Comedies of Menace

Here’s someone who really should have featured on this blog before now, but then the Corrupt Incestuous Shithouse is so big that I keep finding new residents. Introducing:

Francis Aungier Pakenham, 7th Earl of Longford, 1st Baron Pakenham (5 December 1905 – 3 August 2001), known to his family as Frank Longford and styled Lord Pakenham, 1945-61, was a member of the Labour Party and one of its longest serving politicians. He held a number of Cabinet positions between 1947 and 1968. Longford was politically active up until his death in 2001. A member of a landed Anglo-Irish family, Frank Longford was one of the few aristocratic hereditary peers to have ever served in senior capacity within a Labour government. Longford was known best for his devout Christianity and work as a penal reformer.

Longford was widely unpopular among Labour leaders, was criticised for his lack of Ministerial ability, yet was moved from Cabinet post to Cabinet post. Harold Wilson stated that Longford had the ‘mental capacity of a 12 yr old’. Yet people kept giving him yet more senior jobs. Even after Longford resigned from the Gov’t in 1968, he was invited onto committee after committee after committee. By the 1970s Lord Longford was a standing joke and continually attacked by journos and media outlets across the political spectrum. Yet he wasn’t ever blown out of public life or even simply ignored. I think that I know why…

 

Pakenham went to Eton, then to New College, Oxford, where he was a member of the Bullingdon Club. He spent a short time working for the ‘Daily Mail’, as a don at Christ Church, Oxford and he also worked as a stockbroker with disastrous results. Pakenham and his wife Elizabeth worked for the WEA at Stoke after they graduated and then in 1931 he joined the Conservative Research Dept, developing education policy for the Tories. By the early 1970s, the Conservative Research Dept was known to be a hotbed of predatory gay men, some of them targeting under-aged boys. As with the hubs of child abuse in certain locations such as north Wales and Lambeth, there are indications that the shenanigans at the Conservative Research Dept had been going on for a very long time. For years, new staff were employed who would ‘fit in’ and were of the same nature as the staff already there…

Frank Pakenham’s conservatism could not have been very deep because his wife Elizabeth ‘persuaded’ him to become a socialist. Elizabeth was from a socialist family – her brother was Harriet Harman’s father, John. The Harmans were a family with a good supply of Top Docs. Elizabeth’s father was the opthalmic surgeon Nathanial Bishop Harman, who also had a Harley Street practice. Nathanial Harman trained at the Middlesex Hospital, where Gwynne the lobotomist trained. Gwynne was afforded lifelong protection by the alumni network of the Middlesex. Harman became the Dean of West London Postgraduate College, an institution which disappeared a long time ago, I think because the Royal Postgraduate Medical School at Hammersmith Hospital squeezed it out of existence and took over its functions. My post ‘Interesting Facts’ detailed some of the shocking abuses and frauds which have taken place at RPMS in recent decades which have not received wide publicity. It seems that malpractice was the order of the day at that institution over decades. An article entitled ‘Human Guinea Pigs: A Warning’, published in 1962 in the journal Twentieth Century by Maurice Papworth, highlighted many unethical practices regarding human experimentation at RPMS. According to Papworth, experiments had been carried out without valid consent on vulnerable patients, such as children and the mentally ill.

Most of the people whom I witnessed participating in misconduct and research fraud when I was at RPMS (1986-87) are still working in research or medicine.

Nathanial Harman held a number of offices in the BMA and was a generous benefactor to that organisation. He was also a member of the GMC.

Harriet’s dad John Harman worked at Tommy’s as well as at his Harley Street practice and gave evidence for the defence during the trial of Dr John Bodkin Adams, the Top Doc who was almost certainly a serial killer and one on a bigger scale than Harold Shipman. Furthermore John Harman gave evidence on matters of which he had no experience. See post ‘An Appalling Vista’.

As well as having a general practice, Bodkin Adams worked at All Saints Hospital. The chaplain of All Saints Hospital, Eastbourne, at the time of Bodkin Adams’ arrest in 1956 was the Rev Hubert Brasier, the father of Theresa May. Before Theresa May was elected to the Commons, she was a Councillor for Merton, 1986-94. Merton was on the patch of St George’s Hospital Medical School, many of who’s staff when Theresa was a Councillor there were concealing the crimes of Dafydd and his gang in north Wales and a related gang in south London (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’).

 

Here’s a Socialist Feminist Who Supports the NHS who also sounds off on matters of which she has no experience:

Harriet HarmanHarriet HarmanHarriet HarmanHarriet Harman

Nanny Harriet wasn’t able to do the jobs in Gov’t to which she was repeatedly appointed, so eventually a Spad was sent to do her jobs for her, one Ed Miliband, who’s Uncle Harry was a consultant at er, Tommy’s.

Dafydd’s mate and umbrella Professor Jim Watson worked at Tommy’s as a ‘sex therapist’, after having worked as a ‘sex therapist’ at St George’s and the Maudsley (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’).

 

As well as being Harriet’s auntie, Lady Elizabeth Longford was a great-niece of the Tory radical Jospeh Chamberlain and a first cousin once removed of the British PM Neville Chamberlain. Elizabeth Longford made several unsuccessful attempts at becoming a Labour MP. She was an historian, a member of the Royal Society for Literature and a Trustee of the National Portrait Gallery.

Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon, the 5th Baron Kenyon, was a Trustee of the National Portrait Gallery, 1953-88. Lord Kenyon was one of the biggest umbrellas for Dafydd and the gang in north Wales and Kenyon’s son Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon was known to be sexually exploiting at least one boy in care in north Wales in the late 1970s. Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon faced no charges at any point, although the boy was sent to a detention centre after Thomas made a complaint that the boy had stolen off him after they had spent the night together. Part of Thomas’s complaint was that the boy had stolen pornographic photos of the two of them together which Thomas had taken using a Polaroid. The boy in question later gave evidence to the Waterhouse Inquiry stating that Thomas had ‘used him for sex’ on numerous occasions. Thomas was not available to give evidence, having died of an HIV-related condition in 1993. See post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’.

 

Both Elizabeth and Frank Pakenham were devout Roman Catholic converts, although Elizabeth found Frank’s embracing of the RC Church very difficult at first, having been brought up as a Unitarian.

Frank Pakenham joined the British Army but his career as a soldier proved to be a spectacular failure. He was completely unable to cope with life in the Army and the consequent psychological strain soon manifested itself in physical symptoms and in the spring of 1940 Frank was invalided out of the Army as a result of what was then referred to as a nervous breakdown. Subsequently however, Pakenham, together with Maurice Bowra, raised and commanded the South Company of the Oxford City Battalion of the Home Guard. The ridiculous supervened; Pakenham was shot in the foot by the only member of his company to possess any ammunition.

Sir Cecil Maurice Bowra was an English scholar who studied at New College, Oxford and was Warden of Wadham College, Oxford, 1938-70 and VC of Oxford University, 1951-54. Bowra was gay and as an undergraduate was known to cruise for sex. Quotes for which Bowra is well-known include: ‘Buggers can’t be choosers’ (explaining his engagement, later called off, to Audrey Beecham); ‘Buggery was invented to fill that awkward hour between Evensong and cocktails’ or was ‘useful for filling that awkward time between tea and cocktails’; and ‘Splendid couple — slept with both of them’ (on hearing of the engagement of a well-known literary pair).

As an undergrad Bowra was very sociable and his circle included the Tory politician Lord Bob Boothby, who was bisexual and managed to have affairs with Harold Macmillan’s wife Dorothy as well as with a great many others including a range of rent boys and, it is alleged, Ronnie Kray (see previous posts). Bowra was a friend of and shared lodgings with Viscount Cyril Radcliffe, the Law Lord who was the first Chancellor of the University of Warwick, 1965-77.

After being called to the Bar, Cyril Radcliffe joined the chambers of Wilfred Greene, later the Master Of The Rolls. During WWII Radcliffe joined the Ministry of Information, becoming DG by 1941. There he worked closely with Minister Brendan Bracken, who was Minister of Information, 1941-45. Viscount Bracken is best remembered for opposing the Bank of England’s co-operation with Hitler and for subsequently supporting Churchill’s prosecution of WWII against Hitler.

Bracken’s first career was as a newspaper publisher and magazine editor. Many of Bracken’s early magazine stories included a political flavour and he commissioned articles from a wide range of politicians such as Churchill and Mussolini. Business and politics permanently overlapped in his life, in a similar way to the career of his occasional friend Lord Beaverbrook. He needed politicians for stories and they needed the publicity given by his publications.

Bracken was PPS to PM Churchill, 1940-41 and then he was First Lord of the Admiralty, 25 May 1945-26 July 1945. Lord Louis Mountbatten was First Sea Lord, 1955-59 and had reached a senior level at the Admiralty by the time that Bracken was First Lord, so Bracken will have known about the allegations that Mountbatten was a molester of under-aged boys, as well as the other sex and spy scandals at the Admiralty of that era (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’).

Bracken’s friend Cyril Radcliffe was involved in the Partition of India. Radcliffe was a man who had never been east of Paris, but nonetheless he was given the Chairmanship of the two boundary committees set up with the passing of the Indian Independence Act. Radcliffe was faced with the task of drawing the borders for the new nations of Pakistan and India in a way that would leave as many Hindus and Sikhs in India and Muslims in Pakistan as possible. Radcliffe submitted his partition map on 9 August 1947, which split Punjab and Bengal almost in half. The new boundaries were formally announced on 14 August 1947 – the day of Pakistan’s independence and the day before India became independent of the UK. Louis Mountbatten in his capacity as Viceroy and Governor-General of India was also involved in the Partition (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’).

Radcliffe was born in Llanychan, Denbighshire. My post ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’ details how in 1968 three students from Sussex University caused a sensation when they threw red paint over a visiting US official in a protest related to the Vietnam War. One of the students was Merfyn Jones, who later became VC of Bangor University and who grew up in Gwynedd. Asa Briggs, the VC of Sussex University at the time, was one of those with links to the security services who concealed the early organised abuse of those associated with Dafydd’s gang. Briggs bore a lifelong grudge against the three student protestors and contributed to the serious fire from Dafydd’s gang that was aimed at Merfyn when he became VC of Bangor University in 2003. After he graduated from Sussex, Merfyn undertook postgraduate work at Warwick University where he was involved in the student activism which revealed that Warwick was doing a few things that it probably should not have been doing. Radcliffe was Chancellor at the time. I had not realised that Radcliffe came from Denbighshire. The paedophiles’ friends being what they are, Radcliffe’s links to north Wales will have been used to maximum advantage.

Peeling Oniontown - VICE

In 1992 Wadham College named its Bowra Building in Maurice Bowra’s honour.

I know someone who studied at Wadham College while Bowra was Warden who always cheerily referred to his old college as ‘Wadham and Gomorrah’. I just thought that it was a nice little quip but I wonder if he was joking about matters of which I knew nothing.

Other high profile alumni of Wadham and Gomorrah include the former Archbishop of Canterbury who originated from Swansea, Rowan Williams, Melvyn Bragg the MIND Ambassador and Michael Foot. Not only was Michael Foot the Leader of the Labour Party while everyone in that Party sat on the barrel of crap which included George Thomas as well as Dafydd et al in north Wales (Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks…’), but Footie was Lord President of The Council, 1976-79. The Lord President of the Council doubles up as the visitor for Bangor University (UCNW). While Foot was Lord President of the Council, Shirl was asked by Dafydd Wigley if she would, in her capacity as Education Secretary, hold a public inquiry into the running of UCNW by Sir Charles Evans, such was the chaos and dysfunction within that institution. Shirl refused. The chaos and dysfunction were a result of Charles Evans allowing Dafydd et al to use the College to run their sex trafficking ring as Footie and Shirl were well aware. See post ‘We’ve Been Expecting You…’.

One other distinguished alumnus of Wadham and Gomorrah is Lord John Dyson who was a High Court judge, 1993-01; Lord Justice of Appeal, 2001-10; Justice of the Supreme Court, 2010-12; and Master of the Rolls, 2012-16. John Dyson was called to Bar at Middle Temple, as was Sir Ronnie Waterhouse. Dyson and Waterhouse knew each other well.

 

1940 was the year that Frank Pakenham became a Catholic as well as being invalided out of the Army because of his nervous breakdown. Elizabeth Pakenham joined the Church of Rome six years later. 

Frank Pakenham embarked upon a career in politics which had begun with his election as an Oxford City Councillor in the 1930s. Oxfordshire had a major problem with the abuse of kids in its children’s homes by the 1950s, which probably stretched much further back than that. This was concealed by Top Doc Dr Vladimir Kahan and his social worker wife Barbara, who became a social work adviser on children in care to successive Gov’ts from the early 1970s onward (see post ‘Always On The Side Of The Children’).

In 1945 Pakenham stood for election in Oxford as the Labour candidate but was beaten by the Tory Quintin Hogg, who later became Lord Hailsham and who performed a valuable service himself concealing the crimes of Dafydd et al for decades. Pakenham’s obituaries maintained that Clement Attlee ‘admired’ Pakenham’s ‘passion for social outcasts and tried to harness it’. Pakenham himself stated that his nervous breakdown in 1940 gave him an understanding of people who had been rejected by society. Pakenham experienced a breakdown at a time when such an event was heavily stigmatised – I get the impression that it was particularly so among men, women were expected to go a bit mad at times by Top Docs and certain others – and I’d be interested to know how this was negotiated when Frank Pakenham entered politics, because a ‘nervous breakdown’ was quite a career-killer in 1940 and people were not allowed to forget that they’d had the temerity to have one.

Pakenham’s obituaries tell us that Attlee was ‘persuaded’ to give Pakenham a peerage, to bring a ‘youthful thinker’ to the sparsely populated Labour Lords benches. Pakenham had really only done one thing until he bagged that peerage, which was to act as William Beveridge’s right hand man when Beveridge compiled his report on the welfare state. Upon receiving a peerage, Longford was immediately appointed a Lords Whip by Attlee, which suggests that Attlee had confidence that Pakenham would be able to twist the arms of other Labour peers. I doubt that Pakenham would have built up sufficient muscle to do that as a result of his short stint working for the ‘Daily Mail’, his time as a stockbroker which resulted in him losing a great deal of money, him being the most hopeless soldier that the British Army had ever seen, having a nervous breakdown or even by his assistance with the Beveridge Report.

However, by the time that Attlee gave Frank Pakenham a peerage, Frank had been visiting prisons two to three times/week for more than 10 years, holding in-depth conversations with those inside. He will have learnt that some inside prison were innocent and that a great many others had knowledge of wrongdoing in high places rather more serious than the wrongdoing for which they had been sentenced. The language that is used to discuss sexual abuse has changed since the 1940s but many aspects of the problem have not changed. As at the present time, people in dominant positions in society were having sex with people in far more vulnerable positions and some of those people will have been having sex with children, including children of the same sex as them. The stakes were considerably higher for people doing this in the 1940s, because homosexuality was illegal and a prison sentence and total social ruin for one and even one’s family a la Oscar Wilde was still the order of the day. What if Frank had learnt a bit about such matters during all that prison visiting?

In 1947, Frank was appointed Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster aka Deputy Foreign Secretary with special responsibility for the British zone in occupied Germany. He made headlines by telling German audiences that the British people forgave them for what had happened during WWII and was later credited by the first West German Chancellor with being among his country’s founding fathers. In May 1948, Pakenham was moved to the lower-profile role of Minister of Civil Aviation and became a Privy Councillor. He continued in this post until May 1951. From May 1951 until the fall of Attlee’s administration in October 1951, Longford was First Lord of the Admiralty. We’re back to Mountbatten and his pals again…

After Labour lost the 1951 General Election, Pakenham became Chairman of the Society for the Mentally Handicapped. At the time the mentally handicapped were usually institutionalised – the parents of such children were nearly always advised to do this by Top Docs – and were frequently treated appallingly in long-stay hospitals whose staff were completely unaccountable. Sexual exploitation, as well as physical assault, was common. Pakenham will have been well-aware of that.

During the period of time that Labour was out of office between Attlee and Wilson, Hugh Gaitskell kept Pakenham  at the centre of Labour Party affairs. Gaitskell and Pakenham had shared rooms at Oxford and Gaitskell used to refer to Pakenham as his ‘oldest friend’. Pakenham remained at the centre of things even when he became Chairman of a City clearing bank, the Anglo-Irish Bank, in 1955, which caused a rumpus in the City because Pakenham had been blackballed from at least one financiers’ club. However during Pakenham’s nine years as Chairman, the Ango-Irish Bank grew more quickly than any other London clearing bank.

During this time, Pakenham also contributed to a series of ‘learned reports’ on penal reform. He Chaired a special Labour Party Committee – Harold Wilson appointed him – which in 1963 published its Report, ‘Crime – A Challenge’. It recommended the abolition of capital punishment, after-care for prisoners and was the basis for the introduction of the parole system in 1965 that remains substantially unchanged today.

In 1961, Pakenham inherited from his older brother Edward the earldom of Longford and from then onward was generally known to the public as Lord Longford.

When Labour returned to power in October 1964 under Harold Wilson, Longford was appointed Lord Privy Seal and Leader of the Lords, despite the fact that Wilson had little respect for him. It was presumed that these Cabinet positions were simply a sop to Gaitskellites. In December 1965 Longford became Secretary of State for the Colonies, continuing as Leader of the House of Lords. After four months at the Colonial Office, he was removed from the post for failing to master his brief and again became Lord Privy Seal in April 1966.

Longford spoke against the 1967 Bill to facilitate abortions which did not endear him to many on the left of the Labour Party.

Wilson often talked about sacking Longford from his Gov’t, which is believed to have led to Longford’s resignation as Lord Privy Seal and Leader of the House of Lords in January 1968, although Longford’s stated reason for resigning from the Gov’t was because of the abandonment of the commitment to increase the school leaving age. Tony Benn, Richard Crossman and Barbara Castle all recorded their relief at Longford’s departure from Gov’t in their diaries. However HM Queen Lilibet continued to hold Longford in high esteem.

After 1968, Lord Longford concentrated on his campaigns and publishing. In the Lords his two main interests were Ireland and prisons policy. Longford thought of Ireland as his home, although he didn’t live there. He was an old friend of Eamon de Valera, who was a Commandant in the 1916 Easter Uprising and later became Taoiseach, 1957-59 and President of Ireland, 1959-73. When in Wilson’s Cabinet, Longford caused a stir by attending the 50th anniversary celebrations of the Easter Rising and being  photographed next to de Valera.

In 1970 Longford became Chairman of Sidgwick and Jackson the publishers. As with his Chairmanship of the Anglo-Irish Bank, business boomed under this utter incompetent who had dirt on a great many in high places. Longford Chaired Sidgwick and Jackson for 10 years and the company benefited in particular from Ted Heath’s books on sailing.

In 1955/56, Longford set up New Bridge Foundation, an organisation that aimed to help prisoners stay in touch with society and integrate them back into it. New Bridge was the first organisation concerned with prisoners’ welfare. In 1990 New Bridge set up ‘Inside Time’ magazine, the only national newspaper for the UK’s prison population. Journalist Rachel Billington, Longford’s daughter, is involved with the title. Longford organised many debates on prison reform in the House of Lords from the 1950s onward.

In 1970, Longford established New Horizon, the first drop-in centre for homeless teenagers. Longford was a regular at New Horizon, dropping in until his death in 2002, chatting to the teenagers who were often rather confused by Longford’s interest in them. Longford could not have failed to have noticed that huge numbers of those homeless teenagers had run away from the care system because they were being grossly abused.

Longford was a leading figure in the National Festival Of Light of 1971, which protested against the commercial exploitation of sex and violence, while advocating the teaching of Christ as the key to recovering moral stability in the nation. Longford was advised against involvement with the National Festival Of Light by his friends, but was said to have been influenced by Mary Whitehouse.

Whitehouse was a ‘morality campaigner’, a former teacher from the West Midlands. Whitehouse was quite preoccupied with the sort of sex education that kids in schools were receiving and the alleged deleterious effects on them as a result of the ‘filth’ that Whitehouse believed that she was watching the BBC screen at the time. Whitehouse was keen on quoting the views of Top Docs and psychiatrists on such matters. These will of course have been those who were colluding with Dafydd and the gang. Whitehouse launched a one-woman campaign against Dr Martin Cole, a sex therapist who produced a sex education film for schools called ‘Growing Up’ (see post ‘The White Heat Of This Revolution’). Whitehouse alleged that Martin Cole’s clinic was a front for prostitution. Cole worked with Dr Philip Cauthery, a sexologist who was also the students’ doctor at Aston University. Cauthery was uncaring and lethal and was felt by many to be one of the key reasons for the high suicide rate among students at Aston. Cauthery sat on the Editorial Board of ‘Forum’ magazine, the small ads of which were being used by paedophiles. Cauthery was never placed under the spotlight in the way that Martin Cole was, almost certainly because Cauthery was a Top Doctor who enjoyed the protection of the medical establishment, whereas Cole was a non-clinical academic.

The National Festival Of Light was co-founded by the journalist and author Malcolm Muggeridge, who was named as a dreadful old groper after he died (see post ‘The Creme de la Creme’) and Evangelical Christian missionaries Peter and Janet Hill were also involved. Cliff Richard was a key supporter of the NFOL from its onset and Archbishop Trevor Huddleston was also a supporter. Cliff was a close friend of Cilla, who was a personal friend of Professor Geoffrey Chamberlain of St George’s Hospital Medical School, during the years when Chamberlain and his colleagues were perpetrating research fraud as well as colluding with organised child abuse, including the crimes of Dafydd’s gang (see post ‘Now Then…’). Trevor Huddleston was the subject of allegations that he indecently assaulted children. Huddleston didn’t deny the allegations but simply packaged his behaviour as being harmless and ‘innocent’. See post ‘Radical Leicester And Some Other Free Radicals’.

Grassroots support for the NFOL came from Anglicans, Baptists, Plymouth Brethren and Pentecostal Church denominations. Dafydd has longstanding links with the Anglican Church (see post ‘Amber Rudd, The Miners’ Strike And A Memory Jogged’) and the Welsh Baptist Church (see post ‘A Serious Moral Collapse’).

A working committee was established with Colonel Orde Dobbie (a Social Services administrator), Eddie Stride (a former shop steward and trade unionist, later the Rector of Christ Church Spitalfields), Gordon Landreth (General Secretary of the Evangelical Alliance), Rev. Jean Darnall (Pentecostal Evangelist), Nigel Goodwin (a professional Christian actor) and Steve Stevens (a missionary aviator). Additional input was received from a larger Council of Reference which included well-known politicians, lawyers, doctors, trades unionists, bishops, ministers and other public figures such as actors Dora Bryan and David Kossoff.

Dora Bryan hobnobbed with all the best luvvies who ended up in disgrace, including the cast of the Carry On films and when she was older, Michael Barrymore. David Kossoff became involved with the NFOL as a result of his anti-drugs campaigning which he took up when his son Paul developed drug problems. Paul Kossoff played with the rock band ‘Free’ and died from complications resulting from his drug use in 1976.

Prince Charles sent ‘every good wish for the success of the Festival’Książe Karol to pederasta powiązany z grupą wpływowych ...

  • Rolf Harris guilty: another pedophile friend of the Royal ...
  • Prince Charles' connections to pedophile Jimmy Savile

On 25 September, approximately 45,000 people assembled in Trafalgar Square for the NFOL rally. A number of statements and proclamations were read out and received with applause by the crowd. Some called for a halt to the commercial exploitation of sex and violence. They warned that the ‘positive values’ of love and respect for the individual and the family were under serious threat. At the conclusion of the speeches, the crowd began to wind through the streets to Hyde Park, singing Christian songs as they went. In Hyde Park they joined those unable to get into Trafalgar Square. The Hyde Park rally started at 4 pm, where a number of Christian music groups proclaimed the same message. Among the performers were Cliff Richard, Dana and Graham Kendrick. Rev. Jean Darnall led the rally. The main speaker in the park was Hollywood street evangelist Arthur Blessitt.

In the days that followed perhaps the warmest support came from Roman Catholic periodicals.

After 1971 the NFL committee continued to meet and gradually evolved into the Christian organisation Christian Action Research and Education (CARE), changing its name in 1983.

Longford’s anti-porn campaigning made him the subject of derision and he was labelled by the press as Lord Porn when he and former prison doctor Christine Temple-Saville set out on a wide-ranging tour of sex industry establishments in the early 1970s to compile a self-funded report, published in 1972.

Like Longford, Christine Temple-Saville will have known exactly who was sitting in prisons and how many of them had been framed with the assistance of her Top Doc colleagues (and possibly her as well) after they were witnesses to the abuse rings operating within children’s homes/other care settings. Temple-Saville will have known about Dafydd, if she didn’t actually know him personally. The press made much of Longford’s visits to strip clubs in Copenhagen and he was accused of enormous hypocrisy.

Despite the hilarity which Longford’s Report caused in so many quarters, in 1972 Lilibet made him a Knight of the Garter. That’s the Lilibet who’s Woman-of-the-Bedchamber Dame Mary Morrison was the sister of Sir Peter Morrison, who spent a lifetime molesting kids in care.

It was Lord Longford’s support for Myra Hindley to be released from prison on parole which made him a household name and led to the soubriquet Lord Wrongford from the tabloid press, which largely opposed Hindley being released. Longford’s contact with Hindley became public knowledge in 1972 and allegations of hypocrisy were frequently made against him. In 1977, 11 years after Hindley was convicted of two murders and being an accessory to a third murder, Longford appeared on television and spoke openly of his belief that Hindley should now be considered for parole as she had shown clear signs of progress in prison and now served long enough for the Parole Board to assess her suitability for release from prison. He also supported Hindley’s claims that her role in the Moors Murders was merely that of an accomplice and that she had only taken part due to Brady’s abuse and threats. There is considerable evidence to suggest that this was true but the facts concerning Hindley’s case were lost among the hysteria, the downright lies, the corrupt practices of the police officers and lawyers involved and of course the extreme distress of the parents of the dead children who were never given the support that they should have had.

In 1985, Longford condemned the Parole Board’s decision not to consider Hindley’s release for another five years as ‘barbaric’ and his campaign for Hindley continued even after ‘she admitted to two more murders in 1986’. Hindley’s ‘admission’ to two more murders in 1986 has become part of the mythology of Hindley. I don’t think that she did ‘admit’ to two more murders in 1986. The detectives who had worked on the case originally – some of whom were corrupt – visited Hindley out of the blue in prison at the end of 1986, told her that they ‘knew’ that Brady had murdered more children and asked her if she knew where those children were buried. Hindley explained that she did not, neither had she witnessed the further two alleged murders. However she agreed to accompany a police team onto  Saddleworth Moor to show the police the places that Brady used to enjoy visiting lest the police wanted to excavate.

Myra Hindley accompanied the police to Saddleworth Moor in appalling winter weather, in conditions that were  not conducive to a search for human remains. She told the police that it was so long since she was there that she did not recognise the landscape. The police ‘search’ was accompanied by full media coverage. At the same time, TV journos approached the father of one of the children murdered/thought to be murdered by Brady and/or Hindley and asked him if he wanted to kill Hindley. The distressed father obediently produced a kitchen knife from his bag for the cameras while the journos purchased him pints.

The sudden interest of Peter Topping, a clapped-out dodgy Greater Manchester policeman, in Myra Hindley and Ian Brady once more at the very end of 1986 has never been explained. Neither has it ever been explained why Topping had an overwhelming urge to conduct a police search of Saddleworth Moor at the one time of year when a search should not be conducted. No-one explained why the media were told what was happening and invited to the scene, particularly as much was made of the risk to Hindley’s life from well-wishers while she was on the moor.

The year before Topping had the overwhelming urge to visit Hindley in prison, tell her that she had helped Brady commit two more murders and ask her if she would agree to visit Saddleworth Moor in a blizzard, in front of TV cameras while people were asked to describe to journos how they were going to murder her, Brady had been transferred from Gartree Prison in Leicester to Ashworth Hospital on Merseyside. Dafydd’s mates were running Ashworth at the time and the place was full of witnesses to/victims of the wrongdoing of Dafydd and his accomplices (see post ‘Security, Security’). Dafydd’s mates also ran Gartree Prison and after many years spontaneously declared Brady insane rather than ‘wicked’ and had him transferred to Dafydd’s inner sanctum at Ashworth.

I can remember events very well at the time because Dafydd et al were fully engaged in their efforts to deal with another Evil Young Woman  – me. The very people who were busy ‘treating’ Ian Brady in Ashworth were fabricating evidence, perjuring themselves and holding ‘case conferences’ without my knowledge to which people whom I had never met were invited to tell the assembled company how dangerous I was. I had been illegally imprisoned in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh in Dec 1986, just days before  Myra was in the news once more…

When this saga was being played out on TV – with all us patients in Denbigh watching it – I dared proffer my opinion that this was an unedifying spectacle and I was a little fed up of hearing corrupt Top Docs denouncing people as evil and dangerous. An Angel called Ingrid shouted at me that Myra was ‘evil’, that as a student Angel Ingrid had watched the trial of Brady and Hindley at Chester Assizes and that everyone in the court was in tears, including Ingrid. I am sure that listening to murder trials take its toll, but Ingrid was at the time of her histrionics in my direction overseeing a group of patients illegally imprisoned by people who were running a paedophile/trafficking ring. Some of those patients were held in a dungeon.

The lawyers involved in the trial of the Moors Murderers included Attorney General Lord Elwyn-Jones, Lord Emlyn Hooson and Sir Ronald Waterhouse. All three of these people were bent, knew about Jeremy Thorpe’s shenanigans but kept quiet and also concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang in north Wales/Cheshire.

Why Brady and Hindley’s trial took place at Chester no-one has been able to explain. They didn’t live near Chester, neither did the murder victims and the murders were not committed near Chester. After the event Peter Topping maintained that it was to ensure that they received a ‘fair trial’. How that was supposed to happen when Topping and some of his colleagues were bent cops, when they were receiving and passing information on to people known to the accused before the trial and by the trial being held in a location known even then as being the hub of legal and judicial corruption as a result of a longstanding paedophile gang operating in the area was not clarified.

Dafydd and the gang had links with corrupt officers in Greater Manchester Police and other corrupt professionals in the Manchester region (see posts ‘Top Of The Cops’ and ‘A Stalker’s Network’.)

For the record: Ian Brady was a deeply unpleasant man. He freely admitted to a series of crimes, including the murders of three children but always denied any involvement in the murders of two others which were attributed to him. He expressed the view that the police and legal system were corrupt and that the Top Docs were a bunch of lying idiots who didn’t know their arses from their elbows. Myra Hindley was abused as a girl and experienced violence at Brady’s hands. Had her trial occurred these days, much would be made of Myra’s very difficult and abusive upbringing. Had I been Myra Hindley I don’t think that any of that would have caused me to assist in the abuse and murder of three children, but I’m not Myra Hindley, I don’t know what it was like to be her and because so many people involved in her ‘assessment’, the investigation of the crimes with which she was charged and the continued ‘assessment’ of her after she was convicted were corrupt as fuck and involved in serious crime as well as organised abuse themselves, I am not sure that much of what we read about Evil Myra was true.

I have in my possession 10,000 documents compiled by the associates of those involved with Brady and Hindley’s case which clearly demonstrate perjury, conspiracy and attempts to pervert the course of justice over a period of many years with regard to me because I had complained about Gwynne the lobotomist, Dafydd and Tony Francis. It was documented that I had stabbed people, strangled them, ‘served a prison sentence for attacking someone with a knife’, held an Angel hostage and sexually assaulted a psychiatrist. The documents are accompanied by other documents written by the same people admitting that none of these allegations are true but nonetheless contain detailed plans of how I will be framed for these offences. There are also letters to ‘witnesses’ instructing them with regard to what they need to say about me in court. There is even a letter signed by Patricia Gaskell, the former hospital solicitor for Ysbyty Gwynedd, asking for ‘more nurses down the police station to complain about [me] please’.

When Evil Myra was told that she had been involved in two more murders and was taken to Saddleworth Moor to identify the locations of the bodies, Alison Taylor had recently expressed repeated concerns about the abuse of kids in care in north Wales, Mary Wynch had made legal history by successfully suing Dafydd and the gang (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’) and I had begun complaining and was refusing to go away as well.

In July 1986 Iain Muir, Deputy Headmaster of the Bryn Alyn Community School, was convicted in the Crown Court at Mold of unlawful sexual intercourse with a female under the age of 16, for which he received a sentence of six months imprisonment. The victim was resident at the school for just over three years and was 15 years old when she left.

In October 1986 DCS Gwynne Owen’s report to the Crown Prosecution Service following concerns raised by Alison Taylor and complaints of abuse from children criticised Alison Taylor and accused her of ‘manipulating’ people to make complaints.

In Dec 1986, Gwynedd County Council informally suspended Alison from her job as a social worker, Dafydd abducted and illegally imprisoned me on 13 Dec 1986, Evil Myra was taken to Saddleworth Moor on Dec 16 and was suddenly all over the media once more.

On 18 December 1986, Professor Oliver Brooke, Prof of Paediatrics at St George’s Hospital Medical School, pleaded guilty to six counts of procuring and distributing child pornography at Kingston Crown Court and was sentenced to one year in prison. Brooke was only charged with a small number of offences but was in reality a key player in a pan-European child abuse ring of which Dafydd’s gang in north Wales were a part.

 

Now perhaps Dafydd would like to tell us all why Peter Topping decided that the world had to be reminded of Evil Myra once again just when Ollie Brooke was up in court.

 

Lord Longford will have known of Evil Myra’s abusive childhood and he will have known that those involved with her case and shouting about Evil Myra were running a paedophile gang themselves. Longford remained schtum.

Evil Myra’s public appearance on Dec 16 1986 further strengthened media and public opinion that any reports of progress by Hindley in prison were ‘nothing more than a ploy to boost her chances of gaining release from prison’. Well she was Evil Myra who Manipulated wasn’t she. Just like Alison Taylor and I Manipulated.

Whilst all this was going on, Douglas Hurd was Home Secretary.

In 1990, David Waddington the Home Secretary ruled that ‘life should mean life’ for Evil Myra, who had been told by earlier Home Secretaries and High Court judges that she would have to serve a minimum of 25 and then 30 years before being considered for parole. These were the Waddington and the previous Home Secretaries and High Court judges who colluded with Dafydd’s gang as well as the linked gangs across the UK/Europe, including the gang in south London of which Brooke was a leading light.

Hindley was not informed of Waddington’s decision until December 1994, and Longford later expressed his ‘disgust’ at this ruling. The next three Home Secretaries all agreed with Waddington’s ruling. They also all colluded with Dafydd et al. Hindley appealed against her whole life tariff in the High Court in December 1997, November 1998 and March 2000, but each appeal was rejected. In Dec 1997 and Nov 1998 the Waterhouse Inquiry was underway. The Waterhouse Report was published in Feb 2000, one month before Evil Myra had yet another appeal rejected. Longford maintained that Evil Myra was a changed woman who was no longer a threat to society and had qualified for parole. He regularly commented, along with several other supporters of Evil Myra, that she was a ‘political prisoner’ who was being kept in prison for votes, to serve the interests of a succession of Home Secretaries and their respective Gov’ts. This was true, although the general public would still have been utterly unsympathetic if they had known. But what would the general public have said if they had been made aware that scores of the lawyers, judges, Top Docs and police officers directly involved with decisions regarding Evil Myra were colluding with child abuse, including the murders of witnesses, themselves?

In March 1996, Longford backed up Evil Myra’s claim in an Oxford University magazine that she was still in prison so that the Conservative Gov’t – trailing in the opinion polls since the autumn of 1992 – would win more votes. This claim was met with anger by the mothers of two of the Moors Murders victims, including Ann West, who remained at the centre of the campaign to ensure that Evil Myra was never released and once again vowed to kill Evil Myra if she was set free. Longford regularly condemned the media for ‘manipulating’ West and feeding her desire for revenge and was particularly critical of ‘The Sun’ newspaper for its ‘exploitation’ of West – referring to her numerous television and newspaper interviews in which she argued against any suggestion of Evil Myra ever being paroled, often threatening to kill her if she was ever set free. In 1986, Longford reportedly told West that unless she forgave Evil Myra and Brady, she would not go to Heaven when she died. 

This is all deeply ironic. The tabloid press undoubtedly manipulated the parents of Brady’s and Hindley’s victims but then so did everyone involved in the cases, including Longford.  It would have been more sensible of Longford to have kept his thoughts to himself re the need for Ann West to forgive Hindley and Brady because his relationship with Ann West was nowhere near good enough for him to make such suggestions without causing great upset. Interestingly enough, for many years, staff of the mental health services stressed to me that I was in a bad way because I hadn’t ‘forgiven’ Dafydd et al for their oh so minor ‘misjudgements’ with regard to me. Not only were Dafydd et al guilty of a great deal more than a few ‘misjudgements’ but documents now in my possession show that while people were busy telling me that poor old Dafydd never meant any harm at all and gosh I really was over-reacting, those very people were at the time conspiring with Dafydd to lie and perjure themselves in order to have me banged up for a very long time because they were so worried at the prospect of Brown and me one day publishing all this. By that time, the main reason why I wasn’t ‘recovering’ was that I was constantly being arrested for ludicrous offences, I was being actively denied effective treatment for a mood disorder and my property (and occasionally me) was being attacked by meatheads who had been put up to this by Dafydd et al.

Every time that I was told that my ‘outbursts’ and ‘baseless accusations’ had ‘upset’ staff, I was happy to write and apologise. Those letters are among my documentation as well. Along with the documents detailing the lies that would then be told about me in Court, the gloating notes regarding which members of staff I ‘trusted’ and who could therefore be relied upon to persuade me or even people close to me to drop complaints about the ‘service’. I have seen the medical records of another mental health patient from north Wales who, like me, was repeatedly arrested after complaining about the ‘services’. He too wrote apologies to staff whom he was told were ‘terrified’ of him and whom he had ‘upset’. His letters of apology were attached to fabricated accounts of his ‘crimes’, giving the impression that he was apologising for committing serious offences. This man told me that one of his letters of apology was ‘virtually dictated’ to him by Dr Tony Francis.

Get over it world, these were not caring Top Docs and Angels who’s patience was being tried to the limits by dangerous patients, they were a criminal gang. Those in Gov’t throughout the many years that this criminal idiocy continued knew that.

Evil Myra died in November 2002, having never been paroled. Lord Longford had died the previous year.

 

Longford seemed to be very confused where homosexuality was concerned. In 1956, he launched the first Parliamentary debate in support of the Wolfenden Report, which recommended the decriminalisation of homosexuality. Longford had been a staunch public supporter of Lord Montagu and his lover Peter Wildeblood after the two were jailed for breaking anti-gay laws in the early 1950s and he visited them regularly in prison. In his later years however, Longford became a staunch opponent of gay rights and in the 1960s he stated that homosexuality was ‘nauseating’ and that, regardless of any change in the law, it was ‘utterly wrongful’.

But then Dafydd and Gwynne at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh were subjecting gay patients to ‘aversion therapy’ to cure them of their homosexuality years after homosexuality was decriminalised, while they ran a paedophile/trafficking ring targeting boys in particular.

In the mid-1980s, Longford was a vocal supporter of the introduction of Section 28 by Thatcher’s Conservative Gov’t – despite Thatcher’s close friends Sir Peter Morrison and George Thomas being homosexual paedophiles –  and, during the Parliamentary debates, Longford famously stated his opinion that homosexuals are ‘handicapped people’. Section 28 became law in 1988, but Longford continued to support it and fought against its repeal when New Labour came to power in 1997. Section 28 was repealed in 2003.

Longford also opposed the Labour Gov’ts plans to equalise the age of consent for gay men (at that time 18) with that of heterosexual men (16), and in a 1998 Lords debate Longford remarked that:

…if someone seduced my daughter, it would be damaging and horrifying but not fatal. She would recover, marry and have lots of children… On the other hand, if some elderly, or not so elderly, schoolmaster seduced one of my sons and taught him to be a homosexual, he would ruin him for life. That is the fundamental distinction.

Is it any wonder that with this sort of inconsistency and confusion, Longford colluded with the crimes of Dafydd et al?

The age of consent for gay men was equalised at 16 in 2000. In the years before that, there were TV debates regarding the matter. The subject was discussed on daytime shows such as ‘Kilroy’. I was watching those shows in the mid-1990s because Dafydd was regularly turning up on them being touted as an ‘expert’. I saw the ‘Kilroy’ programme which discussed reducing the age of consent for homosexuality and it was bizarre. A collection of the truly bigoted had been invited including one Top Doctor – not Dafydd amazingly enough – who reassured Kilroy and the assembled company that homosexuality was a ‘mental illness’ and was not found in the animal kingdom (it is). There was one Tory MP who argued against reducing the age of consent – a young Nigel Evans, the Tory MP for the Ribble Valley, who grew up in Swansea. Years later Nigel Evans came out as gay and then famously stood trial in 2014 after a number of young men alleged that he had sexually assaulted them.

There was only one guest on the ‘Kilroy’ programme who dared support the reduction of the age of consent for gays to 16 and who faced the most dreadful hostility for doing so and that was Edwina Currie. I was so impressed with Edwina’s performance on the show that I wrote to her. I received a letter back from Edwina so quickly that I have never worked out how it happened. I posted the letter to Edwina at her Commons address from Bethesda and I received a reply as far as I can remember the next day. It was a complete mystery to me as to how that could have happened. I am now even more intrigued because I now know that when I was living at that address at that time I and my friends were under surveillance by the security services because of our challenges to and interest in Dafydd and the gang.

When that episode of ‘Kilroy’ was screened, Edwina, Nigel Evans and indeed Kilroy himself knew about at least some of Dafydd’s criminal activities in relation to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, which was in the news at the time.

 

Longford’s highly publicised condemnation of homosexuality in the late 1980s made him a regular target of the comedian Julian Clary, who often satirised Longford. When Julian Clary was much younger and a new face on the comedy circuit, he used to joke about the homosexual bullying which he maintained was endemic at his school. In one media interview he described his school as a living nightmare but stated that he felt unable to tell his parents what was happening to him because it was a prestigious school and they’d made sacrifices to send him there. More recently that school has been named as being part of a child abuse ring. Julian Clary has now gone very quiet about that school and after it was named in the media simply observed that he didn’t like it there very much. Clary’s mum was a probation officer and his dad was a policeman.

 

 

Frank Pakenham’s extended family are as interesting as he was. His elder brother Edward, from whom Frank inherited his earldom, was the 6th Earl Longford. Edward went to Eton and Christ Church, Oxford. At Eton he became an Irish Nationalist, taking inspiration from the Easter Rising in 1916 and the Russian Revolution of 1917. Edward learned Irish and adopted the name Eamon de Longphort. His political views made him unpopular at both Eton and Christ Church. Edward was an Anglo-Catholic who never left the Church of Ireland.

On 13 November 1946 Edward was nominated by the Taoiseach, Eamon de Valera, as a member of 5th Seanad Eireann, although he was not re-appointed to the 6th Seanad.

Lord Edward Longford became Chairman of the Gate Theatre in Dublin in 1930 and continued to work for the theatre until 1936, when he founded the Longford Players. He often collaborated with his wife, Christine, with whom he was also responsible for redecorating Pakenham Hall, now Tullynally Castle, in Chinese style. Pakenham Hall was often the scene of gatherings of Oxford-educated intellectuals such as John Betjeman, Evelyn Waugh and Maurice Bowra.

 

Frank and Edward’s dad Thomas Packenham, 5th Earl of Longford and his wife Lady Mary, had other children including Lady Julia, later Lady Julia Mount. Lady Julia Mount was the mother of Sir Ferdinand Mount, one of Thatcher’s favourite ‘thinkers’. Ferdinand Mount attended Eton and then Christ Church, Oxford. Mount worked at Conservative Party HQ as Head of the Number 10 Policy Unit, 1982–83, under Thatch and played a significant part in devising the 1983 General Election manifesto.

Mount was Editor of the TLS, 1991–2002 and then became a regular contributor to ‘Standpoint’ magazine. He wrote for ‘The Sunday Times’ and in 2005 joined The Daily Torygraph as a commentator. Sir Ferdinand serves as Chairman of the Friends of the British Library and was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society of Literature in 1991.

Ferdinand’s books include: ‘The Subversive Family: An Alternative History of Love and Marriage’ (1982); ‘Umbrella: A Pacific Tale’ (199); and ‘The Liquidator’ (1995).

 

The ‘Daily Mail’ coverage of Frank Longford’s death told us that Cardinal Cormac Murphy-O’Connor, the Archbishop of Westminster, paid tribute to Lord Longford’s loyalty to his faith: ‘I remember Lord Longford as a great friend and a man not afraid to be different. He was an outstanding Christian witness who devoted his entire life to the Catholic faith…’ Tony Benn, who served in Harold Wilson’s Gov’t with Lord Longford, 1964-68, remembered the peer as a ‘kindly and thoughtful’ man who served the nation for many decades: ‘He had a very long and distinguished career as a Catholic socialist statesman and a minister. His concern for people, and for prisoners in particular, was genuine. He simply did not believe that people should be allowed to rot in jail….He was a very kind and thoughtful man. I think he will be remembered as a very respected and well thought of man with a great conscience. He was just a very decent guy’. Juliet Lyon, Director of the Prison Reform Trust, said Lord Longford was a ‘remarkable’ man who was not afraid to stand up for his beliefs: ‘Lord Longford had a rare belief in humanity and a determination to stand up for people who could not stand up for themselves. Essentially, he refused to see people who had done terrible things as terrible people.’ Frances Crook, Director of the Howard League for Penal Reform, said she would miss Lord Longford both professionally and personally: ‘Firstly, he was one of the bravest people I have ever met because he would stand up and challenge what everybody else was saying. Secondly, he was compassionate and reminded people that nobody is beyond redemption. And thirdly he was also a wonderful lunch companion and could drink anyone under the table’.

Tony Blair said of Lord Longford after his death: ‘He was a great man of passionate integrity and humanity, and a great reformer committed to modernising the law, while also caring deeply for individuals’.

 

Longford had a big family and many of his children – Harriet Harman’s cousins – became well-known/influential or married well-known/influential people.

Lady Antonia Fraser is probably the most famous of Longford’s children. From 1956 until 1977, Antonia was married to Sir Hugh Fraser, the Roman Catholic Conservative Unionist MP for Stafford, who was a friend of the American Kennedy family. They had six children: three sons, Benjamin, Damian and Orlando; and three daughters, Rebecca Fitzgerald, wife of barrister Edward Fitzgerald QC, Flora Fraser and Natasha Fraser-Cavassoni. Edward Fitzgerald QC is joint Head of Doughty Street Chambers. Doughty Street Chambers contains Theo Huckle QC, the former Counsel-General of Wales, who had sight of the 10,000 documents in my possession detailing serious crime on the part of every agency with which I was involved over 25 years but did not act (see post ‘Theo Huckle QC’). Another leading light at Doughty Street Chambers is Helena Kennedy, who during her many years of working with Wimmin In Prison and Secure Hospitals has never uttered a word regarding the organised abuse of people in care settings (see post ‘Close Your Eyes And Make A WISH’), not even when she worked with Professor Nigel Eastman of St George’s Hospital Medical School, who was concealing the crimes of Dafydd, Oliver Brooke et al (see post ‘Eve Was Framed – As Were A Lot Of Other People’).

Flora Fraser married Peter Soros, nephew of George Soros. Benjamin Fraser works for JP Morgan, Damian Fraser is the Managing Director of the investment banking firm UBS AG (formerly S.G. Warburg) in Mexico and Orlando Fraser is a barrister specialising in commercial law.

Lady Antonia’s husband Hugh Fraser was a younger son of the 14th Lord Lovat. He was educated at Ampleforth College – now the focus of a major abuse investigation – and Balliol College, Oxford, where he was President of the Oxford Union. He also attended the Sorbonne. Fraser was elected MP for Stone in 1945, which later became Stafford and Stone from 1950 until 1983 and then Stafford until his death. He served as an MP continuously from 1945 until 1984.

A paedophile ring operated in the Stafford area for many years and the abuse of children in care in that location finally became public in the 1980s as a result of the Pindown Scandal (see previous posts). At least one foster carer who had raised concerns about children in care in the Stafford area being abused by social work staff found himself arrested and framed for child abuse himself. Fraser had been a member of Harold Macmillans Gov’t at the time of the Profumo Affair (see post ‘In Memoriam – Bronwen, Lady Astor’).

Hugh Fraser was the presumed target of an IRA car bomb on 23 October 1975. The bomb had been fitted to one of Fraser’s cars outside his home at Holland Park. A noted cancer researcher, Professor Gordon Hamilton Fairley, a neighbour of the Frasers, was walking past the car when the bomb exploded prematurely, killing him instantly. Fraser’s wife, Lady Antonia, and Caroline Kennedy – the daughter of John F. Kennedy – who was a guest of the Frasers and visiting London to complete an art course at Sotheby’s, would have been in the car when the bomb detonated had it not done so prematurely.

An article about the bomb blast was published in ‘The New York Times’, Oct 24 1974. It stated that ‘Miss Kennedy…was described by Mr. Fraser as “very shaken”… “I am fine,” she said. “I am sure this has nothing to do with me.” Prof. Gordon Hamilton Fairley…was killed…The leukemia specialist, who lived in the square, was professor in the department of medical oncology at St. Bartholomew’s Hospital in London…Recent work by Professor Fairley included treatment of acute myeloid leukemia… The work was performed with Prof. Peter Alexander, an expert in tumor immunology at Royal Marsden Hospital in London. “I can think of no greater catastrophe for clinical research than his loss,” said Professor Alexander….It was evident that Miss Kennedy and Mr. Fraser barely escaped serious injury. The bomb was planted under the front wheel of Mr. Fraser’s red Jaguar and exploded at 8:53. The 57‐year‐old M.P…was about to drive Miss Kennedy to her art course at Sotheby’s. He had stopped to telephone another Member of Parliament, Jonathan Aitken, when the bomb went off. “Normally I would have been in the car when this happened but I was on the telephone,” he said. “I normally leave the house between 8:15 and 8:30 each day.”…It was not immediately clear why Mr. Fraser was singled out. He is a well‐known member of the Roman Catholic community but has not taken a prominent role in the Irish question, except to condemn terrorism at various times. Mr. Fraser is also a stanch supporter of Israel.

Scotland Yard’s Deputy Assistant Commissioner, Ernest Bond, said: “We are convinced that Mr. Fraser was the target, not Caroline Kennedy. It is more than likely that the views Mr. Fraser has expressed from time to time against terrorism was the reason for this attack.”

Later in the day, Mr. Fraser received a standing ovation at the House of Commons and said in a voice choking with emotion: “We can all agree that every politician in this house is at risk, from whatever party – and all parties are determined to extirpate terrorism whatever the cost.”

He paid a special tribute to Professor Fairley, saying he had “probably done more for cancer research in this country than any other man.”

“It might be borne in mind by the public that this innocent victim in this case was a most distinguished man and has contributed perhaps more to the saving of human life than perhaps anyone in this House or in the whole medical profession.” Mr. Fraser said….

Tonight there was widespread reaction to Professor Fairley’s death. Dr. Nigel Kemp, honorary scientific secretary of the Cancer Research Campaign, said that the professor, who was in his mid‐forties, was virtually irreplaceable….’

In recent years, it has been suggested that some of those allegedly targeted by the IRA and other terrorist groups may have been targeted because of their involvement in child abuse and that those behind the attacks may not have always been the terrorist cells to whom the attacks were attributed. Hugh Fraser will have known about the child abuse ring in Stafford, his father-in-law Lord Longford definitely knew about it and John F. Kennedy and his associates have also been accused of involvement in some rather sordid activities. David Ormsby-Gore aka Lord Harlech met a sticky end after he served as Ambassador to the US while JFK was President, as did many members of his family. The Ormsby-Gores didn’t seem to have a habit of dying young and in suspicious circumstances until then. See post ’95 Glorious Years’ for details.

As for the innocent Top Doc who was accidentally killed when the bomb detonated ‘prematurely’ – he worked at Barts, which was also involved in the facilitating of an abuse/trafficking ring thanks to the presence of Dafydd’s mate Professor Linford Rees in that institution (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’) and the previous presence of Lady Juliet Bingley (see previous posts’). Furthermore Gordon Fairley’s colleagues at the Cancer Research Campaign were involved in large scale research fraud (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’).

That bomb could have been targeting any number of people.

Sir Hugh Fraser remained in Parliament until his death in March 1984 and Bill Cash retained the seat for the Tories at the subsequent by-election.

 

In 1975, Lady Antonia began an affair with Top Swearer Harold Pinter, who was then married to the actress Vivien Merchant. In 1977, after Lady Antonia had been living with Pinter for two years, the Frasers’ union was legally dissolved. Merchant spoke about her distress publicly to the press, but she resisted divorcing Pinter. In 1980, after Merchant signed divorce papers, Lady Antonia and the Sweary One married.

Harold Pinter talked posh but famously originated from Hackney. He frequented leftie luvvie circles and the world was entertained when it became known back in the 1980s that Lady Antonia and Harold were planning the revolution over a series of dinner parties at their place in Holland Park. I wonder why that particular plan failed.Holland Park home | Holland Park Lifestyle | Pinterest

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Citizen Smith

Swearing Harold found time for an affair with Joan Bakewell in his busy timetable.

In a review published in 1958, borrowing from the subtitle of The Lunatic View: A Comedy of Menace, a play by David Crompton, critic Irving Wardle called Pinter’s early plays ‘comedy of menace’, a label that people have applied repeatedly to Pinter’s work. Such plays begin with an apparently innocent situation that becomes both threatening and ‘absurd’ as Pinter’s characters behave in ways often perceived as inexplicable by his audiences and one another.

The Earl of Longford
Lord Longford 4 Allan Warren.jpg

Harold Pinter was a friend of Tom Stoppard, who was married to Top Doctor Miriam Stoppard of ‘Dear Miriam’ fame, before Tom ran off with Felicity Kendal and then hit gold with Sabrina Guinness, Carlo’s old flame, whom it was alleged turned down Carlo’s offer of marriage. Probably because she was older and rather sharper than Lady Di and knew what she would be letting herself in for.

I always think of Miriam as being someone who answered the readers’ problems in the ‘TV Times’ magazine – I think that they took Miriam on when they got rid of Katie Boyle – and then the ‘Daily Mirror’ and who wrote owners’ manuals for menopausal women, dispensing bad advice in the process, but there are far more sinister aspects to Miriam’s CV.

Miriam was born in Newcastle-upon-Tyne. Her father Sidney was a nurse and her mother Jenny worked for the Newcastle school dinners service. Male nurses were a rare thing in those days, except for in psychiatric nursing, so it is probable that this was the field in which Miriam’s father was employed. Newcastle and the surrounding area was the location of the paedophile/trafficking gang which supplied Dafydd’s gang with staff and children and the psychiatric services in Newcastle were a key part of the gang (see post ‘The Newcastle-upon-Tyne Connection?’).

Miriam trained as a nurse at the Newcastle General Hospital (Royal Free Medical School) and went on to study medicine at King’s College Durham (which became Newcastle University in 1963). It is unusual for nurses to subsequently train as Top Doctors, although these days it does sometimes happen. When Miriam did that it was virtually unheard of, not least because of the dreadful attitudes that Top Docs held and often still hold toward Angels. There were only a very, very small number of examples and in every case the Angel and/or her family knew of enormous wrongdoing in high places and quietly used that as leverage.

So Miriam, how did you or your dad or one of your close friends get to know the monster of the medical establishment who was based in Newcastle, Lord John Walton, who spent his entire career concealing the crimes of Dafydd and his associates in Newcastle (see post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’)?

It just got better and better for Miriam. After qualifying as a Top Doc, Miriam worked at the Newcastle’s Royal Victoria Infirmary and then as a senior registrar in dermatology at Bristol Royal Infirmary. Where Miriam will have got to know the Bristol contingent who propped up Dafydd’s partner-in-crime Dr D.G.E. Wood.

Miriam became Research Director and then Managing Director for Syntex, the drug company most well-known for producing the oral contraceptive pill. Syntex’s submission of a fraudulent toxicology analysis of naproxen largely led to the Food and Drug Administration’s uncovering of extensive scientific misconduct by  Industrial Bio-Test Laboratories in 1976. They never mentioned that in the ‘TV Times’ on the ‘Dear Miriam’ page.

Miriam became well known during the 1970s and 1980s as a television presenter on scientific and medical programmes such as ‘Don’t Ask Me’ and ‘Where There’s Life’.

‘Don’t Ask Me’ was a science show made by Yorkshire Television which ran from 1974 to 1978. It attempted to answer science-based questions and contributors included Magnus Pyke, Rob Buckman and David Bellamy. Those behind the scenes included Adam Hart-Davis. Buckman was one of those Top Docs who was a member of ‘Footlights’ in the late 1960s and worked with John Cleese and Graham Chapman (who had a penchant for picking up teenaged boys for sex as discussed in previous posts) and who starred in things like ‘The Pink Medicine Show’ in the 1970s.

Rob Buckman emigrated to Toronto, Canada, in 1985 and initially stayed with his cousin, journalist Barbara Amiel, who was married to Conrad Black, the press baron who at one time owned the Daily Torygraph. Black went to prison for fraud in 2007. In 1994 Buckman was named Canada’s Humanist of the Year and he was President of the Humanist Association of Canada and Chair of the Advisory Board on Bioethics of the International Humanist and Ethical UnionBuckman was a founding member of the Centre for Inquiry Canada. Buckman practiced medical oncology at the Princess Margaret Hospital, held a Chair in the Department of Medicine at the University of Toronto and held an adjunct Chair at the M.D. Anderson Cancer Center in the US state of Texas. Buckman died in his sleep while flying from London to Toronto on 9 October 2011. The cause was unknown, he was 63 and remarkably few questions were asked about that death. Buckman pegged out just as Operation Pallial re-opened the investigation into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal and the Macur Review of the Waterhouse Inquiry approached.

Rob Buckman undoubtedly knew about much of the abuse and wrongdoing which has been discussed on this blog, but he kept quiet, which was just as well because his brother Laurence Buckman, a GP, was Chairman of the BMA’s GP’s Committee, 2007-13. Buckman was educated at University College School in Hampstead – Trumpers’ husband Alan Barker was Headmaster there. It was Trumpers who appointed Jimmy Savile to the management board of Broadmoor when she was a junior Health Minister (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’). Laurence Buckman studied medicine at UCH and is the London President of the Jewish Medical Association.

It was when Laurence Buckman was a ‘negotiator’ for the BMA that the GPs laughable contract leaving them far richer despite doing less work was ‘negotiated’. Buckman became very upset when it was alleged that it was he who had helped bag the GPs big bucks. Buckman sought to expel this notion in an interview with the ‘Jewish Chronicle’ in 2009. It was stated that ‘He is regarded as a tough negotiator at the Department of Health. It was no coincidence that he was once dubbed “Red Robbo in a white coat”, a description he did not enjoy any more than when the editor of ‘The Lancet ‘said his behaviour was “shameful” and that he was guilty of “insulting cynicism about politicians and their constituents”. To which he responds: “If you put your head above the parapet, you must expect to be shot at.” 

Well Laurence, I and my friends were threatened with guns and being shot at because we dared put our heads up above the parapet when we complained about your people-trafficking colleagues. I don’t like people threatening to kill me and then trying to do it, so now you’ve got this blog. Furthermore, you’ve been somewhat rash putting your own head above the parapet and mouthing off constantly about the nation’s hard-working and modestly paid GPs and stating in that interview with the ‘Jewish Chronicle’ that ‘there are 8000 fewer people dead’ as a result of that GPs contract. You had no evidence for such a statement and one look at what has happened to general practice since you gave that interview demonstrates that you are a lying bastard.Peeling Oniontown - VICE

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Laurence Buckman got his ‘first experience of NHS and Health Department bureaucracy in 1992 when he joined the BMA GPs committee’. In 1992, the Gov’t was doing all that it could to conceal Dafydd’s role in the Westminster Paedophile Ring. Dafydd’s gang included Dr D.G.E. Wood, who was a leading light in the Royal College of GPs. Buckman will know him.

So how did the turd Buckman ever find himself in a position where he was able to order about a Gov’t who loathed him?

Since Buckman gave that interview to the ‘Jewish Chronicle’ in 2009, his brother died for no good reason in an aeroplane mid-transit. Buckman must be a worried man by now.

 

David Bellamy, Rob Buckman’s co-presenter on ‘Don’t Ask Me’, was a botanist based at Durham University. Bellamy was friendly with one of his colleagues who lectured at Durham who was the mother of a particularly dreadful forestry student at Bangor University, Louis Standen. I and my friends had the Standen Experience when he moved into our house in 1984, just as we found ourselves surrounded by so many difficult people, a number of whom I have now been told were gifts from the security services. Standen was an absolute bloody nightmare, was highly abusive, had a record of sexually aggressive behaviour towards girls before he ever arrived at Bangor and freely told us that it was his mum and her connections that secured him the place on the forestry degree at Bangor. After graduation, Louis was involved in a series of events bizarre even by his standards and years later hit the headlines when he was part of a spectacularly ineffective anti-nuclear protest while dressed as an elf or some such character. It was reported in the press that Louis was employed as David Bellamy’s chauffeur at the time. The last that I heard of Louis he was living in Glastonbury predicting the end of the world and touring festivals to dispense his wisdom regarding this matter.

Louis Standen’s parents were both involved with Radical Causes – his dad was the novelist and literary figure Michael Standen – and they hobnobbed with many of the activists previously named on this blog as having colluded with or concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al, such as Tony Benn (see post ‘No Cuts’).

Durham University was stuffed with people who knew about the organised abuse ring in the north east and its links with the gang in north Wales. Professor Eric Sunderland was appointed Principal of UCNW/Bangor University in 1984, after the paedophile gang in north Wales sent up a distress flare. Eric had spent most of his career at Durham University and proved a remarkably loyal friend to Dafydd’s gang, although Eric was heavily camouflaged (see previous posts). Eric Sunderland took up his post at Bangor the same year that Louis arrived at the University.

David Bellamy was well-known for fostering/adopting children.

Adam Hart-Davis, the behind the scenes mover and shaker for ‘Don’t Ask Me’ is linked to people who have kept quiet about research fraud, dodgy practice and abuse (see post ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’).

 

Miriam has a company, Miriam Stoppard Lifetime, through which she flogs her books and health products. In August 2012, writing in the Daily Mirror, Stoppard supported UCL’s Institute of Child Health research which suggested reviewing the recommendation of exclusive breastfeeding until six months, adding that the appearance of teeth should signal the end of breastfeeding. I think that Miriam should probably stop telling other women what to do, it hasn’t been that helpful…

Nevertheless, Miriam was named Journalist of the Year at the Stonewall Awards on 6 November 2012.

Miriam was married to Tom Stoppard from 1972 to 1992; one of her sons is the actor Ed Stoppard and her sister is the ‘social justice activist’ Murreil Hazel Stern, mother of the Champion Of The Oppressed Baroness Oona King (see post ‘We’ve Been Expecting You…’). Oona’s dad is the academic and African-American civil rights activist Preston Theodore King. Preston King has taught at a number of universities within and outside of the UK, including Keele University. Keele had a problem at the time that Preston King taught there, in so far as some staff were concealing organised abuse.

In 1997, as the Waterhouse Inquiry got underway, Miriam married the industrialist Sir Christopher Hogg.

Hogg began his career with Philip Hill Higginson Erlangers Ltd (now Hill Samuel & Co Ltd); from 1963–66 and then worked for Courtaulds from 1968 onwards, which at the time was Europe’s largest textile company. He became a Director in 1973, was appointed Chief Executive in 1979 and became Executive Chairman on 1 January 1980. He retired as Chief Executive in 1991. 

Courtaulds owned the British Cellophane factory in Bridgwater which for many years was Bridgwater’s biggest employer. Cellophane closed down in 2005 which caused much grief in Bridgwater. People were perplexed as to why the factory had closed. By then the Cellophane factory was owned by Innovia, who decided to close one of its two plants at either Bridgwater or Tecumseh, Kansas. British economic development officials offered a $120,000 tax break over three years to Innovia to preserve the Bridgwater plant, while Kansas offered $2 million if it kept the plant at Tecumseh open. As a result, the profit-making Bridgwater factory closed in the summer of 2005, while the loss-making factory in Tecumseh remained open.

By the time that the Cellophane factory was closed, the dreadful Ian Liddell-Grainger had succeeded Tom King as the Tory MP for Bridgwater. Liddell-Grainger’s claim to fame is that he is a great-great-great grandson of Queen Victoria. Before becoming an MP, Liddell-Grainger was commissioned as a Major in the TA with the 6th Battalion of the Royal Regiment of Fusiliers, commanding the machine-gun Platoon and then X Company of the Battalion in Newcastle-upon-Tyne. Liddell-Grainger served on Tynedale District Council, 1989-95. So he knew about the trafficking gang in the north east linked to Dafydd’s gang.

Liddell-Grainger succeeded Tom King as MP in 2001, after King was given a peerage. King picked up his peerage the year after the Waterhouse Report concealed the barrel of crap in north Wales/Cheshire which King knew about and knew that some of his constituents knew about as well (see posts ‘Those Who Are Ready To Serve’ and ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’).

 

Christopher Hogg served as a member of the Dept of Industry’s Industrial Development Advisory Board from 1976-80. Hogg was a member of JP Morgan’s International Advisory Council, 1988-2003 and served as a Non-Executive Director of the Bank of England from March 1992 for a four-year term and as a Trustee of the Ford Foundation from 1987-99.

Hogg was appointed to the Bank of England when Robin Leigh-Pemberton was the Governor, 1983-93. My post ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’ describes how from the late 1980s onward, people known to me in Somerset who remained silent about what was happening to me in north Wales found themselves in possession of a great deal of money after their company was inexplicably cultivated by a bunch of over-privileged tossers who were members of the Dangerous Sports Club. A leading light in the DSC was Robin Leigh-Pemberton’s son Tommy. Tommy Leigh-Pemberton was shot dead in Nairobi when he was doing something that he should not have been, which would have resulted in much bad publicity for his father had it been widely known, so the circumstances of Tommy’s death were concealed (see post ‘The Village’).

Lord Kingsdown’s son – Tommy’s brother – the Hon. James Henry Leigh-Pemberton is a British banker and the incumbent Receiver-General for the Duchy of Cornwall. Robin Leigh-Pemberton was the Chancellor of the Duchy of Cornwall. James currently serves as the Executive Chairman of UK Financial Investments. James Leigh-Pemberton was educated at Eton and started his career at S.G. Warburg & Co before becoming a Managing Director at Credit Suisse Investment Banking in London. On 7 July 2008, James was appointed CEO of Credit Suisse’s businesses in the UK. He currently serves as the Executive Chairman of UK Financial Investments. James Leigh-Pemberton is also a Trustee of the Duke of Cornwall Benevolent fund and The Royal Collection Trust.

 

Christopher Hogg joined the board of Allied Domecq in 1995 and was Chairman, 1996-March 2002. He was a Non-Executive Director of Reuters Group from 1984 and its Chairman, 1985-2004 and later served as Chairman of the Financial Reporting Council, 2006-April 2010. Hogg was a Non-Executive Director of Air Liquide, 2000–05, and of SmithKline Beecham, 1993-2000. He was a Non-Executive Director of GlaxoSmithKline from 2000, and its Chairman, 2002-04. Hogg Chaired the National Theatre, 1995-2004.

Hogg attended Marlborough College and Trinity College, Oxford. He attended IMEDE Business School (Lausanne, 1962), before going to Harvard where he completed his MBA.

 

Frank Pakenham’s heir, Thomas Pakenham, the 8th Earl Longford, is a journo and historian. After graduating from Belvedere College and Magdalen College, Oxford in 1955, Thomas Pakenham travelled to Ethiopia. On returning to Britain, Thomas worked on the Editorial staff of ‘The Times’ and later for ‘The Sunday Telegraph’ and ‘The Observer’. He is the Chairman of the Irish Tree Society.

Patrick Pakenham, another of Frank Pakenham’s children, was a barrister who died in 2005. Patrick had a difficult life, particularly after he developed manic depression, which resulted in him being admitted to nursing homes on three occasions and prevented him from continuing his career. Even before Patrick became ill, he seemed to have had some very bad experiences. He was ‘treated badly’ – one presumes that it must have been very badly – as an Army cadet which resulted in him having a breakdown and then in 1963 he was involved in a boating accident in which two of his friends died. In 1982 Patrick and his father set up the Help Charitable Trust and Patrick began visiting mentally ill prisoners. So like his dad, Patrick knew just how grim the prevailing situation was/is. I presume that Patrick was admitted to ‘nursing homes’ during his periods of illness because no-one was going to risk his neck in NHS long term psychiatric care. Dafydd is of course for other people…

Patrick’s sister Judith is a poet. She formerly worked for Chelsea Labour Party but left the Party in 1999. Since 2001, Judith has helped campaign for Occupied Palestine. In 1963 she married Alexander John Kazantis; then in 1998 Judith married lawyer and writer Irving Weinman, who was active in Jews4Justice4Palestines. Judith and Irving lived in the Brighton area, but then Longford’s children – or at least some of them – were brought up in East Sussex.

John Allen owned brothels in Brighton and London to which he trafficked kids in care from north Wales. The firebomb which killed five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal in April 1992 was thrown into a building in Brighton (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

Another of Frank Longford’s daughters is Rachel Billington. She has written plays for BBC Television’s ‘Play for Today’ series and several radio plays and has contributed to film scripts. Rachel Billington also works as a journo for newspapers in both the UK and the US and worked for three years as a columnist for ‘The Sunday Telegraph’. Rachel Billington was President of English PEN, 1998-2001 and is now Honorary Vice-President. During her time as President Billington initiated PEN’s Readers & Writers programme which sends books and writers to meet readers in schools, prisons and other institutions which lack resources. Rachel is a Trustee of the Longford Trust which was set up in memory of her father. As well as being involved with the prisoners newspaper ‘Inside Time’, she is a Trustee of ‘The Tablet’ and of the Siobhan Dowd Trust, set up to encourage reading among disadvantaged children.

Rachel is married to the film, theatre and television director Kevin Billington. Kevin was educated at Bryanston School and Queen’s College, Cambridge. He worked for the BBC as a radio producer in Leeds, 1959–60 and then for television in Manchester, 1960–61, before working on the early evening ‘Tonight’ programme and on documentaries for the BBC and ATV until 1967. Billington’s theatre work includes several productions of plays by his brother-in-law Harold Pinter. His TV work includes ‘A Time to Dance’ (BBC 1992), adapted by Melvyn Bragg from his own work of fiction.

Another of Longford’s sons, Michael Aidan Pakenham, was educated at Ampleforth and Trinity College, Cambridge. Michael was briefly a reporter for the Washington Post before joining the Foreign Office to pursue a career as a diplomat in 1965. He served in Nairobi and Warsaw before being seconded to the Cabinet Office, 1971–74 as Assistant Private Secretary and then Private Secretary, to the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancashire, Geoffrey Rippon, then John Davies, who at that time had special responsibilities for the co-ordination of British policy towards the EC. Geoffrey Rippon was one of those who played a role in the unlawful arrest and imprisonment of Mary Wynch (see post ‘A Few Of The Relevant Politicians Re Mary Wynch’s Case’).

In 1974 Michael Pakenham was at the CSCE in Geneva, then was posted to New Delhi, 1974–78 and Washington DC, 1978–1983. He was Head of the Arms Control and Disarmament Department at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, 1983–87; Counsellor (External Relations) to the UK Permanent Representative to the EC, Brussels, 1987–91; Ambassador and Counsel-General to Luxembourg, 1991–94; and Minister in Paris, 1994–97.

Pakenham was then seconded to the Cabinet Office again as Deputy Secretary for Defence and Overseas Affairs 1997–99, then Chairman of the Joint Intelligence Committee, 1997–2000 (also Intelligence Co-ordinator 1999–2000). Finally he was posted to Warsaw as Ambassador to Poland, 2001–03.

Since retiring from the Diplomatic Service, Pakenham has been Chairman of Pakenvest International; senior adviser to Access Industries; non-executive Director of the Westminster Group; a Trustee of Chevening House; and a lay member of the governing Council of King’s College, London and its Vice-Chairman since 2009.

Pakenham married Mimi Lavine (born Meta Doak) in 1980; they have two daughters. They also have two step daughters, Dr Lisa Nagy of Martha’s Vineyard and Lindsay Lavine Webster of Spartanburg, South Carolina.

Longford’s daughter Catherine Pakenham was a journo who died in car crash in 1969.

There is another son, Kevin Pakenham, who is a banker.

 

Now for a brief news round-up:

On Saturday morning on Radio 4 an Angel from north Wales rang a phone-in programme to tell Radio 4 about her hard life as an advanced practitioner in north Wales, how the patients don’t appreciate her and how she is doing the job of a GP because of ‘the crisis’. This Angel mentioned that among her many patients, there are people with mental health problems. The Angel failed to mention that she works for a Health Board that is in special measures as a result of staff being filmed undercover seriously abusing elderly mentally ill patients and that the regional NHS has such an atrocious reputation that no GPs will relocate there, which is why the Angel has been given the responsibilities of a GP. From what the Angel said on the radio, it sounded as if she works near Wrexham. She forgot to tell Radio 4 that many of her colleagues facilitated one of the biggest paedophile rings in the UK. The journo asked the Angel what her salary was and commiserated with her being ‘low paid’. The Angel giggled and said that she didn’t want to reveal her salary on air. That will be because as an advanced practitioner the Angel be on at least £40k which is rather more than most people in Wrexham – which has one of the biggest homelessness problems in Wales – will be earning, even if they’re commuting to Chester every day in pursuit of a higher salary.

BBC News Wales Online reported that the Welsh Ambulance Service are having yet another trauma, this time regarding the number of their staff who are so stressed out that they are all off sick. I was interested to note that the rep who was angrily spinning the latest sob story demanding that the Welsh Gov’t Act Now was exactly the same man who in 2017 was brimming over with praise for the Welsh Gov’t after they had awarded the staff of the Welsh Ambulance Service a generous pay increase.

There was a very much more interesting interview on Dominic Lawson’s Sunday morning Radio 4 programme ‘Why I Changed My Mind’. Lawson interviewed the paediatrician Dr Waney Squire. Dr Squire has suffered very badly at the hands of the medical establishment because she dared to challenge the notion of ‘shaken baby syndrome’. Waney Squire’s work was thorough and based on very sound science but because she challenged her colleagues and defended parents who stood accused of murdering their children, she was investigated by the GMC and struck off. Lawson concentrated on Squire moving from a position of accepting the notion of shaken baby syndrome to believing that it did not exist. It was an interesting interview, but Lawson missed the worst aspect of Dr Squire being struck off, which was that once she was put out of action, there was not one Top Doc in the UK who dared question shaken baby syndrome and give evidence in defence of accused people protesting their innocence. So if Dafydd accuses any readers of this blog of shaking a baby and killing him/her and they are had up for murder, they will find that there is not one Top Doc in the UK who will dare speak in their defence, because if they do, that Top Doc will probably be struck off.

Dafydd is still practising.

It was reported that a ‘doctors union’, the HCSA, is demanding the resignation of Charlie Massey, the Chief Exec of the GMC, in the wake of the saga involving Dr Bawa-Garba, the junior doctor who won her appeal against being struck off after a little boy died in her care following a string of errors (see post ‘We’ve Been Expecting You…’). The HCSA is the Hospitals Consultants and Specialists Association, which represents senior doctors. It was made very clear that in the case of Dr Bawa-Garba, her patient died because there was no consultant for her to seek advice from, the consultant on call ‘not realising’ that he was on call and was therefore moonlighting at another hospital elsewhere. Dr Bawa-Garba’s nursing colleagues told the media that the hospital involved, the Leicester Royal Infirmary, had been dangerous for years because there were never consultants available from whom junior staff could seek advice.

No wonder the HCSA is after Charlie Massey’s blood – the blame for the sacrificing of Dr Bawa-Garba has been placed very firmly on them. Are any of them now going to fulfil their legal obligations and ensure that they are available for their junior staff when they are on-call?

Charlie Massey should of course resign, but not because of Dr Bawa-Garba. Charlie Massey should go because Dafydd is STILL on the medical register.

Perhaps the HCSA would like to consider the following scene from An Everyday Story Of North Wales Folk. Some years ago two people known to me set up a community charity and one of the other people involved in the charity was a Top Doctor, a paediatrician from Ysbyty Gwynedd. The two people whom I knew became increasingly worried about this paediatrician as it became clear that he was a serial liar and seemed very exploitative towards vulnerable people. One evening he was at a meeting with others from the charity to discuss matters relating to the charity and his bleeper went off. The others at the meeting said ‘ooh do you need to go?’ The paediatrician said ‘no its OK, I’m on call but I’ll just switch this off and ignore it or I’ll be disturbed all evening’. He was as good as his word. He switched his bleeper off and did not bother to even find out who was trying to get hold of him or why. He was the consultant on call that night.

The paediatrics dept at Ysbyty Gwynedd was known to be so unsafe that local Top Doctors had an agreement that if their own children were taken ill, they would not be admitted to Ysbyty Gwynedd.

Would the HCSA like to let us know whether they would be happy for their kids to be treated by Dr Ali Bates of Tregarth, who could not be arsed to answer his bleep when he was on call? Ali Bates switched that bleep off because he had better things to do back in about 2003. If anyone was harmed or died as a result, Ysbyty Gwynedd will have lied, in the way that they lied after all the other patients had suffered at the hands of their dangerous, negligent staff and the Welsh Gov’t will have backed them up all the way.

Keep screaming and stamping your feet Top Docs, just keep it up. I worked at Hammersmith and St George’s and lived in north Wales for decades. I have many more anecdotes that I have not yet blogged about and I’ve only touched the surface of my 10,000 documents so far on this blog…

The other news item that caused a stir recently was the report that Vince Cable was going to put the Lib Dems on a firm footing and would then resign as Leader. Only the next day Vince stated that he would not be resigning after all.

Additional Security Measures

The last couple of days has seen a flurry of excitement after the release of some Gov’t papers from the National Archives. Being a nerd I really enjoy such things, so I caught up with as many of the stories as I could.

It was revealed that in 1992  Sir Richard Lloyd-Jones, the Permanent Secretary in the Welsh Office, wanted John Major to hold a Cabinet meeting in Wales and wrote a letter suggesting this to Andrew Turnbull, Principal Private Secretary to Major, explaining that there were two buildings in Cardiff which were grand enough to host the Cabinet.  Andrew – now Lord – Turnbull told Richard Lloyd-Jones to speak to Sir Robin Butler, the Cabinet Secretary. The request was refused.

Sir Richard Lloyd-Jones was Permanent Secretary at the Welsh Office, 1985-93. So Sir Richard was the most senior civil servant there whilst children in care in north Wales were raped, buggered, beaten, starved, forced to labour in local businesses for no pay, trafficked to London and Brighton as well as to locations in Europe to work in the porn and sex trade and were found dead in questionable circumstances. Sir Richard was in post whilst care workers from north Wales were appearing in Court charged with physical and sexual assaults on children yet whilst the Welsh Office’s Social Services Inspectorate failed to inspect some of the children’s homes at all over a period of years and only undertook the most cursory inspections of others. Sir Richard was at the helm when serious complaints about the social services and mental health services in north Wales were either ignored or dismissed out of hand. He was in post when I – as well as other people – were unlawfully arrested and incarcerated in the psychiatric wards of Ysbyty Gwynedd and the North Wales Hospital Denbigh by Dr Dafydd Alun Jones, Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) and the staff of Gwynedd Social Services. Sir Richard ran the Welsh Office whilst it employed the corrupt lawyer Andrew Park, who held in-depth discussions with and advised the mental health services as to how to gain a High Court injunction against me and then subsequently prosecute me for allegedly breaching that injunction, although Park himself acknowledged that they were perjuring themselves because I had not committed the offences as accused. Sir Richard ran the Welsh Office when it employed Professor Robert Owen as its Medical Ombudsman. Robert Owen was appointed to investigate my complaints about the mental health services and then collaborated and colluded with Alun Davies (the manager of the Gwynedd mental health services), Dr D.G.E. Wood (the corrupt GP who had initially referred me to the mental health services) and others from Gwynedd Health Authority without my knowledge – some of the phone calls and correspondence were taken at and sent to Owen’s home at Colwyn Bay. Owen then asked Professor Robert Bluglass and Dr Colin Berry to investigate my complaint – every part of my complaint involving Tony Francis and Gwynedd Social Services went uninvestigated, Dafydd went unchallenged despite telling bare-faced lies at the inquiry and Bluglass could not bring himself to admit that Dafydd had broken the law repeatedly, although Bluglass received oral and written evidence from staff at the North Wales Hospital testifying that he had (see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’). No action of any sort was taken against Dafydd although a ‘discussion’ was held with him. I later found out that Bluglass had worked and co-authored with close colleagues of Francis and Dafydd.

At the time that I complained about Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities, the Welsh Office – under Sir Richard – had sent in a management team to Gwynedd Health Authority as a result of the serious mismanagement and dire financial situation that prevailed. The chaos was such that it was discussed in the Commons (see post ‘A Visit To Gwynedd Archives’).

Lloyd-Jones ran the Welsh Office whilst Alison Taylor repeatedly blew the whistle on the abuse of children in care in north Wales and was dismissed from her job as a social worker by Gwynedd County Council. He ran the Welsh Office when Mary Wynch won leave to sue Dafydd, Clwyd Health Authority and Risley Remand Centre and was in post when they fessed up and agreed to pay Mary compensation (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). Sir Richard was still in post when they all then refused to stump up the compensation as agreed.

This civil service mandarin spent years concealing the most serious criminality. He stepped down the year after five witnesss to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed in a firebomb attack (see post ‘The Silence of the Welsh Lambs’) and after allegations of a paedophile ring operating in the north Wales children’s homes involving politicians, civil servants, members of the security services, police officers, doctors, lawyers and others had appeared in the London-based media. In the year that Sir Richard stepped down, the North Wales Police – who conducted the investigation into the abuse despite allegations that some of their own officers had been involved – concluded that there was no evidence of a paedophile ring in north Wales/Cheshire. In the same year the demands for a Public Inquiry into events in north Wales grew and in the following year the Jillings Investigation into the abuse of children in care -but only in Clwyd – since 1974 began.

Lloyd-Jones had been concealing crime at Welsh Office level long before he became Permanent Secretary. He joined the Welsh Office as Under-Secretary in 1974 and remained in that role until 1978. He was then Deputy Secretary until 1985. So Sir Richard was in one of the most senior positions at the Welsh Office when Mary Wynch was unlawfully arrested, imprisoned and fleeced of her property by Dafydd and his partners in crime at Risley Remand Centre. He will have been involved in the earlier cover-ups regarding the abuse of children in care and patients at the North Wales Hospital under the Secretary of State in Wilson’s and Callaghan’s Govt’s ie. John Morris. Lloyd-Jones then continued the cover-up under Thatcher’s Secretaries of State ie. Nicholas Edwardes, Peter Walker and David Hunt.

Sir Richard, like Dafydd, is now elderly but he is still with us. Sir Richard – can you tell us anything about the lobotomies, the deaths, the abductions and the underground chamber where patients were confined at the North Wales Hospital? Like me, you will have known about it all.

Richard Lloyd-Jones began his career in the civil service in 1957 when he entered the Admiralty. He was Assistant Private Secretary to the First Lord of the Admiralty, 1959-62 -Lord Carrington. Richard Lloyd-Jones will therefore have known Admiral Sir Alec Bingley.

Sir Alec had a long and distinguished career in the Royal Navy. During World War II he was Commander-In-Chief of the home fleet. Subsequently Bingley was appointed Fifth Sea Lord and in 1954 Deputy Chief of Naval Staff (Air). In 1958 he became Flag Officer, Aircraft Carriers and in 1959 was appointed Commander-In-Chief, Mediterranean Fleet and Naval Commander of the Allied Forces in the Mediterranean in 1959. In 1961 Bingley became the Commander-In-Chief of Portsmouth and Allied Commander-In-Chief. He retired in 1963. Sir Alec’s wife Lady Juliet was the daughter of a Top Doctor and became a medical social worker. In 1972 Lady Juliet became involved with the National Association of Mental Health (MIND) and was appointed Chair in 1979. Sir Alec and Lady Juliet’s son William concealed the criminal activities of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones et al in north Wales as well as the serious abuse of patients in Moss Side/Park Lane/Ashworth Hospitals for many years from the early 1980s onwards whilst he was legal officer and then legal director of MIND and continued to conceal the criminality when he was Chief Executive of the Mental Health Act Commission (see post ‘Security, Security’).

Dr T. Gwynne Williams, the lobotomist at the North Wales Hospital and Dafydd’s partner in crime, spent years as a surgeon in the Royal Navy whilst Sir Alec occupied very senior roles in the service. Jim Callaghan, whose Gov’t concealed the wrongdoing of Dafydd and Gwynne by utilising the talents of Sir Richard Lloyd-Jones, also liked to flag up his Royal Navy credentials. Callaghan joined the Royal Navy in 1942 but in 1944 was hospitalised with TB in the Royal Naval Hospital Haslar, near Portsmouth. He was discharged from the Navy and assigned to duties in the Admiralty in Whitehall no less. Whilst he was on leave, Callaghan was selected as the Parliamentary candidate for the Labour Party for Cardiff South – Callaghan beat the future Speaker of the House child molester George Thomas aka Lord Tonypandy to win the nomination. In 1945 Callaghan then did a brief stint with the East Indies Fleet and after VE day returned to the UK and won a landslide victory in Cardiff South in the 1945 General Election.

Callaghan’s wiki entry states that he was the last Prime Minister to be an armed forces veteran and the only PM ever to have served in the Navy. Although it sounds as though Callaghan didn’t actually see much active service – he was in hospital or in Whitehall ingratiating himself to influential folk in the Admiralty for much of the time and when he did see active service he seems to have carefully kept himself out of danger. Which is exactly what he did throughout his political career. Could it possibly have been the case that old Callaghan was one of those with connections to MI5 or MI6 who was under suspicion of using those connections to conceal the paedophile ring in north Wales/Chester and the links to the Westminster Paedophile Ring?

Between 1969-70 Richard Lloyd-Jones was Private Secretary to Harold Wilson’s Cabinet Secretary, Burke Trend. Burke was an alumnus of Merton College, Oxford and after graduation joined the civil service. For most of his career Burke served in the Treasury, but he was Cabinet Secretary under Harold Wilson and then Ted Heath, 1963-73. Burke received a peerage in 1974 and also became Rector of Lincoln College, Oxford.

In the 1970s Burke led an investigation into allegations of penetration into the British security services from before World War II to the 1960s. Burke concluded that there was insufficient evidence to support the allegations. Thank goodness for that, it’s not as if we would ever want irresponsible people concealing criminal behaviour or even the murders of the victims of a paedophile gang working in the security services.

Burke’s son Michael Trend was educated at Westminster School and Oriel College, Oxford. He worked as a journalist for the Times Literary Supplement, History Today, the Spectator and was the chief leader writer for the Daily Telegraph, 1990-92.

Trend was Tory MP for Maidstone and Windsor, 1992-97 and then for Windsor (after the constituency was renamed and reconfigured), 1997-2005. Michael was elected in the General Election of 1992 – which saw the retirement of Sir Peter Morrison who had been the Tory MP for Chester and who was abusing kids in care from north Wales as well as elsewhere. 1992 saw the distributing of peerages to many who had concealed organised child abuse. Just days after Michael was elected, the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were murdered by that firebomb.

Michael Trend was Deputy Chairman and Chief Executive of the Conservative Party until 2000. He was Chair of the party’s International Office until Sept 2005. Trend is said to have participated in ‘extensive democracy building work with in the former Soviet Union and in Africa’.

In Dec 2002 Michael Trend agreed to repay £90k to the Commons after wrongfully claiming. In Feb 2003 he was found guilty of abusing the allowances system. Trend was briefly suspended from Parliament and did not stand for election again.

Lloyd-Jones was Assistant Secretary at the Ministry of Defence, 1970-74. The Secretary of State for Defence was one Lord Carrington. At the time, the British Army had been sent into N Ireland and the troubles were well underway – as was the concealing of the abuse of children in the Kincora Boys Home in Belfast, allegedly by Whitehall civil servants, Army Officers and others. The Secretaries of State for N Ireland during those years were Willie Whitelaw and Francis Pym. Whitelaw concealed the paedophile gang in north Wales for years in his capacity as Deputy Leader of the Conservative Party and as Chair of the Tory Party as well as in numerous other roles and he concealed the abuse of children at the Kincora Boys Home in Belfast. In July 1972 Whitelaw met an IRA leader in Minister of State Paul Channon’s house in Chelsea for discussions (see post ‘Is The Party Over Yet?’).

Richard Lloyd-Jones was Chairman of the Civil Service Benevolent Fund, 1987-93 and a Trustee between 1993-2000. He sat on the Advisory Committee on Local Gov’t Staff Transfers (Wales), 1993-94 and on the Local Gov’t Staff Committee for Wales, 1994-97. Lloyd-Jones was a member of the BBC General Advisory Council, 1994-96 and of the Commission for Local Democracy, 1994-95. He was Chairman of Age Concern Cymru, 1999-05 and President, 1996-99. Lloyd-Jones was involved with Age Concern England from 2000 until either the present day or very recently.

Margaret Hanson, the Vice-Chairman of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board was Chief Executive of Age Concern for North East Wales, 2004-14. Hanson previously worked as a social worker for children and families in Cheshire, whilst the paedophile gang that also operated in north Wales was active in Cheshire. Hanson was also a Councillor in Cheshire and Mayor of a Cheshire town. Hanson’s husband David Hanson is MP for Delyn and was also a Councillor in Cheshire whilst the paedophile gang was busy. David Hanson was PPS to Tony Blair from 2001 whilst the surviving witnesses to the wrongdoing in north Wales were threatened, harasssed and prosecuted on the basis of the paedophiles’ friends perjuring themselves (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part II’).

Richard Lloyd-Jones was Vice-Chairman of the Prince of Wales Committee, 1993-96 and was a member of the Prince’s Trust, 1996-99. He was a member of the Court of the University of Wales, 1995-2000 and the National Museum of Wales, 1996-99. Lloyd-Jones was appointed a member of the Court and Council of Cardiff University in 2004 and is either still there or was until very recently and was Vice-President of the University of Wales Cardiff, 1993-04.

Lloyd-Jones was a member of Groundworks Methyr and Rhondda Cynon Taff, 1996-present day (or until very recently) and has been President of Welsh Council of the Ramblers Association, 1993-2011. Sir Richard’s wife Helen is Chair of the Ramblers Association and was previously a member of the Countryside Council for Wales.

Between 1999-2005 Sir Richard was Chairman of the Fishguard International Music Festival. At one point Lloyd-Jones made a formal complaint to the Press Complaints Commission when The Times erroneously stated that ‘Folk at the Fish’ was part of the Fishguard Festival. The Times amended its records accordingly after Sir Richard made representation. What a pity that Sir Richard did not show as much concern about a vicious paedophile gang with links to organised crime which imprisoned and murdered its victims whilst it operated within the services for which he was responsible.

Sir Richard was Chairman of the Arts Council of Wales, 1994-97.

Richard Lloyd-Jones went to Balliol College, Oxford. As did a few others who have been outed on this blog.

 

The man to whom Sir Richard wrote to suggest a Cabinet meeting in Wales was Andrew Turnbull, who in 1992 was Principal Private Secretary to John Major. Turnbull was appointed Principal Private Secretary to the PM in 1988 and initially served under Thatcher. Turnbull will have known about Sir Peter Morrison’s activities and a great deal else. He was in post when Morrison was Deputy Chair of the Conservative Party and whilst Morrison organised Thatcher’s failed leadership campaign before she resigned in Nov 1990.

Turnbull was educated at Enfield Grammar and Christ’s College, Cambridge. After working as Principal Private Secretary to the PM Turnbull was appointed Permanent Secretary at DEFRA. He then occupied the second highest ranking civil service post in Gov’t, Permanent Secretary to the Treasury, 1998-02. Turnbull was then appointed Cabinet Secretary and Head of the Home Civil Service, a post which he held until 2005, whilst Blair was PM.

In recent decades the two most senior civil service posts in Gov’t – Cabinet Secretary and head of the Home Civil Service – have been filled by the same person. Turnbull filled both roles, as did his successor Gus O’Donnell. The role of Cabinet Secretary was created in 1916 by David Lloyd George and it was a controversial move at the time. The Cabinet Secretary is responsible for the organisation of the Cabinet Office and for providing support to the PM and Gov’t as a whole. When Turnbull succeeded to the dual role in Sept 2002 Blair asked him to focus on the management of the civil service. Tom Bower’s book ‘Broken Vows’ discusses Blair’s lack of understanding of the machinery of Gov’t and his desire to basically exclude the civil service from the process of Gov’t in some detail.

In Feb 2004 Turnbull wrote to ex-Minister Clare Short admonishing her for her media statements alleging that British intelligence had intercepted communications from others, including the Secretary General of the UN Kofi Annan. Short made Turnbull’s confidential letter public and rebuked Turnbull for allegedly allowing the Gov’t decision-making machinery to crumble during the run-up to the 2003 Iraq War. Short suggested that the Attorney General Lord Goldsmith had been ‘leant on’ to provide advice that the war would be legal. Short also alleged that Turnbull was responsible for the inadequate Cabinet scrutiny of Goldsmith’s legal advice. In March 2005 Turnbull revealed that Goldsmith’s opinion re the legality or otherwise of the Iraq War was one page long.

Turnbull received a peerage in 2005.

Turnbull gave evidence to the Iraq Inquiry in Jan 2010.

In 2006 Turnbull was appointed Chair of Zambia Orphans Aid UK and in 2007 he became a Senior Executive Advisor with Booz Allen Hamilton. Turnbull is a Trustee of the Global Warming Policy Foundation. In 2011 the Foundation issued a report in Turnbull’s name claiming that global temperatures were ‘on a plateau’ and which called for more scepticism on global warming.

Turnbull is a Governor of Dulwich College and has been Chair of the Board of Governors since 2009.

Turnbull was succeeded  at the Treasury and then as Cabinet Secretary and head of the Home Civil Service by Sir Gus O’Donnell.

When Lloyd-Jones wrote to Turnbull suggesting a Cabinet meeting in Wales, Andrew Turnbull suggested that he should speak to Sir Robin Butler, the Cabinet Secretary.

Robin Butler was the Mr Big of the mandarins who concealed serious crime. Butler went to Harrow School, spent a year teaching at St Dunstan’s in Burnham-on-Sea and then went to University College, Oxford. Butler joined the Treasury in 1961 and remained there until 1969. He held a succession of senior roles and in 1969 was seconded to the Bank of England and several City institutions.

Butler was Private Secretary to Heath (1972-74) and Wilson (1974-75), Principal Private Secretary to Thatcher (1982-85) and Private Secretary to Major and Blair. He does not seem to have been Private Secretary to Callaghan – there will have been a reason for that but I haven’t yet found out what it was. Butler was Cabinet Secretary and head of the Home Civil Service, 1988-98, whilst both Major and Blair were PM. It is obvious from Butler’s CV that he will have known all about Sir Peter Morrison – Morrison was a Minister whilst Butler was Principal Private Secretary to Thatcher – and the associated chaos in north Wales. Documents also show that Butler and Margaret Thatcher knew about the allegations that Cyril Smith was sexually abusing children. Butler knew about Jimmy Savile as well because Thatcher was warned by civil servants that giving Jimmy Savile a knighthood could backfire very badly as a result of aspects of his ‘private life’ – Thatch continued to lobby vigorously for Savile to be knighted and in 1990 it happened.

Whilst Butler was Cabinet Secretary and head of the Civil Service, the constant cover-ups into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal took place, including the Waterhouse Inquiry, as well as the murders of the five witnesses days after the 1992 General Election. Butler presided over the civil service whilst the Department of Health allowed chaos and criminality to reign in the NHS in order to conceal organised child abuse as well as the associated abuse of mental health patients and whilst the DoH also ignored endemic research fraud and misconduct. No-one has ever admitted what was going on in the NHS whilst Butler was at the top of the Civil Service, but the rotten culture which Butler was clearly part of became evident as a result of other matters.

An article in the Independent in July 2004 written by Paul Vallely discussed a few of Butler’s high points. Vallely reminded readers that during the Scott Inquiry into the covert sales of arms to Iraq by the British Gov’t, Butler had confirmed that he found it acceptable for Ministers to be ‘selective about the facts’ and to give ‘an answer that is not the whole truth’. In 1994 Robin Butler was appointed to investigate Neil Hamilton and others regarding the business of the cash in brown envelopes from Al Fayed – Butler cleared Hamilton. Hamilton was then foolish enough to sue the Guardian over the allegations that he’d accepted cash in return for questions – Hamilton lost the case, he was declared bankrupt and subsequently lost his seat. Hamilton was the Tory MP for Tatton, the neighbouring constituency to Sir Peter Morrison’s and Neil and Christine Hamilton attended social events with Morrison and members of his constituency association. Morrison’s abuse of under-aged boys was openly discussed by members of the association and by constituents (see post ‘I Want Serious Money Now Please’), so it is very unlikely that the Hamiltons had not heard about it. Neil Hamilton was not the only Tory MP caught up in the cash for questions scandal. The others involved were Tim Smith (who resigned after admitting that he had been bribed), Sir Michael Grylls, Michael Brown – and Sir Peter Morrison.

Robin Butler was given the task of investigating the allegations that Jonathan Aitken had received a bribe in the form of payment for his stay at the Paris Ritz by the Saudis whilst he held secret meetings with Saudi arms dealers regarding commissions. Butler cleared Aitken and Aitken returned to the Commons boasting that Butler had cleared him. Aitken then launched an ill-judged libel action against the Guardian which resulted in Aitken being jailed for perjury – because he had lied about funding of his stay at the Ritz. His bills had indeed been paid for by someone else. People who were Saudis.

Butler himself described the Scott Inquiry 1992-96 as a ‘long nightmare’ but explained that as a civil servant ‘you just do not give the full information…It was half an answer. Half the picture can be true’. It was obviously such rationale that allowed Butler to fail to admit that a vicious paedophile ring was on the loose in north Wales, that witnesses were being framed and imprisoned by Top Doctors and in some cases murdered by persons unknown and that the whole machinery of Gov’t was utilised to keep a lid on this.

Butler was so close to Harold Wilson that Marcia Williams aka Lady Falkender – who famously had an unfathomably complex relationship with Wilson that was subject to much speculation – tried to have him sacked. Butler was also very close to John Major, particularly in the last few months of his premiership – when Major’s Secretary of State for Wales William Hague was setting up the Waterhouse Inquiry. Sir Peter Morrison had been found safely dead in his house having ‘fallen down the stairs’ some months previously.

Robin Butler guided Blair into Number 10 regarding Whitehall protocol and initially was a big mate of key figures in New Labour. Butler was such good mates with Mandelson that in the summer following the May that Blair was elected Butler gave Mandy a bottle of peach champagne. The honeymoon didn’t last long – which was hardly surprising with the marriage being between Grade A bastards who had all put their heads together to conceal corruption in high places, serious sex offending and murder – and within eighteen months Blair had fallen out with the civil service.

Butler told his friends that his key mistake in the first year of Blair’s Gov’t was to sign Orders in Council allowing Jonathan Powell (Blair’s Chief of Staff) and Alastair Campbell (Blair’s Press Secretary) to give orders to civil servants despite being political appointees. This violated the line between elected politicians and impartial civil service – as much as one can be called impartial when a key priority is to conceal the deaths of people whom if they had lived and been listened to could have put a lot of people (including a few politicians) in prison for a long time. Butler’s Orders in Council permitted Alastair Campbell to Chair a planning meeting with civil servants and intelligence chiefs over the ’45 minute’ dossier – famously sexed up by Alastair – which led Britain into the war with Iraq.

After Butler retired in 1998 he was given a peerage – he sits as a cross bencher.

Butler was the Master of University College, Oxford, 1998-08.  He was a non-executive director of the HSBC Group, 1998-08 and Chair of the HSBC Global Education Trust.

In 2004 Butler Chaired the Review of Intelligence on Weapons of Mass Destruction, the Butler Review – the review of the use of intelligence in the lead up to the 2003 Iraq War. Butler concluded that some of the intelligence re WMD was ‘seriously flawed’.

As befits someone who has done so many favours for so many scumbags in high office, Robin Butler clocked up a great many gongs. The one that I noticed first was Knight Commander of the Order of the Bath (KCB), awarded in the New Years Honours of 1988. Gwynedd social worker Alison Taylor contacted Thatcher herself on 17 Jan 1987 and told her of the abuse of children in north Wales. Alison was suspended later on in that year and on 3 Nov 1987 was sacked by Gwynedd County Council. Butler was in line for another prize before too long. He was awarded the Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath (GCB) in the 1992 Birthday Honours. The lucky winners of the  1992 Birthday Honours were announced on 13 June 1992. By that time my career had been destroyed, as had the media careers of two close friends who knew what had happened to me in north Wales, my housemate had been killed in a car crash which had left her boyfriend – another one of my friends Who Knew brain damaged and paralysed – but most importantly of all from the point of the paedophile gang those five other pesky witnesses had been murdered by the firebomb. In April, which will have been just about when the list of those to be honoured was set in concrete. Unfortunately for the paedophiles’ friends, one of those in the building which was firebombed survived the blaze and voiced his belief that witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were being murdered. He was found dead in suspicious circumstances some time later after having given evidence against John Allen, the sex offender who owned and managed the Bryn Alyn Community, days before he was due to receive a payment from the Criminal Injuries Compensation Board.

Butler picked up his peerage in Feb 1998 – Sir Ronald Waterhouse had heard evidence from the few survivors of the north Wales children’s homes by then and had trashed all of them. Some people had collapsed whilst giving evidence, others had developed mental health problems and yet others had been unable to walk out of the hearing unaided. No wonder Ronnie maintained that they couldn’t be believed.

On 23 April 2003 Robin Butler was awarded the Knight Companion of the Order of the Garter (KG) and in 2004 he became a member of the Privy Council. By April 2003 the mental health services in north Wales were at an advanced stage in their plans to fit me up for ‘threatening to kill’ Alun Davies, the manager of the Hergest Unit. Numerous Angels had lied in statements to the police and the corrupt judge Huw Daniel was ready with the planned hefty prison sentence – I’d been warned by the police and solicitors to expect seven years. When I returned for the next hearing the charge of threatening to kill was withdrawn – Huw Daniel obviously wasn’t expecting this and became very irate indeed. I was instead charged with a Public Order Offence for telling Alun Davies’s secretary that he was a fat idiot – which I did do and had always been happy to admit to having done. I was later told that the charge of threats to kill had been withdrawn after a member of staff at the Hergest Unit had contacted someone – presumably the police or the Court – and told them that they had witnessed the discussions held at Ysbyty Gwynedd amongst the Top Doctors, nurses and managers ie. the fat idiots, re the plan to frame me and had stated that they would go public on the abuses taking place in that hospital if I was charged. See post ‘Interesting Happenings In The Legal System’ for the details of the bizarre sequence of events and happenings in Court.

Last summer I discovered that just after the date in 2004 on which I was pleaded guilty and was sentenced under the Public Order Act for telling Alun Davies’s secretary that he was a fat idiot, someone had illegally amended the PNC so that it showed a conviction for ‘violent disorder’ on my record and somebody in Chester Court had forged a certificate of indictment stating that I had been convicted of ‘violent disorder’. I contacted the legal division of the North Wales Police about this matter months ago but I have heard nothing. See posts ‘Even More Confusion Regarding Those Legal Conundrums’ and ‘An Update On Those Legal Conundrums’ for details.

Oh well, what does it matter – perjury, perverting the course of justice, misconduct in public office, mass murder, what does it matter as long as Lord Butler of Serious Crime in High Places has bagged his place on the Privy Council.

A Feb 2004 article in the Guardian stated that Butler ‘consistently showed deference to those in power’. And to a gang of paedophiles as well.

I’ll leave the last quote about Robin Butler to Lord Peter Hennessey, the ‘constitutional expert’: ‘Robin Butler is a crown servant who knows the importance of keeping a proper demarcation between ministers, career civil servants and special advisors’.

Robin Butler is a member of the Anglo-Belgian Club, of Brooks, of Beefsteak and of the Athenaeum, a club popular with Top Doctors. Jimmy Savile was a member of the Athenaeum, he was introduced to the club by Cardinal Basil Hume.

Butler’s boss John Major knew a great deal about the wrongdoing in north Wales and organised child abuse. Major had been a Councillor in Lambeth before becoming an MP, whilst Lambeth had a huge problem with the abuse of children in care and Major had also been a junior minister in the Department of Health.

 

Robin Butler was succeeded as Cabinet Secretary and head of the Civil Service by Sir Richard Wilson – his name is not widely known among laypeople, unlike Cabinet Secretaries Robert Armstrong (see post’Lord Robert Armstrong’), Butler and Gus O’Donnell. Richard Wilson was Secretary to the Cabinet and head of the Home Civil Service from Jan 1998-2000.

Richard Wilson was born in Glamorgan, attended Radley College, 1956-60 (he is now head of the Governors at Radley) and then read law at Clare College, Cambridge, 1961-65. Wilson was called to the Bar but entered the civil service rather than practice as a barrister. His first post in the civil service was Assistant Principal in the Board of Trade in 1966. Wilson served in a number of departments, spending 12 years in the Dept of Energy where his responsibilities included nuclear power, the privatisation of Britoil, personnel and finance. He headed the Economic Secretariat in the Cabinet Office under Thatcher, 1987-90 and after two years in the Treasury was appointed Permanent Secretary in the Department of Environment in 1992.

Wilson was Permanent Secretary at the Home Office, 1994-97. So he was in post when the attempt by the mental health services to fit me up on the basis of the perjury of an Angel – Bridget Lloyd – occurred and he was also in post when Michael Howard ruined Mary Wynch.

Richard Wilson received a peerage in 2002.

In Sept 2002 Wilson became Master of Emmanuel College, Cambridge. He has been a non-executive director of the British Sky Broadcasting Group plc, was or still is Chair of C. Hoare and Co, was or still is a non-executive director of Xansa plc and was or still is Chair of the Board of Patrons of the Wilberforce Society.

As well as a peerage, like all the most effective concealers of the wrongdoing of the paedophiles’ friends, Sir Richard Wilson has clocked up the requisite gongs. He received: a CB (Companion of the Order of the Bath) in the New Years Honours of 1991 – by which time I had been charged with serious offences on the basis of the perjury of the Top Doctors and was well on the way to being hounded out of my job as was my friend who worked at the Royal Television Society and who had wanted to make a documentary about matters in north Wales; a KCB (Knight Commander) in the New Years Honours of 1997 – the cover-up which was Waterhouse had been orchestrated and was underway; and a GCB (Knight Grand Cross) in the New Years Honours of 2001 – the Waterhouse Report had been published and the protesting voices yelling ‘massive cover-up’ had been ignored.

 

Richard Wilson concealed considerable wrongdoing whilst he was Permanent Secretary at the Home Office, but the Permanent Secretary at the Home Office who preceded him and who was in post between 1988-94, Sir Clive Whitmore, has even more explaining to do.

Before Whitmore was Permanent Secretary at the Home Office he had served as Thatcher’s Principal Private Secretary, 1979-82. So he too would have known about Jimmy Savile and about Peter Morrison – who was Lord Commissioner of the Treasury whilst Whitmore was Principal Private Secretary to Thatcher.

Whitmore was Thatcher’s Principal Private Secretary whilst Thatcher was bullying and falling out with her Cabinet – as detailed in Charles Moore’s  account in his biography of Thatcher concerning the Argentinian invasion of the Falklands. Charles Moore maintained in his book that on one occasion Lord Carrington turned to Sir Clive Whitmore and said ‘if I have any more trouble with this fucking stupid petit bourgeois woman I’m going to go’. Which was probably a most accurate summary of the essence of Thatcher. Carrington did of course resign from Thatcher’s Cabinet after the invasion of the Falklands in 1982. Although Thatcher made enough political capital out of the war with Argentina to win the next election, it was acknowledged at the time that the Argentinians had given a number of warnings that they were going to invade the Falklands but the Gov’t failed to respond. In 1980 Nicholas Ridley, the Minister of State for the Foreign and Commonwealth Office with responsibility for the Falkland Islands, had told Commodore Cavandoli that Britain had little interest in the Falkland Islands because they were not a wine-growing region like Bordeaux. Ridley did have a reputation for putting his foot in his mouth – after the sinking of the Herald of Free Enterprise, he made a comment in the Commons about implementing policy with its bow doors open (the Herald of Free Enterprise sunk which resulted in loss of life because it set sail with its bow doors open). Ridley had to resign from his position as Secretary of State for Trade and Industry in 1990 after he made comments about the EU being a ‘German racket designed to take over the whole of Europe’ and followed this up with a reference to Hitler.

Whitmore was then the Permanent Secretary at the Ministry of Defence until 1988.

Whilst Whitmore led the Home Office he presided over a great many dreadful things. In north Wales the framing and wrongful imprisonment of the former children in care and mental health patients – including me – as a result of corruption on the part of the police, Risley Remand Centre, the north Wales mental health services and the high security hospitals as described in my post ‘Security, Security’ was happening. Former kids in care were being found dead on a regular basis and complaints of abuse usually went uninvestigated.

On 15 March 1992 the North Wales Police carried out dawn raids in and around Wrexham. Sixteen men and one woman were held – all but one person had worked at Bryn Estyn. The police stated that no child porn was found and no evidence of a paedophile ring. By the end of the day the police had released 12 of the 16 people who had been held. They were all released without charge. Of the four others, only one person made any admissions. This triumph happened three weeks or so before the General Election.

In other regions of the the UK, things were going badly wrong as well. The allegations of the serious abuse of children in care by the Leicestershire social worker Frank Beck had finally been investigated (Beck was imprisoned) but somehow the allegations against Greville Janner went nowhere, although Janner was interviewed by the police in the early 1990s and a file was sent to the DPP. Janner was interviewed in the presence of his solicitor Sir David Napley and Napley was so certain that Janner would be charged that he had already retained George Carman QC. After the imprisonment of Frank Beck it was admitted that the response of the police to the complaints against Beck had been negligent and wholly inadequate. I will be writing more about the Frank Beck case in another post soon.

One thing that the Home Office had to handle whilst Whitmore was Permanent Secretary was the Hillsborough Disaster on the 15 April 1989 and the aftermath. It has finally recently been admitted that at Hillsborough it was the police who were largely responsible for the deaths of many people, that the police systematically lied about the behaviour of the football fans, that lies were told to the media in order to smear the fans – including those who had died – and that the media faithfully published those lies (most famously Kelvin McKenzie at the Sun). Just to ensure that everyone got the right message the police then fabricated witness statements and perjured themselves. It has taken nearly 30 years for the truth to be admitted regarding events at Hillsborough.

So I was most interested to find in the archive of the Hillsborough Independent Panel – Disclosed Material and Report, a copy of a note written by Sir Clive Whitmore dated 7 July 1989. The file states that this note was sent to the Secretary of State – which at the time was Douglas Hurd – regarding the progress of the [Lord Justice Peter] Taylor Inquiry [on Hillsborough] and when it was expected to be completed. The file records that Lord Justice Taylor’s Interim Report was published in Aug 1989.

In the note Whitmore documented that he had spoken to Lord Justice Taylor and a Mr Whalley on 4 July about the progress on the Inquiry and that Taylor had told him that the Report might not be ready until early August.  Whitmore went on to note that Taylor had confirmed that the Report wasn’t going to say anything concerning the arguments for or against identity cards for football supporters. He reported that he was fairly certain that none of Taylor’s recommendations will be of a kind which would require physical work at grounds before the start of the next football season. Whitmore stated that Taylor expects the interim findings to deal with matters such as crowd control and the content of safety certificates. Sir Clive observes that there is no pressing need for a statement to the House and that there may be an advantage in a low key reception involving simply a press statement. Whitmore noted that Taylor did warn him that the interim report is likely to be critical of the South Yorkshire Police and to a lesser extent the football club. Whitmore ends by saying ‘we will need to consider carefully what we should say on this aspect once we have the text of the report’.

The following words/phrases were underlined: ‘early August’, ‘identity cards’, ‘crowd control’, ‘critical of South Yorkshire Police’ and ‘to a lesser extent’.

Although the note is dated 7 July 1989, the official stamp showing receipt of the letter is dated 10 July 1989. The note was sent to: Lord Ferrers, Mr Chilcot [this name is highlighted], Mr Moriarty, Mr Boys Smith, Mr Turney, HMCIFS, Mr Mower, Mr Goddard, Mr Watts, Mr Lidington.

There is a copy of Lord Justice Taylor’s Interim Report in the archived file. It is addressed to Douglas Hurd who was Home Secretary at the time. The Report is dated 1 August 1989 and it has Peter Taylor’s name on it – but not Peter Taylor’s signature. There is just ‘Peter Taylor’ typed next to the date. Every Inquiry that I have seen has the signature of the Chair and the Panel on it next to the date.

It is crystal clear from Whitmore’s note that Peter Taylor didn’t expect to have his report written until early August – so it would not have been ready for submission on 1 Aug 1989. It is also clear from Whitmore’s note and the phrases that were underlined that Taylor was going to mention a few things in that report that Whitmore seemed rather sensitive about – so senstive that people were going to have to consider their public response once they had the text of the Report.

I think that the reason why Peter Taylor didn’t sign that Report in the archive was that Peter Taylor hadn’t actually written it. It seems to me that the Home Office under Douglas Hurd were conducting business the Gwynedd Health Authority and expert medical witness way – they had commissioned a report and publicised that, they knew what they wanted in the Report so before Peter Taylor had submitted it they wrote one of their own. Perhaps they amended it once Taylor had sent them his Report – who knows, because there is no signature on the Report there is no certainly as to who wrote which bits or when.

There are people who can tell us what went on, even if Douglas maintains that he knows nuzzing – Sir Clive Whitmore obviously. But one of the people to whom Sir Clive sent his note will know who drafted Taylor’s Report for him – Mr Lidington.

Mr Lidington is David Lidington, who is currently sitting in Theresa May’s Gov’t as the Justice Secretary and Lord Chancellor. Between 1987-89 Lidington was a special advisor to Douglas Hurd in the Home Office and when Hurd became Foreign Secretary in 1989 Lidington moved with him to the Foreign and Commonwealth Office.

So David Lidington was the gofer at the Home Office when Dafydd, Tony Francis, two junior doctors at Ysbyty Gwynedd, someone at Risley Remand Centre and the Mental Health Act Commission all had a little plan to frame me for attempting to stab a doctor – which unravelled because a nurse who was sitting in the room as I carried out this murderous attack made a statement to the police admitting that I hadn’t tried to stab anyone. Risley Remand Centre was under the domain of Douglas Hurd. There were constant allegations of brutality towards inmates and even inmates dying because no-one had answered bells when they had rung for assistance. The Waterhouse Report details how the Waterhouse Inquiry had sight of a letter sent from Risley Remand Centre in support of Nefyn and June Dodd, the managers of Ty’r Felin children’s home in Bangor – who were under investigation for child abuse – allegedly written by a former resident of Ty’r Felin which had been sent to Lucille Hughes, Dafydd’s mistress and the Director of Gwynedd Social Services. Sir Ronald Waterhouse confirmed that the letter had not been written or sent by the former resident of Ty’r Felin as purported.

So as well as beating up the inmates and leaving them to die by witholding medical attention, someone in Risley Remand Centre – under the control of the Home Office – was forging documents and colluding in elaborate plans with Top Doctors to frame people who had complained about them. And someone in the Home Office was forging Reports from Lord Chief Justices. And David Lidington knows something about it.

You are the Secretary of State for Justice Lidington. You do know how illegal these matters are. Furthermore, Nefyn Dodd was not only abusing the kids in Ty’r Felin himself but he was trafficking them down to London to be used for prostitution – one boy from Ty’r Felin turned up in the now infamous Dolphin Square (see post ‘Are You Local?’).

David Lidington is the Tory MP for Aylesbury – he was elected at the 1992 General Election. Days before the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed by that firebomb.

In 1994 Lidington was appointed PPS to Michael Howard. Just as Howard stuffed over Mary Wynch leaving her ruined. In 1994 there was yet another attempt to fit me up and imprison me – Bridget Lloyd, an Angel with the Arfon Community Mental Health Team, alleged that I had made threatening phone calls to her and made a statement claiming to be so frightened of me that the Health Authority had given her a personal alarm to carry with her at all times lest I murder her in cold blood. The Court was also told that I was a danger to her young children. I didn’t know that Bridget Lloyd had young children. Bridget knew that I didn’t know that as well – just before making the statement to police that she was in fear of her life from me, Lloyd sent a memo to the Top Doctors and managers at Ysbyty Gwynedd stating that she’d only ever met me once, many years ago and that I wouldn’t recognise her if I saw her.

Tony Francis wrote a report for the Court – for their consideration for WHEN I was found guilty, stating that I should be transferred to a forensic team with a view to being placed in a secure unit.

I was acquitted. There were no apologies and no investigation into the perjury.

In June 1997 Lidington was appointed PPS to William Hague, the leader of the Opposition. Months previously William Hague had organised the whitewash that was the Waterhouse Inquiry.

In June 1999 Lidington became the Shadow Home Affairs Minister, Deputy to Ann Widdecombe. Widdecombe has connections to the Tory Party in Wales, in particular the Anglesey Constituency Conservative Party – which contains a number of Top Doctors (see post ‘Doris Karloff – Honest About Her Expenses But Not Much Else’). In Sept 2001 Lidington was appointed Shadow Finance Secretary to the Treasury and in May 2002 Shadow Minister at MAFF. When Michael Howard became leader of the Tory Party Lidington was appointed Shadow Secretary of State for N Ireland. Lidington didn’t thrive under Cameron at first and in July 2007 was demoted. However after the General Election of 2010 Lidington became Minister for Europe. In Aug 2016 Lidington was awarded a CBE in Cameron’s resignation honours – for his services ‘to Europe’. Well the paedophile gang in north Wales were trafficking the kids to Amsterdam and the south of France as well…

When Honest Vicar’s Daughter Theresa became leader she made Lidington Leader of the Commons and on 11 June appointed him Justice Secretary and Lord Chancellor. Well with a track record like David Lidington’s in what other post could he possibly be more useful in the face of all these allegations of paedophiles in high places and the Independent Inquiry Into Child Sexual Abuse falling apart?

David’s a greedy sod as well. In May 2009 the Daily Telegraph revealed that Lidington claimed nearly £1,300 for his dry cleaning and claimed for toothpaste, shower gel, body spray and vitamin supplements on his second home allowance.

On one occasion Lidington’s local paper the Bucks Herald criticised him for claiming £115,891 in expenses – approx double his salary.

Lidington’s shameful CV starts from the very beginning. He went to Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge and whilst there was Chair of the Cambridge University Conservative Association which, in the previous generation, had supplied Thatcher with her Cabinet – who concealed Peter Morrison’s abuse of children in care in north Wales – including Ken Clarke, John Selwyn Gummer, Michael Howard and Norman Lamont. So Lidington was following in the footsteps of the Greats. Did you perhaps get to know some of them whilst you were at Cambridge David? I’m sure that the corrupt old bastards who were prepared to ignore suspicious deaths for the sake of Peter Morrison’s continued participation in sex parties with kids in care were invited back to their Alma Mater to dispense their wisdom and recruit the next generation of complete scumbags. Lidington was Deputy President of the Cambridge University Students Union and before doing some very dirty deeds at the Home Office for Douglas Hurd, he worked for BP and Rio Tinto.

Douglas Hurd was Tory MP for Mid-Oxfordshire, 1974-83, then for the same constituency when it was revamped as Witney (Cameron’s future constituency), 1983-97. He was a key member of Thatcher’s and Major’s Cabinet and is Patron of the Tory Reform Group.

Hurd’s father Lord Anthony Hurd was the Tory MP for Newbury, 1945-64. His grandather, Sir Percy Hurd, was the Coalition Conservative MP for Frome, 1918-23 (part of Lloyd George’s Lib-Con Gov’t) and then Tory MP for Devizes, 1923-45). Hurd’s son Nick has been Tory MP for Ruislip-Northwood and Pinner since 2005 and in 2010 became Minister for Civil Society. Another son Thomas works in the Diplomatic Service.

Hurd went to Eton and then Trinity College, Cambridge where he was President of the Cambridge Union Society.

In 1952 Hurd entered the Diplomatic Service and in 1966 began his political career. He became Principal Private Secretary to Edward Heath – a civil service position rather than a political appointment.

In 1979 after Thatcher won the General Election Hurd was appointed Minister of State in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. Following the 1983 General Election Hurd was moved to the Home Office, where Willie Whitelaw was Home Secretary until June 1983 and then Leon Brittan succeeded  him. Between 1984 and 1985 Hurd was Secretary of State for N Ireland. We are told that Hurd’s diplomatic skills paved the way for the signing of the Anglo-Irish agreement, although Hurd left the post one month before the agreement was signed. In the light of what was going on at the Home Office when Hurd was Home Secretary and Lidington was his minion – forged documents, the fitting up of innocent people who had dared raise concerns about the movers and shakers behind the Westminster Paedophile Ring – one can only imagine how Hurd used his ‘diplomatic skills’ in N Ireland. There’ll have been all those murders that Hurd will have used in his bargaining and the kids in the Kincora Boys Home as well who were being abused by Whitehall figures and members of the British Army. Peace in our time then Douglas?

After ensuring that the truth about various murders and terrorist atrocities as well as the child abuse at Kincora was never to be told, Hurd was appointed Home Secretary in Sep 1985 in the wake of Leon Brittan’s demotion to the DTI. Meanwhile the Birmingham Six, Guildford Four and Macguire Seven and God knows how many other innocent people sat in prisons because Douggie and his mates didn’t dare let on what they had all been up to at the Home Office for many years. In 1987 a Home Office memo acknowledged that the Guildford Four were unlikely to have been terrorists but stated that was not sufficient grounds for an appeal.

Hurd was seen as a ‘safe pair of hands’ at the Home Office and his tenure there was considered ‘uncontroversial’. That judgement might change if anyone takes a close look at the paperwork concerning Peter Taylor’s Interim Report which was written by someone who wasn’t Peter Taylor. Hurd himself expressed concerns that the Prison Service wasn’t working effectively – well somewhere along the line the plan to have me banged up in Risley went pear-shaped and that forged letter which was sent to Lucille Hughes was identified as a forgery, so someone at Risley wasn’t carrying out their duties to the standards required by Douglas. As for those attempts to set fire to my house Douglas, I can only echo the words of Peter Cook in his ‘biased judge’ post-Jeremy Thorpe trial satire – they couldn’t even carry out the simplest murder plot without cocking the whole thing up…

Note to David Lidington: David – Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends were definitely nasty enough for you to have played ball with, but they weren’t very bright and Dafydd was barking mad. If you are serious about silencing/killing absolutely everyone who were witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, you need to commission some rather more competent criminals – because Brown, me and two of our friends have managed to survive.

In 1988 Hurd set up Crime Concern, an organisation that aimed to reduce crime and anti-social behaviour by offering training opportunities to young people. The young person who received the best training opportunity from Douglas Hurd was David Lidington, other young people went to prison or had all opportunities removed. Crime Concern merged with the charity Rainer in 2008 to form an organisation called Catch22. Er – was someone having a joke at Douglas’s expense?

As a sideline Douglas writes spy thrillers. I think that this blog is rapidly evolving into one, but without the ‘fiction’ element. Or indeed the ‘thrilling’ bit – it’s not quite so thrilling when it’s you that is being targeted by a bunch of Top Doctors and their associates who are running a paedophile ring for the benefit of Douglas’s colleagues…

In Oct 1989 Douglas replaced John Major as Foreign Secretary. When Thatch was ousted in Nov 1990 Douglas ran for the Tory Party leadership – his campaign was predicated on his reputation as a ‘safe pair of hands’ ‘law n order’ Home Secretary. Major won the leadership and Hurd returned to his post as Foreign Secretary, where he remained until 1995.

Hurd was Foreign Secretary whilst Yugoslavia imploded. Hurd argued against sending military aid to the Bosniaks – in opposition to US policy – and he resisted pressure to allow Bosnian refugees into Britain. Hurd described his policy as ‘realist’. Just like letting a paedophile gang run a reign of terror in north Wales. The poor relations between European and US leaders delayed a co-ordinated response to the horrors taking place in Yugoslavia so rather a lot of people ended up being brutally murdered thanks to the diplomatic skills of that safe pair of hands Douglas and others.

After his withdrawal from front line politics, Douglas went to Serbia to visit Slobodan Milosevic, on behalf of the NatWest Bank no less, of which Hurd was Chairman, 1995-99. The Bosnian Gov’t threatened to charge Hurd as an accomplice to genocide, but nothing came of that. People like Douglas don’t go to prison, the cells are reserved for the victims of paedophile gangs who supply kids to politicians or for junior academics who work out that something very nasty is going on which seems to be propped up by the highest echelons of the medical establishment…

Whilst Hurd was Foreign Secretary he allocated £234 million pounds in aid towards the funding of the hydroelectric dam on the Pergan River in Malaysia – building started in 1991 and concurrently the Malaysian Gov’t just happened to decide to purchase £1 bilion worth of British made arms. In March 1994 a UK Gov’t Inquiry was launched regarding this and in Nov 1994 the High Court of Justice ruled the actions of Hurd unlawful, because all that dosh that he liberated for the building of the dam was not for the economic or humanitarian benefit of the Malaysians.

In 1997 Douglas was given a peerage. The Waterhouse Inquiry had been arranged by then, Peter Morrison and God knows how many witnesses were dead, Dafydd had retired from the NHS with the contract to provide substance abuse services for north Wales in his paws alongside an agreement that none of the very serious complaints against him would ever be followed up (see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’), so I don’t expect that Douglas ever expected to hear the words ‘north Wales paedophile ring covered up by people at the highest levels of Gov’t with connections to the security services’ ever again.

In 1997 Douglas became Chair of British Invisibles (now ‘International Financial Services London’) and in 1998 he was Chair of the judges for the Booker Prize.

In Sept 1999 Hurd was appointed High Sheriff of Westminster Abbey. Douglas has been a long-standing and active member of the Church of England. Which of course now takes the safeguarding of children very seriously, things have changed/not like the 70s/couldn’t happen now, we’ve got Douglas Hurd and Elizabeth Butler-Sloss on board.

Douglas Chaired the Hurd Commission, which reviewed the roles and functions of the Archbishop of Canterbury.

Hurd was Chair of the Advisory Council of something called FIRST, an ‘international affairs organisation’. I cannot find out anything about it, so it is probably incredibly sordid, even by Douglas’s standards.

Douglas is Patron of the Burford School-Uganda link.

Hurd has been married twice – the first time was in 1960. He and his wife separated in 1976 and divorced in 1982. His former wife Tatiana observed that ‘politics don’t mix with marriage’. The combination obviously works for some people though, because in 1982 Douglas married Judy Smart who was his former Parliamentary secretary, who was 19 years his junior. Who will have known about the appalling things in which Douglas involved himself. Judy died of leukemia some years ago.

Hurd’s son Nick is married to Clare, the daughter of Michael Ancrum aka the 13th Marquess of Lothian – Ancrum is currently the only Marquess in the Lords. When Ann Widdecombe was toadying her way up through the ranks of the Tory Party as described in her autobiography ‘Strictly Ann’, she spent a great deal of time ingratiating herself to Ancrum and his family and friends. Ann was really impressed with how posh they all were. Ancrum was called to the Scottish Bar in 1979 and worked as an advocate until 1979, when he was elected Tory MP for Edinburgh South. In 1987 Ancrum was elected Tory MP for Devizes. He took over the seat from Sir Charles Morrison, brother of Sir Peter, who was busy with the kids in care in north Wales at the time. The Morrison family seat and estates are in Wiltshire. Ancram was Chair of the Tory Party, Oct 1998-Sept 01. Which neatly covered the duration of the Waterhouse Inquiry and its aftermath.

Ancrum and his wife Jane – the daughter of the Duke of Norfolk, Widdecombe knew all about the aristocratic in-laws – are Roman Catholics and Jane is Patron of the Right To Life Trust. A right that wasn’t enjoyed by some of the witnesses to Peter Morrison’s activities Jane. Ancrum went to school at Ampleforth – the place that now lives under the shadow of more and more allegations about the conduct of the monks toward the boys there. Ancrum might not have been one of the more sensitive kids at Ampleforth though – whilst he was at Christ Church College, Oxford, he was a member of the Bullingdon Club.

Wikileaks revealed that Ancrum was Chair of Le Cercle, a rather mad and sinister ‘foreign policy think tank’ concerned with ‘international security’ which numbers some rather mad and sinister people among its membership. Jonathan Aitken was involved with it.

Hurd’s daughter-in-law Catherine (known as Sian), Thomas Hurd’s wife, died in unclear circumstances in 2012. The family were living in New York City – Thomas Hurd was coming to the end of a three year posting with the UN Security Council – when Catherine fell to her death in the early hours of the morning from the roof of their house. She had climbed up a ladder and through a hatch to reach the roof. She and Thomas had gone to bed about midnight and Thomas woke up in the early hours, found that she was not beside him so went off to look for her. He found her body in the garden between 3-4 am. The inquest heard that Catherine had suffered a ‘sudden nervous breakdown’ in 2007 from which she recovered quickly and didn’t discuss at length. Before she died she had seemed fine and no-one had any idea at all that she was at all upset about anything. Catherine did not leave a suicide note and because she fell to her death in the middle of the night no-one saw her fall, so there were no witnesses. Catherine’s father is a Top Doctor who gave evidence at the inquest that the small quantities of very mild benzodiapines that she had recently taken could have caused an ‘altered mental state’. Thomas stated that at the time of Catherine’s death they were about to move house and had packed up their belongings and that could have been distressing. Yes, one valium and my goods packed up into a few boxes and I too am prone to climbing up ladders and through hatches into roofs in the small hours and chucking myself off roofs. The coroner returned an open verdict because I don’t think that there was an option of a ‘what the hell has gone on here’ verdict.

The names of both Thomas and Douglas Hurd appeared on the internet as suspected MI6 operatives. The allegations were of course nonsense and the fact that some very improbable names appeared on the list alongside them meant that it was all the work of a ‘poorly informed amateur’, not a disgruntled MI5 or MI6 employee as some people claimed. And there’s no evidence of a paedophile ring involving Westminster figures which was concealed by people who worked in the Home Office either.

Thomas’s brother Nick – the Tory MP – previously worked as an advisor to Tim Yeo who was Tory MP for Suffolk South, 1983-2015. Tim Yeo was PPS to one Douglas Hurd between 1988-90, when Hurd was Home Secretary. I came across Tim’s name a few days ago when I was reading documents concerning the Leicestershire Child Abuse Scandal (there will be a post naming some more of the people involved in the Leicestershire Scandal soon). In 1992 after the shit hit the fan in the wake of Frank Beck’s conviction and imprisonment, one Tim Yeo was the junior Minister in the Department of Health who was responsible for residential children’s homes. Despite the mountains of evidence that emerged from Frank Beck’s trial that the children’s homes of Leicestershire had been rife with the serious abuse of children and the evidence pouring in from Islington, Lambeth and north Wales that the abuse of kids in care was a major problem, Tim decided not to implement a policy of reviewing children’s homes from which children were regularly running away although it was felt by many advisors that this would highlight homes where sexual abuse of children was a problem.

Between 1980-83 Tim Yeo was Chief Exec of the Spastics Society, now known as Scope. There was a problem with abuse of people in the care of Scope…David Hanson worked for Scope 1982-89. I will be returning to Tim Yeo in a future post – Tim who had to resign from John Major’s Cabinet in the wake of those revelations about his five mistresses and illegitimate children.

Douglas Hurd’s father Anthony Hurd married Stephanie Corner. Stephanie’s father was a Top Doctor, a surgeon called Edred Moss Corner. Edred Corner’s own father was a Top Doctor in Yorkshire, but Edred was born in London and went to school at Epsom College. Edred read medicine at Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge and did his clinical training at St Thomas’s Hospital Medical School. After qualifying, Edred worked at Tommy’s and Leeds General Infirmary. He established a successful Harley Street practice and was on the staff of Great Ormond Street Hospital as well as of Purley and Wood Green Hospitals. Edred was also surgeon to Epsom College. He was Vice-President of the Medical Society of London and a member of the Harveian Society, as well as a leading light in the BMA. Edred sat on the Board of Advanced Studies at the University of London.

One of Edred’s esteemed works was the volume ‘Diseases of the Male Generative Organs’.

Edred had a touch of the Sir Charles Evans about him. Like Sir Charles, Edred was a Top Doctor who was a keen mountaineer. Like Sir Charles, Edred was clobbered by a neurodegenerative disease mid-career which stopped him from continuing to practice as a surgeon. Whereas Sir Charles Evans was given Bangor University to play with as a booby prize when he retired from surgery, Edred was given a job as superintendent of a convalescent home. Edred had three children, two daughters and a son. One of Edred’s daughters married Douglas Hurd’s dad, but my antennae certainly started twitching when I found out who Edred’s son – Hurd’s uncle – was. He was Edred Henry Corner, a very well known tropical botanist who was Professor of Tropical Botany at Cambridge, 1965-73 and a Fellow of Sidney Sussex College from 1959.

So Prof Edred Henry Corner will have known Prof Greig-Smith, the plant ecologist who was a Professor in the School of Plant Biology at Bangor University – where I did my first degree! When I complained about Gwynne the lobotomist and his highly inappropriate conduct. The man who referred me to Gwynne the lobotomist, the corrupt GP Dr D.G.E. Wood, ran the Student Health Centre and was the first person to subject me to a barrage of threats when Brown and I complained about the lobotomist. Wood was married to Dr Chris Wood – she was a lecturer in the School of Plant Biology! My housemate, who was killed in a car crash shortly after I started discussing with her what was happening to me at the hands of Wood and his colleagues, was a PhD student in the School of Zoology. Ann’s former boyfriend Geoff was left brain damaged and paralysed in the crash – Geoff had been in the front passenger seat. Geoff was one of Greig-Smith’s Masters students! Some weeks before Ann was killed, D.G.E. Wood told me that he always recognised Ann’s car because it was a white VW Beetle which had big pictures of choughs on it.

No-one actually liked Prof Greig-Smith, but they were all very frightened of him. He was the biggest name in plant ecology in the UK and effectively invented quantitative ecology. Grieg-Smith trained at Cambridge and still had many mates there. It was the presence of Greig-Smith in the School of Plant Biology which was entirely responsible for Bangor having such a good reputation for botany in those days. There was much bad feeling in the year that I graduated because a mature female student who was a personal friend of Greig-Smith was given a First – some of the lecturers let it slip that no-one felt that her work was worthy of a First but she was a friend of Grieg-Smith. She was then offered a place to do a PhD with D.G.E. Wood’s wife! This lady was married to a man whom Wood et al considered worth getting to know – he was Ian Kennaway, the Director of Regions for the National Trust. In 1990 Ian Kennaway founded and was the first Chairman of The Friends of Czech Heritage. A Patron of The Friends of Czech Heritage is Greg Hands, who has been the Tory MP for Chelsea and Fulham since 2010. Greg Hands was Chief Secretary to the Treasury and then became Minister of State for International Trade, working with Secretary of State Dr Liam Fox. Fox is of course a Top Doctor and a member of the Royal College of General Practitioners. Fox has been the Tory MP for North Somerset since 1992. D.G.E. Wood’s family are from the north Somerset area and Wood went to medical school at Bristol University. Wood has held many senior offices in the Royal College of General Practitioners. Liam Fox was elected to Parliament days before the five witnesses to the wrongdoing of Wood and his colleagues were killed by the firebomb. Between 1993-94 Fox was PPS to Home Secretary Michael Howard – who at the time was finishing off Mary Wynch…

Greg Hands is now Minister for London.

As for Gay Kennaway, the recipient of the ill-deserved First in Marine Botany all those years ago – I was going to put out an appeal for her to tell us what she knows, but Burke’s peerage states that she died earlier this year.

A paedophile ring and a prostitution racket exposed – you never thought that it would get this embarrassing did you Wood?

Prof Greig-Smith died in 2002. He had a son, Peter. Peter Grieg-Smith was a Top Doctor in Liverpool.

Douglas Hurd is the Patron of the pro-EU European Movement. Now there’s a bit of ammo for the Brexiteers…

 

Back to Sir Clive Whitmore of the Dept for Encouraging Forged Documentation. Sir Clive did well for himself on the gongs front. He was awarded a CVO in the new Years Honours of 1983, a KCB in the 1983 Birthday Honours and a GCB in the 1988 Birthday Honours.

In 1995 Sir Clive turned up as Chancellor of De Montfort University. In 1995 Brown was hounded out of his job at Aston University but managed to get another job – at De Montfort University.

Before I fled north Wales, when my lawyers were collecting witness statements from the people who were brave enough to testify to what they had seen happening to me at the hands of the NHS and social services, all the people involved were subsequently threatened or harassed. Brown provided one of the statements. A letter subsequently arrived at De Montfort University, informing the senior managers that Brown was a ‘known paedophile’ and had committed many offences when he worked at Aston University but hadn’t been caught (see post ‘A Nasty Ludicrous Poison Pen Letter’). (So he could hardly have been a ‘known’ paedophile then could he?) The letter was signed Sylvia Grenalda. Brown and co did they all could to trace Sylvia, all databases were searched, but there was no trace of her. Sylvia, where are you? We need you to come forward!

Obviously the wrongdoing at the Home Office didn’t start with Hurd and Whitmore – Leon Brittan was Home Secretary prior to Hurd and unlike Hurd whom many people do not realise was overseeing the forging of documents and framing of the victims of crime, Leon Brittan hasn’t got a reputation left to lose. Brittan has been the subject of allegations of the rape of a young woman as well as the sexual abuse of children. I don’t have evidence that he was guilty of any of that but by the time that Dafydd et al had started trying to fit me up with the assistance of Douglas Hurd’s bunch at the Home Office, I was fully aware that this sort of thing had been going on for a long time. This was how Dafydd et al routinely conducted business – it was why they were so affronted when I challenged them about it. Brown has always been a lot more savvy than me and when in 1987 Dafydd tried to threaten me with incarceration in Risley Remand Centre if I didn’t drop my complaints about him and then when that didn’t work tried to bribe me, I commented to Brown ‘how on earth has he got the nerve to do this?’. Brown replied ‘because he’s done it before and it’s worked’. Spot on Brown, you were quite right. But even Brown didn’t know how bad this lot were and just how high up their corruption went.

Another little anecdote. Someone else heard some of the phone conversations between Dafydd and me and knew what was going on – Brown’s brother. Brown’s brother accompanied me to the North Wales Hospital Denbigh one day to make enquiries when my letters and complaints were just ignored. A near hysterical administrator stated that Dafydd wasn’t on the premises and they didn’t know when he next would be – neither did anyone know where he was. So we went back to the car – to find Alun Davies parked immediately behind us. Davies then trailed us bumper to bumper right off the grounds and down the road. Some months later Brown’s brother had a nasty experience. He was standing outside a motorway service station late at night, by himself, in the garden bit near the motorway slip road and a car with a number of men in drove straight towards him at break-neck speed and tried to run him over. Very fortunately he was next to a hedge – he literally jumped into it. He told me what had happened days later – it was a tale of do you know someone definitely tried to kill me the other night and I don’t even know who they were….

Davies: after Brown’s brother nearly died in a motorbike crash caused by someone driving into him carelessly some months later, he and his wife left the UK. They have been abroad ever since. There will be no clue on this blog as to what names they are using or where on the planet they are you worthless piece of crap.

The Home Office under Brittan was later revealed to have been thoroughly rotten. Thatcher was using the police as her own private army and there were many high points, including he Battle of the Beanfield in June 1985 when the police beat up New Age Travellers – including women who were holding babies and young children – and smashed the windows of their vehicles for the hell of it; the dismissal of appeals from the high profile victims of miscarriages of justice; the intimidation of the Manchester University students by police officers which was so serious that one of the students fled to Europe; the stream of innocent people in south Wales who were framed by the police only to be released years later on appeal – many of the serious crimes for which they were framed remained unsolved; the violence of the police towards striking miners and the framing of some of the pickets for offences; the rampant corruption of drug squads across the UK.

Another celebrated event of the Leon Years was Geoffrey Dickens MP compiling a dossier of Westminster figures whom he claimed were involved with the serious abuse of children. Dickens maintained that the people behind this had links to organised crime and were also involved with child porn and big time drug dealing. Geoffrey Dickens was so pissed off at the lack of action that he threatened to name some of the people whom he alleged were involved in the House. Dickens was roundly mocked, denounced and accused of anti-semitism by a Greville Janner. Leon subsequently ‘lost’ the dossier, claimed that he couldn’t remember a number of crucial facts relating to the dossier, then did remember a few things. The dossier did not turn up and more recently it was discovered that quite a few files from the Home Office relating to the alleged abuse of children by Westminster and Whitehall figures had gone for a walk.

So who was the Permanent Secretary at the Home Office whilst the police beat up who they wanted, framed people when they felt like it and when files with the names of members of the Westminster Paedophile Ring – which of course had never existed – disappeared? It was Sir Brian Cubbon.

Cubbon was Permanent Secretary, 1979-88 and served three Home Secretaries – Willie Whitelaw, Leon Brittan and for a time, Douglas Hurd. In old age Cubbon joked that the Home Office must have been fit for purpose at the time because he and the three Home Secretaries were all ‘Trinity men’ (as in Trinity College, Cambridge). They all concealed a gang of paedophiles as well.

Cubbon’s CV matched that of Robin Butler in terms of always being at the scene. After Bury Grammar School and Trinity College, Cubbon joined the civil service. He joined the Home Office during the last months of the Attlee Gov’t and was then seconded to the Cabinet Office, 1961-62 when Macmillan was PM. No doubt Cubbon knew about the weekends at Cliveden where teenaged call girls, Russian spies and Gov’t Ministers enjoyed themselves. In 1968 Cubbon was appointed Private Secretary to Jim Callaghan – who most certainly when he was PM concealed child abuse in north Wales – when Callaghan was Home Secretary. Cubbon was at the centre of the action in 1969 when the balloon went up in Ulster – Cubbon was at the Home Office at the time, which was responsible for N Ireland. The Home Office was also directly responsible for the management of Approved Schools such as Bryn Estyn and Axwell Park in Gateshead. In 1969 child abuse was flourishing at Axwell Park under Matt Arnold and Peter Howarth – both of whom were transferred to work at Bryn Estyn in 1973 where they established a truly impressive regime which was one of the hubs of the paedophile gang busy in north Wales/Cheshire.

Cubbon  moved to the Cabinet Office in 1971 and in 1976 was appointed Permanent Secretary in the N Ireland Office. In July 1976 Cubbon was caught in a bomb blast in Ireland which killed the British Ambassador to Ireland Christopher  Ewart-Biggs and Cubbon’s Private Secretary Judith Cooke. Cubbon was responsible for orchestrating the maintenance of direct rule from Westminster in the absence of a political settlement, whilst Merlyn Rees was Secretary of State for N Ireland. Merlyn Rees’s next post was Home Secretary  in Jim Callaghan’s Gov’t – during which time he concealed the paedophile gang in north Wales (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’).

Prior to the 1979 General Election, it was speculated that if re-elected Callaghan would make Cubbon Cabinet Secretary. In the event Thatcher won the election and made Robert Armstrong Cabinet Secretary  – another man who knew a great deal (see post ‘Lord Robert Armstrong’). Armstrong had been Permanent Secretary at the Home Office and Thatch appointed Cubbon to take his place, to work alongside dear old Willie Whitelaw. Who had concealed the paedophile gang for years and continued to do so.

In April 1982 when the Buck House intruder Michael Fagan found himself sitting in the Queen’s bedroom having a chat with her, Cubbon suggested to the Metropolitan Police Commissioner Sir David McNee that he should resign. McNee later described this as ‘improper and impertinent behaviour’. I’ve been quite taken with the notion of impertinent behaviour since last summer when I received a copy of a completely mad letter that Dafydd had written concerning my presence in Ysbyty Gwynedd in June 1988. Dafydd had experienced the trauma of being asked by me when he was going to respond to my complaints and as a result he wrote to the Assistant Director of Nursing at Ysbyty Gwynedd demanding that I should be held on a ward, not allowed out and guarded at all times. The Assistant Director of Nursing had written a polite letter back to Dafydd, explaining that to do this would not only be unwarranted but illegal. Dafydd fired off a furious completely irrational reply, accusing this man of ‘gross impertinence’ and recommending that someone should face disciplinary action because I had actually asked him to explain himself (see post ‘The Blog Post That Was Hacked Can Now Be Read’). In the weeks following Dafydd’s crazed demands, the psychiatrists in Ysbyty Gwynedd formed themselves into a Secretariat. Tony Francis appointed himself the Secretary of the Secretariat and they spent much time and trouble writing to each other as well as to the MDU, the BMA and the senior managers of Gwynedd Health Authority, formulating a method as to how they could have me transferred to a secure unit. Even the Mental Health Act Commission were involved in the Cunning Plan. It was of course all predicated on them claiming that I had violently attacked numerous people – which their own lawyers had reminded them that they had no evidence for. Tony Francis even wrote to the Dr D.J.C. Davies, the Chief Administrative Medical Officer for Gwynedd Health Authority, demanding that they pay his travelling expenses for his visits to the MDU – the Health Authority was happy to oblige.

In 1986 Cubbon had to handle the fall-out over the comments of the Chief Constable of Manchester, James Anderton, who publicly stated that people with HIV/AIDS were ‘swirling around in a cesspool of their own making’. At the time police corruption in Anderton’s force was endemic and some of that corruption was assisting Dafydd and the paedophiles (see post ‘Top Of The Cops’).

In 1979 Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon spent the night at the Crest Hotel in Wrexham with a boy in care in north Wales. The following morning Tyrell-Kenyon alleged that the boy had robbed him and called the police. The boy was sent to a detention centre. The boy’s social worker recorded on his file that he was known to be having homosexual sex with Tyrell-Kenyon. Tyrell-Kenyon was not charged with any offence. In 1993 Tyrell-Kenyon died of an AIDS related illness. Tyrell-Kenyon’s father, Lord Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon, was a member of the North Wales Police Authority, a Magistrate, a member of Clwyd Health Authority and a Flintshire County Councillor. The boy – well a man by now – gave evidence to the Waterhouse Inquiry that Tyrell-Kenyon had used him for sex on many occasions.

When Cubbon was asked in recent years about the business of Leon losing that dossier concerning organised child abuse that Geoffrey Dickens had given him, Cubbon stated that he had ‘no recollection at all’ of the Dickens dossier.

Cubbon helped start Haklynt, a company ‘supplying foreign political and commercial information to corporate clients’. He Chaired the Disaster Emergency Committee from 1989. In 1995 Cubbon served on the Press Complaints Commission and in 1996 was the PCC’s Charter Commissioner.

Cubbon was also active in the Campaign to Protect Rural England.

Thatcher’s Principal Private Secretary, 1985-88 was Sir Nigel Wicks. Sir Nigel’s main interest is the accumulation of enormous amounts of money, so he probably got on with Thatcher very well. Wicks went to Beckenham and Penge Grammar School and joined BP in 1958 when he was 18 years old. Whilst at BP he did an London University MA with Portsmouth College of Technology (now the University of Portsmouth). In 1969 Wicks joined the Treasury and was seconded to the PM’s office as Principal Private Secretary, 1975-78. He worked for Wilson, then Callaghan. Wicks then moved to the British Embassy in Washington DC where he was the UK’s Executive Director of the IMF and IBRD, 1983-85.

Wicks then worked as Thatch’s Principal Private Secretary. Whilst Sir Peter Morrison was Minister of State for Employment, Minister of State for Trade and Industry, Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party and Minister of State for Energy. Throughout this time, the Welsh Office concealed the abuse of children in care and the abuse of mental health patients and the serious crime associated with this, which involved the Home Office. I doubt that Nigel was that concerned – not when there was dosh to be made.

Nigel then returned to the Treasury as Second Permanent Secretary, responsible for International Finance, where he remained until he retired in 2000.

Following his retirement from the civil service, Nigel was Chair of CRESTCo until in 2001 it merged with Euroclear, of which Wicks was Deputy Chair, 2002-06, then Chair. He was a non-executive director of Morgan Stanley, 2004-07 and of the Edinburgh Investment Trust from 2005.

Between 2001-04 Sir Nigel was Chair of the Committee on Standards in Public Life. Who better to hold that position than a man who played a central role in concealing a paedophile gang which trafficked children to Europe for sex work and murdered people who blabbed?

In 2005 Sir Nigel Chaired the panel appointing the initial members of the newly-created Judicial Appointments Commission.

In 2007 Sir Nigel was appointed Commissioner of the Jersey Financial Services Commission and in 2012 he became the Chair of the British Bankers Association.

No wonder those kids died.

Nigel’s collection of gongs consists of: CBE in Callaghan’s Resignation Honours, 1979; CVO in the 1989 New Year’s Honours; KCB in the 1992 New Year’s Honours; GCB in the 1999 New Year’s Honours.

 

The shitbaggery found among Principal Private Secretaries to the PM has a long and fine tradition. Sir Kenneth Stowe was Principal Private Secretary to Wilson, Callaghan and for a short time Thatcher, 1975-79.

Kenneth Stowe attended Dagenham County High School and then Exeter College, Oxford. He joined the civil service as an Assistant Principal in the National Assistance Board and in 1956 became a Principal. In 1958 Stowe was seconded to the UN Secretariat in New York. Upon his return he became the Press Officer to the National Assistance Board and justified the refusal by successive Gov’t to pay pensions to the over 80s who had been excluded by the National Insurance Act of 1948. Stowe became an Assistant Secretary in 1964 and remained in the machine when the National Assistance Board merged with the Ministry of Health in 1966 and in 1968 when the DHSS was created.

In 1970 Stowe became Assistant Under-Secretary at the DHSS and then in 1973 he joined the Cabinet Office – whilst Heath was PM – at Under-Secretary level. In 1975 Wilson’s Principal Private Secretary left No 10 and Cabinet Secretary John Hunt proposed that Stowe should replace him. It was considered an unusual appointment – Principal Private Secretaries usually come from the Treasury or at least have Treasury experience. Stowe had spent virtually his whole career in the DHSS and the departments which preceded it and had no Treasury experience at all.

Sir Kenneth is described in glowing terms in his obituaries as completely  loyal and the man who kept the Gov’t running smoothly, although a few things did slip through that he was unable to stop. Such as Harold Wilson’s 1976 Resignation Honours, the ‘Lavender List’, thus called because it was alleged to have been written by Wilson’s weirdly sinister Political Secretary Marcia Williams aka Lady Falkender on the tinted notepaper that she was known to favour. The Lavender List included some very unwise choices, even by the standards of the UK honours system – such as Joe Kagan, the man who manufactured Wilson’s favourite brand of raincoat and who later went to prison for fraud and Sir Eric Miller, a property magnate who committed suicide less than a year later whilst the subject of a criminal investigation. The civil servants who saw the Lavender List were horrified and put their faith in Stowe to ensure that some of the names were removed. They weren’t. Which just confirmed many people’s suspicions that Wilson was a crook and Marcia Williams knew so much that he didn’t dare upset her.

Stowe was central to the negotiations which led to the Lib-Lab in 1977 between Callaghan and David Steel and drafted the agreement between them. Stowe attended the regular dinners that Callaghan had with Len Murray of the TUC and business leaders to discuss economic issues. As things disintegrated during the Winter of Discontent 1978-79 many insiders maintained that it was Stowe who held the Gov’t machinery together. Stowe personally conducted negotiations with Len Murray.

Whilst Stowe worked for Callaghan, Sunny Jim was chuffed to be invited to join the Athenaeum, the club favoured by Top Doctors – of which Jimmy Savile was a member, having been introduced by Cardinal Basil Hume. Callaghan accepted the invitation and was then shocked to receive a hefty bill. He paid it nonetheless and then took Stowe to the Athenaeum.

Stowe inducted his successor Sir Clive Whitmoor into the job after Margaret Thatcher took power in 1979 and then took up the post of Permanent Secretary at the N Ireland Office. In that post Stowe had to manage the Troubles and events such as the hunger strikers in the Maze Prison. In late 1980 Stowe made a list of gestures that Thatcher’s Gov’t might make to end the hunger strikes in the Maze. The list was passed to IRA contacts via an MI6 agent – the MI6 agent waited in Stowe’s official car to receive the list, such was the fear that he’d be kidnapped. Not that Thatcher’s Gov’t ever talked to the IRA of course.

In 1981 Stowe returned to the DHSS as Permanent Secretary. He remained there until his retirement in 1987 and for much of the time worked with Secretary of State Norman Fowler. So Stowe was at the very top of the DHSS when the abuse in the children’s homes in north Wales was concealed, whilst Dafydd was sued by Mary Wynch but kept his job and continued to illegally imprison other people, when psychiatric patients were being fitted up and sent to high security hospitals, whilst the London medical schools busied themselves with research fraud, whilst St George’s Hospital Medical School employed a key player in a pan-European paedophile ring as their Professor of Paediatrics – you get the picture. I have detailed the crimes often enough by now.

Stowe’s obituaries make for interesting reading. His Guardian obituary – written by Dennis Kavanagh the political analyst and Emeritus Professor of Politics at the University of Liverpool – stated that Stowe was ‘motivated by a commitment to public service’ and that there was an ‘acute sense of crisis in the British Gov’t in the 70s; at various times administrations seemed barely able to cope and some lost their heads’. Which was barely surprising really. However old Stowe was never in a flap. No of course he wasn’t – he had so much dirt on absolutely everyone that he could control the whole lot of them. Stowe had worked in social security and health for years, he knew exactly what was happening to the great British public at the hands of those who care and then he went to work in the Cabinet Office with the politicians who would do just about anything to keep the gory reality quiet.

We are told in one of Stowe’s obituaries that Stowe was ‘one of the first to identify the problems of the NHS’ – the problems included the power of the medical profession, the drug companies running rings around the NHS regarding the pricing of their drugs and the expensive generous early retirement NHS scheme which was costing the Gov’t a packet and which resulted in the beneficiaries of early retirement returning to their former jobs to double their money. Did Stowe actually remedy any of these things? No. They’re still happening today. Stowe could have stopped it virtually overnight. The arrests of Dafydd, Tony Francis, Robert Blugass, Chris Hunter and the rest of them as well as their accessories would have put the Gov’t in the driving seat of the NHS and the abuses would have come to an end. But because there were politicians and civil servants abusing some of the kids who were being trafficked for sex, Stowe the loyal public servant put himself and his colleagues first. They all remained in clover, as did the Top Doctors – the kids in care and the patients were shafted.

My suspicions about the methods that Stowe, King of the DHSS, used to wield power were confirmed when I read that Stowe was the ‘master of disclosure and discretion’. Translate as ‘blackmail and bribery’.

What is recorded as Stowe’s greatest triumph during his time as Permanent Secretary at the DHSS? It was the HIV/AIDS public education campaign of course – the success of which was attributed to Stowe and Norman Fowler. It is recorded that Stowe, with the Cabinet Secretary Robert Armstrong, arranged for Willie Whitelaw to Chair a special committee therefore spurring on the AIDS/HIV campaign. I explained in my post ‘Professor Prestigious And His Associates’ how the dreadful Sir Donald Acheson, Chief Medical Officer, had to spell out in words of one syllable to the Cabinet that their colleagues who were having sex with rent boys were now very much at risk from an infection for which there was no treatment and would kill them. That was the reason why this mad, hypocritical Gov’t which was virulently homophobic but made allowances for Peter Morrison and many others supported a public education that initially appalled them.

Stowe kept busy after he retired. He Chaired the Carnegie UK Trust’s Inquiry into the Third Age, 1989-93; he served on a commission set up by Mandela to establish a civil service in Africa; he Chaired the Thrombosis Research Institute; was Director of the Chase Children’s Hospice; and in 1997 when Blair was elected, Stowe Chaired the Working Group from the voluntary and community sector on the compact with Gov’t and the Treasury Group on funding the voluntary sector.

Sir Kenneth was also Chair of the Institute for Cancer Research at the Royal Marsden, 1987-97.

There is an Angel who has done very well indeed out of the Institute for Cancer Research. That is  Professor Dame Jessica Corner. Dame Jessica was the Institute’s first nursing academic, the first nurse appointed to a Chair at the Institute! Dame Jess  is currently PVC for Research and Knowledge Exchange at Nottingham University.

So what path did the Dame take to reach these heights? She began life as an Angel in London, worked at the Royal Marsden, then in 1990 either began or received a PhD at/from Kings College, London. The Dame spent many wonderful years at Southampton University. That’s the Southampton University that contained so many of the paedophiles’ friends in senior positions and at which I and someone from Aberystwyth University had such a bizarre experience with in the late 1980s (see post ‘Professor Prestigious And His Associates’).  In 2005 the Dame was seconded to Macmillan Cancer Support and in 2008 she returned to Southampton. Between 2010-15 the Dame was Dean of the Faculty of Health Sciences at Southampton. The Dame is described as a ‘world leading expert in cancer and palliative care’. The UK has some of the worst outcomes in Europe for cancer and UK palliative care is dreadful. The Dame is an advisor to Macmillan Cancer Support and to the NHS. In 2012 the Dame was a member of the PM’s Nursing and Care Quality Forum; she is a member of the Dept of Health’s Cancer Reform Strategy for England and Chairs the Patient Experience Working Group.

I wonder of readers might have noticed the Dame’s surname – Corner. Er – remember Douglas Hurd’s famous grandfather Edred Moss Corner, the surgeon? And the plum jobs that all members of Hurd’s extended  family seem to bag for themselves? Could the Dame possibly be one of the clan? I bet that she is – cancer research is ridden with research fraud, malpractice, nepotism and huge professional snobbery from the Top Docs towards the Angels. Angels don’t become Professors at the Royal Marsden or Dames for being excellent Angels or outstanding cancer researchers – but they’d have a bloody good chance if they were relatives of Douglas Hurd who had sat in the Home Office whilst they were still Angels and concealed a mountain of crap. Particularly as one of the offenders – David Lidington – was also rising to high office. He was Minister of State for Europe in 2014 when the Angel became a Dame.

Whilst we are on the subject of Family Fortunes, I note that the flattering obituary of the git that was Kenneth Stowe was written by a man called Kavanagh. Edred Moss Corner’s son the botanist Edred Henry Corner married a Sheila Kavanagh. I have no idea if there is a connection, but we’re not talking meritocracy here, nepotism is the order of the day. The Top Doctor  Edred Moss Corner divorced his first wife in the early 1950s yet retained custody of the children, although he was in poor health and too busy to look after them, a la Dafydd. It’s the Top Doctors up to no good again… Edred Moss then married his children’s nanny. Edred’s son the botanist Edred Henry seemed to have carried on the family tradition of being dysfunctional – Edred completely rejected his own son John K. Corner when John was 19 years old. John never saw his father again but later wrote a book about him.

So John Hunt the Cabinet Secretary who suggested that Wilson appoint Kenneth Stowe as his Principal Private Secretary played a blinder. But then John Hunt would. John Hunt was one of the most powerful Cabinet Secretaries that there has been – he was described as ‘an imperialist who relished expanding the power of his remit’ with ‘an uncanny mastery of procedure and ability to steer meetings to the conclusion he wished’.

Hunt served as Cabinet Secretary under Heath, Wilson, Callaghan and Thatcher. He went to Downside School and then to Magdalene College, Cambridge. Hunt served in the Navy during the war – just like Jim Callaghan did. He joined the Cabinet Office in 1972 as the Deputy to Burke Trend and succeeded Trend in 1973 and spent six and a half years as Cabinet Secretary before retiring. Guess what? Even John Hunt failed to stop the Lavender List, although he was described as being ‘particularly close to Wilson’.

Hunt ended up in the Lords where he was very active. He Chaired the European Communities Committee of the Lords and in 1994 was instrumental in producing a report on fraud in the EU, which he estimated cost £5 billion pa. He was highly critical of the Council of Ministers for not stopping it.

John Hunt came from Minehead – so he will have known all about Jeremy Thorpe (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). Thorpe was something to be negotiated with in the Lib Lab pact – as I’m sure were Cyril Smith, Greville Janner, George Thomas and a few other people. Hunt was a Roman Catholic – the only Cabinet Secretary to have been a Catholic. After Hunt’s first wife died he remarried – in 1973. He married Madeleine Charles – the widowed sister of Cardinal Basil Hume, to whom it is said, Hunt became a ‘discreet and valued counsellor’.

Early on in his career Hunt was given the advice by a senior civil servant to ‘go for a position in the pivotal centre of the Gov’t machine’. Hunt was such a wily operator that when he took a few days off work in the mid-70s, Harold Wilson joked that Hunt was probably arranging for Basil Hume to become the next Archbishop of Westminster. Guess who became the next Archbishop of Westminster?

John Hunt picked up his peerage in 1980. Just after Thorpe was found not guilty of attempting to murder Norman Scott.

 

In terms of the corruption that existed at the Home Office throughout all the years that the above account spans, the presence of one civil servant alone suggests that there was a massive, long-standing problem – Bing Spear, who was employed by the Home Office Drugs Branch. Bing Spear was employed as a Drugs Inspector in the Home Office from 1952 until he retired in 1986. For decades he held very senior roles at the Home Office and he was Chief Inspector of the Drugs Branch. Any reading of Spear’s conduct both in and outside of his work leads to the conclusion that he was almost certainly corrupt, involved with the supplying of Class A drugs and was probably an addict himself. Bing Spear was notorious – his behaviour stood out a mile. There is no chance that all these mandarins did not know what Bing Spear was doing. For more details of Spear and the corrupt Top Doctors that he protected, see post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’.

 

Other papers released from the National Archives the other day include papers relating to the radioactive gas cloud from Chernobyl that passed over Wales in April 1986. There was chaos because most of the Cabinet were on holiday or overseas. The Environment Secretary at the time was William Waldegrave – after this sterling performance Waldegrave was later given the job as Health Secretary. In which post he showed exactly the same level of contempt for Wales.

Papers released from the National Archives also show that Andrew Turnbull had written a memo with advice to the Kinnocks – it was widely believed that Labour would win the General Election in 1992. The advice included telling the Kinnocks that they would need to spend more on clothes. Well they’ve ended up living like kings anyway, I’m sure that the First Family of Troughing spend quite enough on clothes. I’m not sure how the Tories did win in 1992 – there will no doubt have been the most appalling catalogue of dirty tricks used and events in north Wales will have played a major part because reports of the paedophile gang had begun appearing in the London-based media. Kinnock and co knew about the paedophile ring in north Wales and Peter Morrison but they said not a word. I suspect because they’d all been keeping quiet about George Thomas down in Cardiff…

One document that was released from the archives was a letter that Paddy Hill, one of the Birmingham Six, had written in September 1987 to Senator Mooney in Ireland. Paddy had made the observation that ‘the British system don’t know how to spell the word JUSTICE never mind dispensing it’. At the time that Paddy was writing that letter, I had narrowly escaped being imprisoned for attempting to stab that doctor in Ysbyty Gwynedd. The plot went as high as the Home Office.

Radio 4 broadcast a programme yesterday in which they discussed the 1992 papers that had been released. This blog’s old favourites were interviewed, including Charlie Falconer. Falconer banged on about how in 1992 he was still working as a barrister and there was a crisis of confidence in British justice after so many people had to be released on appeal after spending years in prison for crimes that they had not committed. That’s right Charlie – and as far as concealing the abuses and miscarriages of justice associated with the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal was concerned you and Blair continued the process that caused such bad PR for the Tories. But you wrapped it up in the discourse of ‘human rights’, ‘service user involvement’ and ‘supporting the NHS’.

Interesting though the latest releases from the National Archives are, the National Archives have a habit of retaining the best stuff until we’re definitely all dead. Papers relating to the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and even the Mental Health Act Commission are closed for decades to come as are the papers on the Birmingham Six. Whilst reading about Ashworth Hospital for my post ‘Security, Security’ I found that huge quantities of papers relating to the Ashworth Inquiries – including the interviews with the Top Docs – are closed for the best part of the next 100 years.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Little Things Hitting Each Other

In my post ‘Compare And Contrast – The Case Of Two Doctors And The General Medical Council’, I discussed the disciplining of Dr Ann Dally by the GMC for prescribing controlled drugs to addicts in the 1980s. I noted that Dally had been vigorously pursued by the GMC for doing exactly what Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was known to be doing (see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’), except that Dafydd was facilitating the Westminster Paedophile Ring as well, which afforded him considerable protection from the authorities. I wondered who had been so keen to nail Dally and why even her connections to the Royals – her husband Dr Peter Dally had attended Princess Margaret at the behest of Lord Snowdon – hadn’t been enough to keep her out of trouble. In that post I stated that I would read the book that Ann Dally wrote about it all to see if I could work out what was going on.

I have now read Ann’s book, ‘A Doctor’s Story’, which she finished writing in the late 1980s. I think that I have worked out what was going on and it’s gobsmacking, as are the activities of some of the people involved in the drama.

Ann Dally wrote convincingly about the problems that drug addicts faced when trying to gain treatment, either for their addiction or anything else. She stated bluntly that doctors hated addicts, that psychiatrists usually refused to treat them and that in the 1980s some GPs surgeries even had notices up stating that they would not treat addicts. She stated that psychiatrists took the view that addicts should be disposed of within the prison system and that if a female addict became pregnant social services usually removed their child as a matter of routine. All this is true. I heard these opinions of addicts being openly articulated by people when I worked in the London medical schools in the late 1980s/90s. I was told by a number of people working in the NHS in north Wales that the reason why Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was given the remit for treating all the addicts in the region was that the other psychiatrists all refused to treat them.

However I also knew from my friendship with a man who had been a drug abuser himself that addicts will speak highly of any doctor who gives them drugs – they do not care about anything else other than securing the drugs. This is not merely my interpretation of what I saw, the former drug user told me this himself. I also witnessed him tell one of the nurses at the Hergest Unit this everyday story of drug using folk. Both this man and I were objecting to Dafydd Alun Jones being allowed into the Hergest Unit in the face of so many allegations of his serious misconduct and in the wake of the serious complaints that I had made about him going completely uninvestigated. The nurse tried to defend the Hergest Unit by saying ‘those patients want to see him, they like him’, to which my friend responded ‘of course they like him, he gives them drugs and I should know because I used to be like that myself’. Both I and this man heard addicts openly boasting that Dafydd was great because ‘he’ll give you anything you want’.

The medical treatment of addicts became a hot potato in the 1980s. There had been an ideological change driven by a very influential, indeed overtly powerful part of the medical establishment. Until the mid-1970s, Drug Dependency Units (DDUs) in NHS hospitals prescribed maintenance therapy for addicts – in other words opiate substitutes such as methadone were prescribed without ever asking the addict to withdraw. The addicts were given repeat prescriptions for the same (sometimes high) dose for as long as they requested it. Prescribing was often very generous and cocktails involving stimulants and depressants were frequently prescribed. Addicts could also be prescribed heroin and cocaine if the doctor saw fit to do so. A lot of addicts – and doctors like Ann Dally – argued that this was by far the best approach, that the actual drug itself did little harm and that the real problems were caused by what addicts did to get the drugs if they couldn’t receive them on prescription. It was established that addicts turned to crime to acquire the money to buy drugs, that they lived in terrible conditions because their time and money was spent in pursuit of drugs and nothing else, that they acquired blood borne infections through sharing needles with other people and that their lives descended into chaos. Dally et al argued that addicts could actually live productive lives that were indistinguishable from non-addicts if they were prescribed maintenance drugs. There was evidence that for some addicts this was true.  From the latter half of the 1970s, there was great pressure from certain parts of the medical establishment on NHS DDUs not to provide maintenance doses, but to instead make it a condition of treatment that addicts must withdraw – quite quickly as well – and become completely drug-free. Eventually very few DDUs would actually provide maintenance therapy, so in the 1980s an increasing number of addicts began seeking out doctors in private practice who would prescribe maintenance therapy – obviously this was a service that addicts had to pay for. It hadn’t previously been an issue because when NHS clinics had prescribed freely and generously, addicts had less to gain by going to a private practice.

Ann Dally alleged that the driver for the refusal to prescribe maintenance therapy was coming from the ‘Maudsley Mafia’, a small group of psychiatrists in teaching hospitals like the Maudsley who were incredibly powerful. Why they wanted to push through this change to clinical practice is open to debate. Work published since that time states that very little was actually known about drug dependence and how to treat it, even by the specialist NHS DDUs, so people were just floundering about in the dark. Dr Thomas Bewley, President of the Royal College of Psychiatrists and allegedly a drug dependency expert, was to say later that ‘no-one had the faintest idea of what they were doing and were all expected to solve the problem of drug dependence’. There seems to have been a lot of truth in this confession.

It has been widely speculated that the change in clinical practice resulted from Margaret Thatcher’s administrations doing as they were asked by the US administrations at that time, when the Reagan and later Bush were holding their much publicised ‘War On Drugs’. Thatcher was so keen to maintain the ‘special relationship’ that she simply went along with US policy. Whatever the reason, by the mid-80s there was very great pressure on the private doctors who had been prescribing maintenance therapy not to do so anymore, so doctors who did prescribe found themselves greatly in demand. Something though was not working, because by the mid-80s, drug use was increasing greatly, even in provincial areas like north Wales. The advent of HIV-AIDS increased the problems of intravenous drug-users and provided an extra layer of complexity.

Until 2007, the Drugs Branch in the Home Office were responsible for monitoring controlled drugs and Home Office Drugs Inspectors visited doctors prescribing controlled drugs at least once every two years. If doctors were thought to be prescribing irresponsibly, under the Misuse of Drugs Act (1967) they could find themselves called by the Home Office before a Tribunal, which could remove their powers to prescribe controlled drugs. They could then be referred to the GMC – although this rarely happened. Doctors wanting to prescribe certain drugs needed a Home Office licence.

I remember the growing problem of drug use in north Wales at the time. In 1984 the corrupt GP Dr D.G.E. Wood – who was concealing the wrongdoing of Dafydd et al – told me that ‘heroin is now a local problem’. Dafydd himself was appearing at public meetings dispensing his wisdom concerning the problem and there was much ranting in the local newspapers and on Welsh TV. In north Wales a lot of people got very excited and did not seem to be able to distinguish occasional cannabis users from heroin and cocaine addicts. Just to confuse matters, it became clear that there was a big problem with police corruption, especially in drug squads. I witnessed a bit of this in north Wales – the corrupt officers were busy pursuing students and hippies and if necessary planting drugs on them, whilst organised criminals involved in importing and distributing drugs were left to carry on doing business. I knew that the same thing was happening in the west country and in Manchester and it will no doubt have been happening in London. What I knew about in Bangor though was poor people taking drugs – people on the council estates in Caernarfon, Bangor or Holyhead, or in rural locations such as Anglesey.

Ann Dally’s patients were rather different. Ann and Peter Dally were society doctors. They both came from privileged families themselves and trained at St Thomas’s, which is considered to be the medical school of the privileged classes. Ann Dally’s own account explains that they were both completely committed to the NHS – they qualified very soon after the establishment of the NHS – and never expected to move into private practice. As a young doctor Peter Dally worked as a psychiatrist under the dreadful Dr William Sargant at St Thomas’s and built up his private practice when Sargant went away for a few months and Peter Dally took over his patients for him. Sargant returned, but Dally found himself in such demand that he began renting consulting room space in the same building as Sargant. Dally was a consultant at Westminster Hospital as well, but eventually found that he didn’t have time to do both the NHS work at Westminster and his private work, so he gave up the NHS work. Ann Dally had a lot of children and began her family soon after qualifying, so she worked in Family Planning clinics and did work with women and children, because that fitted around her family. She moved into private work through ‘helping Peter’ with his practice.

Ann Dally writes very convincingly as a compassionate doctor who is angered by suffering and injustice. There are inconsistencies though. Although at one point she mentions that she only ever went into private work because the NHS did not reach up to the idealistic expectations that she had of it, she maintains that she rarely met anyone working in the NHS who was cruel to patients or malicious and that no-one working in the NHS was judgemental. Dally’s story is that EVERYONE was working for the benefit of the patients, even if they had their foibles or clashed with their colleagues. Yet she provides first hand anecdotes of appalling practice. As a very junior doctor working in obstetrics, she has a patient in labour whose condition is such that she will die if a caesarean is performed – although there is concern about the baby. Dally is faced with a senior registrar who is a devout Roman Catholic and wants to perform the caesarean to save the baby, although he knows this will kill the mother. Dally is so horrified that she goes to seek help from a higher authority and gets a grade A bollocking for having brought the unfortunate views of the senior registrar into the light of day – although everyone knew that he was about to kill a patient. A fudge is undertaken, the senior registrar is persuaded to go elsewhere for a few hours whilst someone takes over the care of the woman in labour, preventing a murder. It is made clear to Dally that much embarrassment has been caused and that she must never interfere in such a manner again. Again and again Dally recounts tales of patients being treated appallingly, of psychiatry having such a poor reputation that good medical graduates run away from it screaming, of mad incompetent sadistic psychiatrists who have no idea of what they are doing, of ‘research’ in psychiatry that was laughable and of realising that if she is looking after someone with psychiatric problems she needs to do her best to ensure that they aren’t ever admitted to a mental hospital (particularly Tooting Bec). As for never meeting anyone malicious working in the NHS – she witnesses a young woman who had taken an overdose being deliberately sent to the back of the queue in casualty by the nurse on duty ‘to teach her a lesson’. The delay in treatment is such that the young woman dies. Documentation is then altered to conceal the delay in treatment. The coroner knows what happened but he colludes and asks no questions.

Dally maintains that when she was working in obstetrics and gynaecology, most beds were taken by women who were in need of treatment following illegal abortions. I have been told this by others who worked in the NHS in the 1950s, it’s one reason why so many staff welcomed the 1967 Abortion Act. However Dally admits to something that I have never heard or indeed read before. That at St Thomas’s there were at least two consultants openly performing illegal abortions – and a lot of them. Dally knew all about it because she assisted them – because they had identified her as a junior doctor who would agree to help them with this task. Dally must presume that her readers are complete ignoramuses – she breezily explained that they were not breaking the law. They were. I understand what the law was at that time and Dally and her colleagues were breaking it in a very big way. Dally also mentions a Professor Dugald Baird who performed abortions on ‘any women who didn’t want to have babies’, stating that this was legal. No, it was not. I am very glad that the law changed and I can understand the sympathy that Dally and her colleagues had for those women with unwanted pregnancies, but that lot were completely flouting the law and they will have known it. So who was Professor Dugald Baird? He was one of the most ‘distinguished’ names in obstetrics and gynaecology at the time and had a Chair at the University of Aberdeen. He was a pioneer in Family Planning Clinics. His son Professor David Tennant Baird was instrumental in gaining approval for the ‘morning after pill’ RU-486 to be made available in the UK. Dugald Baird’s other son, D. Euan Baird, before he retired in 2003 was Chair and CEO of Schlumberger, the biggest oilfields service company in the world. Ann would probably describe it as a wind farm. The Baird Family Hospital in Aberdeen, named after Dugald and his clan, is due to open in 2020.

So Ann was capable of bending the rules, reassuring everyone that she was not, denying some real horrors which led to disastrous results for patients and giving a good impression throughout all this that she was a radical, caring doctor who only had the best interests of her patients at heart.

Ann Dally became famous for her clashes with the GMC over her prescribing for addicts, but there’s a few lines in the book that point to a other problems as well. Dally did a great deal of work in what she calls ‘medical journalism’ and ordinary ‘journalism’ when she was young to earn money. She stresses that she was always very careful never to accept patients who had contacted her on the basis of articles of hers that they had read, because that would contravene the GMC rules on advertising. So if they did contact her, she sent them off back to their GP – who then referred them to her anyway. OK, I can see how that could be constructed as adhering to the rules, but as a youngish doctor Ann was investigated when an article that she wrote turned up in a porn magazine no less. Ann’s story was that someone had sold an article on gynaecology ‘behind her back’. So what the hell was in that article? I have read numerous books and articles on obstetrics and gynaecology and they really are not written in the style or indeed in the language that a reader of a porn magazine would be interested in or in which most of them would even understand. Particularly articles dating from the 1960s. Even work by the likes of Masters and Johnson which was considered explicit and most controversial would have had difficulty appealing to soft pornographers. Ann doesn’t explain in her book how she ended up being investigated – she only mentions it because when she first trots off to get advice re the charges of irresponsible prescribing, one of the legal advisors from the MDU remembers her from twenty years previously, from the case with the porn mag.

So after witnessing no-one ever misbehaving themselves in the NHS, Ann and Peter went into private practice in the early 1960s. They began by practicing from their family home in Dulwich – it was only some years later that they purchased a lease on a building in one of the most prestigious locations in Harley Street. But business booms at Dulwich. Ann mentions that Peter has some very ‘grand’ patients. Although they are running an extensive private practice they do not have a secretary or ‘anything official’. The children are taught how to answer the phone and the kids are also told that if they do answer the phone and it’s someone who says they are ringing from Buckingham Palace, the children must not think it’s a joke because it will be someone ringing from Buckingham Palace. Ann mentions that one does not charge a fee when one treats Royalty, one has to be available at any time of the day or night and one must treat them in secret. Ann finds treating the Royals a bit of a pain, but it does wonders for one’s reputation. As well as the Royal Family, Ann mentions that their patients included holders of accounts at Coutts, aristocrats, heirs to famous family fortunes, City brokers, property developers, writers, musicians, senior people from the BBC, journalists, solicitors, pop stars and civil servants and the families of these people. She mentions that they have international patients including many Arabs, and have treated the children of some of the wealthiest and most publicised people. One of her patients was a princess from a Gulf state and Ann goes to visit her at the Wellington Hospital. A suite of rooms has been booked for relatives, ladies-in-waiting and servants – as well as a group of ‘pubescent girls’ dressed identically, whom the translator explains to Ann are ‘slave girls from Nubia’. Ann observes that she’s never met slaves before. One of Ann’s patients was a Cabinet Minister who was ‘raving mad and almost naked, chasing his boyfriend around the clinic’. Ann was called to attend another patient who was a fraudster who ‘went mad’ in an hotel whilst developing up a huge scam – another psychiatrist who was initially called to deal with him had tried to become a partner in the scam. It was left to Ann to save the day. She remarks drily that the GMC never got to hear about this. So she didn’t report any of it then.

The most worry anecdote regarding the Dallys’ interesting patients though is one about a retired Army officer. He had consulted Peter Dally after he had amputated his own leg at the knee and couldn’t explain why he had done this. An ’eminent psychiatrist’ had paid them all a visit at the Dallys’ place but no-one could find anything wrong with the retired officer. With Peter’s therapeutic skills though, they eventually got to the truth. The retired officer ‘had a fantasy’ that his mission in life was to model artificial limbs and have sexual relationships with amputees. As he was now getting on in years, he felt that it was time to ‘put his fantasy into practice’. Police had found literature from artificial limb suppliers in his house and they had founds stacks of anatomy and surgery textbooks which contained detailed instructions on how to perform amputations. The Dallys’ noticed that their patient had made a very good job of his own amputation.

I think that I know what had been going on and it wasn’t what the Dallys’ claimed. Amputating limbs is a highly skilled business, one needs to be shown how to do it, one needs to practice and one needs the right drugs and equipment. Diagrams in surgery books, even the best ones, don’t look anything like the unholy mess that one is faced with if one cuts oneself open. You need to learn from someone who already knows and you need to learn how to interpret surgery manuals as well. That retired officer had operated previously, probably quite often. And someone trained in surgery had taught him. He almost certainly had an amputee fetish – I can’t remember the word for the syndrome now, but it is recognised – and he had been amputating other people’s limbs as well as his own in order to have sex with them. And he was obviously supplying the prosthetics as well. The Dallys had discovered a very worrying situation there. Not that there is a word about how they resolved it, let alone who taught the retired officer to operate or who supplied him with the drugs etc necessary. It’s just written up as an example of ‘people do the funniest things’.

Ann and Peter are acutely aware of how discreet they must be when they are dealing with very rich law breaking patients, particularly those who are famous or in public life. Ann explains that a psychiatric diagnosis must be avoided at all costs and freely admits that lies are told and elaborate pantomimes are set up with other Top Doctors and hospitals. Ann explains that a statement is sent out to the press explaining that the person concerned is going into hospital for medical or surgical problem – heart, kidney or whatever – and a surgeon or physician is sent in through the front door of the hospital to have a few words with the reporters, whilst the psychiatrist goes in through the back entrance.

So the Dallys must have had a reputation as being pretty useful if you were filthy rich and either up to something embarrassing or unlawful. No wonder their practice was so popular.

Not only would you have needed much dosh to have afforded to consult Ann Dally if you were a drug addict, but you would have needed to prove it. Ann didn’t treat plebs. Or people who looked dirty or unkempt or anyone rude or aggressive or even anyone that her secretaries (by the time that she was treating addicts she was employing secretaries) ‘didn’t like’. She asked for income tax returns and pay slips to show that you could afford to pay. Not only did you have to pay Ann (she helpfully details her prices for prescriptions in the book), but you had to pay the chemist too. Furthermore, if you were a patient of Ann’s you had to only go to one of the chemists that was on the list that she gave you, for some reason you couldn’t just go to any old chemist – although that would have been quite legal. Ann states that she very much prefers working with intelligent patients and that she didn’t treat anyone who was psychotic because treating such patients caused her so much anxiety. They also need looking after and can’t just be sent out of the door with a prescription.

If you had the money to pay – and of course the money for designer clothes so people who were very obviously addicts popping in to pick up their scripts didn’t actually look as though they were – Ann certainly provided a good service. She got the social services off your back if you were a parent who was in danger of having your kids removed and she undertook medico-legal work as well, having a ‘moral obligation’ to go to Court ‘for a patient who needed my help’. Ann would even turn up to a Court case the very next day if necessary – presumably if the Royal had been arrested and had found themselves in the cells waiting to appear before the Magistrates for the first hearing – and she’d cancel everything and if necessary travel many miles if the Court case was outside of London. Ann also doubled up as Santa – she kept a drawer full of gifts for older children who were visiting the dealer with their parents and the children were allowed to choose a gift on every visit. Ann observed that it made her very popular with the children. So they’d obviously say the right thing to the social services or the judge.

Truly a Dafydd for the upper classes and rich and famous!

Ann does tell the truth at times in her book re drug addiction – again, it’s when she describes some of the grim practices of the NHS drug clinics. She relates that the ‘detoxing’ that the clinics forced on people was no more than a box-ticking exercise, that drugs were freely available in these clinics on the black market, that addicts took them and that the staff knew about this but nothing was said as long as the patients weren’t caught doing it. The clinics wanted to pretend that the patients were detoxing successfully because the clinic would then boast of their success, the patients went along with the charade because they had often been sent to the clinic as an alternative to prison and although the care provided by the clinics was very poor and neglect was the order of the day, the patients preferred being in hospital to prison. The patients would then be discharged as ‘drug free’ no matter what sort of state they were in. Some of the UK’s ‘leading authorities’ in drug dependency presided over clinics like this.

This description of Dally’s pretty much equates to everything that I ever heard about Dafydd’s ‘drug unit’ at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh.

So although Dally was no doubt quite correct in her descriptions of the loathing that nearly all doctors had for addicts and the very poor ‘care’ that they received from the few psychiatrists who would agree to treat them, there was something about her practices that caused the GMC to haul her up before them three times over a period of a few years, whereas they nearly always left it to the Home Office alone to deal with ‘irresponsible prescribing’. I have mentioned that Dally attributed her problems to a group of powerful doctors in the medical establishment who really had it in for her, although their own clinics were very mediocre, corners were cut and rules and laws were flouted. Dally was definitely clashing with certain Top Doctors, although some of them were so obnoxious it would be difficult not to clash with them. She did have a lot of support though – from a number of other high profile Top Doctors and from swathes of the liberal media who really did take the view that she had been wronged. At the time there was acres written about her case along with the cases of Dr Wendy Savage and Dr Marietta Higgs, who also clashed with the higher echelons of the medical establishment in the mid 80s.

The common theme was that these were three ‘powerful women doctors’ and the misogynist old gits who ran medicine just couldn’t bear strong wimmin, so the boys’ club went after them. I believe that this is a misreading. The cases of these three women were all completely different – although Wendy Savage and Ann Dally supported each other and were quite friendly. (Wendy Savage wrote the foreword to Ann’s book.) The lay press interpreted the Savage case as Mrs Savage being a female, feminist, Labour Party supporting Top Doctor who was encouraging childbirth with less medical intervention than most of the allegedly Tory hi-tech birth supporting male colleagues surrounding her. But there were plenty of Top Doctors who weren’t Tories, plenty of ones with an interest in low-intervention births and even a few who liked to think of themselves as feminists. And lots of younger female obstetricians were in training. It was common knowledge in London that Wendy Savage and the Professor of her department hated each other, had done so for a very long time and a civil war had broken out. He saw his chance and put the boot in and tried to get rid of her. Dr Marietta Higgs had caused havoc in Cleveland for the local hospital by removing hundreds of children from their parents on the grounds that she believed that they had been anally raped. She had so many kids taken into care that foster homes couldn’t be found for them all and they were placed in the local paediatric wards. There were no beds left for sick children, parents were protesting on hospital premises, writs were flying and chaos had broken out. This happened as Alison Taylor, Mary Wynch and I were writing to politicians and Ministers raising the alarm about events in north Wales – I have previously speculated that Cleveland provided a very useful distraction to allegations in north Wales that children were being sexually abused by the social services themselves and that there seemed to be a widespread network of professionals colluding with this. I have no idea whether Marietta Higgs really believed that all those children had been abused or not – she certainly won’t have been a worse doctor for being a woman, but if somebody wanted to manipulate her in the way that I suspect that they did, being a woman will have been a bonus. After all, women are caring and could never be colluding with or concealing the organised abuse of children could they? It’s why female social workers, Top Doctors and Angels were repeatedly told by Dafydd et al to tell the police that I’d threatened them or that they were terrified of me – it looks better coming from a Woman In Fear.

The case of Ann Dally was completely different from either Wendy Savage or Marietta Higgs. It was also driven by a rather different group of people, although the public scrap was among Top Doctors. From what I can gather from Ann Dally’s book, it was the police who very much wanted to nail her.

The police were so keen to demonstrate that Ann Dally was up to no good that they routinely questioned drug addicts in London as to whether they knew Ann Dally or if any of their friends knew her, they sent officers undercover who then purchased drugs from patients of Ann’s, former police officers were employed as private detectives to investigate the chemists to which she sent her patients and at one point Scotland Yard held an investigation into her. Paperwork from her accountant was examined -although that had been at the request of one of Dally’s barristers in an attempt to help her – and all of her financial affairs were probed. There was an attempt to bring a charge of deception against Ann.

The results were varied. One of Ann’s patients claimed that the police drafted his statement implicating her and he just signed it. One undercover officer did succeed in purchasing drugs from one of Dally’s patients. When prescriptions were examined it was discovered that Dally had been prescribing very generously for a lot of people. Dally herself talked of ‘1000s’ of addicts phoning or dropping in at her house. By Dally’s own admission, no-one could understand her accounts – not even her and Peter (Ann and Peter divorced in 1979 but remained on good terms and continued to run the practice together). Her rationale for this was that their accountant was unbeknown to them an alcoholic who was having a nervous breakdown. The Dallys were psychiatrists who specialised in addiction problems – were they too busy with Princess Margaret to notice their poor accountant disintegrating in front of them? I mentioned in my post ‘Compare And Contrast – The Case Of Two Doctors And The General Medical Council’ that the property owned and lifestyle enjoyed by Ann Dally as described by the GMC wasn’t that different from that enjoyed by many Harley Street Top Doctors at the time – they all trousered a lot of money. However, I note that in Ann’s book she states that a police officer was alleged to have made a comment to one of Ann’s patients about the amount of money that she must be making after he’d performed a few calculations. The police often get things badly wrong but one thing that the police are very good at is spotting when people seem to be in possession of a rather more money than one would expect, I’ve been very impressed with the police’s talent in this area. This morning someone who knew that I was researching the Dally case mentioned that there was cash stashed everywhere, not just in the Dallys’ bank account. It seemed to be complaints and questions sparked off by the police that landed Ann in trouble on each occasion.

One of Ann’s patients ended up in the secure prison on the Isle of Wight serving a three year stretch for supplying drugs. This man had been referred to Ann by a GP who ‘was under threat from the Home Office’ and who didn’t want to prescribe for him anymore. The patient had been an addict for many, many years, had a criminal record and told Ann that he was interested in qualifying as a social worker – he was undertaking a preliminary course at Coventry Poly and had been receiving treatment from a doctor at the Poly. Ann explains in her book that he had ‘exploited’ the ‘drug doctors’ of the 60s, Lady Frankau and Dr Petro and had received huge quantities of drugs from them. Lady Isabella Frankau and Petro were legendary. Frankau was acknowledged as being the mainstay of the flourishing illicit heroin market in the early 1960s – the Home Office considered her very harmful. She also prescribed cocaine and told other doctors to do this, which led to a cocaine market developing. Her prescribing was so bizarre as to be indefensible. Frankau was basically a drug dealer to high society. Petro was struck off. Ann’s patient who had previously acquired his goodies from Frankau and Petro also broke into the surgery of the doctor from Coventry Poly. I don’t know what his excuse for doing that was, but he told Ann that he hadn’t been supplying drugs, one of his friends was suffering from withdrawal symptoms so he’d lent him some drugs.

I have mentioned that the Home Office Drugs Branch were responsible for inspecting and monitoring doctors prescribing controlled drugs. Ann seemed to have a remarkably friendly relationship with some of those Inspectors, although she noticed that as the 1980s rolled on, the Inspectors were getting tougher and tougher on prescribing doctors. The Chief Inspector of the Drugs Branch between 1977 until his retirement in 1986 was Bing Spear. He had first entered the Drugs Branch of the Home Office in 1952 as an Inspector and was Deputy Chief Inspector between 1965-77. Bing Spear seems to have lingered on in the memories of many people who had doings with the world of addiction before he retired. He was of course a civil servant, but he seems to have been quite an unusual one. Spear had an excellent knowledge of the doctors working in drug dependency – he will have definitely known Dafydd – as well as of the voluntary bodies, Gov’t officials, police and customs officers. He also spent a lot of time mixing with addicts in the West End and personally knew nearly all of them. Not only that, but he knew who the dealers who initially had sold them drugs were, how long they’d been addicts, where there current supplies were coming from and who their current girlfriends were. He was known to be good friends with a number of addicts and would even turn up with them to attend the seminars of Prof Arnold Trebach – an American ‘legalise all drugs’ campaigner – when Trebach was in London. Bing was famous for being someone whom the addicts could go to ‘for help’. Bing’s stated ambition after he retired was to run an addicts union and ‘get the addicts organised’. (Dally was also enthusiastic about addicts establishing their own groups to lobby for their rights – she assisted in setting up one such group and her sons provided the group with free office space.) Bing was not a drugs outreach worker, he was a civil service Mandarin.

Bing Spear didn’t just prove helpful to addicts, Ann Dally really rated him too. He made it known that he ‘didn’t like’ the NHS DDUs and ‘encouraged’ Ann in her work with addicts. It was Bing who first warned Ann about the ‘mafia’ of Top Doctors working in drugs dependency – Bing was good enough to give Ann the names of those involved and provide her with the low-down on their techniques. It was also Bing who warned her when the mafia had their knives out for her. Ann’s first encounter with Bing was interesting. As her business boomed, she rang Bing for advice and was told by him that he had been waiting for her to ring because he thought that she’d need his help.

Bing certainly stuck his neck out on behalf of Ann. Ann maintained that the Top Doctors who condemned her were an ‘amorphous powerful’ group, comprised mostly of London DDU consultants, supported by a few others outside of London. Bing publicly identified the group in an interview in New Statesman. They had a number of connections with the Royal Colleges and the GMC and were especially influential because they had the confidence of David Mellor, the Minister at the Home Office. Mellor frequently appeared on TV explaining how he was ‘determined to beat the evil’ of drugs.

Ann got on very well with Bing’s colleague John Lawson as well – Lawson was the Senior Home Office Inspector for Drugs for London and the South East. Bing and Lawson were usually the Inspectors who visited Ann. As the authorities clamped down more and more on the prescribing of controlled drugs – and pursued Ann – by 1985 John Lawson had been transferred to Bristol, where he was responsible for the South West and Wales. Ann’s perception was that Lawson had been transferred because he was ‘too soft’ on doctors and the Home Office wanted a ‘hardliner’ in his place. But Lawson wasn’t demoted – he was transferred and given responsibility for WALES. So at the time that Dafydd was building up his empire in north Wales, John Lawson, a notoriously soft Inspector where questionable prescribing was concerned was transferred to Wales – where he would be responsible for inspecting and monitoring one Dr Dafydd Alun Jones.

Bing Spear retired in 1986, although Ann’s book suggests that he resigned, supposedly out of disgust at the way that her colleague Dr John Marks was being treated. Long before he retired however, Bing was in poor health.  Ann talks of him as being ‘yellow’ and having to go into hospital frequently for extended stays because of his heart and kidney troubles – there was usually a crisis when this happened because once Bing was indisposed, unfortunate things would happen to Ann at the hands of the authorities and Bing wouldn’t be there to fix it.

As I read the accounts of Bing and his somewhat unusual lifestyle for the most senior civil servant in the Home Office Drugs Branch, I couldn’t help wondering if perhaps Bing dabbled in a bit of chemical recreation himself. He hated the mafia who were restricting the supply of controlled drugs, didn’t seem too keen on helping the police or even his own colleagues in the Home Office, provided mountains of helpful advice and warnings to Ann when people were about to launch an investigation into her and he was a yellow colour and had extended stays in hospital. We know from Ann’s own account that some of her patients were civil servants and that if such folk had to be admitted to hospital for drug or psychiatric problems a pack of lies was told and it was all blamed on medical or surgical problems.

Ann Dally ended up appearing in front of the GMC on three separate occasions, on a number of charges. She was never struck off but was suspended and at one point banned from prescribing controlled drugs for 14 months – she appealed against the decision but lost the appeal. Her view was that until the early 1980s the GMC adopted a rather benign attitude to doctors treating addicts as well as to many other matters. Ann felt that their attitude changed ‘with a vengeance’ after Lord John Richardson retired as President – the GMC became much more of a prosecuting body and began hiring prosecutors, some with Old Bailey experience, in order to secure convictions against doctors.

The GMC were going through a torrid time during the years in which they were demanding Ann’s presence in front of the fitness to practice committee. There was public dissatisfaction with them because doctors were just never removed no matter how gross or lethal their misconduct – it was at this time that complaints were pouring into the GMC about Dafydd Alun Jones but there was zilch action taken – but doctors too were rising up against the GMC. The source of the doctors’ dissatisfaction was the GMC’s request a few years previously for an annual fee in order to retain their registration with the GMC. Doctors went ape and – among junior doctors in particular – there was a mass rebellion. Dr Michael O’Donnell – who was by then working as a full time journalist rather than a doctor – was a key figure in organising the revolt which resulted in O’Donnell being voted onto the GMC committee and then thousands of doctors refusing to pay their fee to the GMC. The GMC threatened to strike them all off and Keith Joseph, the then Secretary of State for Health, had kittens at the prospect of a shortfall of doctors in the public workforce. He set up a Public Inquiry Chaired by the nuclear physicist Sir Alec Merrison in order to try to placate the Top Doctors. Michael O’Donnell remained on the GMC committee and was as difficult as he could be. He was sympathetic to Dally – he had been a student at Tommy’s with her – and at the beginning of one of the hearings into her fitness to practice he walked out of the committee and did not return. Although O’Donnell was known for making those sorts of gestures.

Ann Dally did a number of things after she was banned from prescribing that confirmed the suspicions of those who believed that she was a purveyor of drugs. After the sentence was announced, there was a short lag before it actually came into effect – Dally had to receive written notification before it was effective. So she went back to Harley Street and literally churned out prescriptions until the very second that she was legally prevented from doing so. It was rather like the last day of the sales. It transpired that Dally had been confused about the rules and that she actually could have spent a few more hours dishing out the goodies. She only found out about this when she was told by a worker in a drugs organisation – she was on very good terms with these bodies as well – that her addicts had all complained about her because she could have prescribed for longer than she did.

As my friend observed re Dafydd – of course they like him, he gives them drugs…

Ann’s fan club dwindled quite suddenly when she was no longer dispensing. She made another little slip though – she did stop prescribing opiates but she continued to prescribe other controlled drugs. She was caught and a lot of people were very cross. Her supporters feared that this was it, she would now be struck off, although amazingly enough she wasn’t. Ann’s story was that she ‘didn’t know’ the drugs that she prescribed were on the controlled list. Which would seem to be an inexplicable lack of knowledge for a specialist in addiction who is being monitored by the Home Office – particularly one who had just been suspended by the GMC for irresponsible prescribing.

The fate of some of Ann’s patients after she could no longer treat them could be used to support either her view of good clinical practice or her opponents. A number of them were caught dealing and ended up in prison, some were involved in other criminal offences and some of them sadly died. There were indications that some of her patients were rather less vulnerable and knew how to survive in the big bad world. To illustrate how important it was for her to be allowed to continue to prescribe whatever her addicts requested, Ann Dally recounted anecdotes of them saying things like ‘oh well I’ll just have to commit a robbery then’. One man explained immediately that he’d return to Pakistan and begin importing heroin. Another patient was a ‘local authority worker with the elderly’ – presumably a social worker or similar – and told Ann that his elderly patients trusted him and had confided in him where they had hidden money and valuables. This man told Ann that if she were to stop prescribing and he was left without his fix, he didn’t think that he’d be able to resist turning the old folk’s houses over. Dally claims that she knew that a number of her patients did make arrangements to turn to serious crime.

In the aftermath of Ann Dally’s suspension there was substantial media interest both in her case and in the debate regarding the best way of treating drug addicts. She made TV and radio appearances and a flurry of articles in the press were published. The publicity surrounding her own particular case eventually died down, but the treatment of drug addicts remained problematic. Dr John Marks, who ran a clinic in Widnes on Merseyside, also treated addicts using maintenance therapy. Unlike Dally, Marks had the support of the police – the Cheshire police carried out some fairly sound research and concluded that there had been a huge decrease in drug-related crime as a consequence of Dr Marks’ practice. Dealers also stopped frequenting the area because there was no demand for their wares. Dr Marks’ locality was one of the few areas in the UK where there was no HIV-AIDS cases at all. Nonetheless, Dr Marks’ clinic was closed down by sleight of hand – a local authority reorganisation took place which led to the disappearance of his Health Authority and thus his clinic. Dr Marks emigrated to New Zealand. A previous post describes how Dr John Marks wanted to relocate to north Wales but Gwynedd Health Authority blocked his appointment on the grounds that he was ‘controversial’. They gave the contract for substance abuse services to Dafydd Alun Jones instead.

So that’s an overview of the Ann Dally case. As ever, if we really want to shed light on the more interesting aspects of it all, we need to take a look at those who played leading roles in the drama, including both those who supported Dally and those who opposed her.

 

Dally knew influential people and public figures from her earliest days. She was from a well-known family and Marie Stopes was among the family’s friends. She was at Somerville College with Margaret Thatcher – although they weren’t friends – and scores of people whom she studied with at Tommy’s became big names in medicine. She was of course taught by many big names in medicine. We have seen the sort of patients whom she treated – even the most modest of them were solidly middle class and affluent and some were members of the Royal Family. Someone like Ann Dally would be able to muster a great deal of support when they encountered difficulties of any sort. I suspect that the fact that so many of her friends and patients worked in the media may have been responsible for much of the sympathetic coverage that her case received.

Although Dally and her mates didn’t seem to like Thatcher at all when they were at Oxford, when in 1983 Dally was invited to Downing Street in her capacity as an ‘expert’ in drug dependency to meet Thatcher, she clearly felt that she would be in a position to influence her. Dally seemed to have changed her view about Thatcher once Thatcher became PM. She had previously thought that Thatcher was rather boring and not really worth spending time with – shortly after Thatcher was elected as an MP, Thatcher had been invited to a gathering of Somerville Alumni to give a talk. The talk had been so yawningly dull that afterwards people demanded that Thatcher never be invited back again. But now that she was PM Dally saw qualities that had been well-concealed. Dally thought that she was making headway with Thatcher, but she did detect a certain frostiness from the other person present at their meeting – Dr Pamela Mason, whom Dally describes as the Senior Doctor at the Drugs Branch of the DHSS.

I have found a copy of the Bulletin of the Royal College of Psychiatrists from Dec 1985, summarising Parliamentary News, Feb-July 1985. This document was compiled by this blog’s old friend Professor Robert Bluglass, the man who concealed the criminal activities of Dafydd et al in north Wales in 1988! There are loads of names from the past mentioned in this document, one of which was Dr Pamela Mason’s. Mason is described as being the Director of the Mental Health Division in the DHSS. Things were certainly not going well in the Mental Health Division. Not only was Pamela presiding over the chaos and criminality in the north Wales mental health service, but this Bulletin reminded me of a few other problems from that time.

John Patten MP, a Minister in the DHSS, had announced that the DHSS was funding three studies into solvent abuse. One of those studies was to be undertaken by Professor R.H. Anderson at that den of corruption, St George’s Hospital Medical School. In 1985 Oliver Brooke who was later imprisoned for the possession of huge quantities of child porn was still employed as the Professor of Paediatrics at St George’s. The rest of the crooks who covered up for Dafydd et al in 1990/91 were busy down there as well.

The Bulletin mentions that David Mellor of the Home Office announced that there were no plans to increase the level of medical cover and no intention to provide special counselling and advisory services for self-harming prisoners in Holloway. Holloway at that time had a terrible reputation – there were scores of women in there whom everyone acknowledged had serious mental health problems and histories of abuse who were constantly injuring and killing themselves. The response to this was to drug them up to the eye-balls – which was clearly going to continue after Mellor’s statement. There was one part of Holloway that was too embarrassing even for Thatcher’s Home Office though. The Bulletin tells us that the Holloway Project Committee – which included Dr Pamela Mason – is to review the role and future of Holloway (Holloway was eventually closed but it took until very recently for that to happen). Lord Glenarthur -a previous star of this blog – stated that the Gov’t accepted the Report from the Committee that C1 Unit for ‘disturbed women prisoners’ was not meeting the needs of the inmates within. Glenarthur confirmed that there would be an urgent reassessment and immediate steps to improve conditions at the unit. C1 Unit was notorious – it was known as the ‘muppet house’ amongst the prisoners and contained scores of prisoners whom everybody accepted should never have been in prison, were severely mentally ill but somehow were never transferred to hospital. The other prisoners would hear the wails and screams from the muppet house day and night and suicides were common there. The muppet house will have contained many women who will have been abused as kids in care or by the mental health services – which is probably why Holloway had such trouble finding beds for the muppets in psychiatric hospitals. Just look what the Top Doctors were up to – a lot of those muppets will have been destroyed by the Top Doctors themselves because they’d witnessed or suffered a few things that the Top Doctors and others were desperate to keep quiet.

The Bulletin contains an interesting little bit about Wales. In May 1985 the Secretary of State for Wales stated that all Health Authorities, Local Authorities and Family Practitioner Committees were required to form Committees which included representatives of the voluntary sector to provide services for mental illness. So MIND were now officially part of the landscape of ‘service’ provision – the MIND which was at the time also colluding with the criminal activities in north Wales, whilst Tessa Jowell and William Bingley held senior positions there. The Secretary of State for Wales referred to was Nicholas Edwardes, now Lord Crickhowell. Edwardes had admitted that there was ‘much to be done’ to decentralise psychiatric services and the Welsh Office had arranged for a further independent review of mental illness services jointly by the NHS Health Advisory Services and Social Work Services of the Welsh Office between 1985/86-87. So the crooks in the NHS ignoring the wrongdoing of Dafydd et al in were going to get together with the crooks in the Social Work Services who were ignoring a paedophile ring operating in Clwyd and Gwynedd Social Services to ‘independently’ review the mental health services. No wonder the patients continued to die and go to prison after being stitched up for crimes that they had not committed. 1985, 86 and 87 were the very years that Alison Taylor, Mary Wynch and me all presented evidence of the most serious abuses and corruption in the mental health services and children’s services in north Wales. The ‘independent review’ managed not to investigate our allegations.

So the culprits at the helm of the massive cover-up were Dr Pamela Mason, Nicholas Edwards, the Secretary of State for Health and Social Security Norman Fowler and the Home Secretaries covering that period, which were Leon Brittan and Douglas Hurd.

The horror of what was happening is confirmed by another piece that appears in the Bulletin. In June 1985 John Patten confirmed that under the complaints procedures for special hospitals managed directly by the DHSS ie. Broadmoor, Ashworth and Rampton, a proportion of complaints went straight to Ministry Officials at the DHSS. Patten stated that the procedures for dealing with the complaints were ‘well-established’. Referring to a matter that was reported in Oct 1984 that was requested to be investigated – although details of the matter concerned were not revealed – the Parliamentary Commissioner for Administration expressed satisfaction with the way in which complaints made by a Broadmoor patient had been dealt with.

It is now known that in 1985, patients in the special hospitals were being physically and sexually abused, that child porn was being passed around these ‘hospitals’, that children were taken onto the premises to visit patients who were paedophiles and that nearly all the women patients had been sexually abused before they ever got near these places. The DHSS clearly knew about this as well. Not long after Bluglass wrote this Bulletin, Baroness Trumpington thought that the answer to all this was to appoint Jimmy Savile as manager of Broadmooor. What could ever go wrong?

The Bulletin also reveals that in July 1985 the Minister for Health Ken Clarke stated that the determination of the criteria for registering nursing homes lay with the District Health Authority in whose area the home was located. Clarke was satisfied that the existing codes of practice were of sufficiently high standard without being too strict. In the event of a dispute between a proprieter of the nursing home and the DHA, the matter would be determined by an appeal to the Registered Homes Tribunal, which the Gov’t had set up.

In 1985 complaints of abuse and neglect of patients in ‘nursing homes’ run by Dr Dafydd Alun Jones were common. The situation in one of these ‘homes’ for psychiatric patients in Llandudno, Holyrood House, was so bad that it eventually became a national scandal and was even featured by Esther on ‘That’s Life’. Patients were being beaten up and a drug addict from Liverpool was responsible for the drugs cabinet. Before Holyrood House hit the national media, MIND knew what was going on there, Jones’s colleague Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) knew what was going on, as did the Local Authority covering the Llandudno area. The Health Authority will have known as well. As for the Registered Homes Tribunal – a previous post mentions that Councillors in Clwyd were sitting on those Tribunals. Clwyd County Council knew that a paedophile ring was operating in it’s children’s homes and did nothing. Some people – such as Tory MP Beata Brookes – sat on both Clwyd County Council/Social Services and Clwyd Health Authority. Clwyd Health Authority was the employer of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones.

This was a system that could not have been designed by accident.

We can see that it was no accident from another feature in the Bulletin, which makes a reference to Lord David Ennals holding a debate on the future of St Thomas’s Hospital. Tommy’s was indeed under threat in the 1980s. Tommy’s remained unscathed. I wonder why that was? It only educated and employed all those leading lights in the British medical establishment – including the Dallys – who then all went to war on each other when the police started investigating Ann Dally.

The Bulletin reveals that in July 1985-86 the Minister of Health estimated the cost of the Mental Health Act Commission to be £1,022,000. A previous post details how the Mental Health Act Commission colluded with the north Wales mental health services and lied to me after I complained to them about being unlawfully detained in north Wales by Dafydd et al. Tessa Jowell was a member of that Commission.

So Norman Fowler was happy to spend approx. 1 million pa to conceal organised crime involving child abuse in the British welfare state, including the Westminster Paedophile Ring.

The Bulletin reveals that the Chairman of the Social Services Committee in the Commons at this time – who would have been in a position to ask some very awkward questions about this catalogue of horrors but noticeably didn’t – was a Renee Short.

Short was the Labour MP for Wolverhampton North East and was considered a ‘firebrand’, a female politician on the left of the party. Renee championed women’s and children’s issues! I think that we have been here before. Short was sponsored by the TGWU, was mates with trade unionist Jack Jones and was a member of Labour’s NEC, 1970-88. Short was the representative of the Wimmin’s Section. Short co-sponsored Neil Kinnock for the leadership of the Labour Party. Short’s obituaries tell us that she campaigned on ‘social issues’, including women in prison and on behalf of junior hospital doctors no less. So appreciative of her efforts were the Top Doctors that they made Renee a lay member of the MRC. Short ended up in a battle in her own constituency and was deselected – it was blamed on Militant, but one wonders whether she’d pissed a few other people off as well. She resigned after making a deal with Kinnock that if she did this, she would be rewarded with a peerage – although Kinnock wasn’t able to stump up one of those for her. In 2007 the Daily Mail carried an article about Renee’s granddaughter, who had become ‘hooked on drugs at 15’. Renee’s granddaughter bangs on about the irony of this, as her grandmother had been a well-known ‘anti-drugs campaigner’. I hate to disillusion Renee’s family, but if Renee had really wanted to make a difference in this area, all she needed to have done was make the activities of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones public during all those years that she Chaired the Select Committee on Social Services, ie. 1979-87. But Renee remained completely silent, as well as remaining silent on the reality of what was happening in children’s homes, in the special hospitals and indeed in women’s prisons. Because speaking out would have upset the Top Doctors as well as the numerous other people who knew that children were being sexually abused by politicians from all parties, as well as others.

I can only wonder why Short didn’t end up in the Lords along with all the others who colluded with and concealed organised child abuse. Why ever did old Kinnock fail to come up with the goods?

On 2 Sept 1985 Barney Heyhoe replaced Ken Clarke as Minister of Health. Clarke accepted an appointment as Paymaster General.

The Bulletin also published an angry letter concerning junior doctors training from a Dr Julie Hollyman, of the College Trainees Committee of the Royal College of Psychiatrists. A previous post details how by 1990 Hollyman had become a truly vile consultant at Springfield Hospital, the psychiatric unit attached to St Georges who was hated by her colleagues. Hollyman was given management responsibilities at Springfield. A number of patients were raped and sexually assaulted on her watch. She was then appointed to lead Broadmoor.

Can I ask Lord John Patten, David Mellor, Ken Clarke, Dr Pamela Mason, Lady Tessa Jowell, William Bingley, Lord David Ennals, Lord Simon Glenarthur, Lord Crickhowell, Norman Fowler, Leon Brittan – or at least those of them who are still alive – how they manage to sleep at night in their expensive residences surrounded by everything that they ever need as their glorious careers approach their end?

 

 

Now for a bit of background on some of Ann Dally’s friends and supporters.

Ann was at Tommy’s with Dr Michael O’Donnell who was sympathetic to her and seems to have used his position to muster support for her. O’Donnell came from Yorkshire where his own father had been a GP. O’Donnell himself practiced as a GP in Surrey for 12 years and then gave up medicine completely to pursue a media career. He had never spent that much time doing medicine anyway – he boasted about being a ‘part-time’ medical student, as a result of spending so much time pursuing other interests, including cricket, theatre and writing. O’Donnell knew many people who later became very big in the media world – such as David Frost and the members of Monty Python – from his time in Footlights at Cambridge. He later became a ubiquitous presence on Radio 4 and BBC TV, presenting light entertainment shows. Some of his programmes came under fire for being too shallow and flippant, even for BBC light entertainment. O’Donnell also worked for Yorkshire Television and Associated Television. O’Donnell edited World Medicine for 16 years, a sort of cliquey self-congratulatory publication of the sort that Top Doctors really love. He was forced to resign in 1982 after a dispute with the publisher. The senior editorial staff resigned in sympathy and the publication folded two years later. O’Donnell worked as a Times columnist but resigned when the editor Sir Harold Evans was forced to resign.

One of O’Donnell’s many jobs was as scientific advisor on the Lindsay Anderson film ‘O Lucky Man’. ‘O Lucky Man’ is a film which highlights corruption within the British establishment, including medicine. Some parts of ‘O Lucky Man’ are frighteningly accurate. Yet throughout his career O’Donnell made no real attempt to challenge the terrible reality in medicine that he undoubtedly knew about. He was rude about the ‘medical establishment’ and liked to think if himself as a rebel, but he was far too busy farting around on ‘Stop The Week’ or ‘My Word’ to raise serious questions about the institutionalised corruption that was ruining lives and leaving some people dead.

O’Donnell mobilised massive support for his campaign to reform the GMC, but the results were so limited that he might as well have not bothered. The GMC continued to protect dangerous doctors and put patients at risk – O’Donnell himself sat on the GMC Council until 1996 and for the last two years he was Chairman of the Standards Committee. Dafydd et al continued in their own sweet way, as of course did Harold Shipman.

O’Donnell’s own explanation was that the ‘reform’ of the GMC stopped when Sir (later Lord) John Richardson retired as President.

John Richardson was President of the GMC 1973-80. He was President of the BMA 1970-71 and of the Royal Society for Medicine 1969-71. He was Chair of the Joint Consultants Committee 1967-72. He trained and worked at Tommy’s, as did most other people involved in this story. Richardson had at one point attended King George VI and was Harold Macmillan’s personal physician for 40 years – he became good friends with Macmillan. Like O’Donnell, Richardson was from Yorkshire – Richardson’s own father was a solicitor from Sheffield. Richardson retired from Tommy’s in 1975. In his capacity as President of the GMC he regularly met Ministers, including Barbara Castle whilst she was Secretary of State at the DHSS, 1974-76, when she did battle with the Top Doctors over pay beds in the NHS. Richardson was also Vice-President of the RCN from 1972 – it helps to have the Top Doctors controlling the other professions who know what they get up to.

Richardson was also consulting physician to King Edward VII’s Hospital for Officers; Consultant Emeritus to the British Army and Consultant Physician to the Metropolitan Police 1957-80. He was given a peerage in 1979 and campaigned from the Lords to stop the proposed closure of A&E at Tommy’s.

Richardson’s obituary in the Guardian described him as a ‘networker’ who was ‘never one to miss an opportunity’, ‘who did no significant research and was not a brilliant physician’. He was ‘ambitious, sometimes fawning’ and the medical students at Tommy’s tagged him ‘Sir John’ before he actually acquired his baronetcy – which was given to him by Macmillan in 1960.

Richardson retired to north Devon. Did anyone really expect a man with his biography to ‘reform’ the GMC?

 

Along with Michael O’Donnell, Diana Brahams was another high profile medical writer who was sympathetic to Dally. Brahams was everywhere in the 80s and 90s, she was usually invited to comment on ethical or medico-legal issues of that time. I have only just learnt that Brahams worked for the MDU – that was certainly never made clear when she was presented in the media as a ‘barrister’ who was an ‘expert’. Documents in my possession demonstrate that between 1985-1992 (at least) the MDU knew the extent of the wrongdoing in the north Wales mental health services and continued to act for Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) even though they knew that he was perjuring himself and they themselves had advised him to not to pursue litigation against me. Nonetheless, in 1991, Sir Robert Francis QC, whilst acting for the MDU, attempted to have me imprisoned on the instructions of Tony Francis.

Brahams seems to be based in north London near St John’s Wood and is a founder member of ‘Healthwatch’, which states that it is for ‘science and integrity in medicine’. Members include Professor Michael Baum the surgeon, Professor Susan Bewley (the daughter of two other Top Doctors, Thomas and Beulah Bewley, of whom I will be writing more later in this post) and Heinz Wolff, the man who starred on the BBC in an attempt to incite an interest in science among people of my generation when we were children. The Patron of ‘Healthwatch’ is Lord Dick Taverne – someone else known to this blog.

Brahams is also a Trustee of the Medico-Legal Society – a ‘charity’, whose registered address is Hempsons offices in London. Hempsons are the solicitors of the MDU. The stated object of the Medico-Legal Society is ‘to promote medico-legal knowledge in all its aspects’. Their meetings take place at the Medical Society of London.

Another Trustee of the Medico-Legal Society is Dr Kate Allsopp. Dr Kate Allsopp is mentioned regularly in Ann Dally’s book. Kate was a friend of Ann’s. Ann mentiones in her book that Kate was a useful person to have on side because she was shortly to become the Joint Deputy Secretary, ‘the second in command’ of the MDU. Ann was also on good terms with Dr John Wall, who later became Secretary of the MDU.

The President of the Medico-Legal Society is Dr Daniel Haines. Dr Haines doubles up as the honorary treasurer of the Royal Society of Medicine. After serving in the Falklands conflict – during which time he was taken prisoner – Daniel returned to London and worked as a GP, as well as a police surgeon with the Metropolitan Police. Daniel is now involved in expert witness work – he specialises in rape and child sexual abuse no less. Well Daniel, as an expert in the field, you certainly have an awful lot of colleagues who have worked for the MDU whom you can quiz for details…

Another medical writer who supported Dally was Dr Ian Munro. Munro trained at Guy’s and was Deputy Editor of the Lancet, 1965-76 and then Editor, 1976-88. Munro wrote many of the Lancet’s anonymous editorials, including one in 1983 which was a robust attack on the Secretary of State Norman Fowler, demanding his resignation – but not because of a high level cover-up of the Westminster Paedophile Ring, rather because of NHS strikes. If only they’d have all stayed on strike, they wouldn’t have been facilitating a paedophile ring in north Wales and flogging drugs. Or perjuring themselves in order to try and imprison people who’d dared complain about them.

Ian Munro was also an early and consistent champion of Wendy Savage.

Munro was known to have been ‘accessible to his colleagues in Fleet Street even in unsocial hours’. Top Doctors Calling, Top Doctors Calling…

Ian Munro was also from Yorkshire – from Bradford. He retained a lifelong involvement with Yorkshire County Cricket Club.

 

One of Ann’s friends from Tommy’s was Dr Elizabeth Fletcher – Fletcher acted as a character witness for Ann. Elizabeth Fletcher’s claim to fame was that after working as a GP, she became Chief Medical Officer at the BBC, 1975-80. She’ll have known about Savile then. Ann’s book mentions that among her patients were a number of senior employees of the BBC. Frank Bough was famously publicly identified as enjoying coke and prostitutes and of course Stephen Fry that well-known MIND ambassador boasted of snorting coke in Buck House – they won’t have minded Stephen, they were patients of the Dallys – but there will be many more at the BBC who enjoy recreational chemicals who haven’t been outed by the tabloids. Perhaps because the tabloid journos had become friends with them after meeting them in Ann Dally’s waiting room.

Austen Kark was another character witness for Ann. Austen was a journalist and a BBC Executive. Austen started at the BBC in 1954. He was mostly involved with the World Service and was its MD, 1984-86.

Austen was part of the comfortable north London set as well, he lived in Islington.

A third character witness for Ann was Lady Zaida Ramsbotham. Ann states frankly in her book that her lawyers had selected Lady Zaida as a character witness because of her title – Ann was told that ‘it helps’. (Sir Jimmy Savile???) Zaida only became Lady Zaida after she married Sir Peter Ramsbotham, Britain’s former Ambassador to Washington – who was appointed by Ted Heath. Ramsbotham was described as an ‘old fashioned snob’, which his friends maintained was a ‘gross’ ‘unjust’ charge. Even if being a Lady meant that his wife was useful to a dealer when she was in hot water. Ramsbotham enjoyed a warm friendship with President Jimmy Carter.

When he retired in 1980, Peter Ramsbotham became a Trustee of the Leonard Cheshire Foundation; Chair of the Ryder-Cheshire Mission for the Relief of Suffering; a Director of Lloyds Bank and of the Commercial Union Assurance Co. He was a member of the Garrick and was appointed Deputy Lieutenant of Hampshire in 1992.

Zaida married Peter in 1985 and thus acquired a title that impressed people. Before that she was Dr Zaida Hall. Her obituary from the British Journal of Psychiatry tells us that she was one of the first women students at St George’s Hospital Medical School and that she did her psychiatry training at the Maudsley. In 1971 Zaida Hall was appointed as the first female consultant psychiatrist at Southampton University/the Royal South Hants Hospital. She built up the psychotherapy dept and also worked at Red Hatch Remand Centre in Winchester for ‘delinquent girls’. Zaida was honest enough to admit that most of the ‘delinquent girls’ had been physically or sexually abused. Zaida started group therapy for female survivors of sexual abuse and later for male survivors as well. Zaida Hall used her position to publish and promote women’s mental health. Hall famously did battle with the group of therapists who publicised the notion of ‘false memory’. Which is a minefield. The wonderful thing about the notion of false memory is that it can be used to discredit the claims survivors of sexual abuse. But then so can the notion that false memory doesn’t exist. It all depends upon who’s accusing who and who the therapist is. But then nearly all psychotherapeutic notions can be used to discredit people who have been abused. Which is why the discipline has proved so useful. St George’s specialise in it and Dafydd learnt at the knee of Bob Hobson, one of Britain’s most prominent psychotherapists at the Maudsley.  So you can’t argue with that. As Dafydd once told me himself in 1987 when I accused him of the most appalling corruption – after he had me arrested on trumped up charges of ‘trying to stab a psychiatrist’. The psychiatrist who made the statement maintaining that I had done this worked for Dafydd and later admitted that I hadn’t tried to stab him after all. He was never disciplined or charged himself, although I would have gone to prison if the police had not got to the truth. In fact Dafydd was so certain that this scam would be successful that he even wrote to the Mental Health Acts Commission and told them that I had been sent to Risley Remand Centre for trying to stab a psychiatrist – and they wrote back to him confirming it!

You jumped the gun there boys…and the incriminating letters are now in my possession.

A  close friend of Ann’s was Dr Dale Beckett, again someone based in Islington. Dale Beckett had interests in drug addiction, hypnotherapy, NLP and the ‘spiritual aspect of emotional disorders’. Beckett acted as an expert witness for Dally.

Another friend was Roger Toulmin who had worked as a radio producer for the BBC and for the Times. Toulmin then became a civil servant in the DHSS. He guided the Committee of Top Doctors, nurses and midwives under the Chairmanship of Dame Alice Munro which resulted in the 1985 Report ‘Maternity Care In Action’. Ann stressed that Toulmin was a ‘bachelor’ which made his interest in the welfare of women and young children all the more impressive. Unfortunately though dear old Roger and Dame Alice didn’t manage to improve anything – Maternity Care In Action in the UK is still not what it should be and we have mortality rates for mothers and babies that are worse than some of the countries that we enjoy sneering at and imagine that their citizens are all trying to make their way to the UK to use our glorious NHS.

Ann was also friendly with Dr James Willis, who ran the drug dependency service on Merseyside before Dr John Marks took it over. I mentioned John Marks (not to be confused with the Dr John Marks who was head of the BMA for many years) previously. Marks acted as an expert witness for Dally. He ran the Chapel Street Clinic in Widnes, where he legally prescribed maintenance doses of heroin and cocaine. Great results were claimed, including by the Cheshire Drug Squad – the thing that everyone was most impressed with at the time was that none of John Marks’ patients died from AIDS. John Marks was basically hounded out and the clinic shut down in 1995. Marks himself maintains that he believes that his clinic was shut down after the US current affairs programme 60 Minutes screened a programme about his clinic in 1990. The US Republican administration became aware of the clinic, it’s methods and it’s success and Marks alleges that they put pressure on the British Gov’t to close it. Bing Spear was an enthusiastic supporter of John Marks’ clinic and rang Marks a few months after the programme was screened, claiming that there was ‘real heat’ from the embassy in Washington and that Thatcher had ‘got her knickers in a twist’.

It is alleged that Bing resigned after Marks’ clinic was closed and was replaced by an Alan MacFarlane, who considered John Marks to be ‘dangerous’.

There is a discrepancy here that I have not been able to get to the bottom of. It is alleged that Bing resigned as a consequence of Marks being shut down. Yet Bing Spear retired in 1986 – the TV programme wasn’t screened until 1990 and Marks’ clinic didn’t close until 1995. So at least some of this story isn’t true.

However, I can well-imagine that Dr John Marks, if he was running a highly successful clinic for drug addicts which was becoming famous, would have faced opposition from just about everybody. There would be the usual complaints from the neighbourhood of ‘we don’t want these sorts of people here’ – and the neighbours would be really worried about that clinic expanding. There would be the anxieties re property prices and the fate of neighbouring businesses. But Marks would also be loathed by the rest of the medical establishment as well – they were screwing up big time, so they really won’t have wanted him up in Widnes showing them up for the fools that they were. Furthermore, Marks’ clinic was alleged to have put local illicit drug dealers out of business – there was no call for their products anymore. Organised drug trafficking is big business and involves many ‘respectable’ people – they’ll have wanted John Marks out of the way. And of course there was the utter embarrassment that was Dafydd just down the A55 in north Wales – a whole pyramid of corruption and bad practice depended upon the continued presence of Dafydd and John Marks would have presented a major threat to all of it. Addicts were not going to waste their time and money with Dafydd if there was a man just next door on the Wirral from whom they could receive a service.

So Dafydd stayed in business and Dr Marks emigrated to New Zealand.

Nice result US Republican party, whose members did not have to live with the effects of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends.

Other writers who supported Dally included George Mikes, a journalist known for his humorous articles. Papers that he wrote for included the Observer and the Times Literary Supplement. Mikes’ had worked for the BBC’s Hungarian Service. Mikes was a member of the Garrick and was a good friend of Arthur Koestler – who was alleged to have been highly abusive to women. The journalist Jill Tweedie wrote an article in her later years describing how Koestler had violently raped her when she was young. Andrew Veitch also covered the case sympathetically – Veitch was born in Wrexham no less. His journalism received awards from, among others, paedophiles’ friends the Royal Television Society and the Terence Higgins Trust. Andrew Tyler wrote a piece for Time Out that Ann really loved – a ‘frank’ article that ‘frightened’ the Home Office and the drug dependency establishment. Tyler was a rock journalist who had worked for the NME. In 1996 he became the Director of Animal Aid. Sadly he developed Parkinsons – he chose to die at the Dignitas clinic.

Bill Nelles was also a supporter of Dally and a former addict patient of hers. Nelles was the Drugs Education Officer at the Terence Higgins Trust at the time. He went on to work for West Berkshire Health Authority, training doctors and drug users. He later became the HIV co-ordinator for North Birmingham Health Authority, the HIV co-ordinator for Harrow and Hillingdon NHS Community Trust and then in 1999 the CEO of the Methadone Alliance. He now lives and works in Canada.

Dally received a substantial amount of TV coverage, particularly after her case. She had much contact with John Ware the producer of Panorama, although she was disappointed at the Panorama programme that was eventually screened. She complained that it featured such unsavoury matters as ‘housing estates and crime on Merseyside’. Which doesn’t look quite as good as Harley Street and Belgravia, which were the stamping grounds of Ann’s patients. Dally later discovered that Ware had done a deal with the GMC and had only screened what they had approved.

Ann featured in ‘Hypotheticals’, a TV programme in which a barrister questioned people on opposing sides of an argument. Dally’s book noted that the ‘young barrister’ hosting the programme was a Jane Belson. Jane Belson eventually became Mrs Douglas Adams of ‘Hitch-Hikers Guide To The Galaxy’ fame. After graduating from Oxford, Belson worked for the Treasury. She lived with Adams in Islington and after a few diplomatic incidents they got married. They moved to LA, then to California and later returned to London. Belson and Adam were networked to an enormous circle of celebs, including many at the BBC.

Sir Henry Yellowlees also took part in the ‘Hypotheticals’ programme, opposing Ann – Yellowlees had been on the GMC panel for one of her hearings. Yellowlees was Chief Medical Officer for the DHSS, 1973-84. He had previously held a sequence of appointments on the Regional Hospital Boards (one of the Regional Hospital Board’s ran the North Wales Hospital Denbigh in the era when Gwynne the lobotomist was busy as well as Dafydd); he was seconded to the Ministry of Health in 1963 as Principal Medical Officer, after which he received promotion regularly; in 1976 he was appointed Sir George Godber’s Deputy. Godber was CMO, 1960-73 – he has a God-like status in NHS history because he was instrumental in forming the NHS. Yellowlees had battles with Barbara Castle between 1974-76 when she was trying to remove pay beds from the NHS – this led to industrial action from the Top Doctors and then industrial action from the ancillary staff who refused to provide services for patients in pay beds. So there was great trouble from those self-sacrificing NHS staff.

Yellowlees was the son of a psychiatrist himself. He left the DHSS in 1983 and then spent a year at the MoD, working on a new structure for the medical staff in the armed services; he was also a consultant to WHO. Yellowlees was a member of MRC for 9 years and a member of the GMC for 10 years. He sat on the NHS Supervisory Board for 10 years. Yellowlees served under Secretaries of State Keith Joseph, Barbara Castle, David Ennals, Norman Fowler and Patrick Jenkin.

Ken Clarke’s autobiography maintains that Yellowlees was a dreadful old bugger who’s main concern was to ascertain which Top Doctors would receive which honours.

 

Someone who appeared on ‘Hypotheticals’ in support of Ann was one of her patients, Carlin Wilkowski. Carlin still has quite an internet presence – she describes herself as an ‘addict mother’ and seems to be based in Highgate.

Dr Cindy Fazey, a criminologist from Liverpool, offered to act as an expert witness for Dally. Fazey has been the Professor of International Drug Policy at Liverpool University since 1998. She is the former Chief of Demand Reduction for the UN Control Programme. Fazey’s husband may well have proved useful to Dally as well – Ian Fazey is a journalist. He was the northern correspondent for the Financial Times during the 80s and worked for the paper until 1996. He and Cindy met whilst they were students at Aston University and Ian began his career on the Birmingham Post. He then moved to the Liverpool Daily Post where he became Deputy Editor, before becoming the General Manager of the Liverpool Daily Post and Echo in 1976.

The Liverpool Daily Post is the sister paper of the Daily Post which serves north Wales. The Daily Post is a real laugh because for years it has so obviously served as a PR sheet for the paedophiles’ friends. Dafydd himself was regularly featured in there as the centre of flattering profiles until he became very elderly. The most offensive thing that I ever read in the Daily Post was an ‘interview’ with Dafydd back in the early 1990s, in which Dafydd was asked a series of utterly obsequious questions, including one which made reference to Dafydd being known to be ‘attractive to women’ and asking him why he thought this was. This was a man who was sexually exploiting female patients – whom he had unlawfully imprisoned in a hell-hole of an asylum – whilst facilitating a paedophile ring. What did the Daily Post think that they were doing? Dafydd’s patients were universally revolted by him – not only was he unpleasant and unhinged, but he was filthy. He smelt, his teeth were green, his clothes were dirty and he was always covered in dandruff. A copy of the Daily Post was circulated around the psychiatric ward in Ysbyty Gwynedd on the day that article was published and I actually witnessed two male psych nurses – two with a sense of humour – being told that there was a photo of Dafydd in the paper. One of them yelled out ‘have they captured the dandruff?’ and they then both fell about laughing because even in the photo, you could see that Dafydd had his regular covering on the shoulders of his suit. This man worked in hospitals where the degree of ‘illness’ in patients was partially judged on whether their ‘personal hygiene’ was up to scratch. It was utterly nonsensical, like most of UK psychiatry.

Jeremy Laurance wrote articles in a number of publications about Dally. The article he wrote for New Society was described by Dally as ‘disappointing’. She was cross because Laurance had ‘invented’ a bit about Dally treating an addict in the Royal Family. Dally also became vexed with the Sunday Times for having the temerity to publish that she had a pop star among her patients and surprise surprise, they had even ‘got hold of the idea that I was psych to Princess Margaret’. How did these publications ever draw such conclusions? Because Peter and Ann Dally talked about it that’s how.

Dally intriguingly states that ‘later Jeremy was converted to my way of thinking’ and along with his Editor David Lipsey, became a ‘useful supporter’. David Lipsey ended up receiving a peerage from Tony Blair – he was named and shamed as one of Tony’s Cronies. Lipsey worked on the Sunday Times, the Sunday Correspondent, the Times, the Guardian and the Economist. He had been an advisor to Tony Crosland when Crosland was in opposition and an advisor to No 10. He was Chair of Streatham Labour Party, 1970-72 and Chair of the Fabian Society, 1982-83.

 

Obviously with Ann Dally entering into battle with the police, the Home Office Inspectorate, the GMC and the Court of Appeal at various times during the 80s, she had extensive dealings with lawyers. Although from what I saw in north Wales the MDU do an excellent job of defending Top Doctors even when they know that the Top Doctors concerned have been involved in serious criminal conduct, Ann Dally had a low opinion of the MDU, repeatedly stating that she did not trust them and was disenchanted with them. Her poor opinion of them seems to have stemmed from an incident when she had acted as an ‘expert witness’ for another Top Doctor who stood accused of questionable practices with drug addicts. Dally arrived at the Temple for a legal conference regarding this man’s case, only to be told by the clerk that no conference had been arranged. The solicitor from the MDU arrived and was told the same thing. It transpired that a conference HAD been arranged, but no-one had told the Counsel, so he’d gone home. Therefore the conference would have to be rearranged. The main concern of the man from the MDU was how expensive this was. Yet everyone involved had been retained by the MDU – so whoever had screwed up was working for the MDU.

The solicitor upon whom Ann relied extensively was a friend of hers, John Calderon, who did not work for the MDU but who worked in the City. Calderon recommended Christopher Sumner as Counsel. John also wanted Dally to use Hempsons, the MDU solicitors but she flatly refused. Despite this, the MDU did agree to pay for John Calderon’s representation, although the MDU wanted to be present at all meetings with lawyers. The MDU also funded Dally’s (unsuccessful) appeal to the Privy Council House of Lords Judicial Committee after she was barred from prescribing by the GMC.

Calderon wanted a Top Doctor to sit in with the lawyers and comment on the scientific evidence in Ann’s case. The Top Doctor selected to do this was none other than Dr John Harman, Harriet’s dad. One of the many comments following my post ‘Wheels Within Wheels Or Flies Drawn To The Same Incestuously Corrupt Shithouse?’ mentions the role that John Harman played in defending John Bodkin Adams, a Top Doctor who killed his patients. Dally describes John Harman as having ‘one of the best brains I knew for exposing medical guff’.

Dally liked Christopher Sumner. Sir Christopher Sumner as he became was appointed a Circuit judge in 1987, a High Court judge in 1996 and ended up in the Court of Appeal. He worked as an advocate and a High Court judge in the Family Division.

When John Calderon was unavailable for Dally’s appeal – he was on holiday – Dally used the services of another solicitor, John Kelleher. Kelleher is now a partner in Carey Olsen and practices in Jersey. In 1994 Kelleher became an Advocate of the Royal Court of Jersey and in 2017 he was appointed President of the Law Society of Jersey. As the appeal approached, Calderon told Dally that ‘the Law Lords feel that they need to keep in with the doctors’. The barrister Diana Brahams believed that the Privy Council took the view that doctors are the best people to discipline other doctors. Dally observed that there is a close relationship between the GMC and the Privy Council (who hear appeals against GMC decisions) – they hand out honours to each other.

In one of Ann’s hearings, William Gage was the lead barrister who was engaged by Calderon. Ann didn’t take to Gage and told Neil Taylor QC – Counsel who was also advising – that she felt uncomfortable with him. She was told by Taylor that it wasn’t Gage’s job to make her feel at ease, he was there ‘to get you off’ and that he was good at getting clients off. Gage is now Sir William Gage. He became the presiding judge of the South Eastern Circuit, then a High Court judge in 1993 and then a Lord Justice of Appeal in 2004. Gage Chaired the Public Inquiry into the death of Baha Mousa.

After Dally lost her appeal, the MDU paid for the opinion of Anthony Lester QC, who specialised in European law, with a view to taking the case to the Court of Human Rights, although Dally didn’t end up following this course of action.

At one point the MDU instructed Anthony Johnston of Beachcrofts to act for Dally.

 

Dr David Marjot acted as an expert witness for Dally. Dally describes Marjot as a critic of the drugs dependency establishment who ran a DDU clinic himself. Dally stated that he was the only such doctor in London who was in such a position and that he too had suffered after ‘speaking out’. Marjot was one of the few doctors who held a heroin licence. Between 1976-93, he was consultant psychiatrist for the Regional Alcohol and DDU at Ealing. He was visiting consultant psychiatrist for Wormwood Scrubs, 1976-99 and locum forensic psychiatrist for Broadmoor, 1994-96. Yes, another one who stood and watched as Savile did his worst… In 2014 David Marjot wrote a very angry letter into the BMJ concerning the case of a surgeon who had been in front of the GMC for shouting and swearing at colleagues. Marjot had penned a blistering attack on the GMC, quoting the Francis Report into the Mid-Staffs scandal, reminding everyone that even in that case, the failings had been institutional rather than personal. Whilst I would agree with Marjot that staff working in the NHS can be seriously hampered by a foolish managerial regime in which an obsession with targets is pursued at all costs, that cannot always excuse what happens in the NHS and it didn’t excuse what happened at Mid-Staffs. By the way Marjot – when you were working at Broadmoor, the crazy regime of targets was not in place. But that didn’t stop Savile and others grossly abusing the patients – and it wasn’t targets that bought your silence on the matter.

After Dally was prevented from prescribing, a Dr Colin Brewer took over many of her patients. Dally described Brewer as a man who had ‘had a change of heart’ and had converted to her way of thinking. He certainly did. Brewer didn’t just open one clinic to prescribe for addicts on a private basis, he opened several – and then expanded rapidly. Brewer was a roaring success until 2006 when he was struck off by the GMC for inappropriate drug prescribing. His clinic – the Stapleford Addiction Clinic, based in Belgravia – was described as a ‘drugs grocery’ and his patients included Amy Winehouse and Pete Doherty. A consequence of the ‘inappropriate prescribing’ which saw Brewer struck off was the death of a patient. The patient had been sent home with a DIY detox kit containing 16 different drugs, including a heroin substitute. Colin Brewer has found a new way of earning a few quid since he was struck off. He now carries out ‘assessments’ for Dignitas. The Daily Mail have taken an interest in Colin Brewer and revealed that he has ‘helped’ at least twelve people to die by saying the right things in his assessments for Dignitas. A lot of those people were not terminally ill. When challenged, Brewer said that because he was no longer on the Register ‘no-one can tell me what to do’. An undercover journalist posed as a thirty-five year old woman with mental health problems and Brewer was prepared to recommend her for the chop as well.

When asked about the activities of Colin Brewer, our esteemed DPP Alison Saunders stated that the CPS was less likely to prosecute doctors assisting in deaths of patients who were not under their direct care – critics say that Brewer exploited this.

 

So who were the Top Doctors who sat in judgement over Ann Dally and who found her wanting but didn’t actually put her out of business, even when she continued to prescribe controlled drugs after she was barred by the GMC? I have mentioned that one was Sir Henry Yellowlees.

Another was the President of the GMC at the time, Sir (later Lord) John Walton. Walton was a neurologist who held every big job in medicine. He was President of the BMA 1980-82; President of the GMC 1982-89; President of the Royal Society of Medicine 1984-86.  He was knighted in 1979 and after his distinguished stint at the GMC – during which all those very serious complaints about Dafydd were not acted upon, even the one that involved a death – Walton picked up his peerage in 1989. So how did this lethal old bastard climb to the top?

Walton qualified at Newcastle Medical School, when it was still part of Durham University. In 1959 he was appointed consultant neurologist at the University of Newcastle Hospitals and in 1968 he was awarded a Chair in neurology at Newcastle. Walton was a specialist in muscular dystrophy. In 1971 he became Dean of the Medicine at Newcastle, a post he retained until 1981. He also sat on various hospital management committees. In 1983 he was appointed Warden of Green College, Oxford.

Walton was Vice-President of the World Federation of Neurology in 1981 and then President, 1989-97. He was President of the Association for British Neurology, 1987-88.

Walton arrived in the Lords whilst the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Bill was passing through Parliament, which allowed experiments on embryos for up to 14 days after fertilisation. Walton supported the Bill and Lord Stallard (Jock Stallard, a former Labour MP) was so opposed to it that he tried to prevent Walton becoming Chair of the Medical Ethics Select Committee. Stallard failed in this – well Walton was a Top Doctor wasn’t he, of course he would be the best choice where ethics were concerned. Walton also remained loyal to his old medical school once he arrived in the Lords – he used his position to gain GMC approval for Newcastle’s development of a medical school in Malaysia and much more recently he secured Parliamentary approval for Newcastle’s work on mitochondrial research (that’s the really controversial work that a lot of people are very worried about). In 2014 Newcastle University opened the John Walton Muscular Dystrophy Research Centre.

Walton remained a very influential figure in the north east and was made Freeman of the City of Newcastle.

I suspect that Walton occupying that Chair of the Ethics Committee may have caused a great deal of damage. As I am fairly certain did Walton himself for many years. Walton came from NEWCASTLE – Dr Neil Davies and Prof Bob Woods who colluded with the wrongdoing in north Wales were both working at Newcastle before they arrived to work in the mental health services in north Wales. The Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal happened on Walton’s old patch – which provided such a useful muddying of the waters where organised child sexual abuse was concerned just when some of us were trying to draw attention to the wrongdoing in north Wales.

There is one position that Walton held which is completely inconsistent with his whole career. Between 2012-15 he was President of the Association of the College of Occupational Therapists. Apart from Alison Taylor the Gwynedd social worker who was sacked by her boss Lucille Hughes – Dafydd’s mistress – back in the late 1980s, there has only ever been one whistleblower in Gwynedd. That was a senior occupational therapist at the Hergest Unit, who for years blew and blew and blew. Although he undoubtedly saved a few lives by actually looking after his patients, this man’s grave concerns were ignored. The small team of occupational therapists working with him were all excellent as well. The whistleblower was sent to Coventry by virtually the whole hospital and retired a few years ago – after he retired, every one of his colleagues was hounded out. This man was offered a job to build up occupational therapy as a discipline in the School of Healthcare Sciences at Bangor University but turned it down because of the bad practice that he knew was prevalent in that School. The job was instead taken by a Louise Ingham, who had previously worked as an occupational therapist for mental health patients in the community in Gwynedd. Who knows exactly how dangerous and corrupt the mental health services in north Wales are and who neglected her own patients shockingly – I witnessed one case of this myself.

So who on earth invited John Walton to preside over the occupational therapists at a national level?

One of the members of one of the GMC panels before whom Dally appeared was Dr Betty Tylden. Betty Tylden had worked under William Sargant at Tommy’s – as had Ann’s husband. Tylden’s expertise was in addiction – and child abuse, cults and mind control.

The hearing of the GMC into Dally’s conduct that occurred as a result of her continuing to prescribe controlled drugs after the GMC had barred her from doing this was Chaired by Professor Robert Duthie. Duthie was an orthopaedic surgeon from Oxford. In 1971 he had acted as an advisor to the DHSS. He was also a member of the Royal Commission on Civil Liability and Personal Injury. Duthie was President of the British Orthopaedic Association in 1984. So he’ll have known the corrupt Medical Ombudsman for Wales Professor Robert Owen, who concealed the wrongdoing of Dafydd et al in the late 1980s – Owen was Professor of Orthopaedic Surgery at Liverpool University.

On the panel alongside Robert Duthie was Professor Rhilip Rhodes, an obstetrician. Ann Dally had been friends with him when she worked in obstetrics at Tommy’s.

 

As for the ‘drugs dependency establishment’ whom Dally loathed and who opposed her, a leading light among them was Dr Thomas Bewley, whom I mentioned earlier – the man whom many years later admitted that none of them actually knew what they were doing.

Bewley sat on a lot of Committees, he particularly enjoyed doing that. He was the first sub-dean of the Royal College of Psychiatrists, the second Dean, the fifth President, 1984-87 and a member of the Council until 1996.

Bewley had an interesting early career. He was from Dublin and qualified there – his was from a well-known family who founded a small Quaker hospital, Bloomfield and both his father and grandfather ran that. Bewley came to Britain as a young man and took up psychiatry but was repeatedly rejected for training at the Maudsley. He was finally accepted on his fourth application. Bewley stated that he didn’t want to train at Tommy’s because he feared being damaged by William Sargant. In the 1950s Bewley completed his MD thesis at the Maudsley on alcoholism. He then spent time working in psychoanalysis in the US. He returned to run Tooting Bec Hospital (the hospital which so appalled Ann Dally when she was young), where he became a consultant. Bewley went to Tooting Bec because ‘they took people who couldn’t get in anywhere’ – he had difficulty getting a job because he had left the Maudsley ‘prematurely’ and his qualifications were Irish.

Bewley began treating heroin addicts and published in the Lancet. He ‘knew little, but more than everyone else’. Despite this career which involved being almost unemployable and not knowing his arse from his elbow, in a 2007 interview with the British Journal of Psychiatry Bulletin, Thomas Bewley observed that ‘one of the advantages of having an index-linked psychiatrists pension is we can go to the opera as often as we like’. Whilst you ignore a nutter in north Wales who is a colleague of yours who participates in organised crime.

Thomas Bewley’s wife is Dame Beulah Bewley, an epidemiologist. Beulah Bewley was a member of the GMC for a number of years. In fact she was a member of the GMC when her husband reported Ann Dally to them. Beulah Bewley was a Woman In Medicine and even wrote a book about this after she retired. She had been the President of the Women’s Medical Federation on the GMC and was also the treasurer. Despite advertising her credentials as a Woman, Beulah never managed to reign in Dafydd during her time on the GMC as he shagged and sexually harassed his way around north Wales. Beulah boasts of having met many Top People during her career, rubbing shoulders with Royalty as well as Richard Burton and Elizabeth Taylor – yeh, well that makes sense, her husband ran a drugs and alcohol clinic.

Someone else who opposed Dally was Professor Robert Priest, honorary consultant at St Mary’s Hospital and one time Chairman of the BMA.

Dr Philip Connell was another Top Doctor with whom Dally clashed. Connell was the first person to identify amphetamine psychosis. Connell liked sitting on Committees even more than Thomas Bewley, Connell sat on just about everything possible, particularly in the field of addiction.

Connell was a Barts graduate who did his postgrad training at the Maudsley. In 1959 he was appointed consultant for developing a children’s and adolescent service at Newcastle General Hospital, in association with Durham University. Six years later he returned to the Maudsley as a consultant where he remained until his retirement in 1986. Connell was a member of Baroness Wootton’s Committee On The Use Of Cannabis; Chair of the Advisory Council On The Misuse of Drugs, 1982-88; Vice-President of the Royal College of Psychiatrists; and a member of the GMC – the Preliminary Screener for Health Procedures. Connell will have known Dafydd then – Dafydd famously claimed to suffer from a ‘nervous illness’ which was used as the excuse when he did something really deranged which couldn’t be concealed in the usual manner.

In the Indie’s obituary of Connell, it was observed that he had ‘an addiction for power and influence in medical organisations, especially those which had an interface with the public and legal affairs’, that ‘his efforts to gain and utilise power were based on self-interest’, that he ‘could be quite boastful’, that he had a ‘tough and barbed exterior’ and that he ‘enjoyed mingling with the great and good’.

Obituaries usually highlight the nicest aspects of people, so I can only presume that Philip Connell was as obnoxious as they come.

Dr John Strang was someone else who did not approve of Ann Dally. Strang led the drug addiction group at the Maudsley for many years. Then he was the Director of the National Addiction Centre; the Head of the Addictions Dept at Kings College London and the Leader of the Addiction Clinical Academic Group of Kings Health Partners.

 

All these Top Doctors who opposed Ann Dally will have known that Dafydd was building up a drugs empire in north Wales. At one point in the 1980s this lot even held a conference in Llandudno, which was the heart of Dafydd’s drugs and nursing homes empire. So whilst they quaffed and supped, just down the road the residents of Holyrood House were being beaten to a pulp and throughout the region the paedophiles were busy.

 

There was one Top Doctor whom Dally spoke of approvingly, a man who Knows How It Is because he was an ex-addict himself. That man was Dr Brian Wells.

Life has certainly been good to Dr Brian Wells. He now runs a company called Leading Healthcare International (LHCI), which describes itself as ‘bespoke’, ‘discreet’ and operating by ‘word of mouth’. He set up LHCI in 2002 to provide ‘facilities for patients and families on a global basis’. Brian Wells is also listed at three different London facilities on the BUPA website. But Brian has another website as well – this advertises The Cabin at Chiang Mai in Thailand. Wells is Group Medical Director at The Cabin Addiction Services Group. He explains that his career has been ‘varied’ and that among other things he was the ‘tour doctor’ to a ‘number of well-known artists in the entertainment industry’. The Cabin’s contact details are in Thailand and the website advertises counsellors, mindfulness and meditation. Wells claims that The Cabin uses CBT, the 12 Steps programme and Mindfulness. The Cabin has a ‘partner office’ in the Netherlands and outpatient centres across the globe, including in Bangkok. Although The Cabin is principally concerned with drugs and alcohol addiction, the accompanying blog explains that The Cabin now offers help for porn addiction at the Chiang Mai centre. Presumably Dr Brian will arrange for a few ladyboys to pop over from the Bangkok branch to assist with the therapy.

Brian Wells actually has the letters FRCPsych after his name. He has the official stamp of approval.

Brian was the Medical Director of the main refugee camp during the Cambodian relief operation of 1979/80. He then returned to the UK. He worked at the Maudsley as a consultant psych and set up the largest NHS substance misuse service in the UK, including SHARP, a ‘charitable intensive day-programme’, as well as the Centre for Research on Drugs and Health Behaviour at Imperial. Dr Wells was also the Medical Director of the then Riverside Mental Health NHS Trust, Central London.

Wells has been clinical advisor to a number of international organisations, including health insurance companies and the GMC.

So has anyone rung the drug squad yet to discuss Dr Wells’s business activities with them?

 

I need to mention one more Top Doctor who receives a passing reference in Dally’s book. That is Dr Dorothy Black, who worked in the Drugs Dept of the DHSS in the 1980s. Like Dr Pamela Mason, a Top Doctor in the employment of Thatcher’s Gov’t whilst this chaos was happening. Dorothy Black’s name cropped up in 1984, in the wake of a truly damning report into Kendall House, a home for ‘girls with problems’ which was run by the Church of England’s Council for Social Responsibility in Gravesend, Kent. The ‘girls with problems’ – what’s the betting that the problem that most of them had was that they had been molested and wouldn’t shut up about it? – were being forcibly injected by a Top Doctor – describing himself interestingly as a ‘psychotherapist’ –  with huge doses of anti-psychotics, although none of the girls had diagnoses of mental illness. A TV programme was screened about the Kendall House in 1980 but no action at all was taken. It was only in the wake of the report in 1984 that Dorothy Black felt obliged to comment, stating that she was ‘extremely concerned’ about the ‘storage, monitoring and administration of psychotropic drugs’. In 1986 Kendall House was closed. Many of the girls who were resident there later gave birth to babies with various disabilities – the incidence of birth defects among these babies was so high that many believed there was a link to the huge doses of drugs that the mothers of the babies had been given when they were teenagers at Kendall House.

This sort of mistreatment of young people who dared allege that they had been sexually abused was absolutely routine throughout the 70, 80s and 90s. Everybody who worked in the field knew that it was going on – and huge numbers of the people involved are now employed at the highest levels in the UK’s health and welfare services.

 

This post has described the idiocy, the lack of integrity and the craziness of many of the people occupying senior positions in the mental health services in the 1980s.

As for the confusion and dilemmas involved in how to approach the problem that was Ann Dally, with the MDU, the GMC, Top Doctors and various lawyers and the Law Lords all bouncing the problem back and forth between them – I rather suspect that this was a result of Princess Margaret’s dealer being placed under investigation by the police. No-one knew what the hell to do so everyone started hitting each other – no wonder Dally wasn’t ever actually struck off. I also suspect that there was corruption in the Home Office Drugs Branch and the DHSS – it would explain why Dally was actively friends with some of the Inspectors and why John Lawson the Senior Inspector who was a soft touch was transferred to cover Wales. Anyone for a War On Drugs?

Thoughout it all, Dafydd conducted business as normal. Supplying boys to the Westminster Paedophile Ring leaves one even more untouchable than being the purveyor of recreational chemicals to the Royals.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

I Know Nuzzing…

My post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’ described how the Jillings Report was commissioned in 1994 to investigate the extent of child abuse in children’s homes managed by Clwyd County Council. Jillings uncovered such horrors that Municipal Mutual, the Council’s insurers, refused to allow the Report to be made public. It was only in 2013 that the Jillings Report was released after constant allegations that the subsequent Waterhouse Inquiry had been a cover up – although even then the Jillings Report was heavily redacted. Following Jillings, there was huge pressure for a public enquiry into events in children’s homes in north Wales as allegations of a paedophile ring involving senior public figures and police officers swirled. A number of people employed in children’s homes in north Wales had been imprisoned for offences against children and many former residents of children’s homes in north Wales had been found dead. By this time the Secretary of State for Wales was William Hague. Hague initially held out against holding a public inquiry but then buckled. In 1996 he announced that Sir Ronald Waterhouse, a judge who had just retired, would be Chairing a public inquiry into the abuse of children in the care of Clwyd and Gwynedd County Councils between 1974 and 1996. The Waterhouse Report, ‘Lost In Care’, written as a result of this Inquiry, was published in February 2000. Like Jillings, it’s findings were damning, revealing widespread abuse of children in care in north Wales. However, as soon as the Waterhouse Report was published, there were angry allegations that there had been a substantial cover-up at a very high level. Waterhouse concluded that a paedophile ring had been in operation in north Wales, but he was perceived to have ‘blamed’ everything on a few bottom feeding social care workers, rather than investigate the possibility that a number of much grander people might have been fully involved. (When one examines the background of Sir Ronald Waterhouse, it is easy to see why he would be in an excellent position and indeed be motivated to lead such a cover-up. A future blog post will be exploring the backgrounds and networks of some of the lawyers and judges named on this blog, including Ronald Waterhouse.) The Waterhouse Report is enormous and I’ve never read it from cover to cover, but I have read big chunks of it and I have been refreshing my memory over the past few days. What strikes me upon reading it is that Waterhouse managed to frequently avoid blaming the bottom feeders as well -the abuse of children was undoubtedly far worse and far more extensive than Waterhouse admitted. He seems to have disregarded huge amounts of evidence of extensive brutality and wrongdoing – this man was a JUDGE, some of what he brushed to one side or chose not to comment on was extraordinary. I will give examples later on in this post.

Waterhouse supplied details of the management structures and the backgrounds of the senior managers and managers of Gwynedd and Clwyd Councils after taking evidence from numerous witnesses. Everybody involved claimed to have no knowledge of the extensive abuse of children. It is always said of north Wales that everybody knows everybody else’s business and to a large extent that’s a fairly accurate caricature. This seems to be one reason why the idea that the arson campaign against second homes in the 70s and 80s was the work of the security services acting as agent provocateurs caught on – I was told by a number of people rooted locally that ‘no-one can do anything in north Wales without everyone knowing, but no-one knows anyone who knows anything about the fires, it is definitely not one of us doing it’. Regarding the abuse of children though, people most certainly did know that it was happening – they just weren’t openly admitting it. It was a classic case of the social anthropologist Isabel Emmett’s notion of ‘not knowing’ (please see post ‘How No-One Knew About Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’). In the same way that everybody knew that Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was sexually exploiting patients, people knew that those kids were being abused. I got wind of it as a first year undergrad at Bangor University – I had no family from the region, I knew nothing about north Wales until I went to university there, but I soon found out that all was not well with the disadvantaged kids. I didn’t hear about a paedophile ring, but then laypeople didn’t tend to be obsessed with paedophiles in the early 1980s – but I did hear about ‘cruelty’. I heard more and more about it as time went by – at one point I lodged with a man who had grown up in care and I heard it from him and his girlfriend. Then I shared a house with some other young people, one of whom was a young man who’d grown up on a farm on the Llyn Peninsula. His mum had been a foster parent and the whole extended family were appalled at the lack of care and the degree of callousness shown by social workers towards the children in their care. This particular family were vey keen to care for their foster children well, but they observed that there was no help or interest from social workers at all and that they could have done pretty much anything to those kids and no-one would have asked any questions. They also told me that on the 16th birthday of the children the social workers would announce that the kids were no longer their responsibility and that was that, they wanted to hear no more about them. This particular family continued to support their foster children without the ‘input’ of the social services after they were 16. (Interestingly enough one thing that was admitted in both the Jillings and Waterhouse Reports was that ‘aftercare’ for children in care was appalling.) When I entered the mental health system I encountered many people who had grown up in ‘care’ and it was very clear that something was terribly wrong – of course the mental health services were key figures in concealing the paedophile ring, as detailed in previous posts. So if an 18 year old undergrad newly arrived in north Wales heard a few worrying things I think it highly unlikely that the managers of those ‘services’ did not know what was going on. To illustrate this further and explore how so many people were able to maintain that they ‘didn’t know’, let’s take a look at the management of Gwynedd Social Services and what they said, based on the information supplied in the Waterhouse Report – as well what I saw and heard when I lived in Gwynedd. (I’ll explore the situation in Clwyd in another post.)

Waterhouse looked at the scene from 1974 onwards, although the Jillings Report noted that they suspected that the serious abuse of children had been going on in north Wales for decades. My own knowledge of those involved with the children’s and mental health services and conversations with numerous people suggest that is indeed likely.

Let’s look at Gwynedd Social Services. Between April 1974 and September 1982, the Director of Gwynedd Social Services was T.E. Jones. He had previously held the same post in the old Local Authority area of Caernarvonshire, before the formation of Gwynedd County Council. T.E. Jones had grown up in Montgomeryshire, had no professional qualifications and no experience of child care work. He had been the County Welfare Officer in Merionethshire from 1952 to 1964 and the County Welfare Officer in Caernarvonshire for seven years after that. The Deputy Director until 1983 was David Alun Parry – he was then Assistant Director (Special Duties) until March 31 1987, when he took voluntary redundancy. Before Parry was Deputy Director of Gwynedd, he had spent three years as Director of Social Services for Anglesey. Between 1964 and 1971 he was Deputy Children’s Officer, then Children’s Officer, for Anglesey. Parry was an Aberystwyth graduate who had also undertaken Diplomas in Social Science and Applied Social Studies at the Universities of Swansea and Liverpool. He also held the Home Office Letter of Recognition in Child Care and had attended several management courses for senior officers at Liverpool University and in 1972, attended two short courses for Directors of Social Services at the Institute for Local Government Studies at Birmingham University. Below Jones and Parry, there were three Assistant Directors. The responsibilities for children were divided between Emyr Davies and G.H. Egerton. Elizabeth Hughes was the Homes Officer reporting to Emyr Davies. Egerton was responsible for five Area Officers under an Area Controller – the Senior Officer (Children) accountable to him from 1975 was Larry King. T.E. Jones maintained that Parry was incapable of carrying out his duties as his Deputy – Parry was therefore relieved of these duties, but kept his rank and was put in charge of the children’s section. T.E. Jones also maintained that Emyr Davies and Egerton were seriously ill, absent for a long time and had to retire. From February 1976 a new structure was imposed. A Principal Assistant Director of similar status to the Deputy Director was appointed – one Lucille Hughes, who had previously been an Assistant Director. For the benefit of new readers – Lucille was named in the Waterhouse Report as knowing that a paedophile ring was in operation in the social services but failed to act. She was also the mistress of the dreadful Dr Dafydd Alun Jones, who was illegally banging up people n the North Wales Hospital Denbigh who had complained about the mental health services or who had been molested ‘in care’. Lucille now had Emyr Davies (Elderly) and Egerton (Mental Health) under her and Parry had Larry King as Senior (later Principal) Officer (Children) under him. King retired in 1988. He had been in the Army, then in the police in England, transferring to the Colonial Police in Rhodesia. He had been a Housemaster at Bryn Estyn – the home in Clwyd which was one of the centres of the most serious abuse, where a number of staff were imprisoned for serious sexual offences. In 1969 King began work for Denbighshire County Council after qualifying for the Home Office Letter of Recognition in Child Care at Liverpool University. He was later a Senior Social Worker for Flintshire County Council and then moved to the Llandudno Area Office managed by Gwynedd County Council in 1974. From 1975 King was a Senior Officer in Gwynedd  – he was redesignated as Principal Officer (Children) from 1979.

Parry’s story was that the previous incorporation of Anglesey Social Services into Gwynedd was not a happy one. He maintained that working relationships were seriously impaired and claimed that the children’s section lacked resources. From July 1981, the responsibility for the children’s section was transferred to Lucille Hughes. This transfer occurred at the same time that Gwynedd County Council’s Chief Executive Ioan Bowen Rees commissioned officials from Dyfed County Council to investigate complaints made by current and former staff regarding Y Gwyngyll community home. Furthermore in 1981, Nefyn Dodd was made responsible for all the community homes in Gwynedd. Nefyn Dodd and his wife June were accused by scores of people of the most ferocious abuse and brutality towards children. Parry was an uncritical admirer of Nefyn Dodd. Elizabeth Hughes the Homes Officer was for a long while on long term sick leave, then left and was not replaced. In the face of this chaos and mismanagement, Waterhouse commented that it was ‘commendable’ that Gwynedd provided such a level of service with ‘comparatively few’ complaints of abuse. (Waterhouse doesn’t seem to have questioned the degree of fuckwittery present and there were actually numerous complaints of abuse, many ignored by Gwynedd and others brushed aside by Waterhouse himself.)

Then in 1982, Parry had a car crash and was off for a long time. When T.E. Jones retired in 1982, Lynn Ebsworth, who had been Chief Personnel Officer, became Acting Director. Parry returned as Assistant Director (Special Duties) after May 1983. In March 1987, after ‘negotiations with his professional organisation’ Parry took voluntary redundancy and received an enhanced pension. To return to Lucille who had been responsible for children since July 1981. Lucille was an English graduate from UCNW (which later became Bangor University) and also had a Certificate in Social Sciences from Liverpool University and the Home Office Letter of Recognition in Child Care. For 13 years she had worked in the children’s departments of Cheshire and Anglesey County Councils, as a Children’s Officer in both counties and then as Deputy Director in Cheshire in 1971. She was Principal Assistant Director in Gwynedd from Feb 1976 and until July 1981 her responsibilities were principally the elderly and mental health. Assisting Lucille was Owain Gethin Evans. Gethin Evans had graduated in Social Administration from Manchester University in 1968 and obtained Diplomas in Education (1970) from Cardiff University and Social Work Studies (1974) from the LSE. He had worked as a social worker in Cheshire between 1971 and 1973. After his stint at the LSE he returned to Gwynedd as a social worker and from 1975 spent three years as a community organiser. In 1978 Gethin Evans was appointed Senior Officer (General) to assist Lucille. He was then appointed Principal Officer (Children) and was Head of the Children’s Services in 1982. In 1995 he was appointed Director of Social Services for Ceredigion County Council. Evans was the de facto Head of Children’s Services in Gwynedd, except for between 1987-1992 when he was Assistant Director (Resources and Support). Evans was also a member of Dwyfor District Council between 1976-1986 and was it’s Chairman in 1983/84.

Lynn Ebsworth was Acting Director of Social Services from May 1982-Sept 1983. Lucille Hughes was appointed Director with effect from 1 Oct 1983. Ebsworth had previously been Management Services Officer to Ioan Bowen Rees the County Secretary, and Chief Personnel Officer to the newly formed Gwynedd County Council’s first Chief Executive, D. Alun Jones. Bowen Rees succeeded D. Alun Jones as Chief Exec in 1980. Ebsworth then became accountable to Bowen Rees. Ebsworth had no previous training or experience in Social Services. Under Ebsworth was Gethin Evans, responsible for the Children’s Section but with virtually no experience of children in care. Responsible to him were Nefyn Dodd and Larry King. It was Gethin Evans who oversaw Dodd being given responsibility for all of the community homes. Extraordinarily, amidst this mess, the County Council’s Chief Exec, Ioan Bowen Rees, thought that Lucille ‘performed admirably’ as Director of Social Services. That was while she knew that a paedophile ring was in operation but failed to act. I will return to Bowen Rees later.

On 2 April 1984 a new Deputy Director of Social Services was appointed, David Glanville Owen – Gethin Evans was also short-listed for the post. Glanville was from Pwhelli and had been a trainee in the Children’s Dept in the Liverpool Corporation in 1965 after graduating in economics from Liverpool University. He then acquired a Diploma in Applied Social Studies and the Home Office Letter of Recognition in Child Care from Nottingham University by 1967. He had also worked in four English Local Authorities and for the National Children Home (NCH). He had been a senior social worker to the Assistant Director at Tameside Metropolitan Borough Council.

When Glanville was applying for the Gwynedd position, he was undertaking a course in Advanced Management for Local Government at Birmingham University. He was Deputy Director of Gwynedd Social Services until the local government reorganisation, then spent 18 months as Head of Policy Unit of the new Gwynedd County Council until Sept 1997, when he was made redundant.

Being made redundant didn’t end Glanville’s substantial toxic influence in Gwynedd. By 2003 Glanville was Chief Exec of Gwynedd Community Health Council – the patients watchdog! That’s how I came across him. I approached him with my very serious complaint about the Hergest Unit – this was at a time when the madness was evident with patients dying and being hauled off to prison and people writing to politicians about the brutality and the chaos – and Glanville refused to receive me, telling me that the CHC wasn’t responsible for hospitals. I found out that this was a lie, so I returned to Glanville who then lied about telling the first lie. I submitted my complaint and for many, many months Glanville and one of his ‘officers’, a lady called Hilary, went around and around in circles. My complaint was neither investigated properly or resolved and Glanville and Hilary never managed to explain why. The last time that I saw the disgusting Glanville he was attending a meeting in his capacity as a member of the North Wales CHC. So Gwynedd is not rid of him yet.

Glanville sounds as though he was his usual slippery negligent self in his evidence to Waterhouse.  He emphasised that he had never managed a community home for children or worked in one, even when he was with the NCH. As Deputy Director, he was ‘remote’ from the residential section and had not much contact with it – that was Lucille’s domain. However although Glanville claimed to know nuzzing, Waterhouse noted that almost as soon as he arrived in Gwynedd, he took up 12 points regarding the community homes in Gwynedd, including some serious allegations of staff misconduct, with Gethin Evans. Evans responded to Glanville with a memo that Waterhouse described as ‘inappropriate, complacent and discourteous’ which onbiously was ‘intended to discourage intrusion’. Glanville reorganised the Social Services Dept soon after his arrival and the responsibility for the development of Children’s Services was given to the Assistant Director, one Gethin Evans.

From 1987, the Assistant Director responsible for the Children’s Section was Rob Evans, who had been the Area Officer for Aberconwy since November 1984. Rob Evans had graduated in Social Sciences from Leicester University and obtained his CQSW in 1976. By 1984 he had acquired 10 years of management experience of social work in Northampton and Dorset and had served as a Team Manager in Dorset. In 1992, restructuring resulted in Rob Evans being appointed Assistant Director (Mental Health) – Waterhouse notes that Evans ‘left local government’ in March 1996. It was in his capacity as Assistant Director that I encountered Rob in the mid 90s. As a result of the constant aggro that I was receiving from the delightful Arfon Community Mental Health Team (please see previous posts), Rob was called in to sort it out. I had a truly bizarre meeting with him in which he made no comments about the law-breaking and perjury and constant aggression of the Arfon Team, but instead offered a discourse on ‘changing practice’ in social work. As an example he explained that when he used to take children to children’s homes he used to take their shoes away to stop them running away. He said that the children hated him for taking them to the homes but he knew that he was doing the right thing. A couple of years ago, some of the interviews that some of the former residents of north Wales children’s homes gave to the police in the criminal trials were made public. Some of the witnesses explained that they ran away after they were molested by members of the paedophile ring but someone took their shoes away after that to prevent them escaping. Many years after my own encounter with Rob, my lawyers obtained the documents that he had compiled after he had met me to discuss the Arfon Team and their activities. Rob had noted that he had met Keith Fearns, the psychopath who was the ‘leader’ of the Arfon Team and asked him what he wanted done with me. Fearns had replied ‘lock her up’. Rob had told him that wasn’t possible. Fearns had replied once more ‘lock her up’. Rob had noted that the situation was unresolvable and that he was leaving his post tomorrow anyway. Waterhouse was wrong about Rob – he didn’t leave local government in 1996. After no-one had been held to account for the rape and battery of hundreds of children over many years, Rob resurfaced again – as Head of Community Services on Anglesey! Waterhouse noted that in his evidence, Rob had told him that he wasn’t a fluent Welsh speaker and he considered that his chances of an appropriate ‘senior’ position were virtually zero. So it’s good to know that Anglesey found a home for him. The last time that I saw Rob I tried to ask him about his activities regarding Fearns many years ago. Rob told me that I was ‘arrassin’ him and if I didn’t stop he’d call the police. Rob often seemed to find himself the line manager of thugs – he was responsible for Larry King and Nefyn Dodd until his job changed and he was then overseeing dear old Fearns.

Rob had an interesting interpretation of Fearns and co’s threats, harassment and aggression though. In his evidence to Waterhouse, Rob maintained that because a Health Advisory Service Inspection in 1986 had been ‘very critical’ of mental health services in Gwynedd, Rob had made mental health a priority and the community mental health services had now been recognised as among the best in Europe! I’d love to know who ‘recognised’ them as such. The only people with knowledge of social work and mental health services in other parts of Europe that I knew who had contact with the thugs and liars that were employed by Lucille et al were a team of German social scientists who had a link with Bangor University. I worked with them myself and they were a nice lot – but they had no idea at all how patients were being treated because their contact was with the thugs and liars themselves who never fessed up that they were facilitating a paedophile ring. They just met up with the Germans for nibbles and drinks and no doubt told them that the services had been recognised as the best in Europe. But then idiots in north Wales were a bit obsessed with Europe in those days. Dr Dafydd Alun Jones kept appearing in the local press described as ‘Europe’s leading forensic psychiatrist’. He wasn’t even a forensic psychiatrist.

Larry King retired in 1988 and was replaced by Peter James Hibbs. Hibbs had grown up in Colwyn Bay and graduated in sociology from the South Bank Poly in 1973. He had been an Education Welfare Officer in ILEA (Inner London Education Authority) for four years, then completed his CQSW at UCNW (Bangor University) and also gained a Diploma in Social Studies. In Dec 1979 Hibbs joined Gwynedd as a member of the Child Care Team at the Anglesey Area Office and was promoted to senior social worker in Nov 1985. When Nefyn Dodd retired from the post of Principal Officer (Residential Services) in May 1990, Hibbs took over. Hibbs himself encountered serious personal difficulties and became ill with severe depression –  he was deemed by a Medical Officer to be unable continue working after December 1990 and formally retired in Jan 1993. However, at the time of giving evidence to Waterhouse, he had been working since November 1995 as a Senior Practitioner at the Family Centre, Rhyl, run by NCH. Hibbs stated that he used to see Rob Evans about once a week, but was ‘uncertain’ whether Rob grasped ‘child protection issues’, he was more of a ‘mental health specialist’ no less.

Hibbs had been responsible to Gethin Evans and when Hibbs retired he was replaced by Dafydd Ifans. Ifans had worked in the North Wales Probation Services for the last ten years after obtaining his CQSW at Cartrefle College as well as an OU degree. Prior to that he’d been in the Army for fifteen years after leaving school at fifteen to join as an Army apprentice. He then worked as a manager for ASDA for two years. Ifans worked in Gwynedd until 31 December 1995, when he was then appointed as Service Manager for the Children and Families Services for Conwy County Borough Council. During his nearly three years as a Principal Officer, Ifans was responsible for line managing three community homes in Gwynedd.

I have deliberately given a lot of details regarding the managers of Gwynedd Social Services to demonstrate a number of points. Firstly, the degree of conflict that obviously existed between some of them. Secondly, the number of people that were falling apart at the seams themselves – a lot of people were on long-term sick leave or being deemed incapable of fulfilling their duties. This is a key sign of an organisation in trouble but judging from the chunks of the Waterhouse Report that I’ve read so far, Waterhouse doesn’t seem to have taken on board the significance of this. One inescapable theme is how many of these people had connections with each other, or had been circulating around the system for some time. During the 80s and 90s, if one was English and living in Gwynedd, one heard constant allegations that Gwynedd County Council was a ‘closed shop’ and that ‘they only employ their friends and their relatives’. There does seem to have been an awful lot of that going on – but another allegation that English people frequently made was ‘none of them have ever been out of Gwynedd’. Judging from the previous account that is very obviously not true. They had all had stints of studying or working elsewhere – or moving on elsewhere after presiding over the horror that was Gwynedd children’s services. But as far as I can see that is simply more terrifying. That lot had a well-established network that will have been affording them protection and as I have previously argued it stretched far and wide, into England as well. A number of them had also worked in places where it is now known that there was a problem with the organised abuse of children eg. Cheshire, Leicester and inner London. Again and again I was told that the problems in north Wales re the children’s services and mental health services was ‘just north Wales’. It was not. It surfaced in north Wales and ‘outsiders’ were always suspicious and curious because they were very obviously excluded on the grounds of language and it was easy for them to conjure up spectres of cave-dwelling sheep shaggers who molest the kids and burn English peoples houses down. But the vile ones had mates next door in England and had an established network to assist them. Some of them also had connections to the police and the Army…

Among all the detail supplied in the Waterhouse Report regarding Gwynedd Social Services, there is a glaring omission. Waterhouse mentions in passing a ‘child protection officer’ who was working under Gethin Evans. In a region where children were being abused by a paedophile ring and having the living daylights battered out of them by the likes of Nefyn Dodd and were being half-starved and used as free labour by ‘foster parents’, the child protection officer would be a fairly crucial member of the team. Yet they are not named and there is no reference to their evidence in the Waterhouse Report. Were they fast asleep on the job or simply terrified? Or had someone decided that they didn’t want to hear evidence from them? Or had Waterhouse heard their evidence and decided not to mention it? There was something else that he passed by with barely a comment. When he ‘reviewed’ the evidence against Nefyn and June Dodd, as well as ignoring scores of complaints of brutality – and a few of sexual abuse – against the Dodds and the people whom they employed in the community home that they ran in Bangor, Waterhouse mentions a complaint from someone referred to as X, against the Dodds. Waterhouse acknowledges that a letter of ‘dubious authenticity’ allegedly signed by X was sent from Risley Remand Centre to Lucille Hughes expressing support for the Dodds. But Waterhouse accepted that X didn’t write this and so he disregarded it! So someone in Risley Remand Centre forged a letter from X and sent it to Lucille Hughes, supporting the Dodds, when the Dodds were under investigation for abusing children. And Waterhouse barely bats an eyelid. But then someone forged a letter from me and sent it to the GMC after I complained about Dr Tony Roberts (please see post ‘The General Medical Council And Yet Another Forged Document’). Someone forged a certificate of indictment saying that I’d been found guilty of ‘violent disorder’ at Caernarfon Crown Court when I hadn’t (please see post ‘An Update On Those Legal Conundrums’). It’s good to know that I wasn’t being singled out – forging documents is obviously an everyday pastime of health and welfare folk in the face of complaints about the health and social care services. How many more forged documents are there sitting in files in the wake of caring staff having been cleared of serious wrongdoing after the plebs of this parish dared complain about them?

And therein lies the key. For the most part, the people on the receiving end of this bunch of scumbags were indeed the plebs. They were people with long-term mental health problems, drug/alcohol problems, kids in care, various dispossessed or disadvantaged people. They also often had criminal records, because as I have detailed previously on this blog, if you complained about that bunch of bastards they stitched you up for crimes that everyone knew that you hadn’t done so they could then dismiss your complaints as coming from a ‘criminal’ and therefore not to be believed. Because I constantly had the most dreadful encounters with the ‘services’ and then more dreadful encounters with officious lying shits like Glanville Owen when I tried to raise concerns about them, for many years I gained the impression that Gwynedd and Clwyd Councils must be run by daft old buggers who had worked their way up from jobs as admin assistants when they were 16 and who did not know their arses from their elbows. Some people did equate to this stereotype – namely Alun Davies, the manager of the Hergest Unit, who could hardly string a coherent sentence together – but let’s have a look at those at the very top of the tree in Gwynedd County Council, the successive Chief Executives who oversaw this horror. So how dim and uninformed were they?

The Chief Execs of Gwynedd County Council for the period of time reviewed by Waterhouse were: David Alun Jones, 1974-1980; Ioan Bowen Rees, 1980-1991; Huw Vaughan Thomas, 1991-1996.

David Alun Jones was a solicitor, the Deputy Clerk (1952-1961), then Clerk of Denbighshire County Council for 13 years. He read law at Aberystwyth University, then held posts as a solicitor in Ilford, Southampton, Berkshire and Surrey before Denbighshire. After his stint as Chief Exec at Gwynedd, he was the Commissioner for Local Administration in Wales for the next five years until his retirement in 1985. His evidence to the Waterhouse Tribunal revolved around the theme of how financially poor the area of Gwynedd was. It was stated that T.E. Jones, the Director of Social Services, didn’t discuss problems regarding children or the community homes with Alun Jones and Waterhouse stated that he had no reason to think that Alun Jones was aware of the complaints. Alun Jones was consulted by the Director of Social Services regarding the alleged failings of Parry, the Deputy Director of Social Services, in approx. 1974. Alun Jones thought that Parry’s services should be dispensed with, but the Chairman of the Social Services Committee, formerly of Anglesey County Council (I presume this will have been Councillor Eric Davies) thought that Parry should be given responsibility for children’s services and this was the view that prevailed. So they handed children’s services over to a man whom they seemed to be in dispute with and whom they maintained could not do his job. Did Alun Jones not think this was a little high risk? Alun Jones was a lawyer – presumably not completely stupid. But look at his background – all those years as a legal advisor to Denbighshire County Council. The North Wales Hospital was on his patch – he was there whilst Gwynne the lobotomist and Dafydd were in action. He will have known about the problems out there and what was alleged to have been happening. I note that Alun Jones read law at Aber – it has always been maintained that one factor preventing the true extent of the child abuse in north Wales becoming public was rampant corruption among lawyers in the region. A previous post of mine looking at corruption in the region noted how many people who had been implicated were law graduates from Aber (see post ‘Updates, Common Themes And News, May 5 2017’).

Ioan Bowen Rees was Chief Exec for much of the time under review by Waterhouse, ie. 1980-1991. It was during this time that the complaints and allegations of child abuse came thick and fast, when Alison Taylor the social worker who blew the whistle on it all first raised concerns within the social services and, when she was dismissed in the wake of doing so, went very public indeed, contacting the media as well as Ministers, including Margaret Thatcher. So one would have that Ioan might have noticed that something was amiss. Ioan was a from a local family and had grown up in Dolgellau. His father was a teacher there and his mother had been one of the first women graduates from UCNW (Bangor University). Ioan went to school in Dolgellau and won a scholarship to Oxford to read modern history. So not only did he know the area but he was no fool. He decided to become a solicitor and did his articles with – the Clerk of Denbighshire County Council! Well where else? Waterhouse states that Ioan Bowen Rees was admitted as a solicitor in 1956 – so one presumes that he was doing his articles when his predecessor as Chief Exec Alun Jones worked as the Deputy Clerk of Denbighshire County Council. Bowen Rees then served in local government in Lancashire, Cardiff and Pembrokeshire, as Deputy Clerk to the County Council. Waterhouse mentions that Bowen Rees was ‘well-known’ outside Gwynedd. He certainly was. Bowen Rees died some years ago and his obituaries tell us a lot about him. He stood for election as a Plaid candidate in Conway in 1955 and 1959 and in Methyr Tydfil in 1964. Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was involved in Plaid during those years and stood for election for Denbigh in 1959 and 1964. Another reason why Bowen Rees will have known Dafydd then. That’s the Dafydd whose mistress was Lucille Hughes. The Dafydd who illegally banged people up in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh if they complained about the childrens services or the mental health services. In 1973, Bowen Rees became the County Secretary of the newly formed Dyfed County Council. Bowen Rees was considered something of an authority on local government and won the Haldane Medal from the Royal Institution for Public Administration for his 1971 publication ‘Government By Community’, which was described by Max Beloff as ‘essential reading’. This is the Conservative peer Max Beloff, the father of Michael Beloff QC. Michael Beloff was the lawyer who advised Municipal Mutual, Clwyd County Council’s insurers, to suppress the Jillings Report! Bowen Rees was awarded an honorary LLD by the University of Wales in 1997. He was a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards – as was Dafydd and so many others mentioned in previous blog posts. He advised the Association of County Councils and was Chair of the Society of Local Chief Executives. He was described by the TLS as ‘one of the old breed of highly educated, civilised public servants’. My co-researcher made the following observation of Bowen Rees – ‘Oxford, Plaid, Gorsedd, Gwynedd County Council – he’s got a full house’. Bingo indeed.

In his evidence to Waterhouse, Bowen Rees stated that there was a ‘difficulty’ because Gwynedd Council had no overall leader and that the financial situation through the 1980s left one with a feeling of ‘helplessness’. It was stated that Bowen Rees was more ‘interventionist’ in the Social Services than his predecessor. He was told of complaints and he therefore ordered an enquiry and a report to be conducted by officers of Dyfed County Council – whom he will have known well because he had previously been County Secretary of Dyfed. It was during Bowen Rees’s time as Chief Exec that Gwynedd saw many children in their care ‘boarded out’ (often, it was alleged, to the care of very unsuitable people). Gwynedd had the highest proportion of children boarded out in Wales and the second highest proportion in Great Britain. But Bowen Rees explained to Waterhouse that it saved the Council a great deal of money. Bowen Rees had taken a particular interest in the complaints of Alison Taylor. He told Waterhouse that he had ‘very little recollection of events surrounding the police investigation’ (thank goodness his memory didn’t let him down like that at Oxford or when he was winning medals, it just went a bit flaky when his Council was investigated by the police in the wake of allegations of a paedophile ring), but he knew that he’d asked Lucille to get in touch with him when investigation was over.(Nuffin’ to do with me Guv, I’m only the Chief Exec.) Luciile was described as being ‘over the moon’ when she told him that the police would not be taking proceedings against anyone and that there was ‘no substance’ to the allegations of abuse. Bowen Rees was satisfied that no disciplinary proceedings would have to be taken against any Council officers without talking to Lucille, because he’d talked to senior police officers. (Regular readers will remember that among the allegations of child abuse in north Wales were those that police were involved. A former senior police officer from the North Wales Police, Gordon Anglesea, was last year imprisoned for molesting children in care in north Wales.) Bowen Rees told Waterhouse that he had not been aware of Nefyn Dodd’s dual role in the management of children’s services and had been told that Alison Taylor was ‘worse than a troublemaker’. He thought that poor old Lucille had been ‘unfortunate’ in her Chairman of the Social Services Committee in the 1980s, as he was ‘wilful’ and tolerated only because of his war record. Which is quite a surprising thing for Bowen Rees to have said really, because the rest of us are of the opinion that Eric Davies did Lucille some pretty big favours – he spat poison in the direction of Alison Taylor, carried out a character assassination of her and ensured that she was sacked after she blew the whistle on child abuse in Gwynedd.

Even just the information supplied above suggests that Bowen Rees knew that there was cause for concern in the children’s services which he was paid to run. But there’s another reason why Bowen Rees would have known about the misery and suffering that his children’s services inflicted upon local people as those services worked hand in hand with his mental health services. Because he lived in a hill village near Bethesda where an awful lot of the casualties of Lucille and Dafydd resided. I know because I too lived there for years. At the same time as Bowen Rees. I and the others who had been shafted by Bowen Rees’s ‘services’ mostly lived in the main part of the village, comprised of 19th century quarrymans cottages. Bowen Rees lived near us – but not in our terraces. No, Bowen Rees resided in splendour in an enormous house shielded from our view by beech trees, down a long lane. (However, his widow does now live in the village square, but in one of the most desirable houses there.) Bowen Rees was described by his mates Jim Perrin and Meic Stephens in their obituaries of him as a ‘leftwing nationalist’, an ‘internationalist’, ‘with a philosophy of localism’, who believed in ‘the centrality of [the citizens] voice in determining policies’ and whose observations on mountaineering – which Bowen Rees enjoyed – included that ‘the early mountaineers didn’t concern themselves with the activity of a lower class’. Jim Perrin stated that Bowen Rees ‘firmy identified with that lower class’. That’s funny Jim, because I got the distinct impression that he didn’t give a fuck about them. Except perhaps at election time. I was amused to see in one of Ioan’s obituaries the comment that he ‘enjoyed the close community spirit’ of the village where we all lived. Wondering if I’d somehow missed all the occasions on which Ioan hung out in the village pub or in the canolfan or purchased his stamps from the Post Office, yesterday I rang one of my former neighbours to ask her if she ever remembered socialising with Ioan. Now this was not a neighbour who was one of the dispossessed being screwed over by Ioan and his staff. This is someone who is a retired teacher, whose husband is a retired teacher (and he graduated with a First as well), who have lived in that village for decades, who both learnt Welsh to a very high standard, who do know quite a few public figures and who are acquainted with pretty much everyone around. She replied that she knew OF the Bowen Rees’s and his wife ‘is very pleasant but they are a bit above and beyond the reach of the rest of us’. The man of the common people! Bowen Rees’s obituaries also stated that when he was young, he was regularly consulted by Gwynfor Evans, the President of Plaid (I think that he also co-authored with Gwynfor Evans) and was subsequently consulted by Dafydd Wigley, the MP for Caernarfon. Who definitely knew about the havoc in the mental health services because I wrote to him about it – and I can’t really believe that he didn’t ever hear about what Lucille and co were up to either.

I’ll outline a few things that were going on in the village where Bowen Rees actually lived. There was a severely mentally ill homeless man who for some months literally lived on the playing field, completely psychotic, whilst his neighbours begged for help from the mental health services to no avail. There was another severely mentally ill man who was living in a derelict schoolhouse with an open fire inside and about nine dogs – both the police and his neigbours begged the Arfon Mental Health Team to assist him. They didn’t. This went on for many months until a relative of his was traced and she arranged for a religious order to look after him in another region. One of my neighbours up there was a young man who whose mother had killed herself when he was a child – he used to scavenge in bins for food and by the time that he was a teenager he had developed a drink problem and mental health problems. He was violent and a nuisance when he was pissed but to be fair to him, he went down to the GPs surgery in Bethesda for help with his ‘nerves’. No help was forthcoming from the GPs let alone the mental health team. There was a whole family of adults who had been on the receiving end of such serious sexual and physical abuse whilst they were children that one of them was an elective mute and another one was in the ‘care’ of the mental health services – he became destitute when the day centre at the Hergest Unit was shut down, on the orders of the Arfon Team. There was a single parent who was such a hopeless drunk that her 10 year old daughter was looking after her, the house and her younger brother – who was displaying sexually abusive behaviour himself after being exposed to sexual activity from his father. There were also the people whom I discussed in my post ‘It’s All About Protecting Children’ – in which two fathers were denied access to their own children by Gwynedd Social Services and one of those children was instead handed over to people with a known record of abusing children themselves. There was the family who had been swindled out of their inheritance and left to rot by a number of crooked lawyers and doctors, who were also refused help from the Arfon Team (please see post ‘A Trade In People – Between London and North Wales’). There were two other men displaying what a social worker (well one who knew what they were doing) would describe as sexually inappropriate behaviour who had been in the ‘care’ of Gwynedd Social Services as children. There was another family whose daughter had been removed from them and had been handed over to Gwynedd Social Services for her ‘protection’ who was wrecked after her encounters with the children’s and mental health services. There was also a little girl being fostered at weekends to give her mother who lived in the neighbouring village ‘respite’. That little girl’s mother had held Alun Davies the manager of the Hergest Unit hostage at knife point in her house and he had to be freed in a police operation. No charges were ever brought against her because Davies had unlawfully accessed her medical records, removed them from the hospital and gone out to see her without anyone’s permission or indeed even telling anyone. He would have been in much trouble himself if anyone had discovered what he had done, therefore his ordeal as a hostage was ignored.

What a record of achievement! Give that man another medal. Bowen Rees drove past these people on his way to work every day – whilst they waited for the bus. Lest any readers think that poor old Bowen Rees just wasn’t mixing in the right circles to hear the accounts of the ‘service users’, there were some people in that village who had worked in his children’s homes and left, appalled at the abuse that they witnessed. I knew three of these people – they all told me that they had witnessed young people being abused. They didn’t witness sexual abuse but they witnessed physical abuse and one of them described Nefyn Dodd to me as a ‘total fascist’. The other two people had worked in the home where Alison Taylor had initially reported abuse and told me that as well as being on the receiving end of ‘cruelty’, the teenaged boys in the home were being forced to work for no pay in the black economy. They boys expressed fear of physical violence from social workers if they refused this work.

But something else was happenining in that village as Ioan Bowen Rees managed to not see what was happening on his doorstep. Something that he most certainly knew about. Lucille Hughes’s henchmen from the Arfon Team were perjuring themselves in Chester Crown Court in an attempt to have me imprisoned. They were being coached and advised in this by Lucille, Hywel Ellis Hughes the County Secretary and Solicitor, and Ron Evans, his sidekick. I have the documents to prove it and described it in detail in my post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’. Ioan will have known about all that because Gwynedd County Council were spending a fortune trying to have me (and a few other patients) imprisoned and he will have had to sign something off. I bet he knew my address as well, because I was being served with Court documents at home. So Ioan knew that I was a neighbour! Where was his much boasted about community spirit? Oh – the other thing that happened whilst I lived in the same village as Ioan was that someone tried to set fire to my house. Twice. Another memorable feature of the village was the phone box. Ioan won’t have used it because he’ll have had a landline and a mobile as well, but a lot of people in that village didn’t have a phone so there was often a queue at that phone box. That phone box lives on in my memory for one reason – it was the phone box that was used by a mental health patient who lived in that village who repeatedly rang Crimestoppers and reported the law-breaking and abuse of named staff of the mental health services and the thugs that they were using to distribute drugs and intimidate patients who complained. There wasn’t an investigation. Ioan probably had a few words with his friends in the police again like he did after Alison Taylor blew the whistle.

Ioan will not have been able to have missed the reality of the lives of the people in that village no matter how fast he drove past them. Because his own son went to school with some of those kids who had been so badly neglected and abused. Ioan’s son went to Ysgol Dyffryn Ogwen and is now famous – he is Gruff Rhys from the rock band the Superfurry Animals. He and his mates used to practice their music in the hall at the end of the terrace where I used to live. Ioan was known to be passionate about the Welsh language and is on record as saying that we speak Welsh ‘for the sake of our children’. I’m all for bilingual children as well, but whilst Ioan’s son was learning Welsh and becoming a rock star there were a number of other children who were being beaten, buggered and raped in the ‘service’ for which Ioan was paid handsomely to provide.

Ioan’s glorious career didn’t stop after he stood down from the Chief Exec’s role after the police investigation which exonerated the whole bloody lot of them. No, Ioan was a passionate believer in devolution and was a member of the working party that advised Ron Davies the Secretary of State for Wales regarding the creation of the National Assembly of Wales. Who knows, Ioan would probably have gone on to become President of the World, but he died (Waterhouse observed that he was very sad about this) in 1999. Months before the publication of the Waterhouse Report. So if any lesser gifted and less well-connected creatures than Ioan feared that Waterhouse was actually going to admit the enormity of what had gone on and that Ioan would get himself out of the ordure by landing them right in it, they need not have worried. Ioans’s memories have been taken to the grave with him.

The Story of Ioan reminds me very much of the work of the Welsh Labour historians who were busy in the 1970s and 80s. They pissed a lot of people off because they maintained that the exploitation of the Welsh labourers in the quarries and other industries involved an enormous degree of collusion from the Welsh middle classes who also exploited the labourers and did very well for themselves out of this, but who had successfully rewritten their part in history and framed themselves as defenders of language and nation. I think it was in Jim Perrin’s obituary of Ioan Bowen Rees that there was a reference to the refreshing Ioan in contrast to the English bourgeoisie who colonised the land conservation societies… the noble Ioan who lived in his Plas shielded by beech trees so as to avoid the prying eyes of the people whom he was shafting whilst they lived in poverty…

After the People’s Champ and Defender of the Nation left his post as Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council, Huw Vaughan Thomas took over. Huw was originally from mid-Glamorgan, read modern history at Durham University, acquired a Masters in Administrative Sciences from City University and entered the civil service. He worked in the Department of Employment and bodies associated with it and was the Private Secretary to two Ministers of Employment. He then lead the Manpower Services Commission’s employment rehabilitation programme for disabled people. In May 1988 he moved to Wales as Director of Training Agency, Wales. He was Chief Executive of Denbighshire County Council for six years – of course he was, it seems obligatory to do a stint with them if you’re going to preside over a major child abuse scandal. Huw told Waterhouse that the allocation of resources in Gwynedd County Council  owed much to history and political considerations rather than assessment of need and the Council’s image was one of ‘fortress Gwynedd’ with a single issue of the language agenda. (I rather suspect that might have been the smokescreen that Ioan created to detract from rather more serious problems.) For most of the first three years of Huw’s tenure, there was a police investigation of Gwynedd’s children’s homes. Alison Taylor wrote to Huw shortly before an HTV programme about the abuse in north Wales in Sept 1991, requesting a meeting to discuss the ill-treatment of children. He ‘took advice’ – we are not told from whom – and he said that she should get in touch with him if she had any new matters not already investigated to report. Alison wrote again asking for a meeting regarding the extensive dossier that he had prepared relating to the abuse of children. Huw declined to meet her on the advice of the Council’s legal officers and the Chief Constable. That will have been at about the same time that those legal officers were pursuing me through the Courts for ludicrous offences such as ‘staring at a social worker in Safeways’ or more serious offences that I had not committed.

So how did Huw fare once he stopped being the Chief Exec of Gwynedd in 1996? Well he was the  Assistant National Secretary of the Society of Local Authority Chief Executives and he has also been on exchanges with Chief Execs in Tasmania and New Zealand (Christ he’s gone global.) In 2001 he was appointed the Director and Principal Consultant for Taro Consulting Ltd. He was a member of the Richards Commission into the powers and electoral arrangements of the National Assembly of Wales 2002-2004, he’s Chaired the Big Lottery Fund and served on the Parole Board for England and Wales (it really is unbelievable isn’t it). He’s a Board member for the Institute of Welsh Affairs, for the North Wales Training and Enterprise Council, a member of HEFCW, of the Law Society Council, of the Hearing Aid Council and the Olympic Lottery Distributer. His voluntary activities include involvement in two charities for deaf people, a member of the National Trust Committee for Wales, of the Princes Trust and the Chair of Plas Glyn Y Weddw Arts Centre.

Concealed a paedophile gang? Come this way Sir, we’d just love to have you on our Board.

The jewel in the crown was that on July 2010 Huw was recommended for the post of Auditor General of Wales by the National Assembly of Wales. HM the Queen herself appointed him from October 2010. He now oversees 20 billion quid of taxpayers money. His wife Enid is the Chair of the Solicitors Regulation Authority and a member of the BUPA council. His son Owain is a trainee – at the Wales Audit Office.

Once more, I can only repeat what the residents of Ioan Bowen Rees’s village used to say when they were screwed over once more by Gwynedd County Council in some way – Jesus Christ.

There is an ancient Bela Lugosi film that used to cause merriment among film and media students because it was thought to be so ridiculous. I was told that it contained a scene where Bela looms up out of a churchyard and says ‘It’s murder – and somebody’s responsible’. Well for years children in the care of Gwynedd County Council were beaten, kicked, forced to lick Nefyn Dodd’s shoes, used as slave labour, sexually molested, kept short of food and/or abandoned. And nobody was responsible at all. The only person who lost their job was Alison Taylor.