreed to leave the decision to Westland to take, but it later emerged that Nicholas Ridley and Lord Young had placed such a meeting in their diaries and had been told by No 10 that it had been cancelled. Heseltine threatened resignation for the first time.

At Cabinet on Thurs 12 Dec 1985 Heseltine had an angry exchange with Thatcher about the allegedly cancelled meeting (Thatcher claimed that no such meeting had ever been scheduled). Westland was not on the Cabinet agenda that day and Thatcher refused to permit a discussion on the matter, arguing that Cabinet could not do so without the necessary papers. Heseltine asked for his dissent to be minuted and this was not done, although Cabinet Secretary Robert Armstrong claimed that this had been an error and added it himself.

 

Robert Armstrong was Principal Private Secretary to Ted Heath, 1970-75. Between 1979-87 he was Secretary to the Cabinet under Margaret Thatcher. He was elevated to the peerage in 1988 and sits as a crossbencher. It was Robert Armstrong who, in 1986, coined the phrase ‘economical with the truth’ when he was giving evidence in the Spycatcher trial. Armstrong was a key witness for the British Gov’t, which sought to suppress the publication of the book written by Peter Wright, a former senior member of MI5. Wright’s lawyer at the time was Malcolm Turnbull, who later became the PM of Australia. The British Gov’t were ultimately unsuccessful and Spycatcher was published.

Armstrong was Chancellor of the University of Hull, 1994-2006 and until 2013, the Chairman of the Sir Edward Heath Charitable Fund.

Armstrong has admitted that he knew about the paedophilia of Sir Peter Hayman, the British diplomat who was a member of PIE. Armstrong stated: ‘I was aware of it at the time but I was not concerned with the personal aspect of it’. It was Armstrong who gave Thatcher a veiled warning not to give Jimmy Savile a knighthood because of the allegations of child sexual abuse swirling around him – advice that Thatcher ignored.

It July 2015, the ‘Mail Online’ reported that in 1986, the then head of MI5 Sir Antony Duff wrote to Armstrong and told him that an MP had a ‘penchant for small boys’. Armstrong’s response was that ‘at the present stage…the risks of political embarrassment to the Government is rather greater than the security danger’.

In 2015 Armstrong told the ‘Mail Online’ that ‘if there is evidence it would have been properly examined at the time. I don’t think this is a matter of important people being protected. You  can’t pursue inquiries unless you have evidence on which you can base the enquiry’.

See post ‘Lord Robert Armstrong’ for more background on Armstrong.

 

On Mon 16 Dec 1985 Brittan told the Commons that the decision was up to Westland; on Wed 18 Dec Heseltine won the backing of the Commons Defence Committee for the European Consortium’s latest bid. On Thurs 19 Dec the matter was discussed at Cabinet for ten minutes: Cabinet approved leaving the decision to Westland and Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for the European option.

Over Christmas, Thatcher discussed with close colleagues the option of sacking Heseltine, as Brittan had urged her to do so, but Chief Whip John Wakeham cautioned against. Thatch later admitted in her memoirs that she shrank from sacking Heseltine as he was too popular and weighty a political figure.

Wakeham would later become Lord President of the Council, 1988-89 and following that, he was Peter Morrison’s boss at the Dept for Energy, when Morrison served as Minister of State in that Dept (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’).

 

Thatcher and ministerial colleagues spent two and a half hours writing three successive drafts of a letter threatening Heseltine with the sack, but did not send it as her Press Adviser Bernard Ingham advised that Heseltine might use it an excuse to resign.

By now the political row was being discussed in the media, ‘partly because of the lack of other news in Dec 1985′. There was plenty of news worth reporting in north Wales but no-one actually gave a stuff because the victims of the serious organised crime prevailing were kids in care and psych patients.

John Cuckney wrote to Thatcher, at her behest, asking for reassurance that the Sikorsky deal would not damage Westland’s business prospects in Europe. Heseltine was not satisfied with Thatcher’s draft reply when he saw it and consulted Sir Patrick Mayhew (Solicitor-General and acting Attorney-General as Sir Michael Havers was ill) on the grounds that the Gov’t might be legally liable for any incorrect advice.

Patrick Mayhew, in his capacity as Attorney-General, 1987-92, authorised a number of prosecutions of me for contempt of court – my imprisonment was sought on each occasion – on the basis of the perjury of the Top Doctors and Gwynedd Social Services. Forged documents were also involved. The MDU lawyers acting from Tony and Sadie Francis admitted that there was not the evidence for the claims that were being made about me in Court. Andrew Park, the crooked lawyer who was employed by the Welsh Office, also admitted in writing that the evidence for claims being made about me on oath did not exist.

Mayhew was N Ireland Secretary, 1992-97. While in office, Sein Fenn accused Mayhew of using forged documents. Now there’s a surprise.

Mayhew’s assistance to Top Docs abusing vulnerable people went back a long way. It was Mayhew who was the QC at the 1970s GMC’s fitness to practice hearing involving Dr Morris Fraser, a Top Doctor (child psychiatrist) from Belfast who had been convicted of sexually abusing a child. Fraser was allowed to continue practising and subsequently worked at St George’s/Springfield and UCH. Fraser had been involved with the Kincora Boys’ Home.

 

Heseltine supplied extra material about the risk of Westland losing European business, which Thatcher did not include in her reply to Cuckney. Thatcher replied to Cuckney to the effect that the British Gov’t would continue to support Westland in gaining orders in Europe.

In early Jan 1986, Heseltine wrote to David Horne of Lloyds Merchant Bank, who was advising the European consortium (in reply to planted questions from Horne which had been dictated to him over the phone by one of Heseltine’s staff), giving him the advice which Thatcher had declined to include in her letter to Cuckney. Contradicting Thatcher’s reassurances to Cuckney, Heseltine claimed that the Sikorsky deal would be ‘incompatible with participation’ in European helicopter projects. Heseltine’s letter was leaked to ‘The Times’. This was a blatant challenge to Thatcher’s authority as Heseltine had not consulted Downing Street, the DTI or Mayhew before writing to Horne.

Heseltine’s letter to Horne, on Thatcher’s request, was referred to the Solicitor-General, Patrick Mayhew. Mayhew sent a reply to Heseltine, noting ‘material inaccuracies’ in Heseltine’s letter, and asking Heseltine to write to Horne again, correcting them. Mayhew’s letter of rebuke to Heseltine – marked ‘Confidential’ – reached Heseltine at lunchtime on Mon 6 Jan and was immediately and selectively leaked to the Press Association by Colette Bowe, Chief Information Officer at the DTI, at Brittan’s request.

Bowe’s leaked letter led to the resignations of both Heseltine and Brittan, for which someone must have been grateful because Colette Bowe is now Dame Colette.

Bowe was Chairman of Ofcom, 2009-14, Chairman of Electra Private Equity plc, 2010–14 and Chairman of the Council of Queen Mary University of London, 2004–09. She has also served on the boards of Thames Water Utilities, London and Continental Railways, Axa IM, Morgan Stanley and the Yorkshire Building Society. She founded and was first Chairman of the Telecoms Ombudsman Service (now Ombudsman Services) in 2002–3. She was the first Chairman of the Ofcom Consumer Panel (2003–08) and has worked as the Executive Chairman of the distribution arm of Fleming Asset Management.

Bowe is the Chairman of the Banking Standards Board and the Associated Board of the Royal Schools of Music. She is the President of the Voice of the Listener and Viewer, a Trustee of The Tablet and of the Nuffield Foundation. Bowe is also a visiting fellow of Nuffield College. She is also a Board member of the UK Statistics Authority and a non-executive Director of the Dept for Transport.

An extra safe pair of hands is clearly possessed by Colette.

There was controversy over whose orders Colette Bowe was following when she dropped the clanger. The Attorney-General, Sir Michael Havers, ‘took a stern view of leaks’, especially of confidential legal advice and threatened to resign if an official inquiry was not set up to look into it. Thatcher agreed to do this.

It was Michael Havers who in his capacity as Attorney-General blocked the prosecution of a number of VIP child sex offenders, including the diplomat Sir Peter Hayman. Michael Havers was the Tory MP for Winbledon, 1970-87. A lot of Top Doctors from St George’s lived at Wimbledon, including Prof Geoffrey Chamberlain. Chamberlain was a friend of Prof Oliver Brooke, who was jailed for child porn offences in Dec 1986. Havers was Lord Chancellor, 13 June 1987-26 Oct 1987. Oliver Brooke was released on appeal in June 1987, after Lord Chief Justice Geoffrey Lane heard the appeal in May 1987. Lane compared Brooke’s enormous collection of kiddie porn – Brooke was a major figure in a pan-European paedophile ring – to a collection of cigarette cards.

I was illegally arrested and imprisoned in Denbigh by Dafydd in the same month that Oliver Brooke was jailed. Alison Taylor was suspended from her job as a social worker by Gwynedd County Council in the same month.

Havers’s sister was Lord Elizabeth Butler-Sloss, who Chaired the Inquiry into the havoc that Dafydd’s mates caused which resulted in the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal and utterly failed to grasp the enormity of what was happening (see post ‘Twas The Night Before Christmas And The Culprits Were Named’).

Cabinet met on the morning of Thurs 9 Jan 1986, with Thatcher already having agreed her position with close colleagues at Chequers that weekend and arranged that Scottish Secretary George Younger should take over as Defence Secretary if Heseltine resigned. Westland was first on the agenda, and Heseltine and Brittan were permitted to put their cases. Heseltine had won the moral high ground over the leaking saga, but Nigel Lawson recorded that he seemed obsessive at Cabinet and attracted little sympathy. Thatcher reiterated her position, which had already been endorsed by the Cabinet, that Westland’s future was a matter for Westland to decide and announced that as this was a time of business negotiations, all answers to questions about Westland must be cleared through the Cabinet Office. Heseltine agreed. In response to a question by Nicholas Ridley, Thatch then confirmed that this also applied to statements which had already been made. Heseltine argued that he should be allowed to reaffirm statements he had already made but Thatcher disagreed, arguing that Cabinet collective responsibility should be observed. Heseltine protested that there had been no collective responsibility, gathered up his papers and left.

Although eyewitness accounts differ as to the exact details, Peter Jenkins claimed that Heseltine lost his cool and proclaimed ‘I can no longer be a member of this Cabinet’. Heseltine then walked out of Downing Street and announced his resignation to the assembled media.

Thatcher then adjourned the Cabinet for a brief break. George Younger was then offered and accepted the office of Secretary of State for Defence, which Heseltine had just relinquished. The Prime Minister’s office then requested Malcolm Rifkind to take up Younger’s previous job, Secretary of State for Scotland, which he accepted. Cabinet then resumed.

At 4 pm that day – 9 Jan 1986 – at the Ministry of Defence (rather than waiting to make a statement to the Commons when it resumed four days later) Heseltine delivered a 22 minute resignation statement detailing his grievances. He blamed Thatcher’s intransigence, saying his views were ignored. He may well have prepared this earlier, although his Private Secretary Richard Mottram says not. To Thatcher’s fury, Defence officials had helped him throughout the crisis and in preparing this document. Thatcher sent a letter to Heseltine, as is customary on these occasions.

Sir Richard Mottram  entered the civil service in 1968 aged 22 after graduating from Keele University. At that time -and indeed since – Keele employed a number of people who were either paedophiles’ themselves, such as social work academic Peter Righton, or concealed and colluded with organised abuse.

Mottram served in the Defence and Overseas Secretariat of the Cabinet Office, 1975-77. He was then the Secretary of two study groups on the rationale for and system options for a successor to the UK’s strategic nuclear deterrent which led subsequently to the decision to adopt Trident. Mottram was then appointed Private Secretary to the Permanent Under Secretary, of the MoD, Sir Frank Cooper. From 1982-1986, Mottram was Private Secretary to a succession of Secretaries of State for Defence – John Nott, Heseltine and George Younger.

In 1985, as Private Secretary to Heseltine as Secretary of State for Defence, Mottram was a witness for the prosecution in the trial of Clive Ponting who was later acquitted of an offence under the Official Secrets Act for passing information to Labour MP Tam Dalyell regarding the sinking of the Belgrano. When Mottram was asked whether answers to parliamentary questions should be truthful and not deliberately ambiguous or misleading, there was a long silence before he replied: ‘In highly charged political matters, one person’s ambiguity may be another person’s truth’.

Mottram: they were trying to kill us and they did kill other people. There is no ambiguity in that.

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From 1986-89, Sir Richard Mottram was the Under-Secretary responsible for the defence programme and from 1989-92, the Deputy Secretary with responsibilities for UK defence policy and strategy and defence relations with other countries at the time of the end of the Cold War.

Mottram retired in 2007 from his most recent senior post as Permanent Secretary, Intelligence, Security and Resilience in the Cabinet Office.

This lot were so resilient that they couldn’t even deal with Dafydd.

Mottram serves on the Board of a number of private and public sector organisations, including Chairing the board of Amey PLC. He is a Visiting Professor at the LSE and member of the Advisory Board of LSE IDEAS. Mottram is a Trustee of the Royal Anniversary Trust, which oversees The Queen’s Anniversary Prizes for Higher and Further Education.

 

As a fairly high ranking British Army officer who lived in Somerset at the time, Brown’s dad will have known a number of the people involved in all of this.

On 13 Jan 1986, Thatcher held a meeting with Whitelaw, Brittan, George Younger and John Wakeham to decide what should happen. The conclusion was that Brittan, rather than the PM, should reply to Heseltine’s statement on that day.

In his resignation statement in the House of Commons Heseltine accused Brittan of pressuring Sir Raymond Lygo, CEO of British Aerospace, to withdraw from the European Consortium. In response to questions in the House from Heseltine, Brittan denied that he had received a letter from Lygo, but later had to admit that he had received a letter from Sir Austin Pearce, Chairman of British Aerospace; he had not disclosed it, he claimed, because it was marked Private and Strictly Confidential. He was forced to return to the House a few hours later to apologise.

Admiral Sir Raymond Lygo joined the Royal Navy in 1942 during WW II. He was appointed the commanding officer of the frigate Lowestoft in 1961, the frigate Juno in 1967 and the aircraft carrier Ark Royal in 1969. Lygo was Director General, Naval Manpower and Training,  Feb 1974-June 1975. He went on to be Vice Chief if the Naval Staff in 1975 and retired in 1978.

After retirement, Lygo joined British Aerospace, becoming Chief Executive in 1986.

Lygo will have known Admiral Sir Alec Bingley and all the other senior figures in the Royal Navy and Admiralty who concealed the organised sexual abuse of young people or who were alleged to have been abusing underaged children themselves, such as Lord Louis Mountbatten (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’).

Sir Raymond Lygo
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Juno
Goddess of marriage and childbirth
So that is why there is so much child abuse, sexual exploitation and repressed homosexuality in this sorry tale!
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Raymond Lygo was also Chairman of the Rutland Trust in 1991, Chairman of TNT (Express) UK Ltd in 1992 and Chairman of the Liontrust First UK Investment Trust in 1997. He was Patron of the Fleet Air Arm Association.

 

Sir Austin Pearce, was Chairman of British Aerospace, 1980-87 and steered the company through its privatisation by Margaret Thatcher’s Gov’t. Although Pearce had spent his entire working life with Esso, of which he had been Chairman and Chief Executive for eight years, he had some experience of the aerospace industry: in 1976 he had been appointed to the organising committee for the nationalisation of the industry and the formation of British Aerospace.

The Gov’t sold 52 per cent of BAe in 1981. Four years later it decided to sell the remaining 48 per cent, Pearce arguing successfully for a price of 375p, rather than the 400p which the government originally wanted.

Known to his colleagues as ‘Tin’, Pearce faced a number of problems at BAe, including inefficiency and over-staffing. During his tenure there were unsuccessful attempts by Thorn EMI and GEC to take over the company. Also, the Nimrod Airborne Early Warning programme was running four years late and substantially over budget; eventually the Gov’t cancelled the programme.

Pearce also faced difficulties over BAe’s involvement in the project to build the Airbus. At first the British Gov’t refused to support the BAe application for aid for the A 320 aircraft. The other partners in Airbus – the French, Germans and Spanish – already had their Gov’ts’ approval and would be happy to take over BAe’s work on the wings. Without financial help, Pearce knew that BAe would be out of Airbus and would consequently be faced with massive redundancies. Without telling either his colleagues or the DTI, he asked for a personal meeting with Thatch. He got the money. During the Westland affair, because BAe hoped to become a partner in a European consortium it aligned itself with Heseltine against Thatch. At one stage, at a meeting with the MoD, Pearce was asked if BAe would take over Westland, but he refused on the ground that BAe had enough spare capacity to take on Westland’s entire workload without assimilating more than a few of its employees.

Austin Pearce was born in Plymouth in 1921. He was educated at Devonport High School for Boys and then went to Birmingham University. As a member of the University Senior Training Corps of Royal Engineers, Pearce was assigned to the Petroleum Warfare Department, working on flame-thrower fuels and incendiary bombs. At the same time he completed a PhD in Chemical Engineering.

In Sept 1945 Pearce joined the AGWI (later the Esso) refinery at Fawley as a junior engineer. In 1950 he was promoted to process superintendent, in charge of the running of all the refinery units. In 1956 Pearce became general manager (refining) for Esso in the UK. In 1963 he joined the Esso Board, with responsibility for the marine and pipelines systems; this included taking charge of the tanker fleet and overseeing the building of the pipeline from Milford Haven to the Midlands and Manchester. In 1968 he was appointed Managing Director and 1972 Chairman and Chief Executive of Esso UK.

Austin Pearce was the first President of the UK Petroleum Industry Association and as Esso’s representative, participated in the negotiations with the Department of Energy, British National Oil Company and Shell on the North Sea participation agreements.

In 1973 Pearce joined the board of Williams and Glyn’s Bank, becoming its last Chairman before it was incorporated into the Royal Bank of Scotland, of which he was appointed a Vice-Chairman.

In 1985 Austin Pearce was appointed Chairman of the Trustees of the Science Museum. He Chaired the meeting that introduced entrance charges; this helped the museum to improve and create new galleries and to rebuild the Railway Museum at York.

Pearce served on the Council of Surrey University, the site of so much skulduggery when I worked there in 1988. He was a Director of Jaguar, Smiths Industries, Pearl Assurance and was Chairman of Oxford Instruments.

Austin Pearce was married first to Maglona Twinn and then to Dr Patricia Grice.

On 15 Jan 1986 there was a debate on Westland in the Commons in which Thatcher replied to the Windbag. Thatcher listed all the ministerial, committee and Cabinet meetings on Westland. Heseltine then made a speech criticising the way collective responsibility had been damaged over Westland.

Sir Robert Armstrong, the Cabinet Secretary, held an inquiry into the leaking of Mayhew’s letter and reported his findings to Thatch on 21 Jan 1986. Armstrong concluded that Brittan had told Colette Bowe to leak Mayhew’s letter through a telephone conversation to Roger Mogg, Brittan’s Private Secretary. Thatcher is said to have asked Brittan four times: ‘Leon, why didn’t you tell me.’ Havers, who demanded the inquiry, later claimed: ‘Unless the PM is the most marvellous actress I’ve ever seen in my life she was as shocked as anybody that in fact it was on Leon Brittan’s instructions.’ At the time Brittan claimed he had misunderstood Thatcher’s wishes but later (on the TV programme The Thatcher Factor on 7 April 1989) admitted that he had acted on the ‘express’ instructions of Charles Powell and Bernard Ingham, Thatcher’s two senior advisers. On 23 Jan 1986, Thatcher had to make a speech to the Commons on Armstrong’s inquiry.

Brittan was being heavily criticised because of the fallout from the leak of the Mayhew letter and because of his lack of candour about the letter from British Aerospace. At a meeting of the 1922 Committee, Conservative back-benchers, demanded Brittan’s resignation. The Chairman of the 1922 Committee at the time was Cranley Onslow, a former MI6 agent who was forced to stand down as Chairman in 1992 by Thatcher’s old mates, who partly blamed him for her previous departure. On 24 Jan 1986 Brittan resigned, because ‘it has become clear to me that I no longer command the full confidence of my colleagues’.

On 27 Jan 1986, Labour set down an adjournment motion. Whitelaw, Howe, Wakeham, John Biffen and Douglas Hurd helped Thatcher draft her speech for this occasion.

In Jan 1986 John Biffen was Lord Privy Seal. John Biffen grew up on a farm about three miles away from where I lived in Somerset. Biffen went to Dr Morgan’s School in Bridgwater along with my father and many others who remained in Somerset. Biffen’s parents remained living at their farm in Combwich and occasionally made trips to London to marvel at their famous son and his associates. John Biffen was a swotty kid who was badly bullied by the locals and he didn’t waste his time with his former tormentors and he did fall out with Thatcher eventually. However, I can’t imagine that he will have resisted if pressurised over all this, there will just have been far too many careers of ruthless dangerous nutters at stake.

Biffen was MP for Oswestry and then North Shropshire. John Allen had a children’s home in Shropshire, there was an abuse ring in operation in the region and many children’s home staff migrated between Bryn Estyn and Shropshire. The family seat of the unfortunate Ormsby-Gores was at Oswestry and David Ormsby-Gore aka Lord Harlech preceded John Biffen as MP for Oswestry. Ever since Lord Harlech served at US Ambassador during JFK’s Presidency, the Ormsby-Gores have had a penchant for dying young and in unfortunate circumstances. The biography of Francis Ormsby-Gore, who farmed near Harlech and was found dead at his home relatively recently, had all the signs of one of someone who was under sustained attack by the paedophiles’ friends (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’).

Douglas Hurd was Home Secretary, presiding over the carnage in north Wales.

Ronald Miller, one of Thatch’s friends, was asked to help revise the speech and Thatcher remarked to him that she might not be PM by six o’clock that evening if things went badly.

The Windbag, who knew Tony Francis from their days as students in Cardiff, was generally thought to have made a poor opening speech.

Heseltine was frustrated at the Windbag’s failure to exploit the moment and claimed that Thatcher’s statement brought ‘the politics of the matter to an end’ and that he would support the Gov’t in the lobby.

Sikorsky then bought Westland, aided by mysterious prior purchases by mystery buyers, suspected by Cuckney and others, although without clear proof, of being an illegal concert party.

 

Westland damaged Thatcher’s credibility and made her look anti-European for the first time. It has been suggested that Thatcher’s keenness on American control of Westland may have been linked to the Al-Yamamah arms deal which was mired in allegations of corruption, or that the US might have wanted Westland to sell Black Hawk helicopters to Saudi Arabia in circumvention of Congressional rules which prevented US arms sales to that country at the time.

Leon Brittan’s behaviour was thought in part to have been motivated by resentment at his demotion from Home Secretary to the Secretary for DTI in Sept 1985. He also thought Heseltine’s mooted European consortium to be monopolistic and anti-competitive.

Apart from his clash of personalities with Thatcher, it was thought that Heseltine, concerned at having to take responsibility for Defence cuts which had been put back until 1986 and worried that Thatcher was unlikely to promote him further, was looking for an excuse to resign. Resigning would put him in good stead to be elected Party leader after, as seemed likely at the time, the Conservatives lost the next election, due by summer 1988.

Heseltine retired to the back benches and spent nearly five years conducting an undeclared campaign for the Party leadership. Although the Thatcher Gov’t was re-elected in 1987, Heseltine eventually challenged her in Nov 1990, polling well enough to hasten her resignation.

Three months after Heseltine ‘resigned from the Cabinet as a matter of honour’, my close friend and house mate on Anglesey was killed in a head-on collision with another car. Our friend Geoff Johnson was a passenger and was left severely brain-damaged. The young man who drove the TR7 straight into Anne somehow only walked away with a broken arm. It was acknowledged that Anne had not been at fault – the other car had been driving on Anne’s side of the road at high speed – but there was no investigation and no prosecution. Anne knew everything that was happening to me at the hands of the Top Docs. Weeks before she was killed, D.G.E. Wood remarked that he always knew when Anne drove past his house – he lived in the same village as us – because he could recognise her car.

Two days after Anne was killed, Liz Stables, the Angel who worked in the UCNW Student Health Centre, took Anne’s file out of a locker and wrote ‘DEAD’ in capital letters across it in front of me. Liz then said that I couldn’t hang around mourning, there were things to do. Some two weeks later Wood yelled at me to ‘forget about everything that has happened here and go away and make a new life for yourself’. Presumably so Wood’s accomplices could kill the rest of us off miles away from Bangor to avoid the fickle finger of suspicion ever being pointed at them.

Heseltine, the man who would do anything, anything at all to become PM, came from Swansea. Heseltine never became PM. Another procession of empty headed narcissistic oafs did instead.

Lord Heseltine (6969083278).jpg

All together now -‘I’m ready to serve’.

Lord Heseltine (6969083278).jpg

 

Now for a bit more info on the lady who worked in a junior capacity at Westland when the almighty ding dong broke out and who – along with a few others – did very nicely out of it all. This blog post is already quite long, so I won’t dissect Janet’s career bit by bit, highlighting who assisted her and when they did so, I’ll leave it up to readers to make the links to police investigations, the Waterhouse Inquiry etc. Regular readers will by now be familiar with the skulduggery and those involved.
 Janet Mitchell, CEng FRAeS:
Janet worked as a Stress Engineer, Westland Helicopters, Product Support Division, 1982-87.

Then Janet was Future Projects Engineer, Airbus, 1987-89: Reporting to Head of Future Projects for BAE Commercial Aircraft Division.

Janet was Stress Engineer, Stresswork Ltd, 1989-91.

supported the Aerospace, Automotive and Civil Engineering Industries. It also covered Nuclear Power, Engineering Design of a Composite Commercial Vehicle Chassis and engineering project management of the structural certification for the A340 Wing Composite Components.
From 1993-94, Janet was Senior Principal Engineer on the Future Large Aircraft Composite Wing Study for BAE Systems.
Between 1994-95, Janet worked on the Airbus Composite Wing Strategy for BAE Systems. She was:

‘Accountable for leading and delivering the BAE/AIRBUS Composite Wing Strategy, this was a significant business transformation programme, I successfully led all business functional specialists to deliver a Strategy for acquiring the Composite Capability for Airbus Wing Business including programme plans and costs of the Technology Development programme. This was delivered to the Airbus Senior Management Board at AUK and BAE SYSTEMS Head Quarters – Directorate for Engineering.’

From 1995-99, Janet was Project Manager of the Low Cost Composite Technology Research for the Airbus Group. She was: ‘Accountable for developing the capability in low cost, low weight Composite Technologies for Airbus UK Wing Technology including materials, manufacturing processes, design and analytical methods and assembly technology. Successfully delivering the bid content for the wing contribution to the 83 million euro EC Framework 5 “TANGO” programme, the DTI funded AMCAPSII programme, private venture, national collaborative projects with research institutes, universities and national industries. Development of specific research project management and financial management processes and the Composite Strategy in line with business objectives’.

Between 1999-02, Janet was Head of Research and Technology Programme, Airbus UK Airbus Group. She was the: ‘Executive accountable for all Airbus UK Research and Technology Projects in Composites, Metallic’s Systems and Advanced Wing Technologies ( including Aerodynamics,Structures, Manufacturing, Assembly Technology and Wing Integration). This team was in excess of 250 people and an annual budget in excess of 100 million euros. Accountabilities included the R & T Operational Business Plan for the UK, contribution to the Airbus Technology Strategy, Technology Plan for UK, Primary interface for Airbus UK into the DTI and European Commission (EC) and Academia for technology projects. Project management of the Airbus Composite Wing technology programme which was funded by the EC and called TANGO’.
Between Oct 2002-06, Janet was head of A400 Military Transport Aircraft Wing Programme for Airbus.

In Jan 2007 Janet Mitchell set up her own consultancy, McSquared Consultants Ltd, of which she has been the CEO since its foundation

When we were kids, everyone had great difficulties playing with Janet although she was a good laugh, because she used to cheat in all the games. Everybody’s mother used to say ‘ooh it’s because Janet’s an only child, she’s not used to playing with others or sharing’. That may well have been the case when we were seven Janet, but I’m not sure that’s an excuse for the last 30 years.

Janet’s family were unusual among the people whom I knew when I was young in that they were not from Somerset. They were from Chorley and Janet’s entire extended family, to whom she and her parents were still close, all lived in Chorley. She was also much doted upon by the Chorley clan because she was the only grandchild of a big family. Chorley is an area which suffered badly in the 20th century post-industrial decline. There were two main employers in the area until recently – Leyland Trucks and BAE Systems. BAE systems closed its doors in 2008. That was OK though, Janet had set up her own consultancy by then and all her elderly relatives whom I remember who always batted so hard for Janet will have died by 2008.

I receive more names every day of those in Somerset whom I am told maxed out on their knowledge of what happened to me. I’m not putting them all up here, because I’m loathe to do so without a degree of evidence, at least circumstantial. However I have been told to enquire into the means by which a farming family by the name of Hill near Fiddington transformed their farm into a premier equestrian centre, Stockland Lovell Manor. The Hills were never at all horsey, but at the height of my difficulties with those we known and love, they raised an enormous sum of money and came up with very flash equestrian centre. Neighbouring farmers could not work out how the Hills had persuaded an investor to part with so much money, even if the farm had been used as security. The Hills had a daughter whom they told everyone was ‘working in the financial services’ in Europe, but she wasn’t a trader or a banker, didn’t possess professional qualifications and from what I was told it sounded as though she was actually a PA. Another daughter was a midwife – in Nottingham. Where I used to work and where a big research fraud between the Cancer Research Campaign and an American drug company was taking place in labs located at Nottingham University (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’). The Hills also had a son, whom I am told now works for Somerset County Council Social Services, with disadvantaged youngsters.

The Hills used to give one of those who received money in return for their silence about what was happening to me a lift to Fiddington Church every Sunday. Mr Michael Hill was a churchwarden and a leading light in Somerset Cricket Club, so there’ll have been a few hobnobbing opportunities there. Ah the good old days, when stars like Ian Botham and Viv Richards played for Somerset, who would get pissed down the Anchor Inn in Combwich, in the company of the man who suddenly found himself with so many celebrity friends and so much money from about 1990 onward…

I think that Michael Hill and his wife Lavinia have both died now, so perhaps their offspring Diane, Jenny and Martin could explain how the family laid their hands on such a huge amount of dosh. Jenny Hill is probably the person to ask.

Series titles over a docklands terrace street

Two other Top Tossers who were tripping over themselves in the 1990s to make unlikely friendships with people in Somerset who knew what was happening in north Wales were Dangerous Sports Club members Ding Boston and Martin Lyster. Boston and Lyster are both veterans of pointless dangerous activities dressed up as ‘extreme sports’ in which people sustain injuries or even die (only a prosecution for manslaughter, not murder and even then that nice lady judge at Bristol Crown Court directed the jury to acquit!). The dear old Dangerous Sports Club had the wind taken out of its sails some years ago, what with its founder the conman David Kirke going to prison and then the death of that Bulgarian student, but I note that Ding now describes himself as ‘Co-Ordinator, Oxford Universities Motorsport’. Don’t ask me what Ding’s real name is, he refuses to give it, even in toadying media profiles. ‘Dickhead’ will suffice.

Ding’s mate Martin Lyster did a first degree and then a PhD in physics at Oxford in the 1980s and then years later a Masters at Loughborough University in Renewable Energy. His Linked In profile describes his present position as an R&D Project Manager for SSE Power Distribution.

So who with links to Thatcher/Major – apart from Tommy Leigh-Pemberton’s father obviously – was the source of all the dosh then Ding and Martin?

When I was discussing all this with Brown, he remarked that the emissaries of Thatcher’s and Major’s Gov’ts will have seen me as doubly dangerous. Not only had I gathered huge amounts of crap on Dafydd and related sex trafficking rings in other parts of the country with links to Tory Ministers, but coming from Tory stock myself I’ll have been seen as a renegade who really had to be stopped. Brown commented that while we were having our friends murdered and our careers destroyed, a lot of older people in Somerset would have been able to remember my grandfather, who was the leading campaigner for Sir Gerald Wills, the Tory MP for Bridgwater, 1950-69. Indeed. The vacuous shite Tom King built on the solid Tory support that had accumulated in Bridgwater.
I reminded Brown that I think that Tom et al will have seen me as far more than doubly dangerous. My grandpa was a high Tory who hung out with the Sir Bufton Tuftons, but he did a few things that pissed people like Tom King off. Such as: denouncing Edward du Cann as a crook (du Cann was later demonstrated to be, er, a crook); turning down a knighthood – Lord King and Lady Jane would never have found it within themselves to do that; refusing an invitation to a Buck House garden party; taking the piss out of the Freemasons and, I understand, the Water Buffaloes as well.
In 1979, one day at school I and my friends were in the library reading the ‘Bridgwater Mercury’ and we happened upon the ’25 years ago today’ column. Everyone howled with laughter, because the snippet chosen was a speech that my grandfather had made to the Somerset Tories, in which he had said that ‘the Conservative Party today is not what it used to be’. Well it certainly wasn’t by the late 1980s, it was trying to murder his granddaughter because she’d stumbled across the Westminster Paedophile Ring.
Anyone for a Buck House garden party?
Charles Prince of Wales.jpg

Anthem For Doomed Youth

The first line of Wilfred Owen’s famous poem was of course:

‘What passing-bells for these who die as cattle?’

Shirley Williams was one of those who knew that in north Wales, young people were dying as cattle at the hands of a sex trafficking ring – at least she did by the time that she was Secretary of State for Education and Science under PM Jim Callaghan, 1976-79 – but like so many others, she ignored it. Shirl later got into bed with (so to speak) Dr Death, who was an accomplice of some of the Top Docs who were facilitating the crime in north Wales (see post ‘Dr Death’). Dr Death was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1996-09, Dafydd’s old alma mater, whilst that institution still employed a great many people who were colluding with Dafydd and the paedophiles. Shirl’s subsequent political bedfellow was David Steel, someone who was told what Cyril Smith was doing to boys in Rochdale, but who dismissed it as a matter of Cyril having merely ‘spanked a few bottoms’. I have recently discovered that one reason why the lid was kept on Cyril’s crimes when it was very nearly blown off in a very big way was that George Carman QC ensured that Smith’s activities were published nowhere else but in an alternative paper in Rochdale, because the trial of Jeremy Thorpe was approaching and the wagon would have come off the rails completely if Smith’s sex offending had become known to the wider public. One of George Carman’s pupils was a Tony Blair and a young barrister called Cherie Booth also worked in Carman’s chambers.

Jeremy Thorpe was the leader of the Liberal Party. After Jo Grimond was for a brief time caretaker leader when Thorpe stood down after even the Liberals realised that he had become too much, David Steel succeeded Thorpe as leader in 1976-88. It was Steel who memorably told the foot soldiers of the Liberal Party to ‘go home to your constituencies and prepare for government’ in 1981. A phrase which became the subject of as much piss-taking as Dr Death’s aspirations to ‘break the mould of politics’. Dr Death had been a member of Callaghan’s Cabinet along with Shirl.

Shirl has spent her entire life dining out on her mother being Vera Brittain, who wrote about her friends being wiped out whilst still young in WWI…

When Shirl refused Dafydd Wigley’s 1979 request to hold an inquiry into the mismanagement of UCNW (Bangor University) under paedophiles’ friend Sir Charles Evans whilst she was Education Secretary, UCNW was facilitating the crimes of Dafydd et al. The most unfortunate of Dafydd’s victims were at that time dying as cattle in the slaughter house which was Risley Remand Centre. The cattle continued dying in spite of questions in the House regarding the number of deaths at Risley (see post ‘Include Me Out’).

Politicians of all hues knew what was going on in north Wales and at Risley and concealed it. I have blogged extensively about how it was common knowledge in Parliament that Thatch’s friend and Minister Sir Peter Morrison was one of those abusing kids in care in north Wales and that Thatcher herself was told this. It would seem that not only did Thatcher’s Gov’t  conceal and collude with the crimes of Dafydd et al, but that the Tories assisted in the growth of the sex trafficking gang.

 

Yesterday I received a number of e mails in response to my recent posts. I have been told that ‘probably around 1984’, Lucille Hughes was given paid leave by Gwynedd County Council to tour around Europe with Lady Olga Maitland no less and was away ‘for at least a month’. No explanation was given and the few people who dared to ask questions were told to keep their noses out. In 1983, Lady Olga Maitland established ‘Women and Families For Defence’, a campaigning group set up by the Tories because of their concerns in the face of the support which the Greenham Common protesters were receiving. It was a party political project, yet Olga Maitland was assisted by Ann Widdecombe, another high Tory but who had not yet been elected to the Commons, who was given secret funding and support from her employers, the University of London. Widdecombe was pals with the Anglesey Conservative Association, although she had turned down their offer to be their Tory candidate in favour of what she thought was a better deal from another constituency (see post ‘Doris Karloff – Honest About Her Expenses But Not Much Else’). Widdecombe was a high profile anti-abortion campaigner and it seemed to be this that was the reason for the love-in between her and the Anglesey Tories.

At the time that Lucille undertook her Grand European Tour with Olga, Gwynedd County Council was led by Plaid and the Chief Exec was Ioan Bowen Rees, an adviser to Dafydd Wigley, the Plaid MP for Caernarfon. Under Bowen Rees, Gwynedd County Council acquired the reputation of having built ‘fortress Gwynedd’, with the Council prioritising issues of language and nationality, accompanied by a degree of overtly anti-English rhetoric.

A recent e mail told me that local people were so reluctant to allow their children to be taken ‘into care’ by Gwynedd that an underground fostering system had grown up among extended families. This was something that I noticed when I was a student. I presumed that it was a consequence of particularly helpful relatives, although I was told about the appalling social workers who did not give a damn about those in their care and I heard a lot about ‘cruelty’ to kids in care.

By the time that Lucille was touring Europe with Lady Olga Maitland, there had been many formal complaints about the abuse of children in care in north Wales and Mary Wynch had begun legal action against Dafydd et al. It was in 1985 that Mary’s case came before Lord Donaldson, the Master of the Rolls. The Welsh Office had colluded with the abuse of children in north Wales and knew that Gwynedd Health Authority was in such serious debt and chaos – by 1989 the Welsh Office had sent a hit squad of management consultants in (see post ‘A Visit To Gwynedd Archives’). In 1984, Brown and I complained about Gwynne the lobotomist to the University authorities and had received threats from Dr D.G.E. Wood, but I had not yet contacted MPs – but I did write to the GMC. It was in the first part of 1984 that the well-camouflaged paedophiles’ friend Eric Sunderland took over from Top Doc and long-standing paedophiles’ friend Sir Charles Evans as Principal of UCNW (see posts ‘Feet In Chains’ and ‘Criminals Are Getting Away With It’).

The Secretary of State for Wales was Nicholas Edwards and his gofer was Wyn – later Lord Wyn – Roberts (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). It was in the summer of 1984 that the Octagon nightclub opened in Bangor, which immediately became a venue for the trafficking of the kids in care and the flogging of class A drugs on a scale previously unseen in the region (see post ‘Are You Local?’).

John Allen owned a villa in the south of France to which boys in care from north Wales were taken ‘for holidays’. Kids in care in north Wales were also taken to Amsterdam where they were sold for sex. Dafydd was holding ‘clinics’ in the south of France.

Ron Davies was elected as the Labour MP for Caerphilly in 1983. Ron had previously been an adviser to Mid-Glamorgan Education Authority, the organisation that concealed the sex offences of John Owen against his pupils (see post ‘Yet More Inglorious Bastards’).

Olga Maitland was subsequently elected as a Tory MP for Sutton and Cheam, but that wasn’t until 1992. When she was enjoying herself in Europe with Dafydd’s mistress, Olga was a journo for the ‘Sunday Express’, edited by the odious John Junor, who was a mate of George Carman QC, who knew what was happening in north Wales. Olga Maitland was married to barrister Robin Hay, who became a Crown Court Recorder.

No wonder no-one helped those of us in north Wales who were being threatened, harassed, fitted up for crimes – or who saw our friends murdered. Dafydd and Lucille were overtly assisted with developing their international people trafficking ring as long ago as the mid-80s by Thatcher’s Gov’t.

Anyone fancy telling us that ‘you didn’t know’ now? By 1984 I had told people – including Dr D.G.E. Wood – repeatedly that someone had threatened to murder Brown. I was ignored. That person subsequently tried to fracture Brown’s skull in the middle of Nottingham in broad daylight.

Anyone for law n order or getting tough on criminals? People died you fucking idiots, they died.

 

It was in 1983-84 that Brown and I started finding ourselves surrounded by some rather odd people who caused us a lot of bother. There were the two people whom Brown met when he replied to adverts in the ‘New Statesman’ offering work, just at the time when Wood et al knew that Brown was living with me on Anglesey and was scanning the adverts in the ‘New Statesman’ for part-time work opportunities. My post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’ discussed the insane and offensive Leslie Gore, a therapist living near Llangollen who worked as a part-time alcohol counsellor at the North Wales Hospital no less. Hot on the heels of Leslie Gore came Naomi Grunfeld, a teacher in the Orthodox Jewish school in north London, who had placed an advert in the ‘New Statesman’ claiming to be a post-graduate student with ‘writer’s block’ in need of extra tuition. It became clear that not only was Naomi nuts, but that she wanted Brown to actually do her MA for her. Brown noticed that Naomi seemed to have acquired her first degree as a result of someone else doing the work. Naomi was a student at Strawberry Hill College, Twickenham and the college seemed to know exactly what was going on.

Brown observed that Naomi’s advert should really have been in the lonely hearts column. The others in our house were greatly entertained by Naomi’s hot pursuit of Brown, particularly when four letters arrived in one day for him and when she started ringing the telephone box down the road asking the local teenagers who answered to go and find him. Brown escaped from Naomi by telling her that he was going abroad and was due to leave for Bristol airport. Naomi demanded a Bristol address, so Brown said ’10, Clifton Road’. Clifton was the area of Bristol where the Top Doctors hung out, so presumably one of Wood’s criminal colleagues received a few dozen crazy letters from Naomi. We didn’t realise that they were a load of sex traffickers at that time, so let’s hope Naomi gave them hell.

Then a few years later there was Diane Foxhills, who surpassed even Naomi, let herself into Brown’s house and was waiting in his bed for him.

MI5: all Brown wanted to do was to get on with his writing and avoid people who were trying to murder him. When he got so fed up of Diane that he actually told her to fuck off and get out of his face, he meant it. So that must have been why, a few years later, when he thought that the coast was clear, you sent Shar along. Who it transpired was not only mad but a member of the BNP, with a long-lost adult son who was in Combat 18. Then a few years after that, there was Emma, who precipitated what was probably a heart-attack in Brown. Not that it was ever diagnosed, because as you knew damn well, by then it was no longer safe for Brown or me to go near a Top Doctor, but Brown knows the symptoms of a heart-attack as well as the average stupid, negligent Top Doctor does. Then there was the vicious Denise Baker McLearns who moved in next to me at Llanllechid and spent the next few years harassing me and spreading vicious rumours about me. Then there was Donna Morgan, who moved into my place as a lodger, knew social workers from Conwy County Council, bounced a £500 rent cheque on me, stole everything of any value from my house, made an allegiance with Denise Baker McLearns and left me a letter telling me not to go to the police because she would tell them that I was a danger to children and Denise would ‘vouch for her’. I went to the police, who refused to tell me where Donna Morgan was living, on the grounds that she was under police protection after her ex-boyfriend had threatened her. That was the ex-boyfriend whom she had also threatened to set on me, a gangster from Llandudno, the mention of who’s name was supposed to have me shaking in my boots, but it didn’t because I didn’t know any gangsters from Llandudno. Although I do now, obviously. The gangsters in question were a family called Hogan.

As a treat, Donna Morgan made allegations about one of my neighbours, who had given her lifts and brought her son clothes and toys whilst Donna pleaded poverty. Years later I was told that she had made a false rape allegation against an innocent man who was only cleared after he’d been arrested and held in custody. But then Donna Morgan was shagging a number of officers in the North Wales Police, whom it would seem were, in return, happy to arrest targets of the paedophile gang at whom she pointed the finger.

 

Wouldn’t it have just been easier to have arrested Dafydd and Lucille and stopped the international people trafficking gang? The security services seem to have spent much time and money behaving like fuckwits and trying to get rid of Brown and me, but Dafydd and Lucille are still sitting in north Wales running CAIS. They’re probably surrounded by undercover officers ‘gathering intelligence’, but the one thing that no-one will do is put Dafydd and Lucille out of action…

We were initially targeted in 1983. Whatever MI5 were doing, they were definitely not stopping that trafficking gang.

 

Another reader of this blog has told me that David Bailey Hughes was the officer in charge at Y Gwyngyll, the children’s home in Llanfairpwll, when it was in meltdown and that the kids ‘were running wild, never going to school and being treated for genital lice’. It was the chaos at Y Gwyngyll which forced Bowen Rees to hold an ‘investigation’ – Bowen Rees called in his old mates from Dyfed County Council, where he had previously been County Secretary, to conduct the investigation… For info on the happenings at Y Gwyngyll and some of the people involved, see post ‘Today We Have Naming Of Parts’.

Despite allegations of sexual abuse against Bailey Hughes – some of which stemmed from his time as a care officer at Ty’r Felin – he was subsequently given responsibility for Gwynedd County Council’s new fostering and adoption service, which was set up after Alison Taylor’s dismissal at Cartref Bontnewydd. The dreadful Malcolm John, ‘senior tutor in social work’ at Bangor University, moonlighted for years as a ‘consultant’ for this ‘service’, without the knowledge of Bangor University, who did suspect that he had another job somewhere because he was so infrequently in the university (see post ‘Local Accessories’). There were many people at Bangor who were at their wits end with regard to Malcolm John, but they were being undermined by the toxic Lyn Meadows, the HR Director and paedophiles’ friend who now sits on the Betsi Board. I was told that one Professor who had tried to protect other staff from Malcolm John’s dreadful conduct was threatened with disciplinary action for ‘bullying’ from Meadows.

My correspondent informed me that the paedophiles’ friends setting up shop at Cartref Bontnewydd forced the closure of at least one fostering and adoption service in the area that had been running for decades.

I have been told that at least one girl of 14 in the care of Gwynedd County Council was given oral contraception without her step-mother’s knowledge, although this teenager did not have a boyfriend and had not shown much interest in acquiring one. My correspondent suggests that girls ‘were being prepared for action on the sly’. This was rather the impression that I formed as a result of my encounters with the Top Doctors. OK I wasn’t 14, but all any of them wanted to do was talk to me about sex and my ‘boyfriend’. I too was spontaneously offered advice on contraception. QUE??? I was a grown-up who was quite capable of deciding such matters for myself and at no time did I ever enter those consulting rooms seeking advice on sexual problems. Other mental health patients I spoke to had similar experiences. It was suggested to me the other day that perhaps the Top Docs had gained the wrong impression because I used to sport black nail varnish, coloured hair etc. For God’s sake, I was in my 20s and furthermore if I’d gone in there wearing a burkha I’d have been met with the same response. They were trafficking young people into prostitution – Dafydd et al even targeted boys of 11, did they ‘ask for it’?

My post ‘Today We Have Naming Of Parts’ mentioned that supply of nice young doctors who arrived in north Wales in the 1980s when Gwynne and Dafydd were becoming excruciatingly embarrassing. Those of us who had complained were then referred to the nice young doctors – who sadly were assisting the old gropers, but had better manners and concealed their activities more effectively. One such nice young doctor was Tony Francis, another was Dr Lyndon Miles.

Since mentioning Lyndon in my post ‘Today We Have Naming Of Parts’, I have received an e mail from someone who raised concerns about Dafydd and the paedophiles who’s health was subsequently ruined by one Lyndon Miles, who had seemed such a nice man. I had similar experiences. After confronting Gwynne and Dafydd, I encountered years of Top Doctors – not just in north Wales – whom I did not complain about and who were charm itself to me. When I finally accessed my medical notes, I read what they had written to third parties about me without my knowledge and it was pure poison. Other patients who dared complain had the same experience. One man in north Wales who had as much crap as I did from the Top Doctors described them as a ‘cartel’. Which pretty much sums it up. This was an extensive network of corrupt professional people involved in serious organised crime who were assisted by corrupt police officers and members of the security services.

Here’s someone else who, at the beginning of his career, exploited his status as a Nice Young Doctor:

The Lord Owen
Official portrait of Lord Owen crop 2.jpg

 

Dr D.G.E. Wood really loved Dr Death. Wood said to me ‘Owen’s got guts’. I responded by telling Wood that nevertheless he didn’t have any seats.

Dr Death, a friend of people traffickers!

Here’s a reminder of days of yore:

  • Is 2017 the year for a new political party to be born ...
  • How Lib Dems got where they are today | Politics | The ...
  • How the SDP failed the Jews - The Jewish Chronicle
  • “Decisively Throw Out the Wang-Zhang-Jiang-Yao Anti-Party Clique!”

 

In my post ‘Today We Have Naming Of Parts’ I mentioned that Lyndon worked in the Student Health Centre at Bangor and knew exactly what Wood, Gwynne etc were doing, but colluded with them. There was another Nice Young Doctor who rolled up at the Student Health Centre in about 1984 as well, whom distressed students were urged to meet as an alternative to Gwynne the lobotomist – Dr Chris Tilsen. Dr Tilsen, like Dr Miles, didn’t cause the sort of disasters that Gwynne did, but Dr Tilsen knew what was happening…

I did know of one student house who’s inhabitants had a bad experience with Dr Tilsen. One of the boys in the house caught measles and his girlfriend rang the GP – Dr Tilsen. Tilsen initially refused to go out to see him, but because his girlfriend grovelled, a rather bad-tempered Tilsen subsequently arrived, took a look at the ailing student and said ‘he’s got measles, what’s the problem?’ When our friends told us about this, I mentioned that measles can cause deafness and Brown observed that it can occasionally result in death. Our friend didn’t die of measles, but this was the sort of response that local people received from the Top Doctors. They really were very often not that helpful. Furthermore they all knew that people were living in severe poverty, that the ‘services’ were rife with corruption and that the infrastructure of the whole region was being utilised by a sex trafficking gang.

I was told some years ago that Dr Tilsen’s wife Amanda was an Angel who worked at the School of Healthcare Sciences at Bangor University and was very unpopular among her Angel colleagues. That doesn’t say anything about Amanda Tilsen, because nearly everyone in that School was previously employed by the corrupt regional NHS and they spent their whole lives in a state of civil war with each other.

‘We didn’t know.’

Yes you did.

There seemed to be a push in the mid-80s to conceal the damage being done by Dafydd and co. As well as all those Nice Young Doctors, the Student Health Centre employed Liz Stables as an Angel (see post ‘Just A Language Divide?’), who made friends with all those students who had complained, pumped them for info and reported back to the Top Docs, who then shafted us all. Liz was a friend of Dafydd. Liz replaced a crotchety old bat who was worthy of a prize in ‘Viz’ magazine’s ‘insincere smiles’ feature, who had been employed as the Angel up there for eons, but I can’t remember her name. She was so unpleasant that I refused to have anything to do with her, so Liz was sent in my direction.

 

I mentioned in a previous post that witnesses who gave evidence at the Waterhouse Inquiry, as well as those people who worked for the Inquiry, were granted immunity from prosecution, which I suspect is why those who ran the paedophile gang such as Lucille agreed to give evidence. None of the witnesses can now be prosecuted for abusing those kids. I have been told that the Attorney General – Sir Nicholas Lyell – did grant the immunity but excluded perjury and perverting the course of justice. Therefore, if Waterhouse and co had not constrained themselves, any number of people could have been referred for prosecution. One such person I am told would have been social worker Mari Roberts, who lied in her evidence to the Inquiry (see post ‘Today We Have Naming Of Parts’).

The temporary immunity should not have stopped the North Wales Police investigating the evidence that emerged of abuse, of widespread conspiracy, of perverting the course of justice and of misconduct in public office. Documents in my possession also contain ample evidence of these matters.

 

I have received more info regarding Ceryl Wyn Davies, the serial child sex offender defended by Ronnie Waterhouse’s mate Emlyn Hooson QC – another one of David Steel’s colleagues – who was given a job as Headmaster of Tanygrisiau School at Blaenau Ffestiniog by Gwynedd County Council, despite his previous imprisonment for molesting children (see post ‘Today We Have Naming Of Parts’). I have been told that there were many complaints about Ceryl Wyn which were ignored and it is alleged that he had a family member on the Council who afforded him protection. My correspondent has promised me more information, so once I receive that I’ll blog further.

 

 

In my post ‘Today We Have Naming Of Parts’ I mentioned that it was Cartrefle College in Wrexham – which later became NEWI and then Glyndwr University – who assessed the members of the paedophile gang as being suitable to qualify as social workers. I received information from someone who told me that standards at Cartrefle were appalling and that in the early 1980s at least, Cartrefle had a hotline to Lucille Hughes and Nefyn Dodd and were passing on inappropriate info about students to them, with a view to identifying potential whistleblowers. Cartfrefle qualifications were verified by the University of Salford. Salford University knew that there was serious abuse of children in care in north Wales, because one of their own students on placement reported it to them. He was withdrawn from the placement and his evidence was dismissed by Ronnie Waterhouse on the grounds that he’d only been on placement in north Wales for a matter of days so he didn’t have the full picture re the standards of care for children in north Wales.

Salford University still provides social work training and whilst I was working at Bangor University, I and two colleagues had the most extraordinary experience with their ‘Research Professor’ Stephen Shardlow. It was so weird that we wondered whether Shardlow had personal difficulties which had resulted in him not being able to function at work – I kept our e mail exchanges  – but one of my colleagues was later told by someone at Salford that a new ‘Research Professor’ had been appointed who did not know anything about research, who did no work and who had only been appointed to give credibility to a very troubled dept. It was a man called Stephen Shardlow. Shardlow had managed to get himself appointed as the editor of a major social work journal. I wonder how that happened.

Salford was established as a University in 1967. Between 1967-91, the Chancellor was Prince Philip. So he flew the flag for Salford throughout those happy years when the institution provided qualifications for a paedophile gang and continued to do so even after one of their own students blew the whistle. Princess Fergie followed Phil the Greek as Chancellor until 1995, when Sir Walter Bodmer, the man who was at the helm of the Imperial Cancer Research Fund in 1990 when the ICRF was involved in a major research fraud scandal which resulted in the (presumed) suicide of Prof Tim McElwain (see posts ‘Reports Of Death Were Greatly Exaggerated’ and ‘Apocalypse Now’), succeeded her. In 2005 Sir Martin Harris was appointed Chancellor. Harris was in post when Stephen Shardlow was given a job that his colleagues maintained that he should never have been given… Martin Harris comes from Ruabon near Wrexham and has passed through many institutions run by the paedophiles’ friends.

 

What of the VCs of Salford, the people who had their hands on the tiller? Clifford Whitworth was the VC, 1967-74. Salford University was in full swing qualifying paedophiles at that time, but I can’t find any trace of him on the internet. So he must have been the fall guy. Whitworth’s successor Sir John Horlock was just as guilty however – he was in post 1974-81, when many more child abusers were given qualifications and when that hotline between Cartrefle and Lucille and Nefyn Dodd was established. It would be difficult for even someone as dedicated to the science of cover-up and denial as Ronnie Waterhouse to airbrush John Horlock out of history, because John Horlock was responsible for a considerable piece of HE history.

 

Sir John Horlock was a mechanical engineer who built his reputation by refining gas turbines in jet engines for use in military aircraft. He was raised in Edmonton, North London and attended The Latymer School, Edmonton. He went from there to St John’s College, Cambridge, where he gained his PhD in 1958.

Ronnie Waterhouse went to St John’s College, Cambridge and Ronnie was a man who certainly maxed out on the utilisation of alumni networks. Furthermore, the appalling Deb Everard, one of the biggest problems at St George’s Hospital Medical School in the late 1980s/early 90s, was a Tory Councillor in Edmonton. Everard knew about Oliver Brooke the paedophile Prof of Paediatrics at St George’s and she knew about much other wrongdoing as well – indeed she was responsible for some of it. Everard was considered untouchable although she was not in a senior role – one lame attempt to discipline her was thwarted by the MSF rep David Hole. Who was corrupt himself, loathed Everard anyway but was involved in the misconduct along with everyone else and thus was obliged to defend her. Meanwhile everyone dined out on the personal friendship that their Head of Dept, Prof Geoffrey Chamberlain, maintained with Cilla, the nation’s auntie. It was a lorra lorra laffs, unless you were someone being targeted by this bunch who were concealing a paedophile gang. Everard also had an inexplicable friendship with Prof Ian Craft, the Top Doc who ran the private clinic where practices considered even too unacceptable for the rest of the sharks in the IVF world were routine, such as the implantation of eight or nine embryos in the full knowledge that five or six of them would be aborted at a later stage in the pregnancy. Why Ian Craft, an elitist very rich man, gave Deb Everard the time of day I do not know, but it will have involved questionable practices of some sort. If Everard was in reach of Sir John Horlock, I’m sure that she would have made use of him.

 

After graduation, Horlock worked for Rolls Royce at Derby, who sponsored him whilst he was doing his PhD, providing him with £30k worth of equipment at 1951 prices.

By the 1960s, there was a paedophile gang in the Derbyshire area with links to north Wales – the problems in Derbyshire were thought to have pre-dated the 1960s.

After he finished his PhD, Horlock stayed at Cambridge. He subsequently took a one year sabbatical at MIT and turned down a job offer from Rolls Royce in favour of the position in 1958 of Professor and Head of the Mechanical Engineering Department at the University of Liverpool. At Liverpool, Horlock oversaw a major expansion of the mechanical engineering building. Horlock’s Indie obituary tells us that he was ‘invited by Pergamon Press to edit a series of books in their Commonwealth Library and was subsequently invited to London to meet Pergamon’s proprieter, Robert Maxwell, which was ‘the beginning of a relationship which bore fruit later when he went to the OU’. I suspect that Horlock’s relationship with the Cap’n might have borne fruit before that, because Salford University has a Maxwell Building. Here it is:

  • File:Maxwell Building, Salford University.jpg - WikiVisually
  • Maxwell Building | Conferencing@Salford | University of ...

That the building was named after the Cap’n suggests that he probably paid for it, although I have not yet had a chance to inquire about this. Could this have been where some of the missing millions went? The Cap’n was the Labour MP for Buckingham, 1964-70, whilst Harold Wilson was PM.

The Cap’n went overboard in Nov 1991, whilst I was being forced out of my job at St George’s and whilst my friend who wanted to make a documentary about north Wales was being forced out of her job at the Royal Television Society. It was just after the Cap’n was found floating in the Atlantic that Tony Francis et al pulled out all of the stops (several times over the course of a few weeks) in an attempt to have me imprisoned, on the basis of statements that the MDU and their solicitors Hempsons knew constituted perjury which after the most florid allegations were demonstrated to be untrue, eventually resulted in a last ditch attempt to prosecute me for contempt (see post ‘The Sordid Role Of Sir Robert Francis QC’).

Headington Hall was the home of Robert Maxwell for the last 32 years of his life, which he rented from Oxford City Council. It is now part of Oxford Brookes University.
There was organised abuse of children – and associated abuses of psychiatry – in Oxfordshire, which was concealed by, among other people, Barbara Kahan – who was appointed as an adviser on children in care to Ted Heath’s Gov’t in 1970 – and her husband, Dr Vladimir Kahan. Babs remained as a Gov’t adviser until the 1980s, after which she continued to make herself useful by failing to notice that many of those with whom she was working on various child care and education/training projects were paedophiles and also by Chairing the Inquiry into the Staffordshire Pindown Scandal and not reporting just how bad things were there (see post ‘Always On The Side Of The Children’).
Tom Burns, who worked at St George’s whilst the staff concealed organised child abuse and who admitted that he believed my allegations regarding what was happening in north Wales, later found himself a Chair at Oxford University. As did Mark Williams, who worked with Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales, whilst committing the research fraud which was Mindfulness (see post ‘The Biggest Expert Of The Lot’). Richard Tranter, who joined the merry gang at the Hergest Unit for a stint as a junior doctor and then returned as a senior doctor, trained at Oxford, as did his wife Siobhan, who in her capacity as a tutor of Angels in Bangor University failed to pass on concerns from students that patients were being abused.
The crimes of Cap’n Bob are worthy of a blog in themselves, so I’ll do a bit of digging and see what I can find that is most relevant. Obviously, as a starter,  there was Cap’n Bob’s purchase of ‘The Mirror’, which employed Alastair Campbell as a journo and some dodgy big hitters as in-house lawyers and used the services of George Carman QC…

Sir John Horlock returned to Cambridge as Professor of Engineering in 1967. In the early 1970s, Horlock ‘played a major role’ in the activities of the Science Research Council, Chairing the Mechanical Engineering Committee. Horlock witnessed the success of his physicist colleagues in bagging funds from the SRC, so he suggested to a colleague that they should apply for a major grant themselves. Before you could say ‘massive conflict of interest’, Horlock’s Dept received a grant of £300k from the SRC and used it to found, in 1973, the Whittle Laboratory, Horlock becoming its Director. 

In 1974 Horlock was appointed as VC of Salford University. There doesn’t seem to be much information available regarding Horclock’s time as VC of Salford, possibly because Cap’n Bob played a role in the ‘achievements’, so Salford have decided that it is best forgotten.

Much has been written about Horlock’s subsequent job as VC of the Open University, 1981-90. The OU cannot thank Horlock enough for his contribution, because many believed that he stopped Keith Joseph, who was Education Secretary, 1981-86, from closing the OU down. Not only did Horlock successfully defend the OU from Gov’t cuts, but he expanded the institution, enrolling the first postgrads and overseeing the foundation of, in 1983, the Open University Business School.

The OU was regarded by many as ‘Harold Wilson’s gimmick’ and for some people this alone was enough reason to close it down. In my post ‘The White Heat Of This Revolution’ I describe how Harold Wilson gave the OU project to Nye Bevan’s widow Jennie Lee and it was Jennie Lee and Wilson’s friend and solicitor Lord Goodman who succeeded in getting it off the ground, partly by providing a huge underestimate regarding costs and not providing a more realistic figure until it was too late to scrap the development. Arnold Goodman was widely believed to be dishonest and he acted as the solicitor for Jeremy Thorpe immediately after Thorpe was charged with incitement and conspiracy to kill, before Sir David Napley took over. Jennie Lee know about the abuse of children in Staffordshire that was being concealed and she also knew that from the very inception of the NHS, Top Doctors assisted in concealing the abuse, neglect and sometimes deaths of the poorer and more vulnerable citizens. What with Nye Bevan having become a folk hero in the Labour Party because of him being the driving force behind the NHS, nearly everyone colluded with the myth that ‘poor people’ benefited from the NHS to a greater extent than the better off. They didn’t.

It was obviously fairly important that no-one pissed off Jennie Lee, who outlived her husband by many years. The OU had support from some unlikely people. Despite the hostility of many Tories towards it, Thatcher, when she was Education Secretary in the early 1970s, opposed her Cabinet colleagues to save it. Thatcher was subsequently a fan of John Horlock.

Horlock himself claimed that in the fight to save the OU in the mid-80s, he reminded many Tory MPs that the number of students enrolled with the OU in their constituencies exceeded their majorities. He mentioned that one of the strongest supporters of the OU was the MP Tam Dalyell, who became a good friend of Horlock’s. Tam Dalyell wrote many of the obituaries of his generation of MPs. I have been really impressed by Dalyell’s ability to repackage the characters and track-records of the most unpleasant of his colleagues, including some of those that have since been exposed as having done some truly dreadful things. There are a lot of clues in Dalyell’s biography that he was concealing the crimes of Dafydd et al. Keith Joseph was said to have given the OU a reprieve after receiving so many letters from people who had benefited from the OU. The OU also received considerable support from the HE Minister, William Waldegrave, who knew about the abuse of children and associated criminality in north Wales and elsewhere and who was Health Secretary, 1990-92, whilst all that trouble at St George’s and in north Wales was concealed.

The OU provides training for a lot of health and social care staff, including social workers. I’m not sure when the OU started training social workers, but it was churning out psychology graduates who later became clinical psychologists as long ago as the 1970s. The really great thing about the OU for local authorities who have a problem with the abuse of people in their care, is that if their trainee social workers do a degree with the OU rather than another university, that local authority does not have to deal with students who are whistleblowers, because the OU just provides theoretical input, it is entirely up to the local authority as to whether the students qualify or not. There is no other party to negotiate with. Some years ago a whole series of social work students at Bangor University reported very serious problems on placement with Anglesey County Council. Staff from Bangor University defended the students, only to be told by Anglesey County Council that if the ‘problems with the students’ continued, Anglesey would hire its own staff as trainee social workers and qualify them through the OU. The ‘problem students’ were all whistleblowers. The students didn’t know this, but the people who’s conduct caused them such distress were the dear old paedophiles’ friends.

Whilst researching for this blog, I noticed that Harold Wilson systematically tied off all routes for professionals who might raise concerns about the abuse of vulnerable people by the state by the creation of supposedly citizen-friendly structures. Tony Blair did a very similar thing – the ‘service user empowerment’, the ‘social inclusion’, even the Human Right Act, were all used to give abusive state structures more and more power over citizens who raised questions about the conduct of the state.

Harold Wilson’s widening of HE opportunities did benefit people, but it was particularly effective at producing a whole cadre of state educated and state employed professionals who  found themselves in a position in which it would be virtually impossible to blow the whistle on serious state-endorsed crime – such as organised child abuse within the NHS and social services – and continue their professional careers. This situation exists today – it’s why there is a former Cardiff cardiac surgeon working as a cabbie after blowing the whistle on patient safety issues. Even if someone says OK then I’ll work in the voluntary sector, or private sector or academia, they will be forced out, because the funding and/or inspection regimes of those sectors is the responsibility of the state and the people in those funding/inspection roles are there after years of colluding with abuse.

I’ve watched the workings and the effects of this rigged system for a long time, but I didn’t realise that the roots of it were in Harold Wilson’s Gov’t. The long tentacles extended into the world of the arts as well, but I will return to that in a future post. Meanwhile, I’ll just mention a few things that were highlighted in Horlock’s obituary.

Horlock was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society in 1976 and then served as its Vice-President and Treasurer during his retirement. Horlock ‘was an adviser to government and industry for 50 years. This included work with the National Grid, on the safety of nuclear installations and at the Aeronautical Research Council, as well as numerous other important contributions’.

Horlock was ‘knighted in 1996 for services to science, engineering and education’. It could be a complete coincidence, but 1996 was the year that the Waterhouse Inquiry was announced and established.

So Horlock advised on the safety of nuclear installations – a controversial and sensitive area. It was also an area in which on a number of occasions at least, Gov’ts did not keep the public informed. Lord Brian Flowers was another person who was involved in matters nuclear – he was a member of the Atomic Energy Authority, 1971-81 – who concealed Dafydd and the paedophiles’ crimes as well as medical research fraud and much other wrongdoing in the University of London (see post ‘The White Heat Of This Revolution’). Sir Alec Merrison was another nuclear physicist who was called in by Gov’t with regard to the Top Docs and their crimes.  Merrison was Senior Physicist at CERN, 1957-60; Chair of Experimental Physics at Liverpool University, 1960-69; VC of Bristol University from 1969. Sir Keith Joseph, when he was Health Secretary, appointed Merrison in 1973 to Chair a Committee of Inquiry after thousands of Top Docs threatened a mass public strike after a dispute with the GMC (see post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’). In 1976 Barbara Castle, then then Secretary of State for the DHSS, along with her Health Minister, Dr Death, appointed Merrison to Chair a Royal Commission on NHS Reform.

I grew up virtually on the doorstep of Hinkley Point and because I was used to it being there and I knew so many people who worked there, I took it as a fact of life. I had heard, as a teenager, that various worrying things had gone on at Hinkley that the wider public were kept substantially in the dark about, but what was more well-known among the local teenagers was that some of the people at Hinkley Point were thieving on a grand scale – not just pilfering pens and stationery, but they were making off with just about anything, building materials, household necessities, there was even a trade in whole bathrooms that had been stolen from Hinkley. It was a trough as deep as the NHS. The security out there was either very lax or the people driving off with the goodies had dirt of a valuable kind on the senior managers. After I left Somerset, one of the biggest accidents in UK nuclear power history happened at Hinkley – tons of radioactive CO2 was accidentally released into the atmosphere. Not a word appeared in the Somerset media, although there was coverage in the ‘New Statesman’. Then there were the local leukaemia clusters that no-one ever got to the bottom of – they definitely existed, but people were strangely reluctant to undertake a rigorous analysis. Some far-fetched theories were put forward – such as that the workers who migrated into Somerset from elsewhere when Hinkley was first built introduced new viruses into the local population… It’s not as if the Hinkley workers were missionaries going into darkest Africa, it was only Somerset. It could theoretically have been an explanation, but, er, radiation-related causes might be a more obvious one.

The best Hinkley-related story occurred some years before the CO2 leak. When I was about 11, a local man caused a major outrage by breaking into the houses of three people in one night and violently raping the women in each house. He was caught and arrested but was not imprisoned because, as his mother freely admitted, his uncle was an influential man locally and ‘got him off’. The rapist didn’t get off completely – he was diagnosed with schizophrenia and sat in Tone Vale Hospital near Taunton for a few months. Tone Vale didn’t have anything like the reputation that the North Wales Hospital did, but it was a receptacle for people who’d overdone the cider, but also those who had alleged abuse on the part of people with spotless reputations. This man ‘made a full recovery’ and returned to live locally, much to the anger of some who alleged that women and children had been placed in danger as a result of this small town corruption. The rapist then got a job at Hinkley Point. After a while, there were ructions. He had ‘gone mad’ again and was publicly hauled off to Tone Vale by the police. His schizophreniform symptoms of serially raping people had not popped up once more, but some new ones had. He had alleged that there were terrible things happening at Hinkley Point, that the safety of local people was at risk and that the trade unions and management were covering up very serious wrongdoing…. He spent longer in Tone Vale recovering from his Hinkley-related delusions than he did recovering from raping three women in one night.

No wonder people were cheerfully driving out of Hinkley Point in the possession of thousands of quids worth of goodies without being stopped.

So the OU was Harold Wilson’s and Jennie Lee’s ‘baby’, which received a bit of help from Lord Goodman to get it off the ground.

In 1967, Wilson’s Cabinet set up a Planning Committee in 1967, which kicked off the launch of the OU via its recommendations, which were accepted by the then Secretary of Education and Science, Ted Short aka Lord Glenamara. Ted Short trained as a teacher at Durham University – he later did a law degree at London University as well – and after WWII worked as a teacher and was the Newcastle-Upon-Tyne branch of the NUT. Short was elected as a Councillor on Newcastle-Upon-Tyne City Council in 1948. He was the Labour MP for Newcastle-Upon-Tyne, 1951-76; Education Secretary, 1968-70, Deputy Leader of the Labour Party, 1972-76; Lord President of the Council, 1974-76 and also served as Chancellor of Northumbria University.

A paeophile gang operated in the north east with direct links to Dafydd’s gang in north Wales for decades. Huge numbers of children from the north east were sent to children’s homes in north Wales and two key figures in the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, Matt Arnold and Peter Howarth, relocated to Bryn Estyn from Axwell Park Approved School in Gateshead. The Lord President of the Council serves as the visitor for a number of universities, including the University of Wales.

Ted Short was given a peerage in 1977. Why was there such a problem with child abuse in north Wales and mismanagement at UCNW which Shirl refused to investigate? Look no further than Ted…

The Committee was Chaired by Sir Peter Venables, the VC of Aston University. Other members included Lord Goodman, who was at that time the Chairman of the Arts Council of Great Britain; Dr Eric Briault, the Deputy Education Officer of ILEA; Prof Roy Shaw, the Director of Adult Education at Keele University and Prof Hilde Himmelweit of the School of Social Psychology.

Can anyone see some paedophiles’ friends hidden in the picture? Lord Goodman for a start. ILEA was busy colluding with the export of kids in the care of London boroughs to north Wales where they were abused and trafficked back down to London. Keele University employed Peter Righton, a paedophile who was a social work academic who used his work to justify adults having sex with children – Keele has welcomed a number of other paedophiles’ friends over the years. Prof Hilde Himmelweit completed her PhD at the Institute of Psychiatry under the discredited H.J. Eyesenck (see post ‘Radical Leicester And Some Other Free Radicals’).

Sir Peter Venables was Principal of the College of Advanced Technology (which evolved into Aston), 1955–1966 and Aston University’s first Vice-Chancellor, 1966–1969. He was born in Birkenhead and attended Birkenhead Secondary School and Liverpool University, where he obtained a degree in chemistry, an education diploma and a PhD. He served as the Open University’s first Pro-Chancellor and Chairman of the Council. Peter Venables is yet another person who seems to have largely disappeared from the internet. I wonder why that might be.

Venables will have known about the corruption linked to Dafydd et al in Liverpool University and he will also have known about the equally serious corruption in Birmingham University, the City Council and the West Midlands Police. Kids in care in Birmingham were sent to children’s homes in north Wales and the Medical School in Birmingham contained Dafydd’s mate Robert Bluglass.

There was also a heavy presence from Sussex University on the Planning Committee – Asa Briggs, the then VC of Sussex; Lord Fulton, the former VC of Sussex; and Norman McKenzie, the Director of the Centre for Educational Technology at Sussex University. So someone in Harold Wilson’s Cabinet was desperate to have Sussex University wielding influence over the OU Planning Committee.

Lord John Fulton was a friend of Harold Wilson. I have blogged about John Fulton previously, but he’s worth resurrecting here, particularly as I have a suspicion that he might disappear from the internet soon as well.

John Fulton’s father was Angus Fulton, Principal of University College, Dundee. Fulton was born in Dundee and went to school there, then went to St Andrew’s University, then onto Balliol College. Ted Heath went to Balliol, but was 14 years younger than Fulton. During WWII, Fulton served in the Mines Dept and the Ministry of Fuel and Power, which was when he became a colleague and friend of Harold Wilson.

Fulton was Principal of University College, Swansea, 1947-59 – the employer of Rhodri Morgan’s father as well as of Dafydd’s buddy Saunders Lewis. Then Fulton was VC of the University of Wales, 1952-54 and again between 1958-59. In 1959 Fulton was appointed Principal of University College Sussex, which became the University of Sussex in 1961. He remained there until 1967.

So Fulton left Sussex the year before John Allen opened the Bryn Alyn Community, where kids in care were abused and then trafficked to John Allen’s brothels – in Brighton, Sussex and in London. Within just a few years, business was booming and many more people with money to spare moved to north Wales and brought isolated buildings which they turned into children’s homes or residential schools, thus expanding the business of the sex trafficking gang which was now well-established in north Wales. The business was considerably assisted by the Children Act, 1975, which was passed as a result of Leo Abse cultivating the company of Jim Callaghan and his wife Audrey and persuading Callaghan to set up the Houghton Committee, of which Leo Abse was a leading light (see post ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’). The Houghton Committee ‘took advice’ from Dafydd’s friends and associates who were concealing the booming business in the trafficking of young people in north Wales and who recommended changes in the law…

Leo Abse was a good friend of George Thomas, who was molesting children. Harold Wilson appointed Thomas as Secretary of State for Wales in 1968 and at that time the responsibility for the NHS and social services in Wales was transferred to the Welsh Office. Abse himself has been the subject of historical child abuse investigations. Audrey Callaghan concealed child abuse in the London boroughs before she relocated to south Wales (see post ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’). George Thomas and Callaghan hated each other, but Thomas got on very well with Harold Wilson because Thomas was a real vote winner in south Wales, what with all that Methodist lay-preaching and chumminess with the Royal Family (see ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’). And chumminess with Thatcher as well, but Thomas was forgiven that, it was just part of his natural charm.

Fulton went straight from the centre of a well-planned sex trafficking operation onto the Planning Committee for the OU.

Fulton was also: Chairman of the Universities Council for Adult Education and of the Council of the National Institute of Adult Education (1952-55); Chair of UCCA, 1961-64; Chair of the BBC and ITA Committees on Adult Education, 1962-65; Governor of the BBC, 1966-71; Vice-Chair of the BBC, 1966-67 and in 1968-71. Fulton was Chairman of the British Council, 1968-71 and in 1964, Wilson invited Fulton on the Committee of the Civil Service in 1964, which reported in 1968.

Fulton was involved in university policy making in Malta, Sierra Leone, Nigeria and Hong Kong. In 1962, Fulton Chaired the Committee which established the new Chinese University of Honk Kong. He was Chair of the Inter-University Council of HE Overseas, 1964-68.

Well if you’ve got an outstandingly helpful paedophiles’ friend, you might as well give him international responsibilities.

Lord Fulton died in 1986, at home, among friends – in Jimmy Savile Central, Yorkshire.

 

I haven’t yet found any clue as to what precipitated Wilson’s sudden resignation as PM in 1976, but I suspect that it will have had rather more to do with this lot than with Wilson being a KGB agent, or getting fed up of being PM or believing that he was developing Alzheimers. He was an unscrupulous old bugger who rigged the whole of the UK’s state infrastructure to facilitate and conceal child abuse because George Thomas pulled in the votes in south Wales and Leo Abse was a very effective henchman.

 

The man who succeeded Lord Fulton as VC of Sussex and was in post as John Allen’s brothels in Brighton filled up with kids from the north Wales children’s homes was Asa Briggs, who was VC, 1967-76. Asa had his feet well under the table at Sussex by then though – in 1966 he was appointed Professor of History at Sussex, while also serving as Dean of the School of Social Studies, 1961–65 and PVC, 1961–67.

Asa Briggs was an historian who was born in Keighley, Yorkshire – he was off to a flying start in terms of a career as a paedophiles’ friend then. He went to Keighley Boys Grammar School and then Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge. During WWII he served with the Intelligence Corps and at Bletchley Park. Whilst at Cambridge, Briggs had been a friend of Howard Smith, who became DG of MI5 in 1979. Between 1955-61, Briggs was Professor of Modern History at Leeds University and then moved to Sussex. Between 1976-91, Briggs was Provost of Worcester College, Oxford. He was Chancellor of the OU, 1978-94.

Briggs held a visiting appointment at the Gannett Center for Media Studies at Columbia University in the late 1980s and again at the renamed Freedom Forum Media Studies Center at Columbia in 1995–96. Callaghan gave him a peerage in 1976.

Between 1961-95, Briggs wrote a five-volume text on the history of broadcasting in the UK from 1922-74 — essentially, the history of the BBC, who commissioned the work. Briggs’ other works included the corporate history of Marks & Spencer – the company which provided the loan for the paedophiles’ friends of the Royal College of Psychiatrists to acquire a grandiose building in Belgravia which nearly bankrupted them (see post ‘The Newcastle-Upon-Tyne Connection?’). In 1987, Briggs was invited to be President of the Bronte Society. He presided over the Society’s centenary celebrations in 1993 and continued as President until he retired from the position in 1996. He was also President of the William Morris Society from 1978-91 and President of the Victorian Society (UK) from 1986 until his death.

Briggs died at home in Lewes at the age of 94 on 15 March 2016. Presumably he slipped off peacefully, rather than dying as a result of someone chucking a firebomb into the building, like the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal who died in Brighton in 1992 did (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

Asa Briggs had a terrible trauma whilst he was VC of Sussex. No he wasn’t arrested for being an accessory to serious organised crime, the trauma resulted from three Sussex students throwing red paint over a visiting US official, in a protest regarding the Vietnam War. Old Asa was so traumatised that decades later he banged on about these three students in a radio interview. Even better, after the old bastard was dead his daughter popped up on Radio 4 discussing the dreadful behaviour of the three Sussex students decades previously. She stated that Asa never got over it.

One of those students was from north Wales and when I heard about the red paint episode, I rather hoped that the man concerned would drench a few of those we know and love in north Wales with red paint. Sadly he never did, perhaps because he would have needed so many gallons of the stuff that he couldn’t lay his hands on enough of it. Before Briggs died, the wife of one of the students with whom Asa was so pissed off did not survive her encounter with the paedophiles’ friends of the Walton Centre at Liverpool. I didn’t know this when I was told about the red paint, but that student will have known about Dafydd and Gwynne and the paedophile gang. They never got the drenching in paint that they so richly deserved but they’ve got this blog instead. The child abusing murdering bastards.

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

 

Bottoms Up, We’ve All Become Millionaires!

Old Warwickians - 1940s-1960s School House Dinner

 

Readers might remember me mentioning in previous posts that in the mid-1980s, Thatcher’s henchman at the UGC, Sir Peter Swinnerton-Dyer, wanted to close down Bangor University, but he was reminded by UCNW that the place was full of people who were either assisting in supplying youngsters to the Westminster Paedophile Ring, or knew who was. Swinnerton-Dyer changed him mind quickly. Swinnerton-Dyer also went for Aston University, but the Thatcherite VC Sir Freddie Crawford did her bidding by closing down the Psychology Dept and transforming it into a Business School, where the paedophiles’ friends went to do business management qualifications for their future roles as public service managers (see post ‘The White Heat Of This Revolution’). Guess where else Swinnerton-Dyer aimed his axe? Salford. Salford was hit very badly, they had a 40% cut in their funding. They did survive – the VC who saw them through it was the VC who took over in 1981, when Salford was busy giving respectability to Cartrefle College which was run for the benefit of the paedophile gang of north Wales. I shall be blogging about that VC in a future post.

So Swinnerton-Dyer went after the three universities who were doing the most to facilitate Dafydd and the paedophiles – but he backed down and they survived…

 

There will be more background on other associates of Harold Wilson in future posts. Whilst digging around, I discovered a bit of info on Wilson’s mate Barbara Castle that I hadn’t known before. Barbara was the ‘fiery red-head’ (her hair was dyed) whom aspiring female Labour politicians all feel obliged to say that they admire or even consider as their ‘role model’. The Strong Woman Who Didn’t Take Any Crap, the Real Socialist etc. Barbara shagged her way around the Labour Party during the middle years of the 20th century, which is what people meant when they made reference to her ‘fiery red-hair’ and ‘passion’. I don’t mind that Barbara shagged her way around, but Barbara also concealed the abuse of kids and vulnerable people by the health and welfare services whilst boasting of her commitment to equality and women. What I didn’t realise was that Barbara and her husband were very keen to have children but experienced fertility problems. I watched an old clip of Barbara talking about the fertility treatment that she tried and she was stressing that it was, in her view, appalling and bizarre, involving her having injections of hormones extracted from mares’ urine. People are often very surprised at what is at the root of the Top Docs miracle cures. Not that it was a miracle cure, Barbara had enough and gave up. I know one thing though. Barbara, the True Socialist, who Hated Private Medicine and pissed off the Top Docs by Taking a Stand on private beds, would not have been able to get that treatment at that time on the NHS.

So which expensive Harley Street Top Doc treated Red Barbara then? I think we should be told.

 

One of many who told me how much she admired Barbara Castle and how sad it was that all those men stopped her becoming PM was Nicky Mitchell-Heggs, the occupational health physician at St George’s Hospital Medical School – who now runs a substantial private practice, as does her Top Doc husband. Mitchell-Heggs was one of those who was instrumental in forcing me out of my job at St George’s. After I obtained copies of my records, along with the full written admissions that Nicky and co knew that Dafydd was sexually exploiting patients and they believed that Tony Francis was as well, Nicky had written and CC’d a letter about me in which she stated that now that I had left my job, she would ‘be taking a back seat’. Which was interesting, because I thought that Nicky was a bourgeois idiot and I only saw her on about two occasions. So what sort of front seat was she taking before I left my job then?

So Nicky, who was it from St George’s who traced some relatives of mine that I had not given anyone any details of, impersonated Brown and told them that I’d tried to kill myself? Which was not only extraordinary but was untrue. Who ever did it was obviously quite skilled, because the people whom they spoke to knew Brown and sincerely believed that it was him. I know who can do things like that – the security services can. They can record, splice, etc. It certainly wasn’t Keith Harris and Orville. I know that Nicky knows something about it because there was a reference to it in the letter that she CC’d to everyone.

The problem with the coroners’ verdicts on so many of the victims of Dafydd et al who were found dead in north Wales was that some of those deaths were murders, but they were recorded as suicides because they were of mental health patients who were known to be distressed. Er – Springfield patient loses her job at St George’s, appears in court on serious charges on the basis of statements provided by Top Docs in north Wales, her friend rings up her relatives and tells them that she’s tried to kill herself. Was the scene being set for my dead body to be found Nicky?

Nicky Mitchell-Heggs originally trained as a psychiatrist. She became the occ health physician at St George’s allegedly because of ‘male prejudice’ towards her. Mitchell-Heggs was the occ health physician in an institution in which a great many staff were facilitating a pan-European paedophile ring and a Professor of Paediatrics had been imprisoned for his part in it. I don’t know why Mitchell-Heggs was in that job, but it won’t have been anything to do with sexism at work.

Michell-Heggs seemed to have a great deal of money for a working mother in an NHS job…

 

I heard earlier that the Home Secretary Sajid Javid has announced that the UK is to employ 2000 more security services agents. Tell you what Sajid, why not hire 2000 patients of Dafydd’s with a sense of humour, give them a bit of loose change and a phone box and get them to do what they did 20 yrs ago, when they rang him up and took the piss out of him. They presented more of a challenge to him and found out more about his crimes and who assisted them than the police force did and the security services were helping him anyway. Theresa should have popped around to my place when I worked at St George’s because I could have filled her in – she was a Councillor just down the road from St George’s…

 

There will be more posts soon naming more of the guilty…

 

People With Energy

I have just finished reading Rhodri Morgan’s memoir and there are some real gems of information in that book. One thing that I discovered from Rhodri’s book is the identities of those who made up the Windbag Kinnock’s Shadow Energy team in 1988. Before readers roll around laughing at my complete nerdiness for being interested in such a matter, let me just remind everyone that between 11 June 1987-23 July 1990, one of Thatcher’s Ministers in the Dept of Energy was Sir Peter Morrison – who at the time was sexually abusing kids in care in north Wales, Cheshire and in London. Morrison was Minister of State for Energy with responsibility for oil (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’). Senior Tories from the time have admitted that Morrison’s conduct with under-aged boys was widely known and extensively gossiped about. Thatcher was directly warned about it but she continued to appoint Morrison to Gov’t roles nonetheless.

Morrison’s Secretaries of State whilst he was at Energy were Cecil Parkinson (13 June 1987-24 July 1989) and John Wakeham (24 July 1989-11 April 1992).

Morrison’s Tory colleagues have admitted that they knew about him, but Westminster being what it was – and still is – those on the opposition benches will have known as well, particularly those who had to shadow him and his colleagues in Energy. So who was in the Shadow Energy team in 1988? Well it was Rhodri Morgan, Frank Haynes, Kevin Barron, John Maxton – and they were led by the Shadow Secretary of State, a man called Tony Blair!

Rhodri remarks in his memoir that although Blair didn’t understand the facts underlying global warming – although in the light of some of the comments made by Rhodri about climate change I’m not at all sure that he did either – Blair was a man who was very sharp, picked up on everything that was going on around him and quickly identified which political angle would benefit him. So I really don’t think that Blair would have missed what Peter Morrison was up to. Particular as Blair had previously worked as a junior barrister in the corrupt barrister George Carman’s chambers and George Carman knew all about the North Wales/Cheshire paedophile ring (see posts ‘No Ordinary Methods’ and ‘No Ordinary Methods – Supplementary Post’). Blair was of course married to Cherie, who had also worked in the same chambers as Carman  – Cherie was friendly with many of the lawyers who knew that kids from London boroughs were being sent to north Wales children’s homes where they had complained of being seriously abused…

Whilst Blair was busying himself as Shadow Secretary at Energy, the need to protect Peter Morrison was causing havoc. Alison Taylor, Mary Wynch and I were all desperately trying to raise the alarm about serious criminality in north Wales. Alison had been sacked and found that her family were being targeted by the paedophiles’ friends, Mary had gone into hiding in England and my life was one long round of being arrested and fitted up, being subjected to rumour and gossip, being targeted by sex offenders and other nasties or losing jobs. Brown and my friends were also being targeted.

 

History has it that it was whilst Blair was at Energy that he was spotted as a real star who gained a following and was predicted to be cut out for great things. How did you impress everyone so much at that particular point in your trajectory then Blair?

Rhodri Morgan mentions that Anji Hunter, Blair’s right hand woman for years, was ‘intensely loyal’ to the 1988 Shadow Energy team. What a worthless piece of trash ‘Anji’ must be. People were found dead in north Wales Anji because of your ‘intense loyalty’ to a gang of fools who concealed serious crime – people who’s parents had died or been too ill to look after them when they were kids, so they were taken into care and handed over to a gang of paedophiles. They were battered, raped, buggered and illegally imprisoned in a dungeon at the North Wales Hospital by a madman who also wanted to have sex with them and some of them were murdered.

As the Top Doctors say to each other when they are in really deep shit – perhaps when someone gets their hands on 10,000 previously unlawfully witheld documents and starts writing a blog – ‘do you think that you could have done anything differently Anji?’

Tough on crime, tough on the causes of crime!

For further details of the horrors of what was going on in the mental health services in Wales as well as in the wider UK whilst Blair’s Energy Team were bonding – including the appointment of Jimmy Savile as manager of Broadmoor – please see post ‘Socio-Political Context Of The North Wales Mental Health Services In The 1980s’.

Whilst researching for this post, I noticed some discrepancies in terms of the dates given regarding Blair’s term as Shadow Secretary of State for Energy. Blair’s online Parliamentary biography states quite clearly that he was Shadow Secretary of State for Energy from Jan 1988-Jan 1989. Yet Rhodri Morgan maintains that Blair was in that post for two and a half years. Furthermore Morgan’s book relates an anecdote concerning a reply that Blair had received from John Wakeham in Wakeham’s capacity as Secretary of State for Energy after Blair wrote to him – Wakeham didn’t take up that post until 24 July 1989. So Blair must have still been in the Shadow Energy team by then, not – as Blair’s biography states – in the Shadow Employment team.

Tony Blair is not known for telling the truth about matters which could prove politically difficult and it would seem that for some reason Blair only wants to fess up to having spent 1988 as Shadow Secretary of State for Energy.

Blair did become Shadow Employment Secretary after his stint as Shadow Energy Secretary, but when exactly that was is unclear. What is clear is that after Blair had been in a position to dig up the dirt on Peter Morrison, it was agreed by everyone, including John Smith who took over as Blair’s boss when the Windbag stood down, that Blair was a man with a great future ahead of him.

 

Rhodri’s colleague in Blair’s team, Frank Haynes, was the Labour MP for Ashfield, 1979-92. Haynes was born in Wandsworth but moved to Nottinghamshire – before he became an MP Haynes was a miner. As an MP he was sponsored by the NUM and during the 1984-85 strike he remained loyal to the NUM rather than support the majority of Nottinghamshire miners who broke away to form the UDM.

Haynes’s obituary in the Indie was written by Tam Dalyell, who when writing the obituaries of his Parliamentary colleagues, excelled at dressing up the characters of some very unpleasant people and maintaining that they persuaded others to do what they wanted by charm or simply because everybody just loved them so much.

Dalyell wrote of Haynes:

‘Unquestionably he had the loudest voice in Parliament and the commentator Matthew Parris wrote that, when Mr Speaker Thomas [George Thomas, a child molester himself] called Frank Haynes, they turned off the televisions in St Thomas’ Hospital and listened. Haynes was effective at going to see Conservative ministers, who liked him very much, even if his opening remark to them was ‘You know I hate Tories’ with his big beaming smile.

Within 18 months of becoming an MP [Haynes] took up Mrs Thatcher’s offer to any member who had a problem with industry or unemployment in their constituency to come and knock on the door of No 10 Downing Street. Haynes had a group of factories which had run into severe difficulties and wanted to lay off some 400 people, so he got an appointment. He would regale his friends with how she met him at the door and offered him a drink. ‘I told her I didn’t think Dennis Skinner would approve! She loved that and it broke the ice; the end result was that she gave me 10 minutes to put their case and, after looking at their export record, agreed to help them. As a result, no one was laid off.’

Haynes was spotted by Michael Cox, then the Opposition Chief Whip, as a likely member of his office. This was a perfect niche for him as he was both popular and dedicated to the good of the Labour Party and those whom he represented in Parliament. It gave him an authority as an opposition whip where people have to be cajoled by force of the whip’s personality.’

So there we have it – Frank Haynes didn’t become a Whip and get everybody to jump when he ordered them to (even the Tories whom he hated) because he had some grade A dirt on one of Thatcher’s inner circle, he did it by the use of his big beaming smile and his popularity. Furthermore St Thomas’s Hospital took an interest in his Commons utterances not because they were one of the institutions playing a key role in concealing the Westminster Paedophile Ring – after all Professor Jim Watson, Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’s mate, ran his sex therapy empire from St George’s Hospital Medical School whilst the institution was concealing a paedophile ring and subsequently from Tommy’s and Guys (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’) – but because they just loved old Frank’s voice.

It was said that ‘Haynes frequently highlighted the problems of the very poorest in society when putting questions to Thatcher and her Ministers’. But not those very poorest in society who were being found dead up in north Wales or who were being illegally imprisoned in the North Wales Hospital though.

Haynes specialised in energy, coal and health. So he was yet another politician who gained knowledge of the Westminster Paedophile Ring who ended up specialising ‘in health’ – although Haynes was an NUM sponsored MP who had spent his life as a miner before entering the Commons. After Haynes died it was remembered that he was so over-awed that a man like him had ended up in Westminster that he frequently commented on this and how he sometimes felt that perhaps he shouldn’t be there.  Any politician specialising in health soon finds out that a lot of Top Doctors are very conscious of what they perceive to be their own elevated position in society and don’t take kindly to advice from oiks, particularly oiks in Parliament. But down at Tommy’s – the most elitist medical school in the UK – they turned off the TV to catch what Haynes said in the House. Frank Haynes must have been doing them some really big favours.

 

Kevin Barron was another member of the Shadow Energy team under Blair as Shadow Secretary – like Rhodri, Barron remained a member of the opposition Energy team until 1992. Barron has been the Labour MP for the Rother Valley since 1983 – he was sponsored by the NUM as well. Barron was born in Tadcaster, Yorkshire and went to Maltby Hall Secondary Modern School (now known as Maltby Academy). After leaving school Barron spent 23 years working in the coal industry. He attended Ruskin College and Sheffield University, where he gained a Diploma in Labour Studies in 1977. Whilst at Sheffield Barron was reportedly a member of Militant.

Matt Arnold and Peter Howarth, two key members of the paedophile ring which operated in north Wales and Cheshire, met at Ruskin College in 1966 – Arnold was a tutor and Howarth a student (see post ‘A Study In Tyranny’). Ruskin has a strong alumni association in which many former students are active. Arnold and Howarth both worked at Bryn Estyn whilst Peter Morrison was known to visit that establishment – on one occasion Morrison was seen driving away from Bryn Estyn with a boy in his car.

In 1982 Barron became President of the Rotherham TUC. The Rotherham which recently hit the world’s media when the en masse trafficking, rape and violent assault of kids in care – which had been going on for decades, was known about by all authorities but had been ignored by everyone – was revealed.

Barron was a member of the NUM, but was later expelled for speaking out against Arthur Scargill. On picketing duty outside Maltby colliery he was struck on the arm by a police baton – he successfully sued South Yorkshire Police for this. He was in those days a political ally of Scargill and assisted in Scargill’s campaign for Presidency of the NUM.

Barron was PPS to the Windbag, 1985-88. During those years the Windbag covered up the abuse of children and psych patients in north Wales as well as the associated serious criminality (see post ‘Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks’) and the child abusing activities of George Thomas (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’).

Barron was Shadow Health spokesman under Blair, Jan 1995-Jan 1998, ie. whilst the Waterhouse Inquiry took evidence and many former kids in care and psych patients in north Wales became destitute or died. Barron became a member of the GMC in 1999 – just before the Waterhouse Report was published – and has remained a member ever since. So Barron was a member of the GMC whilst they were found to be in possession of a letter allegedly written by me that had been forged (see post ‘The General Medical Council And Yet Another Forged Document’) and when they also refused to take action against a phenomenally violent junior psychiatrist working in the Hergest Unit who’s children were taken into care on the grounds of severe neglect. Barron was Chairman of the Health Select Committee after the 2005 General Election.

Not only does this former Militant supporting ally of Arthur Scargill sit on the GMC but he also became a New Labour moderniser. Kevin Barron was a leading figure in the campaign to rewrite Clause IV –  although it came as a surprise that there was no job in Govt for him after Blair’s 1997 General Election victory. You can’t trust him Kevin.

Barron served for eight years on the senior Intelligence and Security Committee and was made a Privy Councillor in 2001. He was knighted in 2014.

 

John Maxton, another member of the Shadow Energy team, was MP for Glasgow Cathcart, 1979-01. Maxton joined the Labour Party in 1970 and became a prominent campaigner as Vice-Chairman of the group Scottish Labour Against the Market during the 1975 referendum on continuing British membership of the Common Market. He was selected to oppose the sitting Tory MP, Teddy Taylor, at the 1979 General Election. The changing demographics of the area and Labour’s increasing popularity in Scotland made it a winnable seat and Maxton’s victory was made more likely by the Tories strident opposition to the SNP, which drove some of its voters back to Labour.

In Parliament, Maxton allied with the left in the Tribune Group and voted against the Falklands War. In 1983, his constituency was redrawn to his disadvantage, but Maxton ruled out a move to any neighbouring and more favourable areas; he therefore notionally gained his seat from the Conservatives again in the 1983 General Election. Maxton was a popular backbencher, but did not obtain much support when he stood for election to the Labour Shadow Cabinet. He was Labour’s Scottish Whip in 1985 and a spokesman on Scottish Affairs from 1985-1992.

Maxton stood down from the Commons at the 2001 General Election. So what became of this lifelong backbencher who opposed the Falklands War whilst the leadership of his party supported it and who remained loyal to the left whilst the Labour Party moved very firmly to the right and excluded or demonised those on the left? Why, in 2004 Blair gave him a peerage of course. What ever could have been behind that?

 

Rhodri states that whilst Blair was Shadow Secretary of State for Energy, he and Blair ‘lived in each others pockets’. Rhodri talks about a ‘team dinner’ that was held at Blair’s house in Highbury at which Cherie was present. Until 1988 the head of Cherie’s chambers was George Carman.

The Windbag gave Blair’s Shadow team the remit of opposing the privatisation of the electricity supply industry. John Wakeham’s wiki entry states that it was Wakeham who drew up plans for the privatisation of electricity. So that too puts Blair in the Shadow Energy team after Jan 1989, which according to Blair’s online Parliamentary biography is when Blair waved them all a fond farewell.

Rhodri boasted that the Opposition Energy team had an unofficial ‘back up research team  just as good as the one advising the Secretary of State’. The crack team didn’t manage to stop Thatcher privatising the electricity supply, but I am sure that they too will have got wind of Peter Morrison attending sex parties with under-aged boys. Rhodri mentions that in 1988 Blair took receipt of an anonymous hand-delivered leaked position paper – regarding the future shape of the electricity industry after privatisation – from the CEGB (Central Electricity Generating Board). Rhodri claims that it was this leaked document that enabled Blair’s Shadow team ‘to get off to such a good start with the nuclear tax bombshell which Blair was able to launch’ at Cecil Parkinson.

 

John Wakeham was elected as the Tory MP for Maldon in Essex at the Feb 1974 General Election. His first wife, Roberta, was killed in the Brighton hotel bombing in Oct 1984 and he was trapped in rubble for seven hours, suffering serious crush injuries to his legs. Wakeham married his secretary, Alison Ward, in 1985 – before being Wakeham’s secretary, Ward had been Thatcher’s secretary. So Alison Ward would have known all about Peter Morrison as well before she ever got near Wakeham either as secretary or wife.

During the late 1980s Wakeham served as Leader of the Commons.

Wakeham was given a peerage by John Major on 24 April 1992. Just at the time that a firebomb killed five witnesses to the paedophile ring of which Peter Morrison was a member (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’). Wakeham then served as Leader of the Lords until 1994.

After Edwina Currie spoke publicly about her shagathon with John Major, Major fessed up that he had indeed had an affair with Edwina and stated that it was the thing that he was most ashamed of in his entire life. Which is interesting because I would place concealing the organised abuse of children and the murder of witnesses above having an extra-marital affair in the ‘regrets’ list if I’d done both…

John Wakeham became chairman of the Press Complaints Commission in 1995, retiring in 2001. In 1997 he was appointed a Deputy Lieutenant of Hampshire. In 1999 Blair appointed Wakeham to head a Royal Commission on the reform of the Lords. The resulting Wakeham Report suggested a mainly-appointed Lords be maintained, with a small elected component. Which was how Blair ended up appointing so many people who had concealed the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal to the Lords. 

 

Whilst Parkinson and Wakeham were Secretaries of State, Michael Spicer was Morrison’s junior Ministerial colleague. Whereas Morrison had responsibility for oil, after Spicer joined Energy in 1987 he was given responsibility for electricity and coal until Jan 1990.

Michael Spicer was MP for South and then West Worcestershire, 1974-10. Spicer was educated at Wellington College and Emmanuel College, Cambridge. After graduation, he worked as a financial journalist for ‘The Daily Mail’, ‘The Sunday Times’ and ‘The Statist’. From 1968–70, Spicer was Director of Conservative Systems Research Centre and from 1970–80, he was Managing Director of Economic Models Ltd.

Spicer was Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party 1983-84. In the 1996 New Years Honours, after Peter Morrison was safely dead and buried, Spicer was knighted. He picked up his peerage in 2010.

Spicer was Chairman/President of the Association of Electricity Producers, 1991-12 and since 2012 he has been Chairman of Energy UK.

David Tombs, Director of Hereford and Worcester Social Services, 1974-94, has been named as someone in a senior position who concealed the organised abuse of children both on his own patch and on a national level (see post ‘Another Episode Of Friends…’).

 

In my post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’ I discussed some of the consequences of Gov’t policy regarding oil, Morrison’s portfolio. I will make a few observations here about the consequences of Gov’t policy re gas, Spicer’s bag.

British Gas plc was an energy and home services provider in the UK. It was formed when the British Gas Corporation was privatized in Dec 1986 by Thatcher’s Gov’t. On 8 Dec 1986 British Gas plc shares were floated on the London stock market. To encourage individuals to become shareholders, the offer was intensely advertised with the ‘If you see Sid…Tell him!’ campaign. The ‘Tell Sid’ campaign was the ultimate Tory campaign to try to encourage working class people to take an interest in being share-holders, hence the mythical ‘Sid’ character, rather than a Piers or a St John.

The initial public offering of 135p per share valued the company at £9 billion, the highest equity offering ever at the time. The Gov’t also created an industry regulator, the Office of Gas Supply (Ofgas), to protect customer needs. It later became part of the Office of Gas and Electricity Markets (Ofgem).

In June 1991, the Chairman of British Gas, Robert Evans, sparked controversy by accepting a pay rise of 66%, ten times above the rate of inflation at the time. This took his salary from £222,000 to £370,000, a pay rise which was condemned by the Labour Party as ‘sheer unbridled greed’. This followed allegations of greed against the organisation a month earlier, when it reported a 42% rise in pre-tax profits.

The Sids of the UK did quite well out of the great gas giveaway, but Robert Evans was in clover.

 

Whilst I’m on the subject of Gov’t cons under the umbrella of ‘Energy’, I’ll retell the story of the travesty that was the Baglan Energy Park, which gets a mention in Rhodri Morgan’s book.

Baglan Energy Park was a grand plan for a piece of land in Port Talbot.

When Rhodri became First Minister in 1999, one of his first tours of the different sections of the civil service was that of the Baglan Energy Park team. The team responsible told Rhodri that Baglan Energy Park would produce 6000 new jobs. It later ‘became clear no jobs would arrive at Baglan Energy Park’. It was Helen Liddell aka Stalin’s Granny (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’) who explained to Rhodri why no jobs were actually expected.

This blog is very rude about politicians, but I really must compliment them on their excellence in the coining of entertaining nicknames for their colleagues – Stalin’s Granny, The Widow Ruddock, The Crack of Doom, they are all pretty good, so at least one or two people in the system have a brain and a sense of humour. Can I ask them to perhaps turn their attentions to running the country instead of getting bladdered, shagging people to whom they are then obliged to give jobs which those people can’t do and covering up the wrongdoing of their colleagues? Some real progress could then be made.

Stalin’s Granny was the UK High Commissioner in Australia when she enlightened Rhodri. Stalin’s Granny maintained that in 1997 Blair’s Gov’t issued a moratorium on new gas fired power stations. The American multi-national GE wanted to build the first ever H Series combined cycle gas turbine power station at Baglan on the site which had been vacated by BP. This was part of BP’s exit strategy from south Wales in order to secure GE’s brand new and revolutionary design of the power station on the former Baglan site. Then Blair’s moratorium came along. Bill Clinton received a phone call from Jack Welch aka ‘Neutron Jack’ asking for help in getting around the moratorium.

Jack Welch is an American business executive and chemical engineer who was  Chairman and CEO of GE (General Electric), 1981-01. GE is an American multinational conglomerate incorporated in New York – its HQ is in Boston, Massachusetts. Not Port Talbot.

During the early 1980s Welch was dubbed ‘Neutron Jack’ for eliminating employees whilst leaving buildings intact. Welch stated that GE had 411,000 employees at the end of 1980 and 299,000 at the end of 1985. In return, GE had increased its market capital tremendously.

Clinton rang Blair and asked/told Blair to lift the moratorium for GE – thus GE acquired the permit to build the power station. However, a display had to be made of a special case for the exemption, lest anyone suggested that Clinton was telling Blair what to do. So it was agreed that electricity from the Baglan power station could be supplied directly – without paying grid charges – into proposed energy intensive industries which could it was claimed be sited on the empty Baglan site, which would be known as Baglan Energy Park. An estimate of 6000 jobs arriving at the Baglan Energy Park was made on the basis of absolutely no evidence – but it did sound good.

Before the power station opened, Rhodri asked to visit the site. GE’s site director Bill Cooney took  Rhodri around. Rhodri asked to meet the engineering team – he was told that the team was located in a mass of portakabins. Cooney refused Rhodri entrance to the portakabins because Rhodri didn’t have a US passport – although Baglan Energy Park was located at Port Talbot. Cooney told Morgan that he couldn’t go in without breaching the US Export Control Act – because ‘sensitive technology’ was involved, only US citizens were allowed in. Cooney mentioned that an exception was made for the young people who delivered Dominos Pizzas to the team working in the portakabins.

In his memoir, Rhodri expressed outrage that as FM he was being denied access to a place which granted access to Dominos Pizza boys. He didn’t comment on the huge scam that was being worked between Blair and Clinton which would be of no benefit to people in Wales – or the lies that were told in order to make this scam ‘fit’ with a Gov’t policy which Blair himself had thought up and wanted implemented, but breached when Clinton told him to. If I know anything about the way in which ‘businesses’ are ‘attracted to Wales’ – particularly businesses which do not benefit Wales or the people living in Wales – someone somewhere will have paid Welch handsomely to condescend to arrive in Wales, refuse to tell anyone exactly what he was up on the grounds that it involved ‘sensitive technology’ and rip everyone off.

This is the sort of thing that has gone on in Wales for decades – whilst people in Wales have been left with nothing and have then been berated for being part of a ‘benefit culture’ with ‘low aspirations’. The Plaid MP Adam Price has just made a speech at Plaid’s Llangollen Conference making the point that Wales is not a poor country – it is actually a rich country with a lot of poor people living in it. Brown and I have been arguing this for years. For literally centuries, wealth has been exported out of Wales in deals which have excluded most people living in Wales from benefiting. Adam Price is an unusual thing, he is a politician with a brain – most of the others seem to be too stupid to have understood what has gone on and all they can do is make lame comments about empowering and including people. If anyone actually took any notice of people like Adam Price, a great many more people would be empowered and included because they wouldn’t have been fleeced by the likes of Clinton and Blair and before them Thatcher and Nicholas Edwards.

As for Baglan Energy Park now – I recommend that readers visit the website www.npt-business.co.uk  it’s a real laugh. Underneath the heading ‘Baglan Energy Park – A Neath Port Talbot Success Story’ we are told that ‘Baglan Energy Park is one of Wales’ premier business and industrial locations. The 180 acre park is helping transform the area, secure a green industrial future and create thousands of jobs. Situated on the M4 motorway the Park has already attracted national and international companies as well as world class facilities.’

So what exactly has been attracted to Baglan Energy Park? The following:

Ecolab’s Centre of Excellence for Contamination Control – which ‘provides some of the most innovative technology in the industry, including state-of-the-art clean rooms and laboratories’.

GE Energy – which ‘has provided the park with a £300m power station, which provides competitively priced electricity to businesses locating on the park’.

Hi-Lex Cable Systems Ltd  – ‘a Japanese owned company which manufactures components for the automotive industry employs over 230 people at its European Head Office on the park’.

Italian company Intertissue – ‘part of Sofidel Group produces supermarket own-brand facial tissues, bathroom tissues and kitchen roll from its 1 million sq.ft. papermill’.

Mardon Properties – ‘recently completed work on the first phase of a £20m mixed-use development of office premises and industrial units which is attracting a variety of companies’.

Montagne Jeunesse – ‘is an environmentally aware company that markets cosmetic products such as face packs’.

One Talbot Gateway – ‘is a prestigious office facility located right at the entrance to the park. Dwr Cymru Welsh Water and the NHS partnership have relocated to the site’.

Baglan Bay Innovation Centre – ‘provides an environment for young, innovative, high tech, sustainable technology led businesses to grow. 39,000sq ft of accommodation, over four floors includes 32 incubator units, meeting rooms, a business support facility as well as close links with universities’.

The Solar Centre – ‘meeting facility located in the centre of the park forms an annex to the Baglan Bay Innovation Centre building. The facility generates its own electricity from surplus electricity fed into the grid system, symbolising the ethos of the park’.

Wales’s first Renewable Hydrogen Research and Demonstration Centre – ‘provides facilities for hydrogen production, conferencing, research, demonstrations and education all run from renewable energy sources is (sic) based at the park’.

 

So there’s big spaces which haven’t yet been filled, a small number of foreign owned businesses and the NHS and Dwr Cymru have moved in, as has a bog roll company. The bog roll company isn’t even a posh one which produces the aloe vera impregnated luxury bog roll, let alone the ‘moist wipes’ which are sold in those plastic containers, it is one which produces ‘supermarket own brand’.

As for the Solar Centre – that was originally constructed for a G8 conference in Birmingham for PM Tony Blair and the Heads of State from the G8 nations. So Blair and the G8 didn’t go to Baglan for their conference then.

 

We are told that ‘once the park is completed there will be a total investment of approximately £400 billion’. ‘Investment’ in Wales means the Gov’t giving money to businesses to persuade them to set up shop in Wales and then pay people in Wales low wages. Regarding the jobs – well there isn’t 6000, but Stalin’s Granny admitted to Rhodri that that particular figure was plucked out of thin air anyway in order for Blair to pretend that he had a good excuse for doing a favour for Bill Clinton’s mate Jack Welch. We are told that ‘more than 1,600 people are now working on the park, and once the project is completed, it will have the capacity to accommodate 3,000 jobs’.

We are not told how near to completion the park is. Furthermore, the jobs in the bog roll factory and most of the other companies that are on the Park will not be well-paid jobs – many of the workers will probably have to claim in-work benefits to get by. However the US engineers working in the bit of GE through which non-US passport holders are not allowed to pass – unless they are delivering a pizza to hungry Americans – will be highly paid.

Like a lot of things which are not what they claim to be, the Baglan Energy Park has won an award from the HSJ (Health Services Journal). It received the BURA (British Urban Regeneration Award), Insider Award for Regeneration and the Local Government Chronicle & Health Services Journal Sustainable Communities Award in recognition of its work to create a cleaner, greener industrial future for the area.

Port Talbot is of course famous for being the location of the steelworks upon which the whole town depends. As the steelworks has gradually diminished, things have become worse and worse for Port Talbot. Baglan Energy Park has not made a great deal of difference.

One person who did really well out of Baglan Energy Park however was Neutron Jack. During his tenure at GE, the company’s value rose 4,000%. In 2006, Welch’s net worth was estimated at $720 million. When Jack retired from GE he received a severance payment of $417 million, the largest such payment in history. He didn’t earn that from working in the bog roll factory at Baglan.

 

I have not experienced the joys of Baglan Energy Park myself, although I was invited to an event at Neath Port Talbot about three years ago by a Third sector organisation who were holding a one day conference on the problems experienced by women who provide unpaid care for family members and others. I was unable to attend the said event because I couldn’t get there. I was told that the event was to be held at Port Talbot and because I didn’t have a car at the time, I planned to travel there on the train or bus. I couldn’t. The event for women providing unpaid care was held at the Orangery at Margam Country Park – I was told by the Third sector organisation who had organised the event that the Orangery was lovely. Which I’m sure that it was, but it was also miles away from the railway station and two miles away from the nearest bus stop.

When I saw the list of invited speakers I realised that I wasn’t missing anything – it was a list of paedophiles’ friends who have been responsible for wrecking the health and social care services in Wales for years. That lot are the reason why so many women in Wales are having to provide unpaid care. I very much doubt that any woman providing unpaid care would have been able to attend the one day conference, even if they did have a car. They’d be far too busy providing the unpaid care – or working a few shifts cleaning the Orangery. So a group of middle class wimmin had a day out at the Orangery, funded by the Welsh Gov’t, whilst scores of badly paid women maintained the infrastructure of Margam Country Park…

 

The travesty that is Baglan Energy Park was dreamt up pre-devolution. It will have come under the umbrella of Industrial Policy for Wales, so I presume that Sir Derek Jones had something to do with it.

 

Sir Derek Jones was Head of Industrial Policy at the Welsh Office in 1989 and prior to that held a number of positions in the DTI. Derek Jones served as Permanent Secretary to the Welsh Gov’t, 2013-17.

Rhodri Morgan mentions in his book that he got on very well with Sir Derek.

Derek Jones was born and educated in Cardiff and went to Cardiff University. On graduation he joined the civil service in Whitehall. After undertaking the post-graduate civil service training scheme Jones joined the Treasury, then the DTI and then the Welsh Office in Cardiff in 1989 as Head of Economics and Industrial Policy. He was subsequently Head of Finance Programmes; Director of the Industry and Training department and Director of Economic Affairs. In 1999 Jones became a key figure in the setting-up and early operations of the newly created Welsh Assembly Gov’t – which was choc full of paedophiles’ friends from its inception.  Jones was Senior Director, April 2003-April 2008 – as havoc reigned in the NHS in north Wales, as the suicide rate continued upwards and as I and other people were the victims of the perjury and wrongdoing of the paedophiles’ friends.

In 2008 Jones left the civil service to join the Governing Board of Cardiff University as Director of Business and Strategic Partnerships with an Honorary Chair, tasked to commercialise the University’s research and engage with business.

Jones was a member of the Welsh Gov’ts Ministerial Advisory Board BETS, Dec 2011-Oct 2012;  Chairman of the membership selection panel for Dwr Cymru Welsh Water, Jan 2010-Sept 2011; Chairman, South East Wales Economic Forum, Sept 2011-Oct 2012; Board member of the EADS Foundation Wales, Aug 2011-Oct 2012.

In Sept 2012, Jones was announced as the new Permanent Secretary to the Welsh Assembly Government, replacing that very loyal paedophiles’ friend Dame Gillian Morgan (see post ‘A Major Coup – Or A Complete Disaster?’). Jones subsequently became a member of the UK Civil Service Board and Senior Leadership Committee. He stepped down as Permanent Secretary early in 2017.

In April 2017 Sir Derek was appointed Chair of the Prince’s Trust in Wales. He is a non-executive director of IQE plc; an independent adviser to Cardiff University, where he is also an Honorary Fellow and Professor and is a Vice President of Cardiff Business Club.

 

There has been a great deal of fuckwittery of the Baglan Energy Park sort in Wales ie. people giving their friends large sums of money to establish businesses which provide no real benefits for anyone but the people who have received the ‘investment’ to set their business up. The fuckwittery did not stop when the Welsh Gov’t came into being. The sums of money were no doubt less than Thatcher and Blair were able to give to their friends, but the way of conducting business remained the same. I know small business people in north Wales who were fuming at the corruption that they alleged was happening – they claimed that friends and bedfellows of key figures in the Assembly were receiving ‘investment’ for non-viable businesses whereas other people who were making a real go of businesses providing employment for local people  received no help at all and sometimes were actively obstructed. Should the business people involved ever go public on what was happening, it could prove very embarrassing for the Welsh Assembly – some of the most successful SMEs in north west Wales were excluded from Gov’t help when they were setting up because, they alleged, they did not ‘know people’ in the Assembly.

 

One of the people who was involved with the Economic Development portfolio in the early days of the Welsh Assembly Gov’t was Alan Pugh, who was Deputy Minister for Economic Development, Oct 2000-03, in Rhodri’s Gov’t.

Alun Pugh was the AM for Clwyd West, 1999-07. Pugh was born in Mid-Glamorgan into – according to his wiki entry –  ‘a poor coal mining family’.  I don’t know anything about Alan Pugh’s family, but I have developed a very high degree of sceptism concerning people who are members of the affluent middle classes laying claim to deprived backgrounds. Yes, occasionally people from severely disadvantaged families do sneak into the professional classes, but it is very unusual. Every piece of research into the subject has shown that that even in the 1960s and 70s, the decades of social mobility, people who entered university or the professions from the working classes came from families or networks where they had gained large amounts of cultural capital. It is a harsh fact that children who have no economic or cultural capital only very rarely experience the amazing social mobility that politicians like to claim for themselves. Pugh might have not had any money, but I bet that there was someone around him who was well-read or an autodidact.

After Alan Pugh left the cardboard box in’t middle of t’road in which he grew up, he completed a degree in business finance and then postgrad qualifications in computer science and education. He moved to north Wales from Newcastle-Upon-Tyne. I am wondering if Pugh was therefore a student in Newcastle.

Pugh was Head of Business Studies at Coleg Llandrillo Cymru and four years later he was promoted to an Associate Principal post at West Cheshire College. Pugh resided in Deganwy, Conwy for much of his time in north Wales.

This biography tells me that for much of his life Alan Pugh has been in close proximity to the paedophiles’ friends. If he was not a politician he might have been unaware of them – but someone with political ambitions will not have missed what was going on around him or had gone on around him in the past. There was organised abuse of children in Mid-Glamorgan where Pugh originally came from. When he entered politics at least, Pugh will have heard about John Owen from Mid-Glamorgan (see post ‘Yet More Inglorious Bastards’) whom local authorities and exam boards protected and who was supported by the BBC, S4C and Welsh youth groups and theatres  even after his molesting of his pupils became public. Pugh will also have known about George Thomas molesting children and young people (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’) and he will have been aware of the rumours surrounding Ron Davies and his cruising and cottaging activities in south Wales – the Ron Davies who was an adviser to Mid-Glamorgan Education Authority whilst they ignored John Owen’s conduct towards his pupils.

I will be writing a post soon on the subject of just how many people knew that Ron Davies would one day blow up in their faces.

The paedophile ring in north Wales was fuelled by the arrival of Matt Arnold and Peter Howarth from Gateshead – where there was a paedophile ring in operation (see post ‘A Study In Tyranny’), which was afforded protection by, as well as others, Ernest Armstrong, the Labour MP for North West Durham, whose daughter Hilary succeeded him as MP for that constituency and became a member of Blair’s inner circle (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’). There were numerous connections between people working in medicine and mental health in Newcastle and north Wales (see post ‘The Newcastle-Upon-Tyne Connection?’) and the hideous Lord John Walton, Mr Medical Establishment in Newcastle, protected Dafydd and the paedophiles of north Wales for years (see post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’). Alan Pugh might not have known about that when he was in Newcastle but politicians are great gossips and are obsessed with the possibility that people might acquire dirt on them or their associates – as soon as Pugh began moving in political circles, he’d have found out all about such matters.

Furthermore Pugh lived in Conwy – stomping ground of Lord Wyn Roberts the best friend that the paedophile gang in north Wales ever had, as well as scores of others who colluded with them (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). Of course Pugh knew about the serious criminality wreaking havoc in north Wales concealed by the paedophiles’ friends of the professional classes along that part of the north Wales coast – Dafydd was running his sex therapy business just down the road from Pugh’s place of residence.

Pugh’s job at Coleg Llandrillo will also have left him in no doubt as to some of what was going on. Llandrillo trained the health and welfare staff who worked with the paedophiles’ friends and Pugh will have been part of the system that ensured that whistleblowers were removed from circulation and didn’t usually work again. Coleg Llandrillo also ran a counselling course which trained people who then counselled distressed people who had encountered the paedophiles and their friends. My post ‘A Convenient Arrangement With The Private Sector’ detailed the activities of Prestwood Homes, a chain of abusive ‘nursing homes’ for people with learning disabilities and/or mental health problems which was actually a front for trafficking vulnerable people into sex work. Prestwood had a number of homes in the Conwy area – residents and staff were enrolled upon courses at Coleg Llandrillo. That may have been after Pugh had left the employment of the Coleg, but whilst he worked there the two women who ‘managed’ Prestwood, Lynda Holland and Suzanne Hamlet, met on the counselling course at Coleg Llandrillo. Holland was a student and Hamlet was a tutor on the course. They began a relationship whilst Hamlet was teaching Holland and Hamlet was dismissed for sexually exploiting a student.

OK, Coleg Llandrillo did the right thing in dismissing Hamlet, which was probably a first for the paedophiles’ friends of north Wales. But how did Hamlet ever land such a job at Coleg Llandrillo? Not only did Hamlet only have the most basic of qualifications, but whilst she ‘managed’ Prestwood Homes I witnessed her: telling support workers to lock clients in their rooms if they became distressed; telling support workers to tell clients to ‘go on and do it then’ if clients threatened to commit suicide – which resulted in two clients seriously injuring themselves when encouraged to attempt suicide; telling a 19 year old female client that if she didn’t co-operate with ‘therapy’ she would be taken back to Liverpool and ‘left to die on an embankment’ (the therapy consisted of viewing porn) (see post ‘The Mentor’). Oh – and not only did Hamlet tell support workers to threaten to hit clients, but she LAUGHED as she described how a ‘home manager’ had grabbed a female client around the throat, slammed her up against a wall and threatened to punch her in the face.

If Pugh tells us all that these incidents at Prestwood happened after Hamlet had been dismissed from the Coleg in which he was a manager, I’ll remind him that when his establishment employed Hamlet as a counselling tutor, she was a chronic alcoholic in middle age who had spent many years as a patient of Dafydd’s in and out of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh – although she told everyone that she had been a nurse at the North Wales Hospital. Who wrote Hamlet’s reference then Pugh? Was it Dafydd? Because there was no way that Hamlet was suitable to have been employed as a counselling tutor.

As for the College which employed Pugh as Associate Principal – West Cheshire College has campuses at Crewe and Chester, which were locations of the activity of the north Wales/Cheshire paedophile ring. Sir Peter Morrison was the Tory MP for Chester and Dafydd held ‘clinics’ at the Grosvenor Nuffield Hospital in Chester.

Of course Alun Pugh knew what was happening and could be relied upon to keep quiet – that’s how he landed the nomination for the candidacy as Labour AM for Clwyd West. It’s a highly marginal seat, no-one was going to risk upsetting the paedophiles’ friends, so the Labour Party fielded a puppet.

Pugh was re-elected in 2003 and appointed as Minister for Culture, Welsh Language and Sport in WAG (Welsh Assembly Gov’t). Pugh remained an AM until his 2007 defeat by Conservative Darren Millar.  Following the 2007 election Pugh took a mountaineering sabbatical in the Himalayas and on his return to Wales was appointed as Director of the Snowdonia Society, an environmental charity. He was a columnist for the Daily Post (North Wales) and ran consultancy projects.

Pugh stood as the Labour candidate for Arfon in the 2010 Westminster General Election, but lost to Plaid’s Hywel Williams, another paedophiles’ friend who formerly worked as a psychiatric social worker and at one point featured on Dafydd’s twitter feed. I met Alan Pugh when he was out campaigning in Bangor for that election. He was very frosty to me considering that he was asking people to vote for him and I did wonder if he knew who I was, because by that time I was experiencing maximum harassment and threats from the paedophiles’ friends. I asked Pugh what he intended to do about the abuses of the mental health services in north Wales – he turned tail and fled and decided to do a bit of canvassing with a group of students further down the road instead.

When I bumped into Pugh with his rosettes and gang of supporters I didn’t think of the hideous Hamlet and Coleg Llandrillo. I thought of something else for which Alun Pugh was much more famous in Bangor University – Alun Pugh was the former bedfellow of Meri Huws aka The Crack of Doom. As with all Meri’s liaisions, allegations were flying that Pugh was being used to land Meri jobs that she couldn’t do and should never have had (see post ‘Let Me Enlighten Lord Gnome…’).

Meri was Chair of the Welsh Language Board in 2004-12 – well Alun was the Minister for Culture, Welsh Language and Fun, although the most common allegation at the time was that Meri had landed that particular post as a result of her affair with Andrew Davies, another Welsh Gov’t Minister. But then there were those who claimed that Meri’s success with the Welsh Language Board selection panel was a result of her fling with Rhodri Morgan. Who could ever know?

After that particular scandal Meri entertained the nation by making noises about joining Plaid. There was only one question on everyone’s lips – who the hell is she shagging now???

Meri however when she was younger had been party to a great deal of information which her bedfellows will have found very useful but which will have also provided Meri with great blackmail capacity when people finally desperately wanted to be rid of her. Meri – it was getting pissed and abusive at official Bangor University functions that did it, people in high places wanted to know why the hell anyone had given you a job as PVC. And of course having yourself photographed completely bladdered, wearing that bacofoil jumpsuit with a zip that was undone rather too low among a crowd of ‘old students’ of Bangor University, not one of whom was under 80 years of age. The University magazines with that photo in mysteriously disappeared en masse when I and a few others were spotted howling with laughter at the photo.

However, the gerontocracy that runs Bangor University have to shoulder some of the blame for the appointment of Meri to high office. It was openly discussed that the VC knew damn well what a disaster putting Meri in charge of anything was going to be, but the Welsh Gov’t – ie. Rhodri – and the gerontocracy demanded that Meri and her talents be elevated to the post of PVC. Why did the old farts want a mad, drunken, abusive slapper appointed to a role which effectively was a diplomatic/ambassadorial one? Perhaps because many moons ago when Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends ran Bangor University and Sir William Mars-Jones the late corrupt judge was President of the institution, Meri was employed as a community social worker by Gwynedd County Council. Dafydd’s mistress Lucille Hughes was Director of Gwynedd Social Services and at that time the paedophiles were running the children’s homes in north Wales. The children’s homes in Bangor, Ty’r Felin – which was located on the Maesgeirchan estate – was supplying under-aged boys for sex parties in Dolphin Square and other locations outside of Wales whereas under-aged girls were taken to local pubs and to the Octagon nightclub in Bangor and sold for sex to predatory men (see post ‘Are You Local?’). I don’t know who accompanied the boys to London and Brighton and other locations, but the girls were taken to local pubs and to the Octagon by social workers employed by Gwynedd Social Services.

Meri worked as a community social worker on Maesgeirchan.

 

One thing that is worthy of observation since Alun Pugh was defeated by Darren Millar in Clwyd West in 2007, is that although every liberal and leftie in north Wales groaned when Darren was elected on the grounds that Darren was one for articulating relentlessly right wing opinions of the sort that are quite unusual in Wales, Darren has been quite a star where bringing attention to the atrocities of the NHS in north Wales has been concerned. He has demanded prosecutions and even wrote to the Chief Constable to say that. Another Tory MP in north Wales, Mark Isherwood, has also been very supportive to the victims of the paedophiles and their friends and has tried very hard to effect change. Meanwhile just about every other politician remains deeply in denial and if they do mention the slaughter that has gone on for years – and continues – it is simply to tell everyone that they’re going to empower service users. Then, much more volubly, they demand that Carwyn should give a great deal more money to the paedophiles’ friends.

 

To return to those with responsibility for Economic Development in Wales. Alan Pugh’s boss, the Minister for Economic Development, was the Lib Dem AM for South Wales East, 1999-10, Mike German. German was Leader of the Welsh Lib Dems, 2007-08 and was Deputy First Minister, 2000-01 and then again 2002-03, because the Welsh Gov’t was a Labour-Lib Dem Coalition, Oct 2000-May 03.

Mike German was educated at the Open University and St Mary’s College, Strawberry Hill, Twickenham (now St Mary’s University). In his early life he was a member of 28th Cardiff Sea Scout Group.

German trained and worked as a  music teacher before becoming Head of the European Unit at the WJEC (Welsh Joint Education Committee). Has also been a school governor.

The sexual abuse of John Owen’s pupils by John Owen was for years concealed by Mid-Glamorgan Education Authority and the WJEC (see post ‘Yet More Inglorious Bastards’).

Mike German was a Councillor and Leader of the Lib Dems on Cardiff City Council, 1983-96 and joint Leader of the Council, 1987-91. Mike German sat on Cardiff City Council with Alun Michael, who knows a lot more about the paedophiles and their friends than he has ever let on. Alun Michael, many many years ago, was involved with the Liberal Party – so he will have known about Jeremy Thorpe and Cyril Smith. Alun Michael also shared a flat with Paul Flynn, the Labour MP for Newport, for a long time. In the 1990s Paul Flynn appeared on TV programmes along with Dafydd. Paul Flynn did challenge the nonsense that Dafydd spouted about reefer madness, but Paul Flynn knew about Dafydd’s other activities but didn’t say a word – because in 1974 Paul Flynn stood as the Labour candidate in Denbigh and just about everybody in the town worked at the North Wales Hospital.

Alun Michael is also an old friend of paedophiles’ friend, former social worker Jane Hutt. Rhodri’s memoir comments that Michael and Hutt worked together on various charities and causes, including the Cardiff Broadcasting Company. So Hutt and Michael’s media connections must have been why the logic of Alun Michael resigning as FM literally as the Waterhouse Report was submitted to the Secretary of State for Wales was never explained (see post ‘News From Sicily’).

Rhodri Morgan mentions in his book that Tom Middlehurst supported Alun Michael for the Welsh Labour leadership. Tom Middlehurst was the AM for Alyn and Deeside, 1999-03. Middlehurst was among the paedophiles and their friends for years – before he became an AM he was the Chief Executive of Flintshire County Council, one of the successor Councils after Clwyd County Council disappeared in a puff of smoke in 1996 after the Jillings Report admitted that there had been serious inexcusable abuse of children in the care of Clwyd County Council for many years. Middlehurst also managed to save the paedophiles’ folly, Theatre Clwyd, when it had one of its many financial crises and once more the coffers of the Council were inexplicably empty. HOW Tom Middlehurst saved Theatre Clwyd was never explained, a great deal of money will have had to have been obtained from somewhere, but Middlehurst did manage to snare some big names to drum up a high profile for the Theatre (see post ‘Workers Play Time’).

Jane Hutt’s proud boast is that she founded Welsh Women’s Aid. I have mentioned previously on this blog that it is not possible to be involved with Women’s Aid and not know that a paedophile gang is operating in the area, because such matters affect women and their children. I knew people who worked for Women’s Aid in north Wales who admitted that they knew about the organised abuse of children but they could not make themselves heard within that organisation. I also have in my possession two copies of letters written by Bangor and District Women’s Aid after they were approached by a Hergest Unit patient who was faced with homelessness after leaving a difficult relationship. The first letter is a referral for ‘services’ in terms of the client being rehoused. The second letter was written some four weeks later, discharging the client from the Women’s Aid service. Had the client been rehoused or indeed received any ‘services’ at all? No. But she had complained about the paedophiles’ friends. The dates on those letters are during Hutt’s time as Health Minister.

One of the biggest problems with Bangor and District Women’s Aid was that one of the leading lights in that organisation – who I think genuinely did want to help people – had been the victim of the paedophiles’ friends herself when she had been referred to the mental health services. She knew that they were appalling and she was frightened of them. She will also have known that her job will have somehow have come to an end if she had dared speak about what was happening to her clients at the hands of the health and social care services.

Rhodri Morgan’s book mentions in passing that when the agreement to form the Labour-Lib Dem Coalition Gov’t was formed, Hutt – who was then the Health Minister ignoring the serious abuse of vulnerable people in north Wales – appeared with a near final draft of a partnership agreement.

Alun Michael and Jane Hutt will have both known that George Thomas was sexually assaulting young people (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’).

Just to ensure that there were no loose ends, Mike German’s first wife Georgette was also a Cardiff City Councillor. So they could have discussed the corruption in the City Council together, as well as the abuse of children in care in south Wales.

German had been involved with politics for many years before he was elected to the Assembly. He contested Cardiff North in Oct 1974 and 1979 for the Liberals. Cardiff North is a seat in which it seems to be essential to be a paedophiles’ friend to be nominated let alone win (see post ‘The Paedophiles’ Friends Of Cardiff North’). German then fought Cardiff Central in 1983 and in 1987 for the SDP-Liberal Alliance, but was unsuccessful.

So – like Alun Michael – German will have known that the Liberal Party concealed everything with which Jeremy Thorpe was involved, including their knowledge that he was openly discussing the need to have Norman Scott murdered years before someone did try and murder Norman (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). Rhodri Morgan’s book provides a bit of info about Jeremy Thorpe’s 1979 trial that I hadn’t previously come across. Morgan was mates with Lord Gareth Williams, who was counsel for George Deakin when Deakin stood trial with Thorpe for conspiracy to murder. I knew that an incriminating tape existed in which Thorpe discussed the need to have Norman Scott murdered and I knew that Williams had called for the tape to be played in full knowing that some of the contents were so excruciatingly embarrassing to the Royal Family that no-one would actually dare do this and it was as a result of this ploy that George Deakin was acquitted.

Rhodri’s book mentions that what was causing the precise difficulty was Jeremy Thorpe’s status as someone who had conducted affairs with both Princess Margaret and Lord Snowdon. But between them Thorpe, Ma’am Darling and Lord Snowdon certainly did a great deal of bed hopping, so Marjorie Wallace is by no means the only person with the dirt on the Snowdons (see post ‘One Dangerous Fucker’) and their connections to the abuse of vulnerable people and the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal.

Gareth Williams QC did of course successfully represent the former senior North Wales Police officer Gordon Anglesea in 1994 when Anglesea sued for libel after he had been named as someone who had abused boys in care in north Wales. Anglesea was awarded nearly £400k in damages. Some weeks after the trial, Mark Humphreys was found dead, hanging from the stairwell in the block of flats in Wrexham in which he lived (see posts ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd’ and ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd – A Few Additional Comments’). In 2016 Anglesea was convicted of historic sex offences against boys in care in north Wales and imprisoned.

Rhodri Morgan had a very high opinion of Gareth Williams the paedophiles’ friend. Rhodri believed that Gareth Williams was, like John Smith, a barrister-politician who had principles, unlike Blair. Gareth Williams grew up in Prestatyn and went to Rhyl Grammar School before Cambridge University. He practised as a barrister and was then a recorder on the Chester and Wales Circuit for years whilst there was a major problem with corruption on the Circuit. Williams was a member of the Bar Council and at one point Chair of the Bar Council. He eventually became a Deputy High Court judge and leader of the Chester and Wales Circuit, again whilst corruption was endemic. Williams picked up his peerage in 1992 after the firebomb killed the five witnesses to the paedophile ring in north Wales/Cheshire (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

In 1999 Blair appointed Gareth Williams as Attorney General for England and Wales and Attorney General for N Ireland. Well who better than a man at the heart of a rotten circuit which has concealed a murdering paedophile gang and fitted up their victims? Williams remained AG until 2001. So he was in post when the Waterhouse Report was published .

Rhodri’s book explains that Gareth Williams died suddenly at his home in 2003 whilst the Labour Party Conference was in full swing at Bournemouth. Williams, the paedophiles’ – and indeed aspiring murderers’ – friend, was ‘posthumously voted the best peer of all time’ by ‘his fellow lordships’. Well Gareth Williams certainly did them a few favours, the Lords is rather more congenial than a prison cell on the sex offenders wing.

Rhodri observed that if ever he had to hire a defending barrister, it would have been Gareth Williams rather than John Smith or Tony Blair. So if you had been recorded on tape organising a murder after shagging both Princess Margaret and Lord Snowdon or you were suing various media outlets after they had named you as a child abuser when indeed you were one, Gareth was the man for you.

When Williams died, the British state certainly pushed the boat out to give him a good send off. The RAF flew the whole of the British Cabinet and Rhodri – although he wasn’t a member of the Cabinet – from Hurn Airport in Bournemouth to Brize Norton in Oxfordshire in a transport aircraft and they were then bussed across to Great Tew, the village where Gareth Williams and his wife Veena lived and where the funeral was held.

So Gareth Williams received a rather better send off than one of the victims of the paedophiles’ and their friends whom I knew when I lived in Bethesda. This man had grown up in care, arrived into adulthood destitute, had spent a lifetime circulating between mental health facilities and ended up being utterly neglected by the Hergest Unit, who placed him in Neuadd Deiniol in Bangor, famously unsuitable accommodation which was categorised as a ‘nursing home’ and was run by one of Dafydd’s business associates. Because of his multiple health problems this man was supposedly being observed in the ‘nursing home’ every 20 mins. He was found dead after having choked on a ham sandwich but no-one managed to explain why he had been dead for a lot longer than 20 minutes before he was found.

Not only was this man’s death in 1999 or 2000 part of the Great Holocaust of potential witnesses whilst the Waterhouse Inquiry was underway, but he also was a witness to the whole sorry saga of the framing of an innocent man as a potential danger to his own baby by Gwynedd Social Services, whilst two other real abusers from the family which assisted in fitting that man up were protected by the Social Services, as well as to the suspicious death in a road accident of someone else who knew the details of all of this. The full story is detailed in my post ‘It’s All About Protecting Children’. The wrongdoing involved was extensive and serious and involved Gwynedd Social Services, the North Wales Police, the North Wales Housing Association, a crooked solicitor in Bethesda, all the GPs in Bethesda Surgery, the Hergest Unit, the Arfon Community Mental Health Team and Councillor Dafydd Orwig of Gwynedd County Council. And that’s just the bit that I know about it.

So a great many people might have breathed a sigh of relief when they heard that man had been found dead in Neuadd Deiniol.

After this witness to serious crime was found dead, there was an enormous row over what to do with his body. He had left no money and he only had one living relative – he had been married but had divorced some years before he died – and no authority would agree to bury him. So he remained ‘in the freezer’ (as another Hergest patient explained to me) for many months whilst the local authority tried to coerce his ex-wife (who was a Hergest patient and grossly neglected and penniless as well), his ex-wife’s brother (who was also a penniless, neglected Hergest patient) and his elderly great aunt – who hadn’t seen him since he was about eight years old – to cough up. None of them could even afford dentistry and spectacles let alone a funeral, so the local authority finally relented and a ‘pauper’s funeral’ was held, which was attended by a few patients. No mental health staff attended the funeral, not even the Rev Wynne Roberts, the Elvis-impersonating, singing, parishioner-shagging, disgraced vicar who doubled up as the chaplain at Ysbyty Gwynedd and who later joined the management of the Betsi Board and sat on the ethics committees for Ysbyty Gwynedd and Bangor University’s School of Healthcare Sciences (see post ‘Music Therapy Anyone?).

After writing those paragraphs and remembering it all, I am sorely tempted to ask any members of mental health staff from north west Wales who might be reading this if they feel at all ashamed of how they have conducted themselves. But the answer will of course be ‘no, not at all, we’re holding out for a pay rise’.

Gareth Williams knew Sir William Mars-Jones, a barrister and High Court judge who grew up in Flintshire and was also a paedophiles’ friend working on the Chester and Wales Circuit. Mars-Jones was President of UCNW (now called Bangor University) whilst the paedophiles’ friends were running the place and whilst Dr DGE Wood, a corrupt GP and T. Gwynne Williams, the lobotomist from the North Wales Hospital, were employed in the Student Health Centre – they were both facilitating the sex abuse ring in north Wales. I have documents in my possession which demonstrate that a Mrs Mars-Jones was being CC’d into letters from NHS bodies in north Wales which named people who had complained about the North Wales Hospital, as well as into letters regarding visiting Commissioners from the Mental Health Act Commission who had also complained. Mrs Mars-Jones appears to have been sent a hit list of people who dared challenge the paedophiles’ friends. I will be blogging more about this soon.

William Mars-Jones was a big name in London as well as in north Wales – he was a leading light in the Garrick as well as in the London Welsh Society.

 

Mike German will also have known Dr David Owen – who personally knew some of the Top Doctors who were facilitating the sex trafficking ring in north Wales (see post ‘Dr Death’).

I have read no accounts of anyone publicly challenging Mike German about his knowledge of serious criminality on the part of members of the Liberal Party, but German did end up at the centre of a police investigation by the South Wales Police and the audit experts at the WJEC in 2001 following allegations that German had claimed expenses fraudulently when he worked for the WJEC before he became an AM in 1999. German stood down as Deputy FM whilst the investigation took place. He hired his own legal team at considerable expense to himself – he had to sell his house and downsize in order to foot the bill. German was cleared and resumed his position as Deputy FM in 2002.

 

Rhodri Morgan states that the WJEC was a body which was completely under the control of Labour councillors in south Wales, in particular Jeff Jones, the Leader of Bridgend Council. Morgan mentions that Jeff Jones was a man who never had the political career in the Assembly that Jeff Jones and everybody who knew him expected him to have. Rhodri doesn’t explain why, but he claims that whilst it was still assumed that Ron Davies would be Wales’s FM after the formation of the Welsh Assembly – before that unfortunate business with Boogie on Clapham Common obliged Ron to resign as Secretary of State for Wales, just as Blair was about to appoint him as First Minister (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’) – Jeff Jones and everybody else expected that Jeff would be the Education Minister in Ron’s first Cabinet. Sadly for poor old Jeff he didn’t get as far as becoming an AM despite the best laid plans by Ron and him.

Rhodri states in his memoir that he knew that whatever allegations were levelled at the WJEC, it was a fundamentally sound organisation because his own mother had been an examiner for the WJEC for decades….

As it seems does every paedophiles’ friend who falls under suspicion but is somehow cleared, Mike German was given a peerage. In May 2010. So who filled the yawning gap left behind in the Assembly as a result of Mike’s departure to the Upper House? His wife did of course. In June 2010 Mrs German (by then Lady German), Veronica, became the Lib Dem AM for Mike’s old seat of South Wales East. However, Veronica could not be accused of not having the necessary experience – she had lived in south Wales for decades and had been a Councillor in Newport as well as in Torfaen.  

The MP for Torfaen 1987-2015 was Paul Murphy. Murphy was Secretary of State for Wales, 1999-02 and 2008-09. It was Murphy who took delivery of the Waterhouse Report in 2000 and he stated that he was glad that the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal had now been investigated in a transparent manner, that there had not been a whiff of a cover-up and that there was no link with any paedophile gang outside of north Wales. Murphy forgot to add that Sir Ronnie Waterhouse was a personal friend of many of those who ran the bodies which managed the services in which children were abused or which colluded with the abuse and that Ronnie refused to take evidence regarding or investigate any links with abusers outside of north Wales so it was no surprise that he failed to find any such links.

Before Murphy was elected, the MP for Torfaen was Leo Abse. Abse was a close friend of George Thomas, threatened and paid off people who claimed to have been sexually abused by Thomas and told the media a pack of lies when Thomas ended up in hospital after contracting an STD (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’). Abse was also the subject of a police investigation into historical child sex abuse. Paul Murphy was a Torfaen Councillor for years whilst Abse was the local MP.

Paul Murphy was also Secretary of State for N Ireland and was party to whatever sleazy deal Blair did there. The deal involved the suppression of the truth about the abuse of children at the Kincora Boys Home.

Murphy was the Chairperson of the Intelligence and Security Committee, 2005-08. Let’s hope that the security services don’t actually let that Committee know what they’re up to.

Murphy joined the slumbering hordes in the Upper House in 2015.

 

Veronica German was a school teacher in Gwent for 25 years. There was abuse of children happening in Gwent.

 

What with Mike German under investigation by the South Wales Police, in Feb 2002 Rhodri had to tweak his Cabinet as he was in need of a Minister for Economic Development after German had stepped down. So Andrew Davies, the Labour AM for Swansea West, 1999-11, was promoted to the position. The Andrew Davies who was busy having an affair with Meri Huws at the time…

Andrew Davies was the former Chair of Swansea West Labour Party, a member of the Welsh Labour Executive Committee and was a regional party official from 1984-91. Davies was one of the architects of devolution as the main organiser of the Labour Party Yes Campaign in 1997.

Davies is a graduate of Swansea University which is effectively run by Rhodri Morgan’s friends and relatives (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’).

Between 2007-09, Andrew Davies was Minister for Social Justice and Public Service Delivery and Minister for Finance and Public Service Delivery. Two things that were absolutely not happening in Wales whilst Davies held those positions were social justice and public services delivery.

Andrew Davies was born in and went to school in Herefordshire, but his parents are Welsh. His mother is from Llandeilo and his father is from the paedophiles’ friends heartland of Flintshire. Davies trained as a teacher as well as a counsellor and has worked in further, higher and continuing education. Something tells me that Andrew Davies knew all about the paedophiles and their friends in north Wales a long while before he ever encountered Meri Huws.

Davies left the Welsh Gov’t when Rhodri Morgan stood down as FM.

 

Before Rhodri was FM himself, Blair famously imposed Alun Michael on Wales as FM after the National Assembly was formed, although no-one but Blair really wanted Alun Michael as FM. Rhodri put up a battle but Blair rigged the process in numerous ways and Wales ended up with Alun Michael as FM but not for very long. Rhodri was given the job as Economic Development Minister in Alun Michael’s Cabinet.

Rhodri’s memoir is littered with anecdotes regarding the various dodges and fiddles that were carried out over the years in order to ‘bring business to Wales’ – as far as I can see in every case because a rich powerful person desired a particular outcome. Wales became a laughing stock as a result of the Korean LG deal in which £247 million of Welsh Office money was pissed down the drain and left a financial black hole that screwed the Assembly for the first ten years of its existence. LG and Corruption Bay were simply the most highly publicised cons which ripped off the tax payer, there were many, many more. LG was actually the handiwork of Lord Hague of the Massive Cover-Up of the Paedophile Ring…

I was interested to read Rhodri’s account of how the 5 star St David’s Hotel at Cardiff Bay was built. St David’s Hotel is a very nice place in which to stay but the Welsh political class don’t seem to view it as a privilege to live it up in the luxury of St David’s. This motley crew of not very bright ex social workers and local councillors see it as their God given right to crash out at St David’s at the tax payers expense, nowhere else could possibly be good enough for them. There is an Ibis Hotel in Cardiff which is so ‘budget’ that the rooms don’t even have a chair – there are only the most basic facilities and it seems to serve principally as a crash pad for people after hen and stag parties when they have got so wrecked that they can’t use public transport to get themselves elsewhere. I think it is about time that someone organised a conference for the paedophiles’ friends of the Cardiff Bay bubble and booked the whole lot of them into the Ibis for the night whilst allowing them to believe that they’ll be sleeping in their usual luxury suites at the St David’s Hotel. Then they’ll all have to go to Gregg’s for breakfast, because the Ibis doesn’t supply so much as a morning coffee.

According to Rhodri, Cardiff only ended up with the St David’s Hotel because when William Hague was Secretary of State for Wales he desperately fought for the 1998 European Summit to be held in Wales, but the Foreign Office said that this was out of the question because Wales didn’t have a 5 star hotel. So Hague went to see his mate Rocco Forte who had several hundred million quid on his hands after the Forte family lost out in the takeover battle against the Granada Group – and Hague asked him to build the St David’s Hotel. Of course Rocco Forte didn’t do this without a huge bribe – he received a grant of several million from the Cardiff Bay Development Corporation (see post ‘Corruption Bay Special’ for the lowdown on the CBDC). The Foreign  Office then agreed that the European Summit could scrape the barrel and drop in at Cardiff in 1998.

Not that the St David’s Hotel was built in time for the Summit, the Summit was actually held in Cathays Park – the Cardiff University buildings and the civic centre were all taken over for the week to host it. But at least Rocco Forte received millions of pounds to build a fantastic hotel that very few people in Wales can actually afford to stay in – but then that means it’s always available for the politicians and businessmen who do so well out of the taxes paid by the people who can’t afford to stay there themselves.

Hague – you and your mate Rocco must have known that the St David’s Hotel wouldn’t be finished in time for the summer of 1998, it was another year before it was finished. Did Rocco perhaps want to build an hotel in Cardiff anyway, so you thought up a way in which the tax payer would fund it?

Rhodri mentions that whilst he was FM, he was scrutinised by the Economic Development Committee, which was Chaired by Ron Davies. Ron resigned as Secretary of State for Wales after the Boogie business, but he didn’t actually go away, he remained as an AM for quite some time and then had to be effectively bribed to go away. I will be blogging the details of Ron’s exit arrangements soon.  Rhodri states that Ron remained seething about not being FM for a long time and allowed himself to be used by lobbyists for their own ends. Rhodri names Sir David Rowe-Beddoe as one such lobbyist. Rowe-Beddoe was Chair of the national embarrassment that was the WDA (see post ‘Corruption Bay Special’ for details of some of what Rowe-Beddoe was involved in), who along with Ron attempted to get the Trade and Export Promotion Unit in Rhodri’s Dept transferred to the WDA, although Rowe-Beddoe was supposed to have been working for Rhodri at the time.

What is clear is that everybody involved in business/economic development was fighting each other and using their knowledge of each others wrongdoing to ensure that huge amounts of money were channelled to their friends. Whilst they were doing this, they also duplicated each others work as they tried to build their own empires. Sadly none of them seemed to have any idea what they were doing – no wonder the business people that I knew during my years in Wales were tearing their hair out dealing with this bunch.

When I was a student I had a gardening job for a businessman who lived near me on Anglesey. I always found this man very pleasant and as far as I know he wasn’t a paedophiles’ friend – although I have found out that many people whom I always presumed were OK were involved in the most appalling conduct. Many years after I spent a summer working for this man he appeared on Welsh news having been fleeced by the WDA. The journo actually told him that he ‘had been rather naive’ to trust the WDA and my old associate explained aghast that he actually expected people to behave with a degree of integrity in business…

 

I heard two other people on the ‘Today’ programme this morning who know about the abuse of children and mental health patients but who have kept very quiet about it all.

I picked up the tail end of an interview with Paddy Pantsdown talking about regulation of the energy industry no less. Paddy was explaining that the population is well-educated and rather than state regulation of energy prices, ’empowered citizens’ can exercise a choice and thus the market can be regulated in that way. That would work if citizens were all well-educated – which they are not – and if politicians didn’t keep lying to the nation.

Paddy – you remained silent about Cyril Smith abusing children for years, which enabled him to carry on abusing them. You also worked with Dr Death, who knew about the most appalling criminal behaviour on the part of some of his Top Doctor colleagues. Did you warn anyone about this? No, you didn’t. If you didn’t warn people about this sort of criminality which resulted in yet more unsuspecting people being referred to Top Doctors who tried to traffick them into a sex abuse ring and more very vulnerable kids being taken into care and handed over to a gang of paedophiles, how can we trust you to give us the information that is needed to make ’empowered’ choices about purchasing energy?

Before being elected to Parliament, Paddy worked for the security services. The security services knew exactly what Peter Morrison, Dafydd et al were up to. They protected them, not their potential victims. Never mind advising us all on energy regulation Paddy, Brown and I would have really appreciated it if when we were 21 someone had just said to us ‘don’t ever go near those fucking Top Doctors again, they’re running a sex trafficking ring with connections to serious organised crime and witnesses have been found dead’. But no-one did – instead all those people who knew what they were doing not only dismissed our concerns but they pressurised me to go back and see the people traffickers…

You really could have warned us O Paddy of the Special Boat Service and High Representative of Bosnia and Herzegovia to whom people turn in a war because you’ve been a soldier – then at least we could have protected ourselves. I bet that you never sent your men into machine gun fire with no cover.

About an hour after Paddy dispensed his pearls, Owen Smith was interviewed, having been sacked from the Opposition front bench by Jeremy Corbyn yesterday. Owen’s been a naughty boy – he’s been talking about another EU referendum to try and overturn the result of the last one because the nation didn’t do what it was required and vote remain, so Jeremy has given him the boot.

I saw Owen speaking on a panel a few years ago and he was much brighter and more compos mentis than the drips who accompanied him, but the thing about Owen is that I don’t believe what he says. If Owen wanted, he could write a blog like this. Owen grew up in south Wales and his dad is a Labour historian who has worked at BBC Wales, the Universities of Cardiff, Swansea and Glamorgan and he is Chair of the Arts Council of Wales. Dai Smith knows as much about the paedophiles’ friends as I do and he’s given some of them money from the budget of the Arts Council of Wales. Owen is good mates with his dad, what Owen hasn’t picked up from elsewhere his dad will have told him.

Owen also knows all the funny little ways of the Top Doctors – he was previously an executive with Pfizer at a time when Pfizer was fiddling like there was no tomorrow. Pfizer must have liked Owen because they paid him a great deal of money.

Most intriguingly, Owen was Paul Murphy’s special advisor. In fact Owen was boasting about this on the radio this morning, telling the listeners about Murphy’s sterling work in N Ireland.

Owen – I can write lots about the wrongdoing of the paedophiles’ friends, the Top Doctors and  medical research/Big Pharma, because like you I’ve witnessed it. But I’d love to know what the basis of the deal that Blair and Paul Murphy thrashed out in N Ireland was – oh and who was the member of the Royal Family who was alleged to have been implicated in the Kincora Boys’ Home Scandal? Could you please start writing a blog asap?