The Discovery Of A Whole New Galaxy…

Thanks to my correspondent Lydia for bringing my attention to yet another leading light in psychiatry in Wales – Kenneth Rawnsley, who was Professor of Psychological Medicine at Cardiff, 1964-85. Not only did Prof Ken know all about Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and the paedophiles, but he was the man who gave Dafydd’s therapeutic community in the cellar of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh the official stamp of approval and who reassured everyone that standards at Denbigh were fine. Ken did this whilst all those folk who had dared challenge the paedophiles and their friends were illegally imprisoned in Denbigh and whilst the elderly lady Mary was still locked inside that place for no other reason than 60 years previously she had given birth without being married (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’). Ken also taught Tony Francis (Dr X) and was the ultimate boss of the team that Francis worked in when Francis worked in Cardiff. Ken was President of the Royal College of Psychiatrists, 1981-84.

Rawnsley was born in Halifax, went to Burnley Grammar School and then Manchester University where he qualified in 1948. He worked as a house physician to Robert – later Lord – Platt (see post ‘The Creme de la Creme’) in 1949 at Manchester Royal Infirmary. The Royal College of Physicians website’s section on ‘Lives of the Fellows’ tells us that there was a ‘galaxy of gifted young men’ –  yet another galaxy of Top Doctors – working under Platt at the time, one of whom was Douglas Black. Black  later became President of the Royal College of Physicians, 1977-83 and authored the Black Report on inequalities which pissed Thatcher off so much. Although Platt’s first wife Muriel had been a psychiatrist, Platt tried to persuade Rawnsley not to go into psychiatry because it simply wasn’t considered an option for capable people.

Rawnsley nonetheless pursued psychiatric training at Manchester’s Academic Dept of Psychiatry under Professor Edward Anderson. Anderson had spent the early part of his career in Germany and was influenced by Kurt Schneider and Karl Jaspers. Anderson been taught in the tradition of European psychological phenomenology and as well as in the psychology of Adolf Meyer. He had also worked as a consultant at the Maudsley.

Others who worked in Anderson’s team whom Rawnsley knew included: William Trethowan who was at that time a lecturer; Jack Kenna, a lecturer in clinical psychology; May Irvine, a lecturer in psychiatric social work; Lawton Tonge, a registrar.

William Trethowan became a very senior figure in psychiatry. His father had been an orthopaedic surgeon at Guys and died when Trethowan was 16. After his father’s death, Trethowan’s mother enrolled as  medical student – Trethowan and his mother graduated on the same day.

Trethowan went to Oundle School and then Clare College, Cambridge. At Cambridge he was musical director of Footlights. Trethowan graduated from Guys in 1943 and married the actress Pam Waters. After service in the RAMC, he worked as  psychiatric registrar at the Maudsley, 1948-50. Trethowan then spent a year as a psychiatric resident in Massachusetts General Hospital, Harvard and spent the years 1951-56 as a lecturer and then senior lecturer at Manchester University, where Rawnsley got to know him. Trethowan was appointed Professor of Psychiatry at the University of Sydney in 1956. In 1962 he returned to the UK as Professor of Psychiatry at the University of Birmingham after being head hunted, where he remained until he retired in 1982. Trethowan spent 8 years as the Dean of Medicine at Birmingham. Whilst at Birmingham Trethowan was a colleague of Robert Bluglass who concealed the criminality of the north Wales mental health services in 1988, more of which later on in this post.

Trethowan was an advisor in psychiatry to the DHSS, 1964-78 and Chaired the Standing Mental Health Advisory Committee, 1968-74. He Chaired the Advisory Committee which was set up to establish the Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1976-86.

Trethowan’s  obituary stated that he did much to improve standards in psychiatry and ‘worked both in committee and behind the scenes to ensure that the new college [Royal College of Psychiatrists] would reach the highest standards of professional excellence’. Just how successful Trethowan was in this we shall soon see. Trethowan was the first Chief Examiner of the Royal College and ‘almost single-handedly’ set up the exam for membership.

Trethowan was a member of the GMC and for a while its Treasurer. Trethowan was a member of the GMC panel who in 1970 allowed the paedophile child psychiatrist Dr Morris Fraser to continue to practice. Fraser was later convicted of child sexual abuse. The GMC legal officer for the case was Sir Patrick Mayhew, who years later in his capacity as Attorney General authorised two prosecutions against me for contempt of court on the basis of the perjury of members of staff employed by the north Wales mental health services.

Mayhew was Secretary of State for N Ireland, 1992-97. He was appointed days before that petrol bomb killed five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal (see post ‘The Silence of the Welsh Lambs’). Whilst in post, Mayhew was one of many who concealed the abuse scandal at the Kincora Boys Home in Belfast, which was said to involve members of the British Army as well as Whitehall figures. Morris Fraser was involved with Kincora.

In the 1970s Jack Kenna who was then based at Gaskell House at Manchester Royal Infirmary worked with psychiatrist Professor David Goldberg at Withington Hospital on gender reassignment. They only treated a very small number of people and were consistent with most of their peers in viewing gender reassignment cases as rare interesting specimens.

William Lawton Tonge was a psychiatrist who graduated from Manchester University in 1948. He worked at Manchester Royal Infirmary and Holloway Sanatorium and then was appointed registrar to the dept of psychiatry at Manchester Royal Infirmary in 1951. Tonge worked at the MRC Unit for Research into Social Psychiatry and was then appointed consultant psychiatrist at Sheffield Royal Infirmary.

Tonge was Deputy Medical Superintendent of the private Cheadle Royal Hospital near Manchester and a member of the Society for the Study of Addiction.

Tonge carried out a lot of work on ‘problem families’ in which he sought to identify a common psychological maladjustment in such families whose principal problem was poverty.

There is a Lawton Tonge House in Sheffield which houses Sheffield MIND – but then MIND named one of their buildings William Bingley House.

Rawnsley remembered Anderson’s ‘deep rooted humanity and compassion’. Yet in an interview with Brian Barraclough published in the Psychiatric Bulletin in 1988, Rawnsley clearly stated that although Anderson was interested in phenomenological formulation and diagnosis, ‘treatment was not high on the agenda’ – indeed that Anderson was  a ‘therapeutic nihilist’. Anderson had been appointed as the first Professor of Psychiatry at Manchester in 1949, when Manchester was a ‘psychiatric wilderness’. By 1951 Anderson was using ECT, leucotomy, insulin coma and modified insulin therapy, but he had no ‘modern psychotropic drugs’. Rawnsley stated that in Anderson’s dept the only ‘psychotherapy in vogue was supportive therapy…valuable in the management of chronic personality problems’.

The notion of ‘chronic personality problems’ is a favourite one of particularly abusive Top Doctors. Dafydd, Tony Francis, Neil Davies and Tony Roberts found their clinics heaving with patients with chronic personality problems, as I’m sure did those concealing their wrongdoing at St George’s Hospital Medical School and Springfield Hospital. These were the patients who had dared question them or even complain who then found themselves threatened, abused and finally refused treatment. Some of these patients had no problems in their relationships with the rest of the world and some managed to have successful careers and families. The only people with whom they had problems were the Top Doctors and they were therefore deemed to have chronic personality problems.

It is clear from Rawnsley’s interview with Barraclough that Anderson and indeed Rawnsley himself did not view patients as people to be helped. They were there to be experimented upon by these men of science – who were not actually accepted as being men of science in any way by other men of science like Robert Platt. Rawnsley mentions that there was no hospital attached to the Academic Unit at Manchester, just a small number of beds – where the patients were shocked and lobotomised and put into comas. Anderson et al had some beds at the private Cheadle Royal Hospital and I suspect that was where the psychotherapy for those with chronic personality problems took place. God help you if you were one of the NHS patients, it was medical experiments and psychosurgery for you.

Anderson and Rawnsley gave some patients LSD ‘not because we thought it would do them any good but we wanted to see whether a schizophrenic patient could distinguish between the disturbances produced by LSD and the endogenous disturbance’.  Anderson and Rawnsley published the results, although Rawnsley admitted to Barraclough that giving patients LSD was   ‘on reflection’ ‘not a good thing to do’. I very much doubt that he ever fessed that up to the patients whom he’d dosed.

Rawnsley and Anderson took LSD themselves – it was very new, having only been synthesized by Hofman in 1943 – because ‘it sounded interesting’. Others in their dept took it as well, including Bob Mowbray a clinical psychologist, Dr Paul Scott and the departmental secretary Doris Bee. Not that this was a problem – there was huge interest in LSD at the time, no-one had ever come across anything like it and of course curious people would have given it a go, I certainly would have. What interests me is that Rawnsley and co all described stereotypical acid trips which then ended very badly and decided ‘never again’ – Brian Barraclough also admitted to trying LSD but concluding that it was dangerous – but Rawnsley and Anderson then gave it to patients regardless to see what would happen. Rawnsley was not a man bothered by self doubt – if he had decided ‘on reflection’ that giving patients LSD had not been a good idea, it was probably because he’d done them great damage.

Rawnsley also took mescaline and was in contact with Dr Joel Elkes. Joel Elkes ran a unit Birmingham University in which he experimented extensively with LSD. The treatment unit was established in 1958 at Potwick Hospital in Worcestershire. Over the next 10 years more than 15,000 doses of LSD were given to some 900 patients. Joel Elkes was involved in the CIA ‘mind control’ experiments with US doctors such as Lauretta Bender. Bender was responsible for some serious atrocities such as subjecting children as young as five and six to LSD experiments and ECT without anaesthetic or muscle relaxants which resulted in fractured vertebrae. One child who was the subject of the CIA experiments lived to tale the tale and qualified as an attorney when she was an adult. She tried to publish an account of what had been done to her and was told by the CIA that her career would be ended if she did. She later published under a pseudonym. Elkes also had links to the Pentagon as well as to MI6. It has been alleged that Potwick was partly funded by the CIA, MI6 and the Macy Foundation – somehow Elkes raised $75,000 over ten years to help run it. Elke’s Birmingham University unit was founded with a $84,000 Rockefeller grant and the local Health Authority paid for its upkeep and running costs. Years later there were a number of successful court cases against Potwick Hospital brought by patients who had been the subjects of experimentation. In 1968 Potwick Hospital was the star of a World In Action investigative documentary revealing appalling abuse and neglect of elderly patients. The scandal led to Potwick being the first institution to be selected for closure under the community care programme – the last patients were discharged from Potwick in 1989.

Kenneth Rawnsley left the Manchester University dept in 1953 and Anderson left in 1965. Anderson moved to Sussex and became a Lord Chancellor’s visitor.

In 1954 Rawnsley went to work at the Maudsley, where he joined Dr Denis Leigh in the Psychotherapy Unit. It might have been a psychotherapy unit but on his first day Rawnsley was sent by Leigh to a mortuary in the East End of London to collect the brain of one of Leigh’s patients whom Leigh had heard had died. Rawnsley was dispatched with a biscuit tin in which to transport the brain and ended up having a ‘tussle with the pathologist’ who did not want to hand it over. Rawnsley won the fight over the brain and it was taken to the Maudsley by Rawnsley via a tram journey, obviously without the knowledge of the relatives of the person whose brain it was.

Denis Leigh went to Hulme Grammar School and qualified at Manchester University in 1939. He then worked as  a house surgeon to Geoffrey Jefferson, a leading neurosurgeon. During World War II Leigh was a regimental medical officer after which he specialised in neurology. Leigh worked at the Oxford Head Injury Centre and also worked as an advisor in neurology in the Eastern Army in India. Leigh retained his links to the British Army and was an honorary consultant to the Army until 1980.

After demobilisation Leigh worked in the neurology dept of the London Hospital with Lord Brain and George Redditch.

Leigh then spent 18 months as a registrar at the Maudsley where he trained with Eric Huffman and C. P. Blacker. Carl Blacker was involved in a bizarre plan to inseminate a patient with the sperm of King George VI – see post ‘The King’s Sperm’. Leigh followed that up with one year at Harvard as a Clinical Fellow.

Leigh did not have a qualification in psychiatry, he called himself a consultant physician and always wore a white coat at work.

In 1948 Leigh became a consultant at the Bethlem Royal and Maudsley Hospitals. He was a Governor of the Maudsley and Chair of the Medical Committee there.

Denis Leigh was yet another person with an interest in psychosomatic medicine and he published with Ted Marley on psychosomatic aspects of bronchial asthma. Leigh also translated a volume concerning psychosomatic methods in painless childbirth. If one has the sort of asthma or birth that can be managed by psychological efforts this sort of work is very helpful but I suspect that if one didn’t Dr Leigh would resort to shouting accusations about malingering.

Leigh was also constructed as a forensic and medico-legal expert. He ran a big Harley Street pratice and worked as an expert witness in personal injury claims before the civil courts until just before he died in 1988.

Denis Leigh was someone who as an ‘independent psychiatrist’ assessed accused prisoners in the late 1950s/early 1960s and one of those assessed by Leigh was Guentha Podola in 1959. Podola was accused of murdering a policeman. Not only did Podola maintain that  he suffered from amnesia and had no memory of the alleged murder, but there were allegations that the policeman had assaulted Podola. Leigh gave evidence that Podola was feigning amnesia and Podola was hung.

Denis Leigh also gave evidence for the prosecution in the Lady Chatterley’s Lover trial, but the failure of that prosecution was blamed on the mad old barrister Mervyn Griffiths-Jones rather than the mad old expert witness.

Leigh gave evidence in support of the civil case brought by IRA suspect Sean McKenna. In 1971 McKenna was one of the ‘hooded men’ who was interned and tortured by the RUC Special Branch under the instructions of the British Army as part  of Operation Demetrius. Lord Carrington, the Secretary of State for Defence in Heath’s Gov’t, knew about the torture of IRA suspects and supported it, just as he and others knew about the abuse of children in the Kincora Boys Home in Belfast by Whitehall figures and members of the British Army and concealed it.

Sean McKenna brought a civil claim and in 1975 at he request of the Crown Solicitors Leigh examined McKenna. Leigh agreed that at the time of his torture McKenna had a pre-existing heart condition which was known about and that McKenna’s torture at the hands of the RUC had caused him serious damage. McKenna died days after being examined by Leigh. The Pat Finucane Centre holds documents relating to this case and there is the letter that Leigh wrote to an S. Noel Rea Esq at the Chief Counsel’s Office at the Royal Courts of Justice (Ulster). Leigh mentions that McKenna died days after he examined him and that how fortunate it was for Leigh that McKenna hadn’t died just a couple of days previously within hours of Leigh having seen him.

In 2015 The Irish Times carried a news article stating that the human rights lawyer Amal Clooney was part of a team led by Ben Emerson QC who were hoping to re-open the case of McKenna and the other hooded men. Amal Clooney works at Doughty Street Chambers, as does Helena Kennedy.

Kennedy has used the services of Professor Nigel Eastman at St George’s Hospital Medical School for many of her cases and she acknowledges him in one of her books (see post ‘Eve Was Framed – As Were A Lot Of Other People’). Eastman was one of those who was faced with evidence of Dafydd’s criminality in 1991 but who remained silent. Kennedy was involved with the charity WISH (Women In Special Hospitals) and undoubtedly knew that some of the women in those places had been abused as children in care and whilst in the mental health system but did not say a word, even when Jimmy Savile was put in charge of Broadmoor. Kennedy was also involved with the case of Emma Humphreys who died shortly after being released from prison on appeal when represented by Kennedy. Emma died in inexplicable circumstances about which Kennedy has also remained quiet.

Theodore Huckle also works at Doughty Street. Whilst Theo was Counsel General for Wales he was given access to all the documents now in my posession which contain written evidence of serious criminal activities on the part of Top Doctors, Angels, NHS managers, the social services, probation officers, police officers, lawyers, judges, the Mental Health Act Commission and others. Theo made no comment about any of it and stated that there was no evidence that I had ever been treated negligently (see post ‘Theo Huckle QC’).

Ben Emerson QC is one of the barristers who resigned from IICSA (the Independent Inquiry Into Child Sexual Abuse) after allegations of unacceptable conduct were made against him.

The National Archives also holds a report compiled by Denis Leigh which is embargoed for decades to come – there is no indication as to what this report is about.

It is highly likely that as well as knowing Dafydd from the Maudsley that Denis Leigh knew the neurosurgeon Sir Charles Evans, who later became Principal of UCNW (Bangor University). Evans trained in neurosurgery at Oxford and neurosurgery is a small and exclusive business. Evans was just three years younger than Leigh. When Evans ran UCNW he employed the paedophiles’ friends as social work and clinical psychology tutors, used the services of Gwynne the lobotomist and the corrupt GP David Wood in the Student Health Centre and allowed Dafydd to dictate what went on in the psychology dept (see ‘A Bit More Paleontology’).

Sir Charles Evans was a member of the team which conquered Everest in 1953 – the leader of the team was John Hunt. John Hunt spent his career in Military Intelligence and wrote the Hunt Report as  result of his advisory work on policing in N Ireland. The Hunt Report recommended the creation of a military reserve – the result was the UDR which was infiltrated by paramilitaries who accessed weapons to murder Catholics.

Volunteers for the UDR were vetted by British Army Intelligence and the RUC Special Branch. The security services will have known which UDR volunteers were murderers, in exactly the same way that they knew that Jimmy Savile was a paedophile, as was Sir Peter Morrison and that Dafydd and co were running a paedophile gang. It has been acknowledged that there was a policy to kill members of the IRA anyway and no doubt Dafydd and his atrocities were concealed on the basis of a Lord Denning argument – that this is so bad we must not admit that it’s going on. Which is not a sensible approach to take towards someone like Dafydd, it wasn’t as if he was going to stop running a crime empire or go away.

That will be how Dafydd was propped up by the Army and the security services.

Leigh was Secretary General of the World Psychiatric Association, 1966-78 and opposed many of his colleagues in arguing against the expulsion of the Soviet Union from the WPA on the grounds of political dissidents in the USSR being held in mental hospitals.

One of Leigh’s colleagues remembered that Leigh’ s guiding principal was that ‘ethics must guide all we do in psychiatry’. Denis’s Royal College of Psychiatrists obituary – written by a Peter Noble – stated that it would be for ‘his warmth and kindness as a doctor and teacher that he will be most fondly remembered’.

Denis had a son, Nigel, who inherited Denis’s propensity to be  a Top Doctor. Professor Nigel Leigh is the Professor of Neurology at Brighton and Sussex Medical School. Nigel studied medicine at the London Hospital and subsequently worked at the institutions who for years did a fine job of concealing the wrongdoing of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends – Southampton University Medical School, St George’s and the Atkinson Morley. In 1989 Nigel Leigh bagged the Chair in Clinical Neurology at the Institute of Psychiatry. He was also honorary consultant at King’ s College Hospitals NHS Trust and the South London and Maudsley NHS Trust. In 1990 Nigel Leigh set up one of the first multi-professional clinics within the NHS for MND (motor neurone disease) offering both medical treatment and therapies on an outpatients basis.

In 2008 BBC News reported that Nigel Leigh’s team were researching the use of lithium for the treatment of MND. Nigel Leigh and Professor Steve Field the then President of the Royal College of General Practitioners stressed that lithium was very toxic, had serious side effects such as kidney damage and that patients mustn’t just try it out for themselves outside of the clinical trial.

At the Hergest Unit patients with a variety of diagnoses were liberally prescribed lithium. Yes, it was explained that lithium was toxic and therefore patients would need regular blood tests to ensure the level of lithium in their blood wasn’t reaching a dangerous level. However, the results often weren’t returned from the labs but the prescribing simply continued regardless. Furthermore the labs at Ysbyty Gwynedd were in chaos anyway, so no-one could ever have been certain what anybody’s lithium levels were. The patients were all at risk and the Top Doctors knew it.

Ted Marley was also a member of Denis Leigh’s team whilst Rawnsley worked there. I have found one reference to Ted Marley being involved with sex therapy but apart from that he left no trace behind him.

Among all the grandiose pompousing, Rawnsley observed that at the Maudsley there was a ‘feeling of uneasiness and uncertainty among many of the trainees…level of information coming out of the ‘oracles’ was not terribly high. People didn’t know what their future was going to be. And they worried about it’.

  • I have heard this again and again from people in medicine. Students in the early years of medical school imagine that the day that they qualify will mean the end of the crap, but as a friend of mine from school told me when she was in her first year as a house officer, it is just the beginning. That friend studied medicine at Cardiff. She told me that none of the students wanted to go into psychiatry after having completed their psych block and that none of them wanted placements in north Wales for anything because the stories about medical practice in north Wales – particularly Bangor- from returning students were just so grim. Junior doctors are retained on short term contracts and are entirely dependent upon the reference from their last boss for their next job. One step out of line and they are finished – they all know it. If you are a student or junior doctor and you find out that someone is shagging and killing their patients or running a paedophile ring, you just stay well away. When I worked at St George’s I noticed that the other doctors and medical students had a very low opinion of the psychiatrists at Springfield  – they were deemed to be mad and incompetent…

Rawnsley spent six months bonding with Denis Leigh and very probably Dafydd himself because Dafydd did a stint training as a ‘psychotherapist’ at the Maudsley at the knee of Dr Bob Hobson and it will have been in the late 50s or early 60s. Bob Hobson’s right hand man at the Maudsley Russell Meares has written much about borderline personality disorder and is now a leading light at the University of Sydney in Australia. What Bob Hobson and Russell Meares turned a blind eye to with regard to their two ‘trainees’ Dafydd and Tony Francis was so bad that there will be a blog post special on Hobson and Meares coming soon. You should have raised the alarm Meares and you know it. After Rawnsley spent a short time working with the silly fuckers who unleashed two quite deranged criminals onto north Wales, he moved to the Professorial Unit at the Maudsley to work with David Davies.

David Davies was the Dean of the Institute of Psychiatry/Maudsley, 1950-66. Davies went to St John’s College Oxford and then did his clinical training at Manchester, qualifying in 1936. He spent some time in the RAMC, arrived at the Maudsley in 1946 and remained there until his retirement in 1976. Davies’s obituaries described him as having been crucially involved with the fortunes of the Bethlem Royal and the Maudsley Hospitals and with the post-war development of the Institute of Psychiatry. He was a consultant at the joint hospitals from 1946. We are told that Davies turned Aubrey Lewis’s ‘vision of a centre of excellence into a reality’ and that Lewis had ‘an ideal of eclectic scholarship and insistence on high standards of patient care’.

Davies carried out work on alcoholism and in 1962 his ‘international reputation in this field was borne overnight’ when Davies published a short paper on seven alcohol addicts who all allegedly returned to normal drinking. This was a ‘revolutionary claim’ because until then it had been believed that ‘once an alcoholic always an alcoholic’. There was a snag though. Not only did subsequent research suggest that some of Davies’ s findings ‘were faulty’ but not all of his sample were alcohol dependent.

So Davies drew erroneous conclusions from a sample of seven some of whom didn’t fit the sampling criteria – thus was his international reputation established overnight. That sounds to me sufficient grounds to fail a Bachelor’s degree, rather than to establish an international reputation.

On the basis of his international reputation, Davies then set up the Alcohol Education Centre – that was for reasons unexplained ‘short lived’ – and became the President of the Society for the Study of Addiction as well as a member of the editorial board of the Journal of Addiction.

When Dafydd set up CAIS in 1977 he stated that CAIS wasn’t about promoting abstinence, it was about normal drinking. I just presumed that was Dafydd’s excuse to carry on boozing – he was widely reputed to be an alcoholic – but obviously Dafydd was taking his cue from the centre of excellence and those with international reputations.

Don’t AA still say ‘once an alcoholic always an alcoholic’?

There is a telling anecdote related by Professor Norman Kreitman in his interview with David Tait published in the Psychiatric Bulletin in 1995. When Kreitman was a young man considering a career in psychiatry he wrote to Davies when Davies was the Dean at the Maudsley. Davies invited him to drop in and visit so Kreitman did. After a brief discussion Davies asked Kreitman if he’d like to meet one of the consultants. Kreitman said yes and spent an hour discussing the state of West End Theatre with him and then left. Days later Kreitman was surprised to receive a letter telling him that he’d been accepted and would be starting in two weeks.

Dafydd ‘trained’ at the Maudsley whilst Davies was Dean so presumably was subjected to a similarly gruelling selection process.

Kreitman mentioned that the Alcohol and Research Council was set up in 1982 and that the group awarding the research grants weren’t research experts. I expect that Dafydd got a grant out of them.

One of the people who Norman Kreitman worked with was Peter Sainsbury. Sainsbury’s research interest was suicide. Sainsbury worked as a registrar at the Maudsley and then worked at the Institute for Psychiatry, 1949-54. Sainsbury completed his MD in 1955 on suicide in London and in 1957 became the Director of the MRC Clinical Psychiatry Research Unit at Graylingwell Hospital, Chichester. Sainsbury noticed the high suicide rate among psychiatric patients. He became an advisor to WHO and served on MRC committees, including one on the epidemiology of drug dependency, 1967-69 and on a working party on parasuicide, 1980-82.

Sainsbury was visiting Chair at the University of Queensland in 1972. He was Chair of the Royal College’s Committee on the Political Abuse of Psychiatry, 1978-87 and he interviewed exiled dissidents. Sainsbury should have nipped up to north Wales to interview Mary Wynch, me and all the other people that his former colleague Dafydd had illegally imprisoned during those years.

Sainsbury trained at the Middlesex Hospital just before the creation of the NHS and like Ed Miliband’s Uncle Harry (see post ‘Inside Information About A Hergest Unit Death’) he remained committed to the NHS throughout his life. Sainsbury had a big passion for achitecture and gardens and he purchased a sizable piece of land and created a extensive landscaped garden and a unique house which were his pride and joy. The patients carried on kiling themselves.

The senior registrar on Davies’s team was Michael Shepherd, who ended up achieving huge international influence in psychiatry as described in my post ‘The Newcastle-Upon-Tyne Connection?’.

Rawnsley had been working in Davies’s Unit for three months  when he was asked by Aubrey Lewis if he would join the MRC Unit run by Lewis. This unit was framed as a ‘social psychiatry research’ unit but this is Aubrey Lewis that we are talking about here. Lewis’s work in that Unit began by investigating what sort of work was suitable for the mentally ill and whether people with what was then called mental handicap were capable of learning and whether they could work as well. I doubt that Aubrey concerned himself with the niceties of the patients gaining fulfilment from that work, it will have been a case of ‘Work Will Set You Free’.

Aubrey’s Assistant Director of Auschwitz was Morris Carstairs. Carstairs was Professor of Psychological Medicine at Edinburgh University, 1961-73 and President of WHO, 1968-72. He was born in the Indian Raj and qualified at Edinburgh University in 1949. Carstairs was a medical officer in the RAF during World War II and in 1953 was appointed senior registrar to Aubrey Lewis at the Maudsley. In 1960 he became the head of the new MRC Unit at UCL concerned with psychiatric epidemiology. Carstairs relocated to Edinburgh in 1961 and the Unit relocated with him. In 1971 he stood down as Director of the Unit.

Between 1973-78 Carstairs was Vice-Chancellor of York University and there seems to have been much trouble on his watch. This was a time of student protests but Carstairs seemed to have handled things very badly. Such was the hostility towards him that not only was he unable to expand the University as planned but after he stepped down as VC he was unable to return to academia, which suggests that something quite cataclysmic happened but I haven’t yet found out what it was.

It seems to have been whilst Carstairs was VC that York University spawned a very extreme Conservative students society some of whose members were later alleged to have been politicians involved in child abuse, including Harvey Proctor and Michael Brown. Christine Hamilton was also at York with that crowd.

Laurie Taylor worked at York University with criminologist Stan Cohen and it was when they were at York that they carried out their work on long term prisoners. Taylor also worked with sex offenders and with John McVicar, the former bank robber who became a writer. I’m fairly sure that Taylor is friends with Dick Hobbs the criminologist whose ethnographic work involved knowing a great deal about serious organised crime. Hobbs was mates with the criminologist Jane Morgan, the wife of Kenneth Morgan, Labour Party bigwig and former Principal of Aberystwyth University whilst Aber was doing a great deal to assist the paedophile gang of north Wales including churning out crooked lawyers who advised them (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’).

Before Taylor worked at York he completed one of his degrees at Leicester University – many of whose staff knew about the abuse of kids in care in Leicestershire by the paedophile gang which included Frank Beck and Greville Janner (see post ‘Radical Leicester And Some Other Free Radicals’).

Taylor’s first wife was Anna Coote who was an executive member of the NCCL whilst the NCCL was affiliated to PIE. Coote also worked with women who had experienced sexual abuse and domestic violence. As I keep repeating, it is not possible to do that kind of work and not find out about the wrongdoing of the Top Doctors and their associates in social work. Coote was Director of the King’s Fund, 1998-2004 and then joined the Healthcare Commission ‘to engage patients and the public’. She is now head  of social policy for the New Economics Foundation.

Laurie Taylor’s third wife was BBC radio producer Cathie Mahon, who was a Director of the IPPR, as was Taylor’s son Matthew. In 2005 Matthew Taylor was appointed head of No 10’s Policy Unit by Blair. In Oct 2016 Theresa May appointed Matthew Taylor Chair of the Review of Modern Employment, which resulted in the 2017 Taylor Review.

I am wondering whether the notorious high security Carstairs Hospital in Scotland, the scene of murders and other grisly deeds, was named after Morris Carstairs, although I haven’t found any information about that. They are probably both such an embarrassment that they have disowned each other.

Lawton Tonge was employed in the concentration camp, as were Jack Tizard, Neil O’Connor, Peter Venables and Jacqueline Grad.

Whilst Rawnsley was at Auschwitz, George Brown was recruited and John Wing arrived in 1957 as Rawnsley left.

Unlike many of these names dropped by Rawnsley, George W. Brown completed a substantial body of work. He was a psychologist who came from a very much less privileged background than most of his colleagues – his father was a lens maker and his mother was a waitress. George Brown went to UCL in the early 1950s and studied social sciences. Some years after graduation Brown began working in the MRC Unit at the Maudsley and whilst there worked on chronic schizophrenia. In the late 1960s Brown took up a post at the Social Research Unit at Bedford College, University of London and eventually became joint Director. It was here that Brown carried out the work for which he became very well known, his work on life events and depression. Brown carried out longitudinal studies and explored the lives of his patients in detail. He ran a big comparative study looking at the life events of people with depression in Islington, the Outer Hebrides, Spain and Zimbabwe, the results of which he published with Tirril Harris in 1989. So George Brown studied the life events of people with depression in Islington throughout the 70s and 80s. George Brown will have definitely known about the paedophile ring that operated in the children’s homes there.

John Wing became Professor John Wing and after his death in 2010 was inevitably described as ‘one of the greats of 20th century British and World psychiatry’. John Wing studied medicine at UCL in the 1950s as did his wife Lorna, who also became a psychiatrist and worked at the Maudsley. John Wing was Director of the MRC Unit for 25 years. Various people who also became big names in psychiatry worked for John Wing at the MRC Unit, including Dinesh Bhugra. Whilst Dinesh Bhugra was President of the Royal College he was a Patron of Mark Williams’s Oxford Mindfulness Centre, which was based on the research fraud that Mark Williams had perpetrated when he worked in Bangor with the paedophiles’ friends in the late 1980s (see post ‘The Biggest Expert Of The Lot’).

When Wing retired in 1989 the Royal College of Psychiatrists appointed him as the first Director of the College’s Research Unit.

In 1956 the Wings had a daughter, Susan. Susan was very different to other babies but she was three by the time that the Wings realised that she had autism and that was only because John Wing happened to attend a lecture on autism and recognised his daughter’s symptoms. Years later Lorna Wing would explain in interviews that they had not known what was wrong with Susan because they hadn’t had any lectures on autism at the Maudsley. These were two psychiatrists working at what they all maintained was the world’s leading psychiatric hospital in terms of research and teaching and they were clueless about their own child. They didn’t seen to have done any reading or research themselves regarding their daughter’s difficulties and they obviously weren’t offered any advice by the global leaders who surrounded them at work.

To her credit, Lorna Wing then devoted much of her time to organising support for autistic people because she found that there wasn’t any. She also developed an interest in autism – it was Lorna Wing who coined the phrase Aspergers Syndrome. However it is clear that with their own child the Wings found themselves in the same situation as their patients – faced with clueless uninterested doctors who were not going to offer any support even in the event of serious disability.

It sums up the Maudsley. I have now read numerous interviews with that merry bunch and read some of their work. They spend pages emphasising how eminent they all are, how classic their papers are and how their work transformed the landscape but the reality was that much of their research was flaky, they actually weren’t very good and no-one else in medicine took them seriously. A lot of these Top Doctors were from privileged backgrounds and what they did excel at was blaming less privileged people for their own problems. The differences in lifestyles were huge – every interview, every obituary, every light hearted anecdote is laden with references to the Top Doctors enjoyment of theatre, of opera, of fine wines, of good food and foreign travel, whereas the poverty of their seriously ill patients is taken to be a personal and moral failing. Furthermore they repeatedly ignored or colluded with professionals abusing their positions.

Lorna Wing worked on a dataset called the Camberwell Case Register with others from the Maudsley, including Judith Gould. The Camberwell Case Register collected heaps of information on all the patients using psychiatric services in south London and in 1977 Wing and Gould trawled through the data in detail. A lot of those patients will have been the victims of the paedophile ring that operated in Lambeth’s children’s homes. People at the Maudsley knew about that – particularly a social worker at the Maudsley called Tessa Jowell who had also worked as a child care officer in Lambeth.

Another person who studied at the knee of John Wing was Terry Brugha who was a researcher with the MRC Unit, then a lecturer at the Institute of Psychiatry 1980-87.  Brugha then took up a post at the University of Leicester. Where at that time people in the University of Leicester were concealing the appalling abuse of Frank Beck and Greville Janner (see post ‘Radical Leicester And Some Other Free Radicals’) and the psychiatrist Dr James Earp concealed the wrongdoing of Dafydd et al (see post ‘An Expert From England’). Between 1995-97 Brugha was a senior medical officer at the Dept of Health in London – just when the Waterhouse Tribunal was organised and started. Terry Brugha is now the Professor of Psychiatry at Leicester.

Aubrey Lewis had encouraged Rawnsley to go abroad before working in Auschwitz. Rawnsley made contact with the Bureau of Applied Social Research in Columbia University, the Director of which was Charles Glock. As a result, Rawnsley ‘fell in’ with a key figure in the Millbank Memorial Fund who ‘gave advice’ to Rawnsley, after which Rawnsley  ‘worked out a deal’ with Prof Alexander Leighton, from Cornell University. As a result Rawnsley took part in epidemiological field work that Leighton was carrying out in Nova Scotia.

Whilst Rawnsley was working in the camp, Archie Cochrane, an epidemiologist working in south Wales, visited the Maudsley and offered folk at the Maudsley access to ‘his’ communities in south Wales.

Archie Cochrane is known as ‘the father of evidence-based medicine’. He went to King’s College Cambridge and qualified from UCL in 1938. Cochrane underwent analysis himself under Theodor Reik but became disillusioned with analysis. He fought in the Spanish Civil War and was a medical officer in the PoW camps in World War II after he was taken prisoner himself. Cochrane was appointed to the MRC’s pneumonococciosis unit at Llandough Hospital – which later became part of Cardiff Medical School – in 1948. He ran randomised controlled trials in Rhondda Fach and was the first person to promote the value of such trials.

In 1960 Cochrane became a Prof at the Welsh National School of Medicine and in 1969 was appointed Director of the MRC’s Epidemiological Research Unit in Cardiff. In 1971 Cochrane co-authored with Walter Holland a classic paper on the validation of medical screening procedures. In 1971 Cochrane also published a book which was very critical of NHS clinicians who fail to carry out randomised controlled trials or who did so and then ignored the results.

In 1978 Archie really caused a stir by showing a positive correlation between the prevalance of Top Doctors and mortality in younger age groups. He also demonstrated that GNP per head was the one variable which showed a strong negative association with mortality.

The Archie Cochrane Archive is held at the Archie Cochrane Library at Cardiff University. Cochrane is remembered as being a towering figure who demonstrated the importance of the fundamentals of good clinical science – yet everybody ignores what he said. Interventions are still introduced into NHS practice on the flimsiest of evidence without ever having been subjected to a randomised controlled trial – vaginal meshes anyone? – and medical researchers in the NHS and in pharmaceutical companies are past masters at ignoring the results of randomised controlled trials if the trials don’t behave themselves and produce the desired results. At present the NHS is running a number of screening programmes that are at best ineffective and at worst harmful. This is no secret, but still kits arrive through people’s letter boxes imploring older people to return samples of their turds through the post with the threat of death from bowel cancer if they fail to do this and a valiant effort is being made to frighten men into Going To The Doctors to be screened and then have benign enlarged prostates treated as though they are malignant.

One person who ignored everything that Archie Cochrane taught was Kenneth Rawnsley.

Morris Carstairs and George Brown went to south Wales to do the recce at Archie’s invitation and a contingent from the Maudsley subsequently inflicted themselves upon south Wales. Thus in 1957 a research team in Cardiff sprang up consisting of Rawnsley, Joe Loudon, Lewis Miles, Jack Ingham and Jim Robinson. All of these people remained obscure except for Joe Loudon who became a Professor at Swansea.

Aubrey Lewis was the Honorary Director of the MRC Unit in south Wales and Rawnsley became the head of the Unit. Rawnsley carried out psychiatric morbidity studies in south Wales, which compared the mental health of the mining population of the Rhonda Fach with the rural population of the Vale of Glamorgan. Rawnsley seems to gave drawn some extraordinary conclusions from these studies. Rawnsley had a ‘special interest’ in psychosomatic medicine. Such an interest can led to insightful sympathetic exploration of patients’ problems  but I don’t think that it did with Rawnsley. Instead Rawnsley observed that people in the mining communities complained a great deal about bad backs, about aches and pains and other health problems, whereas people in the Vale of Glamorgan didn’t. Thus Rawnsley concluded that the south Wales mining communities had different social attitudes to health problems that resulted in a higher rate of ‘psychiatric problems’ than among the population of the Vale of Glamorgan. It clearly had nothing to do with the poverty and poor living conditions in the Rhondda or the people being employed in one of the most dangerous industries in the UK. It was just that lot bellyaching about imagined aches and pains.

Rawnsley also showed his sensitive side in 1961 when he worked with a community of people from Tristan da Cuna who had been evacuated to Calshot near Southampton after the volcanic eruption. The Tristans were an example of an isolated community – there had been no inward migration into the community for generations, so the MRC studied them ‘from all angles’ when they arrived in England. Rawnsley later commented that the Tristans were very co-operative with his research but that was because their experiences of the other MRC researchers had been so bad. One person working for the MRC had ‘insisted on photographing them naked against a scale for their physical anthropometry – a terrible thing to do they said’.

Ken didn’t measure the Tristans naked, he studied the prevalence of ‘hysteria’ among them by comparing their hysterical symptoms with the information documented from a Norwegian study 25 years previously. Ken’s conclusion re the Tristans? They displayed ‘a powerful example of the pathogenic and pathoplastic nature of social factors in neurosis’, provided an example of a ‘grand hysterie’ and ‘it was the wives of the leaders who had a hypersensitivity to neurosis which raised the question of assortative mating of leaders with neurotic women, or whether being married to a leader is pathogenic’.

Ken might as well have measured them naked.

Ken remembered that the Tristans ‘didn’t like it at Calshot’ and they ‘went home’.

John Wing became head of the MRC Unit when Rawnsley was appointed to the first Chair of Psychological Medicine at the Welsh National School of Medicine (Cardiff Medical School) in 1964, Rawnsley being a man with a nuanced understanding of the problems of the people of south Wales particularly those bastards in the Rhondda who never stopped moaning. In 1966 Rawnsley heard no no end of their whinging when the coal tip fell on that school in Aberfan and killed loads of them.

Ken’s colleague Jack Ingham continued the work of the MRC Unit in Edinburgh with Norman Kreitman and Joe Loudon went to work in Swansea University’s Dept of Sociology and Anthropology – the Swansea University that was pretty much run by Rhodri Morgan’s family (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). Lewis Miles popped up to Anglesey to carry out a prevalence study – where Miles could not have failed to have noticed the abuse of kids in care up there and the incarceration of awkward customers in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, by which time Ken’s old mate Dafydd had finished his training at the Maudsley and was doing whatever he wanted at Denbigh.

Somebody apart from Enoch Powell must have noticed what Dafydd and Gwynne the lobotomist were doing because part of Ken’s remit as Prof at Cardiff was to improve psychiatric services across Wales. Ken felt ‘greatly supported at all times by the psychiatric community in Wales’ so Ken’s demands were obviously not too onerous.

The Welsh Hospital Board – which ran the North Wales Hospital whilst Dafydd and Gwynne lobotomised, shocked, incarcerated and shagged within its walls – appointed Ken as an advisor in psychiatry for Wales. This involved Ken having extensive discussions with the Welsh Hospital Board regarding the planning of psychiatric services for Wales. So there was actually a plan behind what Dafydd and Gwynne were doing…

The official story of Ken’s time as Professor at Cardiff was that he ‘established a vigorous and widely based academic unit closely integrated with the psychiatric services of South Glamorgan, with a special teaching and research unit at Whitchurch Mental Hospital. This last link enabled him to inject new strength into the scientific investigation which had flourished there since the early years of its history as an asylum’.

We are told that Ken ‘showed imaginative foresight in the integration of clinical practice, teaching and research, in the main hospital and local mental hospital’.

Whitchutch Hospital had a terrible reputation until it’s closure in 2016. Pre-Ken it had  been the domain of Linford Rees and his porn pics and Welsh cakes (see post ‘A Galaxy of Talent’). Whitchurch’s claim to fame was as the institution administering the highest rate of ECT in Europe. Tony Francis (Dr X) trained at Ken’s glorious dept in Cardiff and Chris Hunter – whom Francis enlisted in his attempts to bang me up in a high security unit when I didn’t even know that Chris Hunter existed (see post ‘The Night of the (Dr Chris) Hunter’) – worked at Whitchurch Hospital. My friend from the sixth form went to Cardiff to do medicine whilst Ken was Chair of that department and she told me at the time that the students all hated their psychiatry ‘block’ and after having experienced that taster none of them wanted to go into psychiatry. I remember my friend telling me that the male medical students used to be propositioned by the female patients. I wonder where the patients might have got the idea that sex between patients and staff might be a good idea from?

In 1991 Robin Jacobson of St George’s Hospital Medical School/Springfield Hospital documented that Dafydd and Tony Francis had ‘lost their boundaries’ after Dafydd told Jacobson that I was ‘attractive and seductive’ and that he and Tony Francis ‘had a soft spot for me’. Francis was trying to have me imprisoned  at the time on  the basis of the perjury of him and his wife Sadie, who also worked as a psychiatrist at Ysbyty Gwynedd and had previously worked at Denbigh.

Now here’s another mystery. Sadie worked as a clinical assistant at Denbigh. No doctor ever wants a job as a clinical assistant because it is categorised as a non-career post and one can’t gain promotion to a consultant. I’m fairly sure that this is, or at that time was, enshrined in NHS regulations. Yet after her spell as a clinical assistant at Denbigh, Sadie rocked up at Ysbyty Gwynedd as a consultant. Another clinical assistant, the disastrous Quasim Ijaz (see post ‘Update On The Inquest Of Michael Capper – And A Bit Of History’) was also given a job as a consultant psychiatrist at Ysbyty Gwynedd after working as a clinical assistant. He was given Tony Francis’s job after Francis took early retirement and the North West Wales NHS Trust advertised the vacancy three times and received no applications.

Ken was closely involved with  Royal College of Psychiatrists from its creation in 1971 – in 1972 he was elected the first Dean of the College.

Ken waxed lyrical about the establishment of the Royal College in his interview with Brian Barraclough and remembered that the London College of Physicians opposed the idea of a Royal College of Psychiatrists and wanted a Faculty of Psychiatry within the Royal College of Physicians. The Royal College of Surgeons just saw it as an irrelevance.

The Privy Council was involved with the establishment of the Royal College of Psychiatrists and a key figure in the negotiations was Ben Munro, the Secretary of the Royal Medico-Psychological Association

Dr David Owen’s old mate the unhinged and lethal William Sargant (see post ‘Dr Death’) had been the Registrar of the RMPA for years and Munro had been the Secretary. Martin Cuthbert had been the last President of the RMPA, but Martin Roth was elected as the first President of the Royal College. Ken intriguingly reminded Brian Barraclough that if the officers had not been elected by the membership, Roth would never have become President.

From the beginning there had been quarrels over the membership exam and the aggro was such that one person who had been involved with the RMPA at a senior level for years resigned. There was an agreement that psychiatrists already working in the system wouldn’t have to take the Royal College’s exam – so that’ll be how Dafydd clocked up his credentials. The acquisition of the Royal College’s palatial building in Belgrave Square left the Treasurer of the Royal College concerned that the Royal College would go bankrupt.

It was Sir Martin Roth who raised the funding for 17, Belgrave Square and he raised the money from a most unlikely source  – a loan on favourable terms from Marks & Spencer (see post ‘The Newcastle-Upon-Tyne Connection?’). I am mystified as to why Marks & Spencer were happy to bankroll this bunch of conmen – there will have been skulduggery somewhere. Ken mentions that Roth had to ‘go it alone’ where raising the dosh for No 17 was concerned and that Roth also held ‘the long drawn out dialogue with the Department of Health’ that was involved when the Royal College was established. Ken does not reveal what the long drawn out dialogue was about but presumably it was held with Heath’s Health Secretary, Sir Keith Joseph.

I note that the Royal College is no longer located in the Belgrave Square building with which they were so delighted but could not afford.

NHS funding from the DHSS paid for the College to inspect psychiatry training programmes in order to raise standards – so there was obviously some considerable concern in the DHSS about standards.

Ken ‘played a major role in creating the system  for inspection and approval of the quality of clinical and educational facilities in psychiatric hospitals’. So it was the system created by Ken that deemed Dafydd’s ‘therapeutic community’ in the underground chamber at Denbigh acceptable, as well as Dafydd’s training facilities which included Dafydd’s office – to which trainee female clinical psychologists from Bangor University were invited to ‘talk about psychology’. Once they had arrived Dafydd would show them ancient photos of himself and ask ‘Don’t ewe think I was handsome?’. (No Dafydd, the person who told me about this just concluded that you were nuts.)

Ken needed the regional Health Authorities to realise that their clinical standards had to be raised or junior doctors wouldn’t apply for posts – ‘there were appeals, objections and protests’. Nonetheless ‘the great majority of the hospitals were approved’. Including Denbigh. I presume that there was simply no failing Ken’s rigorous criteria.

In the early years of the College, Ken noted that peripheral hospitals feared that they would lose all their staff to academic centres. It was quite clear to me that nearly every junior doctor working in psychiatry in Ysbyty Gwynedd and Denbigh in the mid-late 1980s was just about unemployable. The situation will have been just as bad before then and because everybody – including Ken – lied about standards having been raised, standards remained dangerous and patients died. All that anybody  needed to have done was to stop Dafydd illegally imprisoning people, keeping them in  a cellar and sexually exploiting them but no-one could even do that.

Ken was President of the Royal College, 1981-84 and was elected to succeed Desmond Pond.

In his interview with Brian Barraclough, Ken tells Barraclough that during his term of office, the Mental Health Act was put forward first in the Lords and later in the Commons. Ken explained that the Gov’t – which will have been Thatcher ‘s Gov’t – set up  a special committee to evaluate and modify the Bill where required.

Ken and ‘senior officers’ from the Royal College ‘devoted much time and energy in briefing and educating Peers’. They also gave oral and written evidence before the Commons Committee and ‘succeeded in securing the elimination of the more extreme constraints on clinical freedom’. In other words Rawnsley and chums argued down the measures that concerned MPs had tried to add to the Bill in order to protect patients from the Dafydds of this world. By the time that Ken had ensured that there was bugger all protection for patients in the Bill, Mary Wynch had  begun litigation after being wrongfully arrested and imprisoned for a year by Dafydd (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). Rawnsley knew about this case as did the rest of the officers of the College who argued the toss with the Commons Committee. Someone else knew about the case as well – Professor Robert Bluglass, who wrote the Mental Health Act. Some six years later when appointed to investigate my own complaint, Bluglass covered for Dafydd when Dafydd had illegally had me arrested and imprisoned and completely ignored the fact that three months before Dafydd did that, Tony Francis and Jackie Brandt had unlawfully detained me at Ysbyty Gwynedd (see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’). The person who drafted the Code of Practice to accompany the Act was William Bingley, the Legal Director of MIND who had been covering up for Dafydd for years, as had his mother Lady Juliet Bingley when she was Chair of MIND. Bingley continued colluding with and concealing Dafydd’s criminality when he later became Chief Exec of the Mental Health Act Commission.Ken complained to Barraclough that ‘they were struggling against a powerful anti-medicine, anti-scientific prejudice in society and much loud and thoughtless clamour from civil liberties lobbies’. There was the matter of some madmen in north Wales who were unlawfully having people arrested, keeping them in a cellar, having sex with them, drugging them, running a paedophile ring and trafficking female patients into prostitution. Neither were Ken and co accepted as scientists by other branches of medicine – one only went to work for Ken or Dafydd if one’s copy book was blotted so badly that there was no hope left.

At a late stage in the Bill, a Comons member moved an amendment that certain treatments such as psychosurgery had to be subject to a second opinion from the Mental Health Act Commission even if the patient was not liable to be detained. This amendment was accepted by Ken Clarke – the Minister who had set up  the Committee to examine the Bill, under Norman Fowler the Secretary of State for Health – to the ‘amazement’ of Clarke’s advisors. Ken Rawnsley considered this to be a ‘major setback’.

So Rawnsley considered it most unreasonable that he – or indeed Dafydd – were not to be permitted to recommend a lobotomy for a patient who wasn’t considered sectionable without seeking a second opinion from their partners in crime on the Mental Health Act Commission. Ken observed to Barraclough that in Scotland there are no such restrictions on psychosurgery. There have also been some very great abuses of mental health patients in Scotland and those abuses continue today.

I’m not sure why Ken was so vexed regarding the constraints placed upon the Top Doctors – after all Dafydd and co simply just breached every aspect of this most unreasonable Mental Health Act when it was passed and they didn’t even receive a written warning. Not even from the man who had written the Act. I doubt that Ken et al ever did find that they were limited even with regard to psychosurgery.

Cardiff is one of the last remaining centres for psychosurgery in England and Wales – although there is no guarantee that Dafydd isn’t busy in his kitchen with a pick, it’s not as if anybody would stop him. Lena Zavaroni died after psychosurgery at Cardiff and the truth was not told about the circumstances of that death.

Rawnsley mentioned that the Royal College had asked for the creation of the Mental Health Act Commission to improve safeguards before detaining patients. So that job creation scheme for William Bingley, Chris Heginbotham, Louis Blom-Cooper, Tessa Jowell and Lord Kamlash Patel worked brilliantly didn’t it.

Ken stated that the ‘powerful anti-psychiatry feeling’ that he believed existed among MPs was fuelled by scandals in mental hospitals. Obviously Ken being a paid up member of one of the galaxies of talent meant that he occupied a different galaxy to me, but in Galaxy Baker what I noticed was MPs colluding with Top Doctors to keep the huge scandal which was Dafydd completely under wraps because of Dafydd’s role in supplying children to paedophiles in politics, including Ken Clarke’s and Norman Fowler ‘s colleague Sir Peter Morrison.

Barraclough responded to Rawnsley’s mention of scandals in the interview by reminding Rawnsley that of course those scandals were a result of underfunding. Well once these dangerous idiots have received their salaries and pension pots and had their research units bankrolled, once an inspection system has been set up that allows Dafydd to imprison abducted people in the cellar and once no legal expense has been spared to pursue anyone who dares complain through the criminal justice system and into the prisons and high security hospitals, there’s not going to be much left over to waste on patient care. And Bluglass will want a good lunch and a nice hotel for the night when he goes up to north Wales to conduct the cover-up and then there’s the millions needed for the rigged Public Inquiries when somebody dies…

Ken noted that when he became President of the Royal College, Cardiff Medical School and the Health Authority were delighted because it brought kudos to psychiatry in Cardiff and Wales. Just when Mary Wynch got out of Denbigh and began her litigation against Dafydd. Tony Francis arrived as a consultant in north Wales just after Ken became President – a nice young doctor who’d been at university with Kinnock who became leader of the Labour Party soon afterwards. A nice young doctor who was going to lead psychiatry in north Wales into a new dawn – who was sadly as dangerous and as unhinged as Dafydd, but who was a great deal more plausible.

Ken was also the College’s rep on the Central Distinction Awards Committee, so he oversaw the consultants bonus’s, the ‘merit awards’ – one did not  have to be meritorious to receive one of those. Ken himself pointed out that there needed to be a system which rewarded Top Doctors who didn’t have lots of publications and who didn’t work in academic centres but who provided a service to the community. Perhaps by keeping the victims of sex offenders in a cellar.

Anyone for an extra Welsh cake?

Rawnsley remembered the political battles between the DHSS, the BMA and the Royal College. They all loathed each other but were united in concealing the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles…

Rawnsley mentioned in his interview with Barraclough that the President of the Royal College is a member of the Joint Consultants Committee. It was that Committee who appointed Bluglass and Colin Berry to investigate my complaint about Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends – safe in the knowledge that Bluglass was a colleague and friend of at least two former colleagues of Francis and Dafydd. Bluglass performed the cover-up in the summer of 1988 and had been appointed by very early in 1988 – so the Committee will have been working out how to get Dafydd and Tony Francis off the hook at the end  of 1987. When the President of the College was – Dr Jim Birley, who starred in my post ‘A Galaxy of Talent’.

Jim Birley had worked at the Maudsley with Dafydd’s mate Bob Hobson and I bet that he knew Dafydd as well. Birley also knew David Ennals, the Gov’t Minister and Chair of MIND when MIND had links with PIE. For more details of Jim including his psychotic breakdown from which he of course recovered overnight and was never troubled by again, please see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’.

The hearing into my complaint was originally sheduled for March 1988. The investigation was being co-ordinated by the Welsh Office’s Medical Ombudsman Professor Robert Owen, a surgeon from Liverpool University who was as corrupt as everybody else involved. Last year my lawyer forwarded me documentation related to the hearing that I had not previously seen. Robert Owen was receiving letters and phone calls about me from the corrupt GP David Wood, who had been the person who had originally referred me to Gwynne the lobotomist and then to Tony Francis and who had been the first person to threaten me with damage to my career if I complained about the lobotomist. Because of the constant unpleasantness from Wood, by 1988 he was no longer my GP. Yet I had not named Wood in my complaint, so there was no reason for him to be comunicating with Owen about my complaint concerning Francis and Dafydd. Furthermore Wood had contacted Owen at his home in Colwyn Bay offering him ‘information’ about me. So keen was Wood to impart this unspecified ‘information’ that Wood had cleared his diary and put aside an afternoon when he would make himself available to Owen, who was going to ring Wood from home.

I knew nothing about any of this until last year.

On the arranged date in March 1988 I arrived for the hearing into my complaint. I arrived to find no-one there but a very friendly Prof Owen, full of apologies and explaining that the hearing had been post-poned at the last minute because someone had been taken ill. I am absolutely sure that Prof Owen told me that it was Dafydd who had been taken ill because I remember thinking Christ they’ve done everything possible not to investigate this complaint and now Dafydd’s thrown a sickie. I also joked about it in a letter to Gwynedd Health Authority.

The hearing finally took place in July. Dafydd lied through his teeth, written and oral evidence given by staff from the North Wales Hospital confirmed that Dafydd had broken the law, done a deal with a corrupt senior police officer in Bangor Police Station to have me arrested and both nurses and another consultant had told Dafydd that what he was doing was illegal. He ignored them and stated that I ‘must not be allowed to go free’. No part of my complaint about Tony Francis and Jackie Brandt was investigated and neither was my complaint about Stephen Rose, a Denbigh nurse who assaulted me.

Bluglass concluded that the Top Doctors facilitating a gang of paedophiles who had done all this were ‘caring people’ who had been ‘harassed’ by me and that I had caused many people great annoyance and upset. Dafydd later told people that Bluglass had stated that I was probably a psychopath who would end up in a ward for the criminally insane. Dafydd remarked that it was a chilling prediction. Those two were obviously writing their own Gothic horror story – another from the pen of Dafydd Alun Poe…

In 1991 Bluglass told Dr Robin Jacobson of St George’s that I had a homicidal capacity. Not that I’d ever killed anyone, but Old Bluglass’s Almanac was obviously being called upon.

Bluglass made a point in his report of noting that so crazed and vindictive towards poor old Dafydd was I that I had even accused Dafydd of going off sick on the day of the first scheduled hearing, when actually it had been Bluglass who had been rushed into hospital.

Perhaps my memory is playing tricks, but one thing that is crystal clear is that this lot were a bunch of liars and cheats.

In Nov 1987 at about the time when Bluglass would have been appointed to conduct the cover-up, Alison Taylor, the Gwynedd social worker who blew the whistle on the abuse of children in care in north Wales, was sacked. Alison’s boss, the Director of Gwynedd Social Services Lucille Hughes, was Dafydd’s mistress. Lucille was named in the Waterhouse Report as knowing that a paedophile ring was operating within the social services but failed to act.

On Feb 28 1988 Alison wrote to the Secretary of State for the DHSS Tony Newton and told him about a vicious assault she had witnessed on a child. That letter would have been received about two weeks before I turned up for the big day only to find that either Dafydd or Bluglass had suddenly been taken ill.

The cover-up was rescheduled for July.

During May and June the Nottingham Satanic Panic took place, which, like the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal, resulted in ludicrous allegations being made about innocent people by social workers at a time when across the UK evidence was emerging that the nation’s social services had been infiltrated by organised paedophile gangs. Like Cleveland, the Nottingham Satanic Panic provided a useful distraction from the allegations that Alison, Mary and me were making that something terrible was happening in north Wales (see post ‘Twas The Night Before Christmas And The Culprits Were Named’).

The notion of Satanic Abuse was first introduced into the UK by a therapist/social worker based in north Wales who travelled the UK providing ‘training’ to others as to how to spot signs of Satanic Abuse.

At least two people with learning disabilities were banged up in Denbigh as a result of allegations of Satanic Abuse.

In July 1988 Elizabeth Butler-Sloss published her Report on the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal. Butler-Sloss was the sister of Michael Havers, Attorney General, 1979-87. In his capacity as Attorney General Havers blocked the prosecution of former diplomat and Deputy Head of MI6 Sir Peter Hayman for child porn offences – Hayman was a member of PIE.

In July 1988 Robert Bluglass wrote his report in which he maintained that the only real problem in north Wales was me.

At some point in 1988 Gordon Anglesea became a Superintendent in the North Wales Police stationed in Colwyn Bay. Anglesea lived in Colwyn Bay, as did the Chief Constable of North Wales who led the force whilst it concealed child abuse.

Anglesea had previously been stationed in Wrexham and in 1994 won nearly 400k damages after bringing a libel case in the wake of two young men alleging that Anglesea had abused them when they had been in care in Wrexham (see post ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd’). One of the men, Mark Humphreys, was found dead weeks later.

In 2016 Gordon Anglesea was imprisoned for historic sex offences against boys in care in Wrexham.

 

Rawnsley’s wife Elinor Kapp is also a Top Doctor. She spent her career as a child psychiatrist in Gwent and Powys. In 2010 Kapp wrote to The Times in her capacity as a child psychiatrist with regard to paedophile priests. Kapp stated that ‘within the children’s professions by that time we all knew that the majority of abusers would manipulate in whatever way they could to deny their wrongdoing and continue their bahaviour. It was also made clear that all cases known to professionals must be reported to the authorities, to avoid exactly the collusion that typically appears to continue to operate in the Roman Catholic Church’.

In a response to a discussion about this matter on the blog ‘Dolphinarium’, following her letter to The Times, Kapp explained that in the 1970s and 80s she was working as a child psychiatrist outside London and that she and her colleagues worked increasingly closely with the police and social services, steadily learning more about the problems of identifying and dealing with cases of child sexual abuse.

At present Elinor Kapp is a member of the Board of the City Hospice in south Wales – she has been involved with the hospice as both a Board member and volunteer since its foundation. The City Hospice was originally known as the George Thomas Trust, after the south Wales Labour MP and Speaker of the House who was involved with the Trust. The Trust changed its name after it was admitted that there had been repeated allegations that George Thomas had abused children and teenaged boys but that the police failed to act and Thomas was protected by a network of people in politics and the professions.

Elinor’s biography on the City Hospice website explains that she is a ‘mother and a grandmother’ with ‘a kind heart’.

‘Twas The Night Before Christmas And The Culprits Were Named…

Previous posts such as ‘The Newcastle-Upon-Tyne Connection’ have mentioned how useful the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal in 1987 was in terms of distracting attention from the reports emanating from north Wales that something dreadful was happening there which involved the abuse of mental health patients and kids in care by those responsible for caring for them. Those posts also detailed some of the connections between healthcare professionals in north Wales and Newcastle-Upon-Tyne. Two of the key players in the paedophile ring which operated in north Wales – Matt Arnold and Peter Howarth – had previously worked at Axwell Park Approved School in Gateshead, where there had been allegations that Howarth had abused boys.

So let’s take a closer look at the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal.

 

Between Feb and July 1987 a series of extraordinary events in the child protection services in Cleveland in the north of England achieved international media coverage and made history.

The rest of the UK became aware that something very odd was happening in Cleveland when in May 1987 the media reported that an enormous number of children had been removed from their families and taken into care after it was alleged that they had been sexually abused. The media reports were a result of angry parents whose children had been removed from their care holding a protest. It transpired that so many children had been taken into care that the system couldn’t function – the authorities had run out of foster places, so children were being kept on the children’s wards in Middlesborough General Hospital in north Yorkshire. Because the wards were full of children who had allegedly been abused, there were no beds for children with medical conditions, the conditions on the wards became insanitary and unsafe as a result of the overcrowding, confidentiality was lost and nurses couldn’t cope because they were not kept informed about the legal status of the children or even who some of the people arriving on the wards to attend case conferences were. One nurse described the treatment of children and their families as ‘disgraceful’ and nurses were so concerned at what was happening that they made complaints to their managers and to the South Tees Health Authority. At one point the police were called in to maintain order on one of the wards as distraught and angry parents turned up to confront staff.

The thing that finally caused the system to stop functioning however was the complete breakdown in working relationships between the local professionals involved in child protection – paediatricians, social workers, the police and the police surgeons. Stuart Bell, the Labour MP for Middlesborough, became involved as a result of being contacted by a number of parents who maintained that they had been wrongly accused of abusing their children and who claimed that the professionals involved had not conducted themselves properly.

During the scandal, the mother of one child attempted suicide and two of the men accused of child abuse killed themselves in Durham Prison. After the death of one man evidence emerged suggesting he was innocent – the other dead man’s name was cleared when the real offender (in this case a child really had been abused) was convicted and sentenced. The mother of the dead man began litigation against Cleveland Constabulary and the Home Office. Not that the prison gave a stuff – the Top Doctors working at the prison described the dead INNOCENT man as ‘upset and mentally hysterical’.

So who was the Home Secretary whilst this was happening? Step forward Douglas Hurd, former pupil and good friend of Alan Barker, husband of Trumpers aka Baroness Jean Trumpington, who only months after the Cleveland Scandal appointed Jimmy Savile to the Broadmooor Hospital Management Board in her capacity as a junior Health Minister…

The Northern Regional Health Authority and Cleveland Social Services were thrown into complete chaos as a result of the events of 1987.

The very high number of children taken into care was a direct result of the work of three people  -two paediatricians, Dr Marietta Higgs and Dr Geoffrey Wyatt and a ‘child abuse specialist’, social worker Sue Richardson. They had very little support from colleagues either in the north of England or anywhere else – except for a small clique, the highest profile of which was Dr Jane Wynne, a paediatrician from St James’s Hospital in Leeds.

Higgs, Wyatt, Richardson and Wynne have never accepted that they were ever mistaken or misguided. Higgs, Wyatt and Richardson robustly defended themselves – even after they were removed from child abuse work because their senior managers were unable to defend their practice. The line taken by Higgs et al throughout was that child sexual abuse was a very much bigger problem than anyone dared admit and that they were receiving a hostile reception because they were daring to draw attention to this.

Higgs et al were of course right in that in 1987 there was a major problem with child sexual abuse. Whilst I am sure that the abuse of children by families, family friends etc was underestimated, the thing that was being actively concealed was that in many parts of the UK the children’s services themselves had been infiltrated by gangs of paedophiles who were abusing and trafficking the children in their care. Huge swathes of society’s infrastructure – including the mental health services, the police, the legal/criminal justice system and charities – were colluding with what was happening in the care system. It is now admitted that gangs were in operation in north Wales/Cheshire/Shropshire, in the north east of England, in Yorkshire and Lancashire, in Birmingham, in London, in Belfast, in west Wales and in Scotland. These gangs had links with each other and were involved with organised crime on a pan-European basis. Corrupt professionals were involved including doctors, police officers, social workers, lawyers, judges, teachers, academics and people from the Third sector. The icing on the cake was the active involvement of a small number of politicians from across the political spectrum who were actually abusing children in care themselves and the desire of their colleagues not to ever let the wrongdoing become public for fear of the effect on their party at the ballot box.

The result was a massive cover-up and the consequent corrupting of much of the country’s infrastructure, the legacy of which the UK is still experiencing today.

There was a very obvious aspect of the Cleveland Scandal that suggested that the concerns of Higgs et al were not simply the concerns of professionals who simply believed that child sexual abuse was under-reported – that was the near obsession of Higgs and her colleagues with the idea that the numerous children whom they saw had been anally raped. Evidence suggests that most sexual abuse of children actually involves unwanted touching/groping of children or the enticement of children to indecently touch the abuser.  The anal rape of children is much less common. One situation in which the anal rape of children did occur however was during the abuse of male children by the paedophile gangs in areas like north Wales, where the gangs were targeting boys as much as girls.

Higgs and her colleagues famously relied entirely upon a now discredited technique – reflex anal dilatation (RAD) – upon which to base their ‘diagnosis’ of sexual abuse. Higgs and co always referred to their use of this technique to justify their actions – yet it was Dr Jane Wynne and her colleague from Leeds General Infirmary Dr Christopher Hobbs who were responsible for having claimed in the first place that it was reliable. Jane Wynne was close to Higgs and had mentored Higgs, Wyatt and Richardson – so they all referred to each others ‘expertise’, having previously declared themselves experts. The most ferocious row raged in the medical press with the majority of doctors maintaining that RAD was absolutely not a reliable test at all – some doctors made a point of demonstrating on their own babes in arms that using RAD ‘proved’ that their own babies had been anally penetrated. Other doctors maintained that a ‘positive’ response could result from something as simple as constipation. I have seen film footage of Jane Wynne explaining exactly how RAD develops as a result of anal rape – Wynne’s ‘explanation’ was not based on any science at all. This will have been why Wynne was challenged by medical practitioners rather than by social workers or journalists. Jane Wynne took a leaf out of the book of ‘Dr’ Gilliam McKeith and spent a few minutes garbling pseudoscience which would have sounded convincing to someone who had no knowledge of anatomy and physiology but the response of someone educated in those disciplines would be ‘sorry, it doesn’t work like that’. Jane Wynne might as well have thrown in a few references to the healing powers of crystals and Stonehenge for good measure.

Another glaring elephant in the room was that if children have been repeatedly anally raped – or in the case of babies/very young children, raped at all – they sustain injuries. Children’s anuses are not adult vaginas – there are no elastic tissues, they are damaged if things become too brutal. Indeed the boys in care in north Wales who had been raped by the paedophile gang were presenting to doctors with anal injuries, only to be dismissed by those Top Doctors colluding with Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and the paedophiles in north Wales with idiocies such as ‘you’ve got piles’. If all these infants encountered by Marietta Higgs et al really had been anally abused, Higgs et al would have seen a good deal more than RAD.

Higgs and her colleagues really did seem to descend into a madness that was evident to everyone but them. Whilst I accept that children who have been abused show a variety of behaviours/symptoms that may not be obvious or may be complex, some of what went on in Cleveland in 1987 was inexplicable by any standards. On one occasion Dr Geoffrey Wyatt rang a social worker and demanded that all 120 pupils of a local school for learning disabled children be brought to his clinic at Middlesborough General Hospital by 5 pm that day for anal examinations. A child with learning disabilities taken to Middlesborough General Hospital for a brain scan because of epilepsy and no other reason at all was given an anal examination lest they had been abused. One child taken along to the hospital because of an ear problem ended up being taken into care after their anus was examined and found wanting. Higgs and Wyatt were appearing on the children’s wards at midnight equipped with torches to conduct anal examinations of children, including those who had been admitted by other paediatricians for other reasons. Some children were given anal examinations ten or eleven times. Gobsmacked parents were asking incredulously ‘what ARE you doing?’, nurses were in tears and telephoning managers to report their deep concerns at what was happening and eventually the police photographer refused the requests of Higgs and colleagues to photograph the suspect anuses after proffering the opinion that this was abuse itself. When the police refused to photograph any more bottoms, social workers did it instead.

The insanity reached such epic proportions that Viz magazine began a cartoon strip called ‘The Bottom Inspectors’ in which uniformed Official Bottom Inspectors patrolled the nation and waylaid passers-by with the blood curdling cry of ‘bare your bottoms now’ in search of bottom crimes such as ‘labourer’s cleft’, for which people would be sent to a Bottom Correction Centre for re-education. Which hordes of young people thought was absolutely hysterically funny at the time, but a more sober reading of what happened in Cleveland in 1987 strikes one as having been every bit as ridiculous as the best that Viz conjured up.

In July 1987 it was clear that the chaos had to be brought to a stop. Higgs was suspended from child abuse work and Lord Justice Elizabeth Butler-Sloss (she was called Lord Justice back then because Butler-Sloss was the only female Lord Justice that there had been and it was beyond the wit of anyone to think of calling her ‘Lady Justice’) was commissioned by the Gov’t to Chair an Inquiry into the events at Cleveland. The Inquiry sat between 4 August-17 Dec 1987 and final submissions were heard from the end of January. and Butler-Sloss submitted her Report in July 1988.

Even after Butler-Sloss’s Report, there was not that much clarity regarding the events of Feb-July 1987 in Cleveland. Although some accounts deny this, Butler-Sloss concluded that the majority of children taken into care by Higgs et al in 1987 had not been sexually abused and that RAD wasn’t a reliable technique upon which to base a diagnosis of anal rape. Out of the 121 children taken into care during those months, 94 were returned to their parents. However Butler-Sloss did not attempt any meaningful analysis of what on earth had led to the havoc in Cleveland – it was explained as basically all the result of a few genuine but misguided people who had a misplaced faith in a ‘controversial technique’.

But then Butler-Sloss could not have afforded to dig too deeply, let alone expose a child protection system that was rotten to the core and facilitating the large scale serious abuse of those in its care, abuse which was  concealed by the very professions in which society places the most trust and gives the most power. Butler-Sloss’s brother was Sir Michael Havers, the Attorney General for Margaret Thatcher’s Government, 1979-June 1987. Havers was in post virtually throughout the whole saga. He was succeeded by Sir Patrick Mayhew – who in his capacity as Attorney General authorised two prosecutions against me for contempt of Court on the basis of the perjury of the paedophiles’ friends in north Wales in the years following Cleveland. In 1981 in response to a question in the House from Tory MP Geoffrey Dickens, Michael Havers admitted that he had blocked the prosecution of Sir Peter Hayman – a former diplomat who was alleged to work for MI6 – who was a paedophile and had been caught in possession of obscene material featuring children. Furthermore Thatcher was a personal friend of Jimmy Savile, who was a paedophile active in north Yorkshire – as well as in other locations –  and who called the shots at St James’s Hospital in Leeds, where Dr Jane Wynne worked. Savile’s friend Alan Franey was Assistant Manager of Leeds General Infirmary, where Dr Christopher Hobbs worked. St James’s Hospital was the subject of constant good PR from the BBC as a result of Savile’s connections there. Whilst Butler-Sloss was writing her Report Savile and Alan Franey were appointed to the Senior Management Board of Broadmoor Hospital via a highly irregular process by Thatcher’s junior Health Minister Baroness Jean Trumpington. At the time the civil service serving the DHSS also contained corrupt and dysfunctional mandarins (see posts ‘The Socio-Political Context Of The North Wales Mental Health Services In The Late 1980s’, ’95 Glorious Years!’ and ‘Always On The Side Of The Children’). Whilst insanity in Cleveland prevailed, Sir Peter Morrison -who was abusing children in care in north Wales – held the post of Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party and when Butler-Sloss was keeping herself busy writing her Report, Morrison occupied the position of Minister of State for Energy.

Like her brother, Butler-Sloss was a Tory. She had previously stood for election as a Conservative candidate. She has every right to be a Conservative, but since Cleveland, Butler-Sloss has demonstrated that she cannot always act impartiality. She was Theresa May’s first choice to Chair the IICSA (Independent Inquiry On Child Sexual Abuse), but stepped down after questions were asked about her being compromised by her brother’s refusal to prosecute Sir Peter Hayman. It was then revealed that Butler-Sloss had wanted to ensure that abuse perpetrated by people in the Church of England wasn’t included in the IICSA – Butler-Sloss is a leading light in the Church of England.

I have just finished reading Stuart Bell’s 1988 account of the events in Cleveland in 1987, ‘When Salem Came To The Boro’. Bell, the Labour MP for Middlesborough, was one of people who came under attack in numerous Guardian articles (which were usually uncritically supportive of Higgs et al) at the time. Bell was portrayed as a shamelessly opportunistic politician questioning ‘experts’ who only had children’s best interests at heart. Much was made of allegations that Stuart Bell’s ‘interference’ had made a lot of people very angry and that he lost political friends because of it. I bet he did – no-one would have wanted him taking a close look at what was happening. After all what does the reputation, welfare and freedom of a few little people matter when there are the careers of politicians and the reputations of the medical establishment, child protection system, criminal justice system, legal profession and judiciary to consider? In 1979 Lord Denning had claimed that if the convictions of the Birmingham Six were to be overturned it would mean admitting that such a degree of corruption existed in the criminal justice and legal system that the result would be an ‘appalling vista’ – such an appalling vista that it was better to keep six innocent men in prison. Likewise who would ever want to admit that a dangerous old nutter in north Wales was being allowed to practice psychiatry whilst he unlawfully imprisoned young women whom he wanted to have sex with and facilitated a paedophile ring with the knowledge of the whole medical establishment? This was yet another vista which was so appalling that it was obviously better that Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was allowed to continue uninvestigated by the GMC and unhindered, even if his patients and kids in care did keep turning up dead.

Stuart Bell’s book is actually meticulously researched and based on documents compiled at the time by those involved and interviews with a very wide spectrum of people holding varying views and allegiances. It is a very thorough account which provides full details of the events throughout 1987, along with times and dates.

Bell describes in his book some of the things that I witnessed in north Wales in the wake of my daring to complain about Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends. Most noticeably, Marietta Higgs, Geoffrey Wyatt and Sue Richardson would work with virtually no-one else except Jane Wynne, their mentor and partner in crime. Higgs, Wyatt and Richardson complained that it was other people who wouldn’t work with them – but that was very obviously because other people found their practices so concerning that they challenged them, only to be met with serious hissy fits. Thus other practitioners backed off, leaving Higgs and Wyatt the elbow room to declare domain over ‘their’ patients. This is exactly what went on with Dr Dafydd Alun Jones in north Wales – no sane practitioner wanted to get involved in any patient’s case with Dafydd because everything about him stunk and everyone knew it. A lawyer told me in 1987 that once a patient had been referred to Dafydd, they’d had it – it was known in the region that no other doctor would agree to take over that patient’s case, no matter how badly things were going with dear old Dafydd. Like Dafydd, who also had a very small number of acolytes with whom he ‘worked’, Higgs, Wyatt and Richardson referred patients to each other – or to Jane Wynne. They backed up each other’s diagnoses without question and used every strategy possible to exclude other practitioners, including police surgeons – which considering that they were dealing with children who had allegedly been the victims of serious crime was extraordinary.

As already mentioned, Wynne, Wyatt and Higgs established themselves as experts in RAD and then referred to their own expertise to defend themselves. I saw this model of practice again and again in north Wales – for example, Dafydd was an ‘expert in PTSD’ and Professor Mark Williams was an ‘expert in MBCT’. In other words they stated that they were an expert, published something questionable, then their immediate circle were ‘trained’ by them and before you knew it an empire had been built and a nationwide expert created.

Higgs et al dominated an organisation called BASPCAN (British Association for the Study and Prevention of Child Abuse), which had been established by Higg’s former mentor Dr Christina Cooper in 1984-85. Prior to this Cooper had turned herself into something called the Ciba Foundation. Higgs was a member of BASPCAN, as was Jane Wynne, Sue Richardson, Christopher Hobbs and two people who did their bidding, Margery ‘Madge’ Bray, a social worker and Marjorie Dunne, a senior nurse with South Tees Health Authority and designated officer for child abuse in the Langbaurgh district of Cleveland. Higgs also formed the Cleveland Sex Abuse Group. BASPCAN and the Cleveland Sex Abuse Group were used as vehicles by this small group of people to rebuff challenges to their practice and to back each other up when under fire, under the umbrella of training and professional development. Mark Williams’s mindfulness retreats and practices in north west Wales served a similar function.

The other thing that was familiar when I read Bell’s account was the way in which everyone was just utterly impotent in the face of the sheer chaos that in the end threatened to stop the regional NHS and social services working. Readers unfamiliar with north Wales in the 1980s and 90s will find it hard to understand just how much trouble Dr Dafydd Alun Jones caused – it was havoc. Of course it was, he was doing completely crazy things much to the embarrassment of other professionals. After he had me unlawfully arrested and detained, a few days later he turned up at the North Wales Hospital to ‘visit’ me at midnight – the nurses got me out of bed. I was told some years later by a former member of staff from Denbigh that Dafydd would hold ward rounds at 3 am and that for most of the time he was so ‘floridly manic’ that it was impossible to work with him. Another former member of staff was frank enough to say that ‘he was mad, he was chaotic and he was dangerous’. People were horrified – like the nurses in Middlesborough were who witnessed Higgs and Wyatt turning up at midnight to inspect a few bottoms and then telling the nurses to get other children out of beds because their bottoms needed inspecting as well – but no-one actually felt able to say ‘stop it or you will face disciplinary action’. Serious complaints about Wyatt and Higgs from patients and other staff were responded to by the senior managers holding yet another meeting with Higgs and Wyatt where their actions would be ‘discussed’, only for Higgs and Wyatt to robustly defend themselves and then return to business as usual as soon as they left the meeting. Which was exactly the response of the authorities in north Wales to Dafydd – even in the events of patients dying or taking legal action.

Like Dafydd, Marietta Higgs was in conflict with the Health Authority over other matters – there had been an exchange of letters over ‘funding’ (well that was inevitable) and Higgs was demanding that she be allowed to establish a whole new Family Assessment Unit, in which she, Wyatt and Richardson could place all these families whose children’s bottoms were suspect under intensive surveillance.

Higgs also kept the medical records of the children whom she’d had taken into care in her office in another hospital – so the staff looking after the children on the wards of Middlesborough General couldn’t access even the records of children who also suffered from serious medical conditions. Higgs also removed certain pieces of crucial information from children’s medical records. This was going on in north Wales with my medical records but I didn’t realise it until last year when my lawyer forwarded some more documents relating to my case to me. There was a letter in there written to a Top Doctor and signed by Alun Davies, the manager of the mental health services for Gwynedd Health Authority, asking for my medical records back because Alun Davies usually kept them with him! Davies also mentioned in the letter that he had read through my medical records himself to see if he could find anything in them which would result in the Health Authority being sued. Davies – the fact that you, a non-clinical member of staff, were keeping my records and had even read them was enough in itself for the Health Authority to be sued.

Most worryingly in Cleveland, as with Dafydd and his colleagues, there were complaints that patients were finding their encounters with Higgs and Wyatt incredibly distressing. Parents reported being treated harshly as a result of being suspected of having abused their children. But some very distressing things happened to some of the children whom Higgs et al claimed to be protecting. There were accounts of Geoffrey Wyatt swearing at children – although he denied this – shouting at others, losing his patience with frightened or distressed children and physically hurting them during the bottom inspections.

Those of us in north Wales who tangled with Dafydd and the gang noticed that we always seemed to end up in the hands of certain police officers, social workers or magistrates if Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends were hoping to have us imprisoned. Pwllheli Magistrates Court was a favourite venue if corruption was at play – people would be transported all the way to Pwllheli from Bangor, Bethesda, Caernarfon, Llanberis, Anglesey, anywhere really, even on days when Magistrates Courts in the local towns would be sitting. Likewise Huw Daniel was a favourite judge of the mental health services if someone needed to be prosecuted and hopefully imprisoned on the basis of mental health staff perjuring themselves – great efforts were made to ensure that dear old Huw would hear the case all the way through. In the case of Cleveland, Stuart Bell discovered that nearly all the place of safety orders obtained by Higgs/Wyatt/Richardson – and there were a great many, 276 applications between 1 Jan and the end of July in 1987 which is what led to questions being asked – were obtained by an application to a JP at home, rather than before a Court. The Social Services had a yearbook of all the Magistrates home addresses, so presumably Richardson et al could leaf through and approach those who could be relied upon to sign the care order quietly without asking any questions. The Magistrates were certainly good at doing what they were told – in one single day in June 1987, 59 care orders were signed.

Just to reassure everyone that the Magistrates would know what they were doing, Marietta wanted to Train them in the art of Bottomology. After the police refused to photograph any more bottoms, Marietta explained that she needed the photos to ‘educate’ the Magistrates. The Magistrates were pretty keen to educate themselves as well – Leonard Davies, the Chairman of the Teeside Juvenile Court panel and Alan Glyn Cooke, the Clerk to the Teeside Justices, met at a seminar on juvenile justice held by Teeside Poly where Davies was the speaker. Davies expressed concerns about what was happening.

Bell’s book describes an incident which I do not remember ever being reported anywhere at the time. One of the social workers responsible for interviewing the children who had allegedly been abused, Kathleen Anguoin, had conducted a series of – literally – interrogations of a small girl, in an attempt to get the girl to describe how a male relative had abused her. As with some of the accounts of other similar scandals eg. the Orkneys and Rochdale, the ‘interview’ was so leading that had the police conducted it in order to gain evidence, it would have been inadmissable in Court. To Kathleen’s frustration the little girl repeatedly denied that anyone had done anything untoward to  her bottom or any other part of her anatomy and she was uninterested in the ‘anatomically correct’ dolls given to her (ie. dolls in possession of bigger genitals than any human being that I have ever encountered). Kathleen spent several days ‘interviewing’ the little girl and ended up so desperate that when the little girl began playing with a stuffed snake – interestingly enough she shoved the sake into Kathleen’s mouth – Kathleen asked her what the ‘willy-snake’ had done and whether the willy-snake was wet or dry when she had played with it. The little girl still said nothing incriminating. Kathleen handed over two tapes of interviews to be used as evidence but destroyed another tape of interviews. She then wrote a suicide note, left messages for her nearest and dearest and on July 20 1987 drove to the north Yorkshire moors where she disappeared. She was found on the moors in a bad way by a search and rescue party two days later and was taken to Friarage Hospital in Northallerton. Cleveland County Council subsequently withdrew the tapes that Kathleen had submitted as evidence.

Marietta Higgs had only been in post as a consultant paediatrician for a matter of weeks before she caused havoc in Cleveland. Furthermore she had actually been employed as an intensive care neonatologist, a role unconnected with child abuse.

I’ll now provide a brief overview of the key players in the Cleveland Scandal.

Higgs grew up in Australia and when she was in her late teens her mother remarried a Duncan Halliday. Halliday’s brother-in-law was a prominent gynaecologist in Dundee, Scotland. After a visit to Scotland where she witnessed her step-uncle at work in 1967, Marietta applied to study medicine at the University of Western Australia – she failed some crucial exams and was unable to take up the place. She married her boyfriend Donald Higgs and in 1968 started a family – she eventually became a mother of five. After re-taking exams, Higgs took up a place at medical school and qualified in 1975. She spent her pre-registration and then a subsequent year working at the Royal Adeleide Hospital, where her mentor was Prof George Maxwell, the Head of the Peadiatrics Dept at Adelaide University. Maxwell had trained in the UK at Edinburgh, then worked at the University of Wisconsin and in 1959 moved to Australia. Maxwell had pioneered child abuse work in Australia in the early 1960s.

In 1976 Higgs and her family relocated to England. She worked as a locum in Nottingham, then as an SHO in Chatham, Kent and in 1979 took up a post in Newcastle-Upon-Tyne with a research team investigating cot deaths. In 1980 Higgs embarked upon a two year scheme for registrars with the local Health Authority. It was then that Higgs developed an interest in child abuse. She worked with Dr Christina ‘Tina’ Cooper in Newcastle, who thought that Higgs should play a more active role in child abuse work. As part of her rota Higgs worked at the Queen Elizabeth Hospital Gateshead, where her boss was Dr Simon Court. Higgs also attended regular sessions at the Nuffield Child Psychiatry Unit in Newcastle – where she may well have met some of those we know and love who ended up working in north Wales or at least knew those in north Wales.

In 1983 Higgs attended a two day conference on child sexual abuse organised at the Northumbria Police HQ.

By 1985 Higgs was working as an intensive care neonatologist at the Princess Mary Maternity Hospital and also worked at the Fleming Hospital next door. The Fleming housed a Family Assessment Unit run by Dr Hans Steiner and Higgs wanted to set up a similar unit on Teeside. It was Higgs’s boss at Newcastle, Dr Edmund Hey who told Higgs of a consultant paediatrician vacancy at Middlesborough General Hospital.

Dr Geoffrey Wyatt qualified at Liverpool University in 1973 – this blog has previously given details of the numerous alumni of Liverpool medical school who played key roles in the north Wales NHS, including Dafydd himself and Dr Terry Maxwell, the clinical director of Ysbyty Gwynedd. After graduation Wyatt spent three years working in South Africa. He returned to the UK and worked in Manchester in neonatology, then in Portsmouth and then in oncology in Southampton. In 1983 Wyatt was appointed as a consultant paediatrician at Middlesborough General Hospital by the Northern Regional Health Authority. Wyatt was in conflict with many of his colleagues as well as with South Tees CHC and the South Tees Health Authority – he was co-signatory to a letter with Higgs alleging ‘asset stripping’.

Geoffrey Wyatt lived in an unidentified village in north Yorkshire. North Yorkshire was the centre of a paedophile ring.

Sue Richardson was appointed as ‘child abuse consultant’ by Cleveland Social Services in June 1986. Richardson had worked for Cleveland Social Services since 1975 and had specialised in social work for 15 years. Richardson had met Higgs through BASPCAN – she had already met Higgs twice and established a friendship with Higgs by post before Higgs arrived to work on Teeside. The close working links between Cleveland and Leeds developed when Richardson suggested to the Leeds contingent that her service at Cleveland should work in close co-operation with them after Richardson, Jane Wynne and Christopher Hobbs all attended a meeting in Leicester at which Wynne and Hobbs gave a presentation. At the time a paedophile gang was at work in Leicestershire Social Services, a key player of which was senior social worker Frank Beck – Beck’s mate Lord Greville Janner was also involved. After Sue Richardson was appointed child abuse consultant, she was responsible for the child abuse register and handled consultancy, advice, preparation and planning.

So what prompted Cleveland Social Services to appoint Sue Richardson as child abuse consultant? Richardson was appointed in the wake of Louis Blom-Cooper’s Report following the murder of Jasmine Beckford whilst Jasmine was in the care of Brent Social Services. Although Brent Council, Brent Social Services and Brent District Health Authority had all ‘made mistakes’, – indeed they probably ‘failed Jasmine’ – Blom-Cooper stressed that no blame could be attributed to any individual. Which was just as well because a few high profile names were involved with Brent at the time – including Ken Livingstone and Paul Boateng. Harriet Harman and Mr Harriet Harman aka Jack Dromey helped the needy by working in Brent Law Centre. Unless the needy were people being neglected and abused by the idiots in the local authority or the local NHS, in which case the plight of the needy was ignored.

Blom Cooper was a member of the Mental Health Act Commission whilst the Commission colluded with the criminal activities of the Top Doctors in north Wales and also led one of the Inquiries into Ashworth Hospital – one of the institutions to which Dafydd was sending patients.

Someone else was Profoundly Affected by Blom-Cooper’s Report on Jasmine’s death as well – Dame Esther. In fact Esther was so moved that she launched a campaign, Childwatch and the notorious Childline, what with Esther Caring About The Children and not knowing about Jimmy Savile. Esther knew about Dr Dafydd Alun Jones though once she launched her mental health campaign, because I wrote and told her about him, although Esther didn’t reply. Esther followed up Childwatch and the mental health campaign with Drugwatch. So Esther made her name and bagged herself a CBE and a fancy title as a result of her campaigning on child abuse, mental illness and drug use. That’ll be why children are still being sexually exploited and trafficked by gangs whilst in the care of social services, why the mental health services don’t even pretend to look after their patients anymore and why business is booming re the drug trade. Thanks Esther, you’ve made a real difference – you made things far, far worse with your foolish propaganda and collusion with the very people causing the problems. The ever wise Esther appointed Valerie Howarth as Chief Exec of Childline. Valerie Howarth had been the Director of Brent Social Services when Jasmine was murdered. More importantly Valerie was a friend of Esther’s sister – Esther’s sister was a social worker among the paedophiles of Lambeth Social Services and Valerie had been her boss. Paul Boateng’s wife was also a social worker among the paedophiles of Lambeth and Tessa Jowell had been a childcare officer working among the paedophiles of Lambeth. Thank goodness Esther set up Childwatch – particularly as Valerie Howarth was unemployable post-Jasmine and needed a job. Valerie is now in the House of Lords along with Tessa and Paul Boateng, so all’s well that ends well.

Esther launched Childwatch on 23 Oct 1986.

Sue Richardson subsequently persuaded her boss Mike Bishop, the Director of Cleveland Social Services, to hire Deborah Glassbrook who had worked with Esther and Childwatch.

Esther didn’t only galvanise the Official Bottom Inspectors of Cleveland into action – Childwatch led to Lothian Social Services mobilising 36 social workers to handle the expected flood of referrals (a similar number were mobilised in Cleveland). Esther’s claims that the nation’s kids were all being sexually assaulted by their families and friends weren’t confirmed by the calls to Childline. Over one period of monitoring, 3395 children called Childline, but this only resulted in 76 referrals to social services on a nationwide basis. Children were calling Childline, but it was usually about bullying at school or problems other than child sexual abuse. Of course it is now known that children in care – including some from north Wales – did call Childline about being sexually abused but those calls were not responded to. I expect that Esther ignored all the calls about Jimmy Savile as well – she has been accused of ignoring at least one woman who maintained that she told Esther about Savile in person.

Now here’s a mystery for readers to puzzle over for Christmas. In Oct 1986, three months BEFORE Higgs arrived in Middlesborough to take up her post as a neonatologist, Sue Richardson sent her a briefing document prepared in anticipation of the first Childwatch programme – this document mentioned Higg’s desire to establish a Family Assessment Unit on Teeside. Richardson had certainly been a busy bee before Marietta arrived in Middlesborough – as well as the PR material for Esther’s scam, Richardson had sent to Higgs’s home address in Newcastle the full details of the Cleveland child abuse register of 30 June 1986 – some of the info had been personally typed by Richardson. Richardson also sent Higgs the report regarding the working party on child sexual abuse published in May 1986. Furthermore, although Higgs’s appointment was in neonatology, Richardson identified child sexual abuse cases for Higgs’s consideration prior to Higgs’s arrival – Higgs had made contact with Richardson via BASPCAN in preparation for her new post. Sue Richardson’s role did not involve the care of neonates.

Therefore Higgs, who was due to take up a post in neonatology, was supplied with a ‘blueprint’ on how to deal with child sexual abuse in Cleveland – which was sent to her home address – months before her arrival in Middlesborough. It rather sounds as though Richardson and Marietta expected to find a great many cases of child sexual abuse once Marietta arrived – in the same way that Esther knew what a huge problem child sexual abuse was. The Esther who had no knowledge or experience of paediatrics at all, but who had a sister whose friend was a Director of Social Services in very deep shit and a colleague – Jimmy Savile – who had visited Bryn Estyn children’s home in Wales and participated in child abuse, a children’s home that was now the centre of allegations of child abuse by a whistleblower in north Wales. The Jimmy who was mates with Margaret Thatcher who’s Deputy Chair of the Conservative Party Sir Peter Morrison was abusing kids in north Wales – including kids from Bryn Estyn.

At a meeting at the end of May 1986 called to discuss the conflict between the Social Services and the police, the police representative was told that Higgs had been appointed by South Tees Health Authority as a paediatrician with special responsibility for child sexual abuse – so Higgs’s job description had been amended after she took up her post. The police were informed at this meeting that there would be no further involvement of police surgeons in the examination of children alleged to have been abused – this was to be the exclusive domain of Marietta Higgs. Well she was an expert wasn’t she. Furthermore it was later discovered that Mike Bishop, the Director of Cleveland Social Services, rewrote the rules regarding child abuse investigations – without the knowledge of the police, Councillors or the officers of Cleveland County Council. The new rules not only excluded the involvement of police surgeons but stated that a ‘medical diagnosis’ by Higgs would be sufficient by itself for an application to take a child into care immediately. Bishop ‘implemented’ the technique of RAD in Cleveland without any discussion with the Social Services Inspectorate at the DHSS.

Dr Ellis Fraser was a supporter of Jane Wynne and Marietta Higgs and was called upon to back them up when it looked as though they were going to end up in hot water. Fraser had graduated from Edinburgh in 1941 and had worked at the Edinburgh Hospital for Sick Children. She  subsequently worked as a GP in South Shields for 15 years and was a member of the Northumbria Police Women Doctors Group which was set up in 1983. Fraser was involved in examinations in cases of rape and child sexual abuse. Fraser had been working in the region for so long that she must have known about the paedophile ring that was operating in the region of which Matt Arnold and Peter Howarth had been members. Unlike the Cleveland Constabulary whose officers found what Marietta Higgs et al were doing very worrying indeed, Northumbria Police worked closely with Higgs and with BASPCAN.

Marjorie ‘Madge’ Bray was a social worker who left local authority work in July 1984 and set up an agency with another social worker, Mary Walsh, which offered advice to the social services in cases where children were already in care – ‘SACCS’, the ‘sexual abuse child consultant services’. SACCS conducted ‘disclosure interviews’. Madge was retained by Cleveland County Council after she was recommended to the Council by Sue Richardson. Madge had previously held a management post in fostering and adoption with Shropshire County Council. The tentacles of the North Wales Paedophile Ring reached into Shropshire – John Allen, the owner of the Bryn Alyn Community who was not only abusing children in his care himself along with his staff but was trafficking them into brothels in London and Brighton which he owned, also owned a children’s home in Shropshire.

Dr Alistair Irvine, a GP, had worked as the senior police surgeon in Cleveland Constabulary since 1982. Alistair Irvine loathed Marietta Higgs and Sue Richardson and they loathed him. Alistair Irvine was the subject of a lot of very negative press coverage by the Guardian during the Cleveland Scandal. The Guardian didn’t give any examples of wrongdoing on his part, they simply kept stressing that he was a big man with a loud voice. In other words, ‘mouthy old git’ – as compared to the calm composed quietly spoken Marietta and compassionate Sue.

Two other people who occupied senior positions whilst all hell let loose were Bruce Stevenson, the Chief Executive of Cleveland County Council and Ian Donaldson, the District General Manager of South Tees Health Authority.

Dr Liam Donaldson was the Regional Medical Officer of the Northern Regional Health Authority, the employers of Higgs and Wyatt. In 1986 Donaldson stated that he had ‘become aware that the problem of child sexual abuse was a growing one’. So what advancements in science, medicine or social sciences had elicited Donaldson’s ‘awareness’? Which publications by which world leading researchers and academics had Donaldson read on the subject? Well none actually. Donaldson’s awareness had been raised by Esther Rantzen’s Childwatch programmes of Oct 23 and 30 in 1986. Many years later Liam Donaldson was rewarded for his failure to ask or indeed to answer any questions about the Cleveland Scandal by being appointed Chief Medical Officer under Blair. In Feb 2007 – 30 years later – Liam finally fessed up that ‘mistakes were made’ in Cleveland. Liam Donaldson is now Chancellor of Newcastle-Upon-Tyne University.

Mike Bishop was Director of Cleveland County Council’s Social Services. Not only did Bishop rewrite the guidelines for investigating child abuse without consulting or telling anyone, but on 12 May 1986 Bishop addressed a meeting of South Tees CHC regarding services for the elderly and people with learning disabilities and mental health problems. He told the CHC that the only group with a DECREASING need was children in care – yet Middlesborough General Hospital at that point was overflowing with ‘abused’ children. After this meeting Bishop was accused of needing to justify Cleveland’s policy of closing children’s homes and transferring the children to foster care.

The Chief Constable of Cleveland Constabulary was Christopher Payne. Payne found that any requests for children who had allegedly been abused to be seen by a police surgeon were being refused by Higgs/Wyatt/Richardson. Payne’s officers also took the view that the interviews conducted with the children by social workers were ‘leading’. The North Yorkshire Police were involved in some of the cases – in one case they had requested that the child involved be examined at the Friarge Hospital in Northallerton but were told by the social worker that their dept ‘preferred’ to use Higgs for such work.

So who was the biggest wig of all the players in the Cleveland Scandal? It was Professor Sir Bernard Tomlinson, the Chairman of the Northern Regional Health Authority, 1982-90. Bernie was the man who would have agreed to advertise the post of consultant paediatrician at Middlesborough General Hospital – which Marietta was helpfully told about by Dr Edmund Hey before it was advertised – and who OK’d Marietta’s appointment in the summer of 1986. Bernie will also have had something to do with subsequently amending Higg’s contract to include the remit for child abuse. It was Bernie who didn’t sack Higgs and Wyatt – Higgs and Wyatt were never disciplined and were never referred to the GMC. They were simply removed from child abuse work after Butler-Sloss published her Report – they both continued to work in the region as paediatricians.

Bernie was acting with authority from the very top – he Chaired the Joint Planning Appointments Committee of the DHSS, 1986-90. The Secretary of State for the DHSS at the time of Higgs’s appointment was Norman Fowler. It was Fowler who had appointed Bernie Chair of the Northern Regional Health Authority in 1982.

Tomlinson was a neuropathologist who is known as the ‘father of Alzheimer’s Disease neuropathology’ and who carried out work with Professor Sir Martin Roth. He graduated in medicine from UCL in 1943. He joined the Socialist Health Association as a young man and campaigned for the NHS in the 1945 General Election. In 1949 he took up a post in pathology at Newcastle General Hospital, which was the beginning of a very long association with Newcastle-Upon-Tyne General Hospital and University. Tomlinson was Prof of Pathology, 1973-85. In 1991 the Secretary of State for Health William Waldegrave asked Tomlinson to produce a Report on healthcare in the London. The subsequent report, the Tomlinson Review, recommended a move to primary and community facilities, involving the closure of Charing Cross Hospital, the Middlesex Hospital, St Bartholemew’s Hospital, the merger of Guy’s and St Thomas’s Hospitals and the closure of ten smaller hospitals. There was uproar. Such uproar that most of Tomlinson’s proposals were rejected because they were far too controversial even for the Tories who had commissioned the Review. The Middlesex closed and Guy’s and Tommy’s merged, but that was about it.

There was a very entertaining interview with Tomlinson in the Indie in Oct 1992, the day after his Review was published. Tomlinson certainly got out the onions and the violins. He explained to the Indie that he had ‘agonised’ over recommending the closure of such fine old London institutions. However Tomlinson reassured the Indie that he had never experienced ‘a word or a whisper’ of political pressure during the Inquiry which led to the Review, that if he had he ‘would have packed the job in straight away’, that he had ‘no political affiliations’ and had been ‘a solid NHS man all my life’. He added that on the one occasion on which he had been an NHS in-patient, he had received ‘marvellous care’. Tomlinson also mentioned that he ‘believes that the new emphasis in the NHS on purchasing and providing is benefiting the patients’. Not that standards would ever slip in the NHS because ‘standards are stern’. So that was why Tomlison allowed himself to be pressured by someone in the DHSS to appoint a grossly abusive and quite mad doctor to cause a moral panic which led to two innocent people killing themselves in prison, the massive traumatising of more than 100 children, allegations of serious crime against scores of innocent people who had simply taken their children to the local hospital for advice on medical ailments and the breakdown in the functioning of the local NHS and social services. All this to detract from a vicious murdering paedophile gang in north Wales which was being facilitating by the local Top Doctors.

By the time that Tomlinson’s Review was published, five witnesses to the paedophile gang in north Wales had been killed in a firebomb attack (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’), I and my friends who knew what had happened to me in north Wales had all been hounded out of our careers – and one of my friends had been killed – and I had been forced into penury and had had to sell my house. Good to know that the standards in the NHS are ‘stern’ and can’t possibly slip!

So when John Major’s Gov’t and Waldegrave wanted to restructure the NHS in London they called on their old running dog to help – but they were told to fuck off by the Top Doctors who fiercely fought to keep their fiefdoms. The running dog and John Major had to give in to them, because the Top Doctors in London knew about the horrors in north Wales – the Top Doctors in London who had been called upon to collude with the cover-up when I was at Hammersmith Hospital/Royal Postgraduate Medical School (whilst the Cleveland Scandal was in full swing) and then when I worked at St George’s Hospital Medical School, 1989-1991. Furthermore, Prof Vincent Marks, my head of dept when I worked at Surrey University, had also helped them all out – Vincent Marks’s brother John Marks was the Chairman of the BMA at the time and fighting with Ken Clarke, the then Secretary of State for Health.

So this bunch of worthless turds battled with each other constantly and it always ended up in stalemate – because they had all concealed serious crime and they were all tied up together. No-one could bring anyone else down. So people carried on being abused and dying in north Wales.

No-one can ask Bernie exactly who ordered him to do the dirty deed and create a vacancy specifically for Marietta who had been primed to cause havoc, because the old bastard died in July. But for the benefit of anyone who still thinks that I’m on the biggest grassy knoll in existence, let’s correlate a few events which took place prior to the Cleveland Scandal, during the scandal and in the aftermath.

By 1986, Alison Taylor, the Gwynedd social worker who blew the whistle on the child abuse in north Wales, just would not stop approaching the authorities making allegations that children in care were being seriously abused. I was bellyaching about the mental health services as well – I had been threatened constantly by Top Doctors and my medical records were being unlawfully witheld. I had also been lied to repeatedly.

In Feb 1986 Alison Taylor took her allegations of abuse to a County Councillor, Keith Marshall. Alison and Councillor Marshall met with a police officer, DCS Gwynne Owen, to discuss the allegations. In March Alison detailed the allegations in a statement to the police. Between April and September 1986, DCS Gwynne Owen denigrated Alison, stating that her complaints were ‘false’ and ‘unsubstantiated’. As for me, I was receiving increasingly aggressive letters from Gwynedd Health Authority which failed to investigate or explain anything. On July 22 1986, Ian Muir, the Headmaster of the school attached to the Bryn Alyn Community, was convicted at Mold Crown Court of unlawful sexual intercourse with a female under 16 yrs old. Muir was sentenced to six months imprisonment. The victim had been resident at Bryn Alyn for three years and was 15 yrs old when she left.

In July 1986 Marietta Higg’s appointment as a neonatal paediatrician at Middlesborough General Hospital was confirmed.

In September 1986 I was unlawfully detained at Ysbyty Gwynedd by Dr Tony Francis (Dr X), a Dr Perera and Jackie Brandt, a social worker employed by Gwynedd Social Services. The following morning Dr Dafydd Alun Jones told me that if I continued to make representation about the mental health services he would have me arrested. I made a formal complaint and wrote to the Mental Health Act Commission about all of it.

In Oct 1986 DCS Gwynne Owen sent a report to the CPS criticising Alison Taylor. By this time I had begun an MSc at Hammersmith Hospital/RPMS.

In Dec 1986 Lucille Hughes – Dafydd’s mistress and Director of Gwynedd Social Services, ie. Alison’s boss – informally suspended Alison. In the same month a former child in care from north Wales made allegations to DCS Gwynne Owen that they had been abused. Gwynne Owen ‘failed to substantiate the allegations as true’. I was unlawfully arrested and detained in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh by Dafydd in this month.

On Jan 13 1987 – less than two weeks after Marietta Higgs started work in Middlesborough – Alison was officially suspended by Gwynedd County Council. On Jan 6 1987 Dafydd let me out of Denbigh and told me that if I did not leave north Wales immediately he would have me arrested and detained in Risley Remand Centre. I had not committed, or been charged with, any offence. I was given a one way ticket to London – paid for by the NHS no less – and two nurses drove me to a railway station where I was literally put on a train to London. As soon as I got to London I made another formal complaint – and wrote to the Mental Health Act Commission. Who hadn’t yet responded to my first complaint.

On Jan 17 1987 Alison wrote to Margaret Thatcher, explaining that she had personally witnessed the abuse of children in care in north Wales.

Over in Cleveland the bottom inspections had begun…

In March 1987 David Gillinson was sentenced to three and a half years in prison for gross indecency against a boy in care in north Wales. Gillinson was a prominent member of the Chester branch of the Campaign for Homosexual Equality.

In Cleveland children had begun to be taken into care on the grounds that they’d been sexually abused at an inexplicable rate.

In the summer of 1987 I received a letter inviting me to a meeting in Ysbyty Gwynedd to discuss my complaint. When I arrived in July there was no-one with whom to discuss my complaint but a junior doctor who told me that I was mentally ill. I was then arrested for attempting to stab the junior doctor. I hadn’t attempted to stab anyone and was later released from police custody after a nurse who had been in the room made a statement confirming that I hadn’t tried to stab anyone (see post ‘Workers’ Play Time’). Whilst I was at the police station, Janice Davies – a nurse from Denbigh – and Tony Francis both rang the police saying that I’d threatened them. I was charged with a public order offence – which was later dropped – but before I left the police station Dafydd turned up and told me that he thought that I should be in prison. The police let me out once Dafydd had departed. I returned to Leicester where I was by then living with Brown and some other friends. Brown enquired about the possibility of prosecuting the lying junior doctor for perjury regarding his allegations about me attempting to stab him but was told that because he didn’t swear his statement in Court we couldn’t.

It was after this that I sought advice from MIND in Leicester and MIND’s legal director in London, William Bingley – I did not know at the time that Bingley was colluding with Dafydd and concealing the wrongdoing in north Wales.

I made further formal complaints and wrote to the Mental Health Act Commission yet again. I heard nothing from the MHAC. Many years later I discovered that it had been documented upon my medical notes that I had been detained in Risley Remand Centre after stabbing someone with a knife and that someone had told the Mental Health Act Commission this as well – a David Ewart from the Liverpool MHAC office had even written to Ysbyty Gwynedd saying that he understood that I was in Risley Remand Centre after attacking someone with a knife, so he would therefore reply to my complaint at my home address in Leicester. I never actually received a letter from the Mental Health Act Commission, so presumably David Ewart thought that I’d been framed by Dafydd et al as planned and was incarcerated in prison so he didn’t even bother to go through the motions of sending the letter to the address where he thought that I wasn’t (see post ‘Workers’ Play Time’).

Dr Liam Donaldson and the Northern Regional Health Authority finally suspended Higgs and Wyatt from working with cases of child sexual abuse in the same month that Dafydd et al had tried to frame me – which some people mistakenly thought had been successful. Butler-Sloss was then appointed by Thatcher’s Gov’t to hold an Inquiry into Cleveland. Thatcher had won the recent General Election which had been held on 11 June – as advanced plans to frame me were underway and while William Bingley and MIND were no doubt feeding back everything that I was saying about Dafydd et al to corrupt people in high places. After Thatcher won the election, Sir Peter Morrison was appointed Minister for Energy.

In Oct 1987 DCS Owen wrote a second report to the CPS re Alison stating that ‘there is every likelihood…she will manipulate others in the future to make similar complaints’. On 3 Nov 1987 Alison was dismissed from her job by Gwynedd County Council.

On 28 Feb 1988 – by which time Butler-Sloss had started writing her Report about Cleveland – Alison Taylor wrote to Tony Newton the Secretary of State for Health, describing a brutal assault that she had witnessed herself.

I was then told by the corrupt Medical Ombudsman at the Welsh Office, Professor Robert Owen, that my complaint against Dafydd et al was going to be fully investigated by two independent consultants.

Between May and June 1988, the Nottingham Satanic Panic occurred.

In July 1988 Butler-Sloss published her Report.

 

Exactly one year later in July 1989 Professor Robert Bluglass and Colin Berry ‘investigated’ my complaint. They failed to investigate any aspects of my complaint relating to Dr Tony Francis, Dr Perera and Jackie Brandt/Gwynedd Social Services, as well as any aspects of my complaint relating to the threats made towards me and the attempts to frame me for serious offences. They did not investigate an assault on me by Steven Rose a nurse in Denbigh and no action was subsequently taken against Dafydd. A ‘discussion’ was held with him and he was told to ‘raise his clinical standards’. Bluglass and Berry stated in their report that I had caused a great deal of annoyance to many caring people and that Top Doctors really couldn’t be expected to put up with me. Bluglass told Dafydd that he thought that I would end up in a ward for the criminally insane and Dafydd observed that it was a ‘chilling prediction’ (see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’).

Dafydd carried on running the paedophile ring and sexually exploiting patients. I later found out that Bluglass was mates with a number of people who had worked with Dafydd and that one of Bluglass’s close colleagues at Birmingham University was Tony Francis’s former boss and will have written his reference when Francis applied for the job in north Wales (see post ‘Ian Brockington’s Mischief’).

Of course, throughout all this, Mary Wynch sued Dafydd for wrongful imprisonment and won – but Clwyd Health Authority and Risley Remand Centre then simply refused to pay the agreed compensation (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’).

Whilst Dafydd ran riot in north Wales and Marietta Higgs created hell in Cleveland, two psychiatrists in Yorkshire – William Kerr and Michael Haslam – were raping and sexually abusing their female patients. People had complained about them repeatedly – there was no action taken against them until the late 1990s, by which time Kerr and Haslam had reached the age of retirement. One of them did go to prison for a brief spell. They both saw out their days on fat NHS pensions. A subsequent Inquiry into their activities reassured everyone that it could never happen again (see post ‘All The Ingredients Of A Scandal’).

Cleveland reared its ugly head again some ten years later when a Channel 4 TV documentary was made in which Sue Richardson ‘spoke out for the first time’. The documentary foregrounded the views of Sue Richardson and Jane Wynne and misrepresented many matters – including Butler-Sloss’s admission that most of the children taken into care had not been sexually abused and that RAD was not a sound technique. Richardson revealed that once the media had lost interest in the plight of the wrongly accused families in Cleveland, two years later Richardson et al went after them again and ‘re-referred’ them for molesting their children. This PR piece for Richardson and co was screened in 1997. Just as the Waterhouse Tribunal began to hear the harrowing accounts of the abuse suffered by the children who had been in care in north Wales. And just as the dear old mental health services tried to frame me yet again and recommended that if found guilty I should be transferred to a forensic team with a view to having me sent to a high security psychiatric hospital. I was acquitted of all charges. There was no investigation into the perjury which had been committed by the mental health services, but I was beginning to get used to that.

Bernard Tomlinson is dead but perhaps those still alive would like to answer a few questions.

Stuart Bell’s book mentions that the Earl of Stockton followed the Cleveland Scandal in detail, with great concern and interest. The Earl of Stockton was of course Harold Macmillan, who was very frail but still alive in 1987. The Harold Macmillan whose name will always be associated with the Profumo Affair and the sex scandals which swirled around his Gov’t as well as his own family members and friends. Sex scandals which again and again involved people in Gov’t sexually exploiting disadvantaged much younger people for sex – young people who had often been in the care of state and who seemed to have been introduced to prostitution by people involved in the welfare services. Some of those young people ended up in the hands of Top Doctors after ‘becoming psychotic’, others were found dead. Rather like north Wales in the 70s, 80s and 90s. One of the weekenders who partied at Cliveden in the 1960s with Bill Astor, Jack Profumo, the teenaged call girls and the Russian spies is of course still alive – dear old Baroness Trumpington (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’). She’s going to be a guest editor on the Radio 4 Today programme next week. I know that I ought to listen, but I don’t think that I’ll be able to bear to hear the smug old bat chortling away presenting herself as an elderly wag with a sense of humour. I keep thinking about all those kids in care and psychiatric patients from north Wales who were found dead.

 

MIND Are Out For Mental Health – Never For Themselves Of Course…

MRegular followers of this blog will know that I – and some of those commenting on my posts – have been bringing to public attention the appalling hypocrisy of MIND, an organisation claiming to be the ‘voice of the service user’ whilst concealing serious abuses in the mental health services and even entering into ‘partnerships’ with abusive services and individuals  (see posts such as ‘The Mysterious Silence Of MIND’, ‘Newly Discovered – Parabl’ and ‘The Commissioning Of Parabl – And Yet More History’).

I have explained that I first became aware of the corruption of MIND when I went down to see William Bingley, their Legal Director, in 1987 regarding the criminal activities of the north Wales mental health services. Bingley admitted that he knew all about the wrongdoing of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and indeed he knew a lot more than I did. I gave Bingley yet more evidence re Jones et al but not only did Bingley continue to keep quiet regarding Dafydd and co but when Bingley later became Chief Exec of the Mental Health Act Commission, he and that organisation continued to collude with Dafydd and Dr Tony Francis (Dr X), although they knew about the continued illegal detention of people and abuse of the Mental Health Act in north Wales. I knew from my meeting with Bingley that he knew an awful lot about Dafydd – including the deaths in Dafydd’s ‘care homes’, the allegations that the wrongdoing in north Wales was linked to Freemasonry and the existence of Dafydd’s extensive ‘sex therapy’ practice and the possible purposes of that business. I have no idea whether Bingley knew that Dafydd et al were concealing the paedophile ring that was operating in north Wales at the time though – the paedophile ring that was concealed again at a higher level by Thatcher’s and Major’s Gov’ts. However before Bingley began working for MIND, he worked as a research assistant for Matthew Parris, A Tory MP who had previously worked as Thatcher’s correspondence secretary. A man whose autobiography told of his summer trips – in the company of friends – to a place in Italy that they named the ‘villa of shame’, where they would be visited by ‘boys’ whom Parris described as ‘always willing’. For more background on Parris and his connections, see post ‘A Pretty Classy Piece Of Operation’.

I had thought that I had previously dug up a substantial amount of shit and compromising info on MIND, but I’ve spent a bit of time doing more research on a few other key figures in that organisation and I’ve found much more worrying info – that organisation has been compromised for decades. Here are a few of the highlights that I have dug up.

The current Chief Exec is the disgusting Paul Farmer whom I have blogged about previously. Farmer’s reputation is plummeting fast as a result of his enthusiasm for MIND to land contracts from the Dept of Work and Pensions, contracts that are all about forcing ‘service users’ into employment that may well be unsuitable and for which they may well be too ill. Farmer’s enormous salary has also been made public by disability activists – he trousers in excess of £100k pa for his role as the Voice of the Service User – and I’m delighted to say that this unscrupulous git has been met with protests on his travels around the UK. I was expecting the BBC to wheel him out for him to give his comments regarding the latest round of bad news re the UK’s mental health services, but mercifully we were spared that for once. Had he done the rounds of the BBC studios perhaps somebody would have finally asked him why he and his lame organisation have kept so quiet about the crisis – which has been evident for many years. Of course Farmer also knew all about the criminal activities of the north Wales mental health services many years ago. When I wrote to Peter Hain in his capacity as Secretary of State for Wales in approx. 2005 giving him full details of what had happened to me t the hands of the mental health services, I cc’d the letter to the Chief Exec of Rethink (I didn’t cc it to MIND because I knew that they were ignoring what was happening in north Wales) – who at the time was one Paul Farmer. I never received a response, although a few months later Farmer then became Chief Exec of MIND!

But what of previous CEOs of MIND? Before Farmer, the CEO was Richard Brook, who was appointed in 2001. Brook was CEO when I e mailed MIND HQ about the assaults being carried out by Hergest Unit staff on patients – only to receive an e mail back written as though it was to a small child telling me that what I had to do was go to the yellow pages and look up ‘solicitors’ and go and talk to one of them…. At this time the ‘service user reps’ for the Hergest were heavily involved with MIND – those reps who wet themselves at the thought of confronting Hergest staff and managers concerning the gross abuses that were endemic. One of those ‘service user reps’ admitted to me that she knew that residents in Prestwood Homes were being abused – furthermore, Prestwood Homes were taking full advantage of free MIND facilities such as walking groups, drop in centres etc without paying MIND a penny, although Prestwood were charging thousands of quid a week for a ‘placement’. Somebody else involved with MIND knew about the abuse of residents at Prestwood as well – Geoff Lees, who is now Director of Vale of Clwyd MIND. I told him about it, whilst he was still working as a social work tutor at Coleg Menai in Bangor. I know that a number of other people told him what was going on at Prestwood as well. For details of the horrors at Prestwood and the unfortunate death of a young woman support worker there who witnessed even more that I did, see posts ‘A Convenient Arrangement With The Private Sector’ and ‘The Commissioning Of Parabl – And Yet More History’.

Richard Brook was able to publicise unacceptable practice if he felt like it though. In 2004 the ‘Daily Mail’ ran an article entitled ‘Why I Resigned Over This Disgraceful Happy Pill Cover-Up’. The article explained that Brook had resigned from the MHRA (Medicines and Healthcare Products Regulation Authority) after he discovered that they had known about the side effects of the anti-depressant Seroxat but had not publicised them. Brook claimed that he had been threatened with legal action by Prof Kent Woods, the CEO of the MHRA, if he revealed that the MHRA had been ‘sitting on’ it’s knowledge of Seroxat’s side effects. Brook stated that MIND had been ‘tracking Seroxat’ for a decade’. So MIND knew about Seroxat and it’s problems as well then – but then they’d known about the problems in north Wales since 1979 at least, when Mary Wynch was illegally arrested and imprisoned (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’) and had done or said nothing. In this article, Brook mentions the ‘Panorama’ programme about Seroxat that had been screened the year before – that will be the programme that featured Dr David Healy, who worked at the Hergest Unit! So MIND had got into bed (so to speak) with two psychiatrists from north Wales – Dafydd, who years before had been involved with MIND and David, as he Bravely Spoke Out. Brook told the Mail that following the ‘Panorama’ programme, MIND held a demo outside the offices of the MHRA. As opposed to outside of the Hergest Unit, where patients were being assaulted, framed for serious crimes, refused treatment no matter how ill they were and were committing suicide.

Brook maintains that he went to see the Health Minister Lord Warner to tell him of his concerns regarding SSRIs and Warner told him that he would speak to the MHRA. Warner then simply issued a guide to doctors detailing the max recommended dose of Seroxat (that must have been why Dr Richard Tranter, Healy’s friend, protégé and PhD student prescribed a friend of mine three times the maximum recommended dose of Seroxat then). It was at this point that the man of principle Brook resigned from the MHRA. Brook told the Mail that there was an urgent need for an inquiry into the MHRA and stated that many people involved with the MHRA also have connections to the pharmaceutical industry. Which is true – but then MIND’s hands are as dirty as those of any advisor to the pharmaceutical industry.

In Jan 2006 Brook featured in a BBC News online report and commented on the mental health of people living in rural areas. He stated that ‘the extent of mental health problems in the countryside is likely to be hidden’ – it was in north Wales, it was hidden by MIND, they knew that huge numbers of people were being given a diagnosis of ‘borderline personality disorder’ and refused care after being told that they were ‘untreatable’. At the time the area served by the Hergest Unit had the second highest rate of suicide for women in England and Wales.

After defending people with mental health problems so successively, upon leaving MIND Brook was appointed CEO of the newly created Office of the Public Guardian! Just the sort of person that was needed in such a position obviously. After a year guarding the public, Brook then became CEO of the deaf-blind charity SENSE.

MIND’s CEO before Brook was Judi Clements, who was in post between 1992-2001. So she oversaw those crazy years in which I was repeatedly arrested by the mental health services for ludicrous reasons, in which Dafydd resisted efforts to shut down the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and for his pains walked away with the contract to provide ‘substance abuse services’ for North Wales (see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’) – the years which also saw the massive cover-up of the paedophile ring in north Wales which was the Waterhouse Report, in the wake of which a lot of people who’d been victims of that gang as children were found dead after becoming ‘users’ of the mental health services. Judi’s tenure also spanned the years in which Prestwood Homes were established and became big business within just a few months, what with the constant supply of vulnerable people from secure hospitals available for Prestwood to traffic them…

Something must have happened on Judi’s watch, because there is virtually no info from MIND available about Judi, it’s as though she never passed through their doors. However, there is some info about her in an article in HSJ from 2010. HSJ told us that after being Chief Exec of MIND for nine years, she was leaving due to health related problems, namely diabetes and arthritis. A David Peryer, the Chair of Trustees of MIND, stated that Judi would be ‘sorely missed’ – so that’s why they subsequently air-brushed her out of history. Preyrer mentioned that MIND was currently undergoing restructuring to concentrate on ‘supporting local offices’. These were of course the ‘local offices’ which included those in north Wales who were so helpfully providing free services to Prestwood Homes and who then began entering ‘partnerships’ with CAIS to provide yet more ‘services’ after being handed contracts by the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board – many of whose former staff and their friends were now working with MIND.

Judi didn’t just leave MIND, she did a Richard Tranter and left the UK for New Zealand. Despite the diabetes and the arthritis, Judi seems to have bounced back and in 2005 when she relocated to New Zealand, she landed a job as Chief Exec of the Mental Health Foundation over there. She ‘moved on’ in 2015. In Feb 2015 Judi featured on the website of the New Zealand Law Society, promoting her forthcoming seminar on Mindfulness for the New Zealand Law Society Auckland Branch. On this website Judi was described as an ‘experienced Chief Exec in the NGO sector’ with a ‘background in law, social policy, housing, local government and management practice’. It was explained that ‘after a successful career in local government service management, policy and practice development, Judi moved to the NGO sector’. So which failing local authority did Judi work for prior to keeping the lid on the barrel of shit in MIND then? Judi has an LLB – so she will recognise serious crime when she sees it. Or indeed conceals it – or even facilitates it.

Judi has sat on ‘several Gov’t advisory groups covering mental health, social policy and NGO development’.

Between 1989 and 1992, Ros Hepplewhite was Chief Exec of MIND. Whose reign also spanned the Dafydd years, but then the Dafydd years have gone on for the last five decades so everyone’s implicated where Dafydd is concerned. So perhaps it’s more helpful to mention that Ros’s reign spanned the period of time during which St George’s Hospital Medical School and Springfield Hospital colluded with Dafydd – although they knew what he was up – to in his attempts to have me labelled dangerous and banged up. The early 1990s of course also saw allegations that a paedophile ring was active in north Wales involving political figures appear in the London based media. Dafydd and his mistress Lucille Hughes were concealing and facilitating this paedophile ring – it was Dafydd and Lucille to whom St George’s Hospital and Springfield turned for ‘evidence’ of my dangerousness. It was in 1992 that five people with connections to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed in an arson attack on a flat in Brighton (see post ‘The Silence of the Welsh Lambs). So Ros was pretty close to some serious action.

However I can’t find any references to Ros’s activities at MIND. Although Ros did hit the headlines after she left MIND. In 1993 Ros was appointed CEO of the Child Support Agency – which was a Gov’t disaster as big as the NHS IT system that had to be shelved after a few billion had been spent on it. Although unlike the CSA, the failed NHS IT system was not thought to have contributed to anyone’s suicide…Ros was famously removed from her post and the CSA metamorphosed into something else because Gov’t could not withstand the embarrassment any longer.

I have found a reference to Ros on the blog of the Labour MEP for London, Mary Honeyball. Mary’s post dated Jan 11 2010 discusses examples of what she believed was outrageous sexism. Honeyball believes that Ros was removed from her post as a result of such sexism – nothing to do with the suicides of distraught parents then, or the numerous parents who were never able to collect their maintenance payments, or the absent parents who used every trick in the book not to pay up leaving their former partners destitute whilst the CSA refused to listen to their pleas for help… Tragedies as a result of the chaos that was the CSA involved both men and women – and of course the children. Honeyball entertainingly stated that Dame Barbara Mills the DPP was also the victim of sexism. Babs has featured on this blog previously – she was the DPP whilst the CPS found excuse after excuse not to mount prosecutions against numerous paedophiles despite stacks of evidence being presented (see post ‘A Future Leader Of The Labour Party’). Mary Honeyball also extended her ‘sympathies’ to the former Home Secretary Jaqui Smith, who was ‘hounded’ for being a ‘high profile woman’. No, Jaqui Smith became a source of national entertainment when it was revealed that her husband had rented porn films, the cost of which Jaqui had then reclaimed on her Parliamentary expenses. In a desperate attempt to salvage herself in the eyes of a nation rolling around laughing, Jaqui then tried to construct herself as a latter day Mary Whitehouse and began speaking out about Porn and Sex, which culminated in her presenting a documentary about prostitution. Unfortunately she did this whilst wearing one of those brightly coloured plastic macs when she was filmed under street lamps, which caused one of the better Radio 4 comedians – it might have been Sue Perkins – to comment that Jaqui looked like something out of ‘Band of Gold’.

Mary Honeyball ends her post by explaining that she speaks as someone ‘who ran’ the Association of Chief Officers of Probation in the mid-90s – she mentions that she didn’t have a background in probation, but that she was appointed on the basis of her other talents. So that’s why at that time some of those accused of molesting children in north Wales or failing to act when their colleagues were molesting children found it possible to move into careers with the Probation Service.

Ros Hepplewhite was CEO of MIND whilst the most dreadful scandals involving the abuse and even murder of patients occurred at Ashworth and Broadmoor. Don’t remember the Voice of the Service Users saying much about all that at the time.

At the time of my initial encounters with Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends in the mid-80s, the CEO of MIND was Christopher Heginbotham – he’d been appointed CEO in 1982. He was in post at the time that I had my meeting with William Bingley. I suspect that Chris and Bingley might have been chums – Heginbotham was appointed CEO in 1982. Bingley was working as lobbyist for MIND at that time and landed his plum full time post there in 1983. Bingley’s mother Lady Juliet Bingley was also a bigwig in MIND and was Chair 1978-84. Furthermore Heginbotham departed from MIND in 1989 – Bingley ‘moved on’ into the post as Chief Exec of the Mental Health Act Commission in 1990. Bingley eventually wound up in the Chair of Mental Health Law and Ethics at the University of Central Lancashire and then in a role at the University of Cumbria after resigning from his post as Chair of an NHS Trust when a few awkward questions were asked about his business interests. Heginbotham also eventually secured a position at the University of Cumbria. References to William Bingley seemed to have disappeared from the MIND website recently, but I know that MIND named a building after him in Lancashire, ‘William Bingley House’. I wonder if it’ll be a bit like the fall out after Jimmy Savile’s death and MIND will end up renaming the building in a desperate attempt to pretend that they’d never met Bingley? But guess what? Heginbotham ended up in Lancashire too – where I presume that he still is.

Bingley and Heginbotham were at MIND when Savile was appointed General Manager of Broadmoor. I do not remember them questioning the appointment. What’s the betting that there’s some photos somewhere of dear old Jim with folk from MIND that are now well hidden? Should anyone know of any, please do let me know…

Heginbotham is a Director of something called ‘Values Based Commissioning Ltd’ in Lancashire, which began life in 2011. The other Director is a Christine Heginbotham. It is described as ‘health and social care consultancy’. Christopher Heginbotham has also published a book on Values Based Commissioning of Health and Social Care. So what is this all about?

According to an article in HSJ from June 2013, ‘Values Based Commissioning’ (VbC) ‘aims to put users’ views at the heart of reshaping services’. The discussion concerns the commissioning of mental health services by CCGs (Clinical Commissioning Groups) and it is explained that ‘expertise’ in this area is ‘varied’. However, as readers may have guessed, a few aficionados are on hand to help! HSJ quotes words of wisdom from Rethink’s Associate Director of Policy, Research and Campaigning, Victoria Bleazard, as well as Sophie Corlett, Director of External Relations at MIND. A Joint Commissioning Panel on Mental Health (JCPMH) was established in 2011, which is co-chaired by the Royal Colleges of Psychiatrists and General Practitioners – this Panel produced ‘guidance’. VbC is ‘a new type of commissioning’ (which must be why it involves the same old people and institutions as the previous commissioning did), ‘prioritising service users’ values and experiences’ (the Royal Colleges mentioned, Rethink and MIND have such good track records in that area don’t they).

HSJ identifies a Dr Neil Deuchar as the architect and champion of VbC – he’s a psychiatrist from Birmingham, a specialist advisor on commissioning and JCPMH Co-Chair. The other Co-Chair is Liz England, a GP who is Mental Health Lead for a Locality Care Group within a CCG and National Institute for Health Research Clinical Lecturer at the University of Birmingham. Deuchar is quoted as saying that ‘patient power is the key’ and that ‘co-production between patient and carer groups, clinicians and commissioners is vital’. There then follows a bit of asinine text headed by the words ‘what do service users think?’

So Christopher Heginbotham saw an opportunity then – an insane system was devised by a Gov’t that had relied on the likes of Heginbotham and his mates at MIND for advice, this insane system was then explained to the world by HSJ and promoted by MIND and their friends, by which time Heginbotham had written his book and set up his company – presumably with Mrs Heginbotham – to serve the insane system. The insane system was entirely dependent at every stage on the involvement of the very same people and institutions that were colluding with the likes of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends.

Is it surprising that five years down the line we have Sir James Munby, the President of the Family Courts, hitting the roof because there is virtually no provision in the whole of the UK for a suicidal 17 year old girl who is due to be released from ‘secure custody’? Although no-one has explained why a girl in her state is IN secure custody, allegedly alone in a seclusion room from which everything has been removed except a mattress on the floor. That’s going to do her a power of good isn’t it. Furthermore I guarantee that I know how that barbaric regime will be described on that girl’s records – there will be a reference to her being ‘nursed’. I have heard mental health nurses taking about ‘nursing’ people in ‘seclusion’ or ‘nursing’ them ‘on a mattress on the floor’. The whole system is completely nuts and the people working within it have been sent nuts by it if they weren’t already nuts when they took up their employment.

If readers have been impressed by the calibre of MIND CEOs described so far, hold on to your hats whilst I tell you about Heginbotham’s predecessor, Tony Smythe, CEO from 1974-82.  Smythe’s incumbency pre-dated the internet, but Smythe was quite something and info about him is still available online. Smythe’s full name was Clifford Anthony Smythe. He categorised himself as a radical anarcho-pacifist until the day that he died in 2004 and was involved with a number of political causes. He was appointed General Secretary of the NCCL in 1966, a post that he held until 1971. It was in the 70s that it became clear that the NCCL had been infiltrated by paedophiles who had conflated their cause with gay liberation – paedophiles also infiltrated the Campaign for Homosexual Equality (CHE) at this time and a number of those guilty of abusing children in north Wales were active in CHE. Smythe was at one point Vice-President of CHE. In 1971 Smythe became involved with MIND. His obituary describes him as establishing an ‘executive committee’ which led to ‘service users becoming involved in management and policy decisions’ and that this ‘chimed with Tony’s anarchist belief’.

Now this talk of the active involvement of ‘service users’ also surrounds Bingley and his mother. Which ‘service users’ do people think that the Bingleys and Smythe liberated? Psychiatry was dreadful in the 70s and early 80s – it was particularly gross in north Wales but it was pretty grim everywhere else as well. There is no way that ‘service users’ had any voice anywhere in the 70s – who are MIND actually talking about? Radical ideas were bandied around by people like Laing et al but these ideas didn’t touch mainstream psychiatric practice – it is dishonest to pretend that they did.  I am wondering if all this guff about the active involvement of ‘service users’ in MIND is simply a glorified reference to one or two influential people in the organisation who may have had mental health problems themselves at some point. Of course Dr Dafydd Alun Jones told everyone that he suffered from a ‘nervous illness’ himself – it was a good excuse when he was challenged about his appalling conduct.

CHE was usually led by people who were gay themselves, so I was interested to read that Smythe had a ‘lifelong partner’ Jeanne and five daughters. Jeanne died in 2001.

Smythe and Jeanne were involved with Haringey MIND long after Smythe had stepped down from his post as CEO. Tony Smythe was listed as a Director of Haringey MIND between 1998-2000 and Jeanne between 1990-92 and between 1996-97.

I have mentioned previously that Dr Dafydd Alun Jones had a contact in Haringey Social Services – when I finally got out of the North Wales Hospital in Jan 1987, he told me that he had rung Haringey Social Services to ‘let them know’ that I would be living on their patch. This was not any sort of referral for aftercare – this was just the way that Dafydd conducted himself. I have also mentioned that I now have copies of letters between Alun Davies, the manager of the mental health services in Gwynedd and Laurie Wood, the manager of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, in which they discuss their ‘friend’ at St George’s trying to find out which dept I was working in when I started working there in 1989 – there is also a reference to their friend accessing mail that was sent to me at St George’s in an attempt to discover my home address. There is no clue as to the identity of this friend in my documents, but whilst I was working at St George’s I was visited by a junior doctor called Jimmy Schroff who had come to find me because he’d heard that there was a girl from Bangor working there – Jimmy Schroff seemed to know everyone whom I had made a complaint about in north Wales and furthermore he had done his GP training in the practice of Dr D.G.E. Wood (see post ‘St George’s Hospital Medical School, 1989/1990’). Jimmy Schroff died some years ago – his widow works at the Betsi.

Tony Smythe was also a Director of an organisation on the Embankment called Reach Volunteering in 1990/91. In 1992 and again between 1995-2001 Jeanne was a Director of ‘an inclusive community hub’ called the Markfield Project.

Tony Smythe kept interesting company. He was acquainted with an actress called Adrienne Corri who died in 2016. Corri had a cult following and was noted for being rather excessive, sometimes swearing aggressively at her own audiences. She was friends with Ronnie and Reggie Kray. In the days before they were both banged up when it dawned upon everyone that despite hanging out with Barbara Windsor and Adrianne Corri they were a pair of vicious thugs. Who had also murdered people. Ronnie of course ended up in Broadmoor and there was a lot of huffing and puffing from some Tory MPs when it was revealed in the press that he had superstar status in Broadmoor, was politely called Mr Kray by the prison officers (who according to the likes of Professor Robert Bluglass were ‘nurses’) who generally pandered to him. What the Tories expected from an institution which Edwina Currie had appointed Jimmy Savile to run I do not know. Perhaps they should have taken a bit of notice of the other patients who complained that they were being beaten up and sexually abused by the ‘nurses’. As well as by Savile.

In 1968 whilst Tony Smythe was still leading the NCCL, they sponsored a production of Samuel Beckett’s play ‘Come and Go’ which starred Adrienne Corri. It was advertised as ‘gala entertainment concerning depravity and corruption’. The evening included other entertainment as well and was compered by George Melly. The George Melly who was famously promiscuous but whose wife was very tolerant of his desire for an open marriage. Much has been written about Melly’s bisexuality and his penchant for numerous extra-marital relationships, but his wife was I suspect much more tolerant than most people realised. Many years ago, George Melly came to do a gig at Theatre Gwynedd in Bangor. I know a man who was at the time of Melly’s performance in Bangor 16 yrs old. Melly paid to have sex with him. This was whilst the age of consent for gays was still 21. I have never seen Melly’s name included among the Rolfs or the Saviles or the Gary Glitters, which is extraordinary, particularly as some years before he died Melly gave an interview to a newspaper mentioning how much he enjoyed caressing the thighs of pre-pubescent boys. Yet no-one commented on this at all. Melly retired to Wales of course – to the Brecon Beacons.

Tony Smythe’s years as CEO of MIND covered the period of time which saw Mary Wynch unlawfully arrested and illegally detained in Denbigh for a year by Dafydd. Whilst she was in Denbigh Mary told me that she witnessed the patients in Dafydd’s ‘young people’s ward’ having sex with each other – after being encouraged to do so by Dafydd – whilst the nurses watched the show. Mary approached MIND for advice regarding her unlawful imprisonment. William Bingley admitted to me that MIND received grant funding from Gwynedd Health Authority and that Dafydd wrote to MIND telling them that he would block their dosh from Gwynedd if they advised Mary. Bingley told me that they didn’t succumb to Dafydd’s threats. However I now know that Bingley wasn’t in the least bit truthful regarding his stories of fighting for patients rights. What’s the betting that they slung Mary overboard lest they lost their dosh from Gwynedd Health Authority? Bingley also admitted to me that Dafydd had been a ‘leading light’ in MIND himself in the 1960s.

The General Secretary of MIND immediately prior to Smythe was Mary Appleby. She was CEO from 1951-74. Whilst Dafydd was a leading light in MIND! At the same time that Gwynne was lobotomising people and the paedophile ring was growing and growing, assisted by John Allen’s collection of children’s homes, the Bryn Alyn Community, which was doing a roaring trade in accepting children from across the UK but particularly from the London boroughs and the West Midlands…

Appleby died in 2013 and her obituary in the ‘Guardian’ mentioned that she became involved in MIND because there were mental health issues in her family. The ‘Guardian’ tells us that it was as a result of Mary’s efforts that MIND (then still called the National Association for Mental Health) became hugely influential, employing 200 people and was consulted by the Gov’t, the judiciary, the NHS and social workers’ organisations. In the early 70s a group of Scientologists tried to join MIND. Scientologists, although they are a rather eccentric group of people themselves, famously loathe psychiatry. They attempted to join MIND after alleging that psychiatrists were illegally imprisoning people, torturing people and were ‘carrying out perversions’. Mary fought the Scientologists in the High Court to keep them out of MIND. However, she allowed Dafydd to remain in.

Mary Appleby worked in both the War Office and the Foreign Office. She Chaired the Bench of Magistrates in an inner London juvenile Court for many years. She contributed to Gov’t Inquiries on mental health and social services. She sat on the appeals panel for the BBC and ITV and was a Member of the Immigration Appeals Tribunals. She also sat on the Selection Committee for the Civil Service. A pretty well-connected and influential lady then – even at Whitehall level.

Tony Smythe took over from Mary Appleby in 1974, but Appleby remained a Vice-President of MIND until her death in 2013. She will have not only had substantial influence regarding the appointment of Smythe, but she wielded considerable influence over that organisation for decades. She will have known exactly what sort of people were being appointed, what they were getting up to and indeed what they were concealing, ignoring or colluding with.

 

So what about those who have Chaired MIND? Let’s take a look at some of them….

Between 1969-78 Christopher Mayhew MP was Chair. Mayhew spent many years as a Labour MP but in 1974 he defected to the Liberals. In 1974 the Liberal MP Cyril Smith was busy abusing boys (and had been for some years) but it is now admitted that there was assistance from the security services in ensuring that he was never prosecuted (see post ‘Dr Death’). Mayhew is perhaps most famous however for taking part in a mescaline experiment in 1955 with Dr Humphrey Osmond. The plan was to film Mayhew on a mescaline trip for ‘Panorama’ but the programme was never broadcast. Humphrey Osmond was a psychiatrist who was well-known for his research into hallucinogens and schizophrenia – he was the man who administered mescaline to Aldous Huxley in the 50s which resulted in Aldous Huxley writing ‘The Doors of Perception’. Osmond also experimented with peyote when he went to stay with Native Americans.

So Mayhew was a man up for experimentation. He was given a peerage in 1981.

Between 1978 and 1984, William Bingley’s mother Lady Juliet Bingley was Chair. Juliet Bingley grew up in Harley Street – her father was a surgeon at Barts. She studied social administration at the LSE, during which time she undertook a placement in Liverpool at the Personal Services Society. In 1945 she qualified as a medical almoner (what we would now call a social worker). Her first job was at Barts. Juliet Bingley was married to Admiral Sir Alec Bingley who in 1959 was appointed NATO commander-in-chief of the Royal Navy’s Mediterranean fleet in Malta. The family only spent three years in Malta but Juliet got to work out there. She became involved in the development of health services for elderly people – but she was also good mates with the former Prime Minister of Malta, Dom Mintoff. Mintoff had just resigned as PM, which meant that Malta was under direct rule from London – Juliet became the ‘messenger’ between Mintoff and the London Gov’t and continued to play this role throughout the 70s and 80s during the various crises in Anglo-Maltese relations. Alec Bingley died in 1972 which was when Juliet became involved with MIND. She was initially Chair of the Local Associations Committee before becoming Chair of the whole organisation. In 1973 she also took up a post as medical social worker at St Marks, a hospital for gastro-intestinal disorders in London and was Chair of the Heads of Departments Committee there.

Juliet Bingley was busy with other charity work as well as MIND. In 1979 she founded the National Association for Colitis and Chrohns and she was also a founding Trustee of the Carr-Gomm Society, a charity now working for the homeless.

Well with a mum and dad with backgrounds and connections like that William Bingley was certainly not going to do anything to put Dafydd out of action whilst he and Lucille facilitated a paedophile ring supplying boys to Westminster figures and others in London who were enjoying the protection of the security services at the time. Come to think of it I don’t think that Juliet would have been particularly inclined to put a stop to Dafydd’s activities either – and she was incredibly well-connected among the very Top of the Top Doctors as well as the highest echelons of Gov’t should she need to protect him…

How did the Bingley clan ever manage to convince anyone that they were the Voice of the Service Users?

The person who succeeded Juliet as Chair of MIND was Lord David Ennals – he was Chair between 1984-89. Ennals was a Labour politician. In 1967 he was appointed Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State in the Home Office under Jim Callaghan. The Home Office that was at that time directly managing Bryn Estyn, where a brutal regime overseeing the violent sexual abuse of teenaged boys was becoming established. Ennals became Minister of State for Social Services in 1969. He lost his seat in 1970 and it was then that he became the ‘Mind campaign’ Director for the National Association of Mental Health. This campaign was established to fundraise but also to clarify the policies and aims of the organisation – as a result of the campaign in 1972 the charity changed it’s name to MIND. It was whilst Ennals was Chair that Tony Smythe was appointed Chief Exec – supposedly on the basis of his ‘human rights’ experience. Ennals remained campaign director until 1973 and was re-elected to Parliament in 1974. He lost his seat again in 1983 and was elevated to the Lords – then he popped back to MIND again to become Chair.

Ennals has a few close relatives who are worth mentioning. His younger brother Martin was a human rights activist and Secretary-General of Amnesty International. His son Paul has fingers in numerous pies.

Sir Paul Ennals was Chief Exec of the National Children’s Bureau (NCB) between 1998-2011. That’s the NCB to whom Peter Righton, a social care expert and academic who was a founder member of PIE and a convicted paedophile, acted as a ‘consultant’ (see post ‘The Waterhouse Tribunal – Who Was Involved And What Happened To Them Subsequently?’). Despite such worrying connections, the NCB, being an umbrella organisation, has links with many other organisations, including Barnardos – some of those involved with child abuse in north Wales had worked for Barnardos. The NCB also collaborates with the NSPCC – which works with Esther Rantzen’s Childline (see post ‘Ian Brockington’s Mischief’ for the questionable background of Valerie Howarth, the first Chief Exec of Childline) – and works in partnership with the Department of Health.

Paul Ennals is Chair of Haringey Local Safeguarding Children Board; South Tyneside Local Safeguarding Children Board; Gateshead Local Safeguarding Children Board; Sunderland Local Safeguarding Children Board. I do not know why Ennals has interests in both Haringey and the north east of England but I presume that he does a lot of commuting. If anyone living in the north east hopes to escape Paul Ennals’s safeguarding when they hit 18, they’ll be disappointed – he also Chairs the Safeguarding Adults Board of Gateshead and South Tyneside.

Before Ennals was involved with the NCB he was Director of Employment at the RNIB. He has Chaired or played a leading role on numerous Gov’t taskforces, working groups etc concerned with SEN, disabled or very young children.

Between 1994-2001 David Peryer was Chair of MIND. Peryer had previously been Director of Humberside Social Services. On 23 April 1998 Peryer gave evidence to the Select Committee on Health, along with Liz Sayce (Policy Director of MIND), Peter Wilson and Dinah Morley. Wilson had been Director of Young Minds for six years, was a child psychotherapist and had ‘many’ many years ago’ been a social worker. He had also worked in child and adolescent mental health at another institution familiar to readers of this blog, the Maudsley. In addition Wilson stated that he had worked in ‘child guidance’ in London. Dinah Morley was the ‘professional services manager’ for Young Minds. She had previously been the Assistant Director of an unidentified London borough, responsible for mental health and children’s services. Before that she ran a multi-disciplinary mental health team. She is also a member of a Health Authority.

So these witnesses all had vast experience of working in organisations and fields that had screwed up badly. Indeed Peryer told the Committee that he began working the field of child protection in 1977 in East Sussex, ‘shortly after the Maria Colwell case’. Maria Colwell was the first high profile death of a child in recent decades that was attributed to the fuckwittery of the welfare services.

The Committee were happy to rely on the advice of this bunch nonetheless. Liz Sayce in particular had a lot to say to the Committee. She was keen to tell the Committee of the sort of problems that ‘service users bring to us’ – did they include abusive psychiatrists, mental health staff perjuring themselves in order to secure convictions against them or their illegal detention in secure units? No, the service users complained of being bored in day hospitals. So Liz recommended that day hospitals should be shut and service users encouraged to attend college. I remember the results of Sayce’s recommendations well. The day hospitals were indeed closed down – nothing replaced them, so service users had nowhere to go at all and lost touch with their friends whom they used to meet in the day hospitals. So service users ended up being bored at home, alone. In the two years following the closure of the day hospital at the Hergest Unit, service users could be seen hanging about in the local towns destitute. A number of them died. As for ‘going to college’ – well a very small number of ‘service users’ benefited greatly from this and it turned their lives around. However Sayce’s ‘encouragement’ of such activity was interpreted by mental health teams as ‘coercion’ and certainly in north Wales numerous ‘service users’ were frog marched into college courses – they were told that they would lose social services support if they didn’t ‘take responsibility for getting better’ and enrol. Many of them did not have the academic ability needed for the courses that they had been coerced into joining and even more of them were far too fragile emotionally to cope with a college course. I knew of one course in which at the beginning of term about 15 service users enrolled at the behest of their mental health teams – every one of them withdrew before the course was half-way through and two of them were so distressed that instead of handing in essays to their tutor they handed in suicide notes and accounts of how they had been sexually abused by members of their chapel when they were children. The college ‘counselling service’ was in no way equipped to deal with the difficulties that these students were encountering. Not that the mental health team cared – once the ‘service user’ had enrolled, the mental health team ticked a box marked ‘recovered’ and forgot about them. A lot of ‘service users’ paid a very high price as a result of Liz Sayce’s advice.

No-one noticed – Sayce fucked up peoples lives all over again a few years later once she had been appointed Chief Exec of the Disability Rights Commission and a leading light on the UK Commission for Employment and Skills. It was Sayce that advised the Gov’t – what with her unique insight and being the Voice of the Service User – to close the Remploy factories on the grounds that they were ghettoes. Hundreds of Remploy staff volubly protested that they loved working at Remploy, that their disabilities were such that they couldn’t hold down other jobs – Remploy staff came forward with the most harrowing accounts of their mistreatment in previous workplaces and begged for Remploy to be reprieved. But Nurse Liz knew best and in 2012 told anyone who would listen in no uncertain terms that Service Users must be Included, that Remploy was Old Fashioned and that the Gov’t proposed Access To Work Fund was far more Empowering (it was also much cheaper and merely involved chucking a few hundred quid at a few service users to pay for simple adaptions on things like cars). The Gov’t followed Sayce’s advice and shut the Remploy factories down. Many of the former Remploy staff never worked again and are now on benefits. Furthermore I think that Theresa May et al are now proposing to whittle away at the Access To Work Fund anyway.

The Gov’t is still grappling with the advice that Liz gave them in 1998 – she recommended that health care and social care should NOT be merged. That’s why there is still such extreme inequity in the treatment of those people classed as needing ‘social care’ as compared to those whose needs are categorised as ‘medical’. But somebody was stupid enough to allow Liz to ‘lead’ on creating the Disability Agenda forming the basis of policy for the next two decades….

In Jan 2017 Liz announced her retirement from the Disability Rights Commission – she’d been shortlisted for a post as a Disability Commissioner on the European Human Rights Commission! For fuckwittery, arrogance and sheer irresponsibility, Liz is only matched by Rachel Perkins.

In 2001 David Henry took over as Chair. I can find no info about David Henry at all other than that whilst he was Chair of MIND he was given two free tickets worth £1,500 for the opening ceremony to some grand event in his capacity as ‘leader’ of a UK charity.

The present Chair, Ryan Campbell, has been in post since 2012. He was formerly the CEO of a ‘drug, alcohol and mental health charity in the south east of England’ and is currently the CEO of Demelza Hospice Care in Hindhead, Surrey. Ryan was previously involved with Age Concern and has been an expert advisor to Gov’t on the development of health services; is the author of DoH guidance to commissioning in the Third Sector; has been an advisor and taskforce member to DoH guidance on High Impact Changes in Health and Social Care (2008); and was the UK rep to the International Network for the Prevention of Elder Abuse.

Ryan is also a member of something called the ‘Association of Chairs’, which seems to be no more than a collection of freeloading dipsticks who become Chairs of outfits like MIND. Ryan explains on their website that he joined the Association ‘because I need a network’. Of course you do Ryan. To propel you onwards and upwards in the face of your dismal performance in order that one day you too can bag a seat in the Lords or a place on the EHRC alongside Rachel bloody Perkins.

 

It is because of people like this lot that so many other people are dying and suffering in the UK’s health and welfare system.

 

NB. BBC News Wales and the ‘Daily Post’ online are reporting that there is pressure on Wales to provide ‘fix rooms’ in which drug users can inject heroin. North Wales Police and Crime Commissioner Arfon Jones – he who as a young PC chauffeured Gordon Anglesea to the venues at which Anglesea molested boys and who many years later as Police and Crime Commissioner ‘made a mistake’ which resulted in Anglesea’s widow receiving 50% of his police pension although Anglesea died in prison as a convicted child abuser – is fully in support of the idea. Well it’s another great business opportunity for Dafydd and Lucille at CAIS – they can provide shooting galleries in which the CAIS clients can inject the goodies which they have been sold by their ‘peer guides’ and draw down a grant from the Welsh Gov’t to fund it all! I used to know someone who always quipped that CAIS stood for ‘Come And Inject Some’.

Anyone for co-production?

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Local Accessories

There was a lot of publicity yesterday regarding the future of the Welsh language and the Welsh Gov’ts desire to vastly increase the number of people who speak Welsh over the next few decades. There’s been a problem with previous efforts to do this by teaching children through the medium of Welsh at school, because some kids then came to associate speaking Welsh with the sort of boring, stuffy chores one has to do whilst at school, so of course they made a point of speaking English when they were not at school. There is much interesting research on the best ways of keeping Welsh alive, but the Welsh Gov’ts plans in this area are hampered by the incompetence and unpopularity of the Welsh Language Commissioner, one Meri Huws, who really is not a good advert for anything that she has ever endorsed. So of course, who turned up on the ‘Today’ programme yesterday morning? Meri! She made no more sense than she usually does. My post ‘Let Me Enlighten Lord Gnome…’ described how Meri has been appointed to a series of jobs that she was not qualified for and just could not do and explained why she has zero credibility with language campaigners and scholars. Her Marjorie Wallace-like conduct in terms of being ‘close to’ a number of well-connected men politically which seems to have been the one consistent factor in her appointments to various positions is openly – and crudely – discussed in Wales and there was much entertainment some years ago when it became known that Meri was allegedly referred to as ‘the crack of doom’ in the Welsh Assembly. A PhD student with knowledge of the way in which Meri conducts business observed at the time ‘that name actually took some intelligence to think up’.

At about the same time I was told by someone else who had been chatting to a civil servant working at Westminster that Wales was making an idiot of itself by giving public positions and funds to, in the words of the civil servant, ‘a really weird woman who doesn’t know what she’s doing’ – it was Meri to whom he was referring. I was told years ago that Meri was holding a lot of people over a barrel because of the ‘unspoken blackmail’ that she was alleged to be directing towards her former bedfellows. That is the most common interpretation of Meri’s influence in political circles in Wales – ie that she’s shagged loads of them, they’re now embarrassed by her and they know that she won’t keep quiet if she doesn’t get what she wants. But long ago, before she got anywhere near the dizzy heights of a job as Welsh Language Commissioner, Meri worked in a rather more mundane capacity, yet one in which if she used her brains (not sure that there are many of those in Meri’s skull though) would provide her with a lot more potential where silent blackmail is concerned. Meri was a social worker in Caernarfon.

I don’t know many details of Meri’s career in social work, but I think that she was categorised as a ‘community social worker’ and from what I know of Meri’s age and subsequent career, I presume that it will have been in the late 70s or 80s. Meri was a social worker in Caernarfon, for Gwynedd County Council, at the time when the paedophile gang that operated within the social services was going strong. Even if Meri didn’t have the lowdown on the paedophile gang, she will definitely have known that something was very wrong in Gwynedd Social Services and that the ‘service’ was full of serious misconduct and the abuse of clients, because everyone who had anything to do with Gwynedd Social Services knew that, it wasn’t even hidden. I do suspect though that dear old Meri may have been party to a great deal of info. I’ve been able to find out loads – mainly of course because I was under attack by Gwynedd Social Services, I remember very clearly what they did and I now have the documents that demonstrate that what was going on without my knowledge was even worse, but also because I knew other people under attack as well and watched what happened to them. But Meri is very much more sociable than me. Meri is a party animal and has spent decades getting pissed with the very people that were covering up for that paedophile ring. Furthermore Meri, professing to be a champion of the Welsh language, has moved among the very people who were, on a local level, up to their eyeballs in colluding with the wrongdoing. Previous posts have explained how a number of people have flown the flag for nation and language as a distraction for some of their rather less reputable activities. Meri has spent decades at the heart of that lot. Meri, I am going to carry on naming people on this blog, at all levels and across the UK, so perhaps you’d like to make your way down to the police now and tell them of the many sordid activities that you found out about and who was involved.

The paedophile ring operated throughout Gwynedd and Clwyd Social Services and was assisted and concealed by all other health and welfare agencies. So pretty much everyone who worked in social work in north Wales during the 60s, 70s, 80s and 90s would have known something. I am not for one minute suggesting that they were all paedophiles themselves, but what they all knew was that their senior managers were appalling and that the staff were very frightened of them. Exactly as in the mental health services – even the staff who were doing their best knew damn well that complaints were never investigated, that patient care was unbelievably poor and often led to unnecessary deaths and that there were scores of people even at very senior levels who very obviously should not have been in their posts. Virtually everyone employed in those services has valuable information about the very serious criminal activity that was happening.

So I’ll mention here the names of a few other people – who are probably known to Meri actually – who definitely would have information of value to the police.

One of those people has for many years worked at Bangor University as a lecturer in social work – Malcolm John. Malcolm John has caused very serious grief to a number of his former colleagues and no-one could ever understand why. Two people in particular were very nearly made ill by his conduct and both left the social work teaching team after they could bear no more of him. To onlookers it was inexplicable – both of these people were collegiate, bright, pleasant, committed to students and had solid academic reputations. But Malcolm John very obviously didn’t want colleagues like that. I heard allegations from a number of people that Malcolm John was failing to fulfil his work commitments and fiddling his expenses. He lives in Dolgellau which is so far from Bangor that people openly commented that he clearly didn’t even expect to commute into work every day – people were speculating that he might actually have another job somewhere else. But even that didn’t explain the way in which Malcolm seemed determined to drive high calibre colleagues out of their positions. His manipulative bullying – which was so bad that one former colleague described him as ‘evil’ – had been honed to a fine art.

Some five years ago when I was following up some local history concerning the Methodist Church in north Wales, I responded to an advert inviting interested people to drop into a building at Bontnewydd near Caernarfon, which was well-known locally as having been a former orphanage established and run by Methodists in 1907. The building was being sold, so it was an end of the era invitation for people to look around. I was interested because some time before this I’d met a man who’d been in that orphanage in the 1950s and 60s and had described a very idyllic existence there. This man knew about the abuse in the children’s homes run by the social services and unfavourably compared those homes to the one that he had grown up in. But he mentioned something else. That in recent years, that home had been given by the Methodist Trust to Gwynedd County Council to run and once that happened there were ‘problems’. He didn’t expand on the nature of the problems. So I went into the former orphanage, Cartref Bontnewydd, to look around. One lady there was ever so welcoming and chatty and I explained that I was a sociologist from Bangor University researching for future publications. She started giving me a guided tour, explaining the history of the home and whilst I was looking around a few older people came in and started chatting to me, telling me that they had lived in the home as children. There was another person there as well – a woman who had been working at the home recently, who was getting frostier and frostier towards me as the tour continued. We went into yet another room and there on the walls were a series of framed photos of people involved in running the home  – and Malcolm John was in every one of them. The friendly lady cheerily said ‘oh that’s Malcolm John, he’s worked with us for years, he’s our senior advisor and organises foster placements for us’. I realised that I had discovered Malcolm’s other job.

At this point the woman who was currently employed at the home interrupted us and asked me to leave, on the grounds that former residents might become ’emotional’ whilst looking around and it would be ‘inappropriate’ for me to be there. I presumed that I was in the company of a social worker, almost certainly one who was on good terms with Malcolm John.

The Waterhouse Report has a chapter on Cartref Bontnewydd. It explains that it was run by the Methodist Trust as a children’s home until 1983. It shut then as a result of the belief that children were better off in foster placements than in children’s homes, so Cartref Bontnewydd then became a Family Placement Centre, again run by the Methodist Trust. But they did this as an agency in partnership with Gwynedd County Council, providing fostering services. This continued until Gwynedd County Council was abolished in March 1996. However in 1988, much of the building was re-opened as a children’s home, managed and controlled by Gwynedd County Council which occupied it under licence from the Methodist Trust. It was still operating as a children’s home at the time that Waterhouse wrote his report and remained so for a few more years.

I have mentioned before that Waterhouse admitted that children in Gwynedd and Clwyd were seriously abused in foster placements. I have also mentioned that in 1983 I shared a house with someone whose mum fostered children for Gwynedd and who remarked on the degree of callousness of the social workers involved and their complete uninterest in the children’s welfare. My friend’s mum always noted that she could have done anything to those kids and no-one would have intervened. Some of the revelations about the foster placements where some of children were sent to north Wales were horrific. Children were sent to the homes of people with past records of sexual abuse and physical violence, they were used as unpaid labour and there was one case in which a teenaged boy was not only made to do the work of an adult farm worker but was hung up by ropes from the barn roof and flogged. So Malcolm John was the man who arranged the foster placements for Gwynedd Social Services.

Did Malcolm do any better in his capacity as ‘senior advisor’ to the children’s home when it was managed by Gwynedd County Council? Let’s refer to Waterhouse – who did of course bend over backwards to play down the degree of abuse that had happened. Ronnie Waterhouse observes that during the years that the children’s home was run by the Methodist Trust there were no complaints. But then Gwynedd took over – and ooh dear, things went downhill…

The staff of Cartref Bontnewydd mentioned in Ronnie’s whitewash were David Bayley Hughes, Mari Thomas, Anna Ashton and Peter Gadd. They had all previously worked for Gwynedd Social Services.

David Bayley Hughes was the family placement officer at Cartref Bontnewydd from Feb 1986. Hughes crops up elsewhere in the Waterhouse Report. He had worked at Ty’r Felin in Bangor, the children’s home that was run by the notorious Nefyn and June Dodd who were repeatedly accused of brutality and the sexual abuse of children by witnesses at the Waterhouse Inquiry. In 1977 a ‘highly disturbed girl’ who had been at Ty’r Felin and was then transferred to Silverbrook Treatment Centre in Pontypridd, Mid Glamorgan, ‘alleged’ that she’d had sexual intercourse with Hughes two or three times whilst she was at Ty’r Felin and had become pregnant as a result. She had made ‘similar allegations’ against a different person at an earlier date. Her claims were investigated by the Deputy Director of Gwynedd Social Services, D. Alun Parry, who was ‘completely satisfied’ that the relationship between Hughes and the girl was ‘completely innocent’ and that the allegations were ‘completely unfounded’. Mid-Glamorgan was informed and no further action was deemed necessary. Ronnie states that he had seen the ‘background documentation’ and was not going to criticise the decision.

I have detailed previously how a number of people who alleged abuse and misconduct on the part of health and social care staff in north Wales were described as ‘highly disturbed’ – including me. I do now of course have documentation demonstrating that my allegations were true, which is something that some of the other ‘highly disturbed’ people haven’t got, because they ended up in prison or dead. ‘Highly disturbed’ simply translates as ‘making very serious allegations that we have just got to squash’. As for the man who investigated the allegations – Waterhouse himself documents elsewhere that D. Alun Parry was identified by his own colleagues as incompetent and unable to carry out his job – he was eventually removed from his position. Ronnie mentions that he had seen the ‘background documentation’, but he gives no indication of what that documentation said or who compiled it. There is such an enormous elephant in the room here that I’m surprised that even Ronnie didn’t try and deal with it somehow. A pregnancy involves a foetus. If Hughes had made the ‘highly disturbed’ girl pregnant, she would either have had an abortion or a miscarriage or a baby. It wouldn’t be difficult to demonstrate that none of these outcomes had occurred – and that would clear Hughes’s name. But a non-pregnancy is not mentioned. Neither is a result of a pregnancy. Instead she was transferred to Pontypridd and they were informed of the result of the ‘investigation’. Was she pregnant or not on arrival at Pontypridd? Did they deal with the arrival or non-arrival of the baby? Or was that problem dealt with in north Wales perhaps – in the way that a few other embarrassing pregnancies that were the result of people abusing their positions were dealt with (see posts ‘Another Case of Not Knowing’ and ‘The BMA And It’s Ethics’). After all Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was the psychiatrist responsible for assessing women who requested terminations on mental health grounds… I note that this young woman was so disturbed that she had made similar allegations previously. Well as she was living in a region where the children’s homes had been infiltrated by a paedophile gang and were rife with abuse, that comes as no surprise.

Would someone like to trace that girl – if indeed she is still alive – and find out whether she did become pregnant and if so what happened subsequently?

The home at which the girl allegedly become pregnant was the home where practices were such that social worker Alison Taylor blew the whistle on the abuse. It was at this point that poison was thrown at Alison and attempts were made to discredit her in every way possible. In one damning letter dated 1 Feb 1978 – drafted by D. Alun Parry but signed by the Director of Gwynedd Social Services, T.E. Jones – about her alleged shortcomings, one sentence reads ‘I do not wish to comment at all on the work that you have done with the children as this gives the appearance of being satisfactory’. So Alison was not the one abusing the kids or facing allegations from ‘highly disturbed’ young people, but she was the one who ended up being sacked.

After the highly disturbed girl was transported to south Wales, David Bayley Hughes completed his CQSW at Cartrefle College (which later became NEWI and then Glyndwr University). I’d be interested to know what was going on at Cartrefle College because the Waterhouse Report names umpteen child abusers who obtained social care or social work qualifications from there. After this, Hughes was employed at an establishment near Bangor called Ty Newydd. Ty Newydd was also the centre of abuse allegations. Someone I know used to help out at Ty Newydd because his wife had a job there. They both ended up leaving after alleging that the young people were being mistreated and forced to work illegally – my friend and his wife told the boys to refuse to do this work but the boys expressed fear of violence from social workers if they did this.

David Hughes’s name comes up in another place in the Waterhouse Report as well. Among a catalogue of sexual abuse allegations by former residents of Ty’r Felin – Ronnie concludes that although a number of former residents alleged sexual abuse, they all named different members of staff and no-one else but that notoriously highly disturbed girl named David Hughes. Ronnie therefore concludes that there was no ‘pattern’ and no evidence that there was a problem of sexual abuse at Ty’r Felin. There were only twelve allegation of sexual abuse after all. One complainant that Ronnie was made aware of was the mother of a child but Ronnie ignored her as well because the sexual abuse alleged had not been documented by staff at Ty’r Felin. Well fancy that.

Mari Thomas was also transferred from Ty’r Felin to work at Cartref Bontnewydd. Mari did a solid bit of career building at Cartref Bontnewydd and stayed there a number of years, ending up as manager of the place by the time that Ronnie wrote his Report. There were four complainants who alleged that Mari was physically abusive. Former residents accused her of slapping them round the face, of forcing them to strip and then removing their clothes and of deliberately knocking one 14 year old girl against a windowsill causing her to bang her head, after having grabbed her by the hair. This girl subsequently told the police that she didn’t want an investigation into any aspect of her ‘care’ at Cartref Bontnewydd. Probably because she was still living there at the mercy of Mari Thomas. A number of residents alleged that Thomas’s violence had followed after they had been returned to the home by the police after running away.

Ronnie was very cross with one witness at the Tribunal who alleged that she had been abused at Cartref Bontnewydd. She was ‘a very unsatisfactory witness. She was anxious to give live evidence…very nervous about doing so but her recollection of events was confused and at times demonstrably false…her allegation in relation to her period at Cartrefle Bontnewydd was directed against a member of staff called Mark, whom no-one has been able to identify and she had not been interviewed by the police in the course of the major investigation between 1991 and 1993’.

So this very unsatisfactory witness was keen to give evidence – as were a lot of people, because everyone was led to believe that Waterhouse would get to the bottom of what had happened in north Wales and wanted to hear from people who had suffered. She was very nervous – I bet she was, the paedophiles had scores of lawyers cross-examining their victims in an aggressive manner at that Inquiry and all this was happening in public. Ronnie’s assertion that some of this witness’s evidence was ‘demonstrably false’ was based on the fact that records produced by Gwynedd County Council didn’t reflect her account of which homes she was in and when. Well records of mine from the North Wales Hospital were not an accurate record of when I was actually there – those records state that I left the hospital in February of 1987 when I didn’t. But unlike this poor young woman I have plenty of other evidence to prove that the records compiled by the North Wales Hospital were fallacious. Dafydd Alun Jones was responsible for that institution and his mistress Lucille Hughes was responsible for Gwynedd Social Services. It won’t have been the former resident’s evidence that will have been demonstrably untrue, it will have been the evidence from Gwynedd. As for no-one remembering ‘Mark’, when I tried to trace a clinical psychologist from the North Wales Hospital called Nigel whom had spent hours with me I was told repeatedly that no such person worked there and there was no trace of any clinical psychologist visiting me. I now have possession of a document compiled by an administrator at that hospital called Kay Hemsley stating that I was trying to contact Nigel Stennet-Cox and could someone please ‘persuade’ him not to speak to me. It is also significant that the young woman making allegations against Mark wasn’t interviewed in the police investigation. So someone was working very hard to ensure that she wasn’t heard.

These people were harbouring a paedophile gang, they were making up the documentation as they went along, altering it if necessary and frequently disposing of it altogether. Just as the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board still are. I received yet another letter from the CEO Gary Doherty a couple of days ago telling me that there are no more medical records of mine to be found. Not only has Gary lost more than 20 years worth of them, but I actually have copies of the ones that he says don’t exist – my lawyer sent them to me.

As for Mari Thomas who denied ever slapping, pushing, stripping children or knocking anyone’s head against a windowsill, her name is mentioned in another part of the Waterhouse Report as well, in the chapter concerning Ty’r Felin, where of course she worked prior to Cartref Bontnewydd. Guess what – a number of former residents describe her slapping them across the face, dragging them out of bed by the hair or shoving them, particularly after they had been brought back by the police after running away! One person remembered that Mari Thomas used to approach him in the day room and for no reason put her hands over his nose and mouth to stop him breathing. One witness described Mari as Nefyn Dodd’s ‘henchwoman’. Nefyn Dodd was the manager of Ty’r Felin, as well as line manager of two other children’s homes and was repeatedly accused of punching, kicking, caning, head-butting and thrashing children, of making virtually all the residents lick his boots and some of them lick his bare feet and of sexually abusing at least five children. He forced children to eat carbolic soap which left their mouths ulcered and blistered and then failed to access medical care for them. But Ronnie just can’t believe what those former residents say about Dodd. He notes that one man had experienced a mental breakdown which must have affected his memory. Another witness was ‘mistaken’ because he claimed to have been assaulted by Dodd yet his description of the person who attacked him didn’t match that of Dodd. I suggest then that he was assaulted by someone else who claimed to be Dodd, in the way in which I was assaulted by a CPN called Bob Ingham, who told me that he was Arfon Community Mental Health Team ‘leader’ Keith Fearns. I didn’t know what Fearns looked like – he had of course perjured himself in an affidavit by then, when he gave evidence about my extreme dangerousness, but I’d never met him and I didn’t know what he looked like. This lot didn’t hand over their passports for the purposes of identification when they assaulted and molested people and furthermore they lied about everything at all times, including who they were. The same went on at the Hergest Unit – violent care assistants called themselves ‘nurses’, refused to reveal their surnames and refused to wear their ID badges. When new uniforms were introduced that differed in colour according to their roles, they refused to wear the uniforms.

One former member of staff told Waterhouse that Dodd was ‘a martinet who ruled with a rod of iron’, another former staff member said that staff and children were petrified of him and someone I know who worked at Ty’r Felin described Dodd as a ‘total fascist’. Mari claimed that he was firm but fair, but autocratic and that when she first worked at Cartref Bontnewydd she was ‘a bit strict’ after having worked for Dodd. Her attempts at suffocating children was just her ‘being playful’. Ronnie suggested that a lot of people saw Dodd as a gentle giant.

Someone else who worked with Mari and was schooled in the ways of Nefyn Dodd was also transferred from Ty’r Felin to Cartref Bontnewydd and that was Anna Ashton. A Peter Gadd also worked with Mari at Cartref Bontnewydd but he left to join the probation service!

So a bunch of thugs who learnt at the knee of Nefyn Dodd – who had previously worked at Bryn Estyn where even Waterhouse admitted that boys were beaten and buggered by a paedophile ring, the Bryn Estyn where a number of staff went to prison – were redeployed to Cartref Bontnewydd and behaved in exactly the same way as they had at Ty’r Felin.

Not that Ronnie found much amiss. He found no evidence at all that Mari Thomas or anyone else had ever been responsible for any physical or sexual abuse at Cartref Bontnewydd, although ‘it may well be’  ‘on one or two occasions’ ‘in the early days’ that Mari Thomas did ‘use very limited force’. In fact Ronnie was really impressed with Mari and took further evidence from her in her capacity as Manager of Cartref Bontnewydd. He detailed all the improvements that she claimed to have made at Bontnewydd – including a whistleblowing system enabling members of staff to report untoward incidents to her! So she could then slap a few people around the face and drag them about by the hair. Or order them to strip and take their clothes away. By the time that Waterhouse was lapping up Mari’s lies, Mari had gone a step further than the other ‘care workers’. It wasn’t Cartrefle College for Mari, no, she’d acquired a Diploma in Social Work from Bangor University! That will have been the course that Malcolm John taught on then… He probably encouraged her to enrol, in his capacity as ‘senior advisor’ for Cartref Bontnewydd.

Waterhouse noted that he thought that Mari’s evidence was particularly important because she had worked in child care in Gwynedd for the old Gwynedd County Council and the newly formed Gwynedd Council after the local government reorganisation. In other words, the sadistic Mari had survived the cull after all the scandal, the police investigation and indeed the establishment of Ronnie’s Inquiry. Cartref Bontnewydd has closed down now – what’s the betting that Mari is at present a senior manager somewhere in Gwynedd Social Services or elsewhere in north Wales. Or indeed with the Third Sector.

As for Ronnie’s certainty that Nefyn Dodd, Mari’s mentor, was a gentle giant and that no sexual abuse went on at Ty’r Felin, this morning I received an e mail from a man who had been a resident there in Mari’s day. He described Ty’r Felin as ‘hell’ and when he was fifteen he was regularly visited by a much older man who it turned out was using a false name. This man had a sexual relationship with him and when the man who wrote to me left ‘care’ he set up home with the Ty’r Felin visitor. The older man became very physically abusive and the younger man is now in the care of the mental health services. His abuser used to carry out voluntary work at Ysbyty Gwnedd.

A number of my former colleagues at Bangor University used to observe that Malcolm John ought to be sacked. I think that he ought to be arrested and questioned under caution. Along with Mari.

There is another former social work tutor latterly of Bangor University who perhaps ought to be asked a few questions and that is a man called John Borland. I didn’t know Borland, but I do know something rather worrying about him. Social work degrees have panels of ‘service users’ who give lectures to students about their ‘lived experience’ and who sit on admissions panels. It’s a manifestation of ‘service user involvement’ and like most ‘service user involvement’ it’s a tokenistic joke. Social work courses are so troubled and students see so much bad practice and abuse on placement and are simply failed or removed from the course as ‘unsuitable’ if they blow the whistle, that no-one is going to let an activist near a social work course. So the service users always have the official stamp of approval and are usually very tame. But Borland had the production of tame service users down to a fine art. Borland established a company of ‘service user consultants’ and when Borland was still working at Bangor it was only from Borland’s approved list that the service users could be selected. I presume that Borland also charged the University a fee for this service. When a new member of staff took over the management of the social work degree this practice was ended, but I presume that it had been going on for years. No doubt John Borland is still doing ‘consultancy work’ somewhere, which will involve giving a truly dire ‘service’ the stamp of approval. So why wouldn’t Borland let service users other than those who worked for him near the social work students then???

Two other people associated with Bangor University and north Wales social work who might like to make statements are Sian and Richard Barker. Both have worked as social workers and social work tutors, both have been around for years and Richard Barker is yet another social worker who set himself up as a ‘consultant’. So he’ll provide the ‘independent opinion’ to get his former colleagues in the statutory sector out of trouble. I am told that the Barkers also have close personal connections to the bunch of crooks that run Anglesey County Council. The social services on Anglesey are famously a catastrophe…

 

Now for another two people who need to make their way to their nearest police station, but this pair’s knowledge of wrongdoing has been acquired as a result of their careers in the NHS – Dr Ruth Hussey and her brother Dr Peter Higson. Ruth is the former Chief Medical Officer for Wales and after screwing up in that role for years is now Chairing a panel of nine ‘experts’ in order to thrash out some ideas as to how to make health and social care in Wales ‘sustainable’. Vaughan Gething the Health Minister has asked her to do this. The one organisation in NHS Wales that is so obviously not sustainable is the one Chaired by Ruth’s brother Higson, ie. the Betsi Cadwalar University Health Board. Higson’s track record is as bad as Ruth’s – he managed the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and then the wider mental health services in north Wales throughout those long and glorious years when the region’s mental health professionals concealed and colluded with a paedophile ring. After Waterhouse carried on the cover-up, Higson was then appointed Chief Exec of Health Inspectorate Wales. Once in that position he failed to investigate complaints against his former colleagues, no matter how serious. The biggest single improvement to the NHS in Wales that Vaughan Gething could make would be to sack Higson and remove his equally appalling sister from all positions of influence. They have inflicted quite enough damage on the nation.

 

 

 

Don’t Be Silly, He’s Nice

Most of Ronnie Waterhouse’s whitewash was dedicated to excusing people employed in social care or social work who had abused children in care. However for those of us au fait with the mental health services in north Wales, there is a chapter that makes even more dreadful reading than the rest of the Waterhouse Report – the chapter concerning Gwynfa, a residential NHS unit for children with mental health problems, or in Ronnie’s parlance, ’emotionally disturbed and maladjusted children’. I need to remind readers yet again here that Ronnie’s definition of ‘disturbed’ and ‘maladjusted’, or indeed the mental health service’s definition, may well not be what the rest of the world – even in those days – would define as disturbed or maladjusted. In north Wales NHS speak it simply means that you’ve complained about a Top Doctor breaking the law or abusing their position. Ronnie’s chapter on Gwynfa demonstrates that this was as true in the children’s mental health services as it was in the adults’ services.

Gwynfa was a residential unit in Colwyn Bay that was a combined clinic and school. It was established in 1961 as an NHS psychiatric hospital for children with an on-site school. With the establishment of Clwyd County Council in 1974 the residential/clinic part became the responsibility of Clwyd Health Authority and the school became the responsibility of Clwyd County Council. Until 1982/83 the North Wales Child Guidance Clinic Service offered and monitored admissions, but after that it was administered by the Mental Health Unit of Clwyd Health Authority – yes, that bunch of goons who allowed Dr Dafydd Alun Jones to illegally bang up anyone who crossed his path, who oversaw a shagfest in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and who failed to investigate any complaints, even those of serious abuse of patients. Gwynfa by this time was an 18 bed unit for children below school leaving age, staffed by eight qualified nurses, six ‘other’ nurses (who won’t have actually been nurses if they weren’t qualified) and four psychologists. A child psychiatrist, Dr Barry Kiehn, was appointed in 1981 his remit being specifically Gwynfa and according to Waterhouse it was at this time that ‘the concept of a therapeutic community was introduced’. In April 1993 the administration of Gwynfa was taken over by the Clwydian Community Care NHS Trust after an NHS reorganisation. Of course the people managing and staffing the Clwydian Community Care NHS Trust were exactly the same corrupt old gits who had managed and staffed the previous organisations. Letters in my possession regarding my own case written after the ‘reorganisation’ are signed by exactly the same people and use exactly the same phrases as before. Believe me, nothing changed. The average stay for the patients at Gwynfa was five months, although some were there a lot longer.

The overall responsibility for managing Gwynfa was taken by the Principal Nursing Officer, who was responsible for recruitment and selection of staff. They reported to the Unit Nursing Officer (later known as the Director of Nursing Services) at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, who visited Gwynfa about once a month. So Gwynfa was ultimately run by the person who ran Denbigh. When I read that I knew that the tales from the children at Gwynfa would be bad. Gwynfa was shut down in 1997 – I wonder whether that decision had been made in anticipation of what former patients might say to the Waterhouse Inquiry.

Between 1972-1990 the Principal Nursing Officer for Gwynfa was Nigel Mannering Berry. By 1972 he had already been employed there for nine years. Waterhouse tells us that Berry qualified as a registered mental nurse in 1959 and had been previously employed at Denbigh. So the ‘therapeutic community’ for children was run by something out of the ark who had worked at Denbigh when Gwynne the lobotomist was in full swing. Waterhouse notes that Berry had no specific training in dealing with ‘disturbed’ children. Waterhouse states that since 1974 there had been five internal investigations/reviews of the conduct of specific members of nursing staff at Gwynfa.

In 1986 a male member of staff had head butted a boy patient. The nurse received a final warning (which suggests that he’d done similar things previously) and was transferred to ‘another hospital’ for adults. Probably the North Wales Hospital, presumably so he could head butt patients there.

In 1991 an investigation was held into the relationship between a 16 year old girl with a depressive disorder and a 45 year old auxillary nurse, Robert Martin Williams. We are told that the investigation began after a ‘letter’ was found, but staff were unable to encourage the girl to supply details of Williams’s activities. I wonder how hard they tried. Waterhouse notes that Williams had been previously ‘counselled’ (!) regarding his behaviour towards patients after other staff members raised concerns about him. He denied an unspecified ‘offence’ and resigned. Waterhouse goes on to explain that in 1996 the girl told the police that Williams had actually raped her twice. Waterhouse refers to a ‘highly incriminating letter’ which he had seen himself. Williams was charged with two counts of rape and in March 1997 was convicted at Mold Crown Court of both offences and sentenced to six years in prison. I note that like many other children at Gwynfa this girl had not been in care, so could not even be dehumanised and dishonoured like so many of the ‘troublesome’ young people in the children’s homes who were abused. Neither was she ‘disturbed’ or ‘maladjusted’ – even Gwynfa described her as ‘depressed’. So a 16 year old girl with depression was raped twice by a member of staff. And nothing happened until some years later when there was a major police investigation into the care of children in north Wales. Had there not been that investigation, Clwyd Health Authority and the North Wales Hospital would have sat on those rapes forever. Waterhouse notes that the girl who had been raped ‘did not feel able’ to use the complaints system. No-one asked her why. Of course, readers who have read my earlier posts will know that by the time that this teenager ‘did not feel able’ to use the complaints system, I had used that system and I had used it to raise concerns about, among other things, Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’s conduct towards female patients and staff at the North Wales Hospital physically assaulting patients. I got nowhere and interestingly enough at the time that this girl was being raped in Gwynfa, I was being dragged through the High Court by Sir Robert Francis QC – at the behest of psychiatrists in north Wales – who was demanding my imprisonment for ‘harassment’ because I was writing numerous letters alleging that patients were being criminally abused in the north Wales mental health services (see post ‘The Sordid Role Of Sir Robert Francis QC’).

But it transpired that there had been many other allegations of abuse by children who had been patients at Gwynfa and that by July 1993 it was clear that there was a problem with allegations of a ‘serious nature’. It was about this time that I was receiving letters from Laurie Wood, the former manager of the mental health services in Clwyd who then became Chief Exec of the Clwydian Community NHS Trust, refusing to reopen my own complaint and reassuring me that he was certain that no-one else was having the sort of experiences that I had – although of course at the same time maintaining that nobody had behaved improperly in my case at all. In July 1993 Detective Superintendent Ackerley from the North Wales Police was invited to conduct a fuller investigation into Gwynfa. That’s the North Wales Police whose officers conspired with Dr Dafydd Alun Jones to unlawfully arrest people and detain them in the North Wales Hospital – the same North Wales Police who returned children to children’s homes after they’d run away to escape the beatings and the buggery, the same North Wales Police who returned patients to Denbigh if they ran off even though they were being held there illegally. The same North Wales Police who employed Gordon Anglesea, who was abusing boys in care himself.

Waterhouse intriguingly tells us that ‘at some stage’ the NHS Trust ‘became aware’ that seven former patients had made serious allegations to the police against a member of staff who was still employed at Gwynfa, referred to only as Z. The Trust asked the police to ask the former patients who had made statements for their permission for the Trust to access the statements for internal disciplinary purposes. Only four patients gave permission. Waterhouse simply observes that because of this the NHS Trust had to investigate the matter ‘on an incomplete basis’. Ronnie doesn’t ask why the other patients had given statements to the police but wouldn’t co-operate with the Trust. Had they perhaps found themselves repeatedly up in Court after NHS staff made daft allegations about them? Ronnie tells us that the legal advice that the Trust Board received was that the available evidence was insufficient to justify Z’s dismissal. That advice would have come from the same source as the advice to repeatedly arrest me after I made serious complaint – that source being Andrew Park, the bent solicitor from the Welsh Office. Two members of staff were transferred to a day hospital. There’s a familiar pattern here – serious allegations made against a staff member, complaints mysteriously dropped or not followed up, the member of staff at the centre of the allegations transferred to work somewhere else with equally vulnerable people. Exactly what happened when I complained about the SEN Stephen Rose, employed at the North Wales Hospital, assaulting me. No investigation, but Rose relocated to Park Lane Hospital – an institution notorious for staff abusing patients. Regarding Z, it gets worse. Yet further allegations against Z were made at a later date and Z was finally suspended in July 1997. In March 1999 the CPS stated that a prosecution was not justified.

Altogether 27 people told the Waterhouse Tribunal that they had been abused at Gwynfa. 23 people complained about incidents between 1974-1987, 10 of them named Z. At the time that Ronnie submitted his Report, the police investigation into Z was continuing. Ronnie states that it would be ‘inappropriate to make any further comment’ because he had not heard any evidence from Z and Z’s ‘legal position was not clear to the Tribunal’. So even with all those lawyers, the team of paralegals and administrators from the Welsh Office and his numerous advisors, poor old Ronnie – a former High Court judge – couldn’t clarify Z’s legal position. So no more was said. Not that Ronnie had reached his zenith with this comment – he admitted that although there were allegations of sexual abuse against four members of staff, ‘they do not suggest a pattern of such abuse among staff’. His rationale for this thinking was bizarre – it was because each allegation of sexual abuse was made about a different member of staff, on a different occasion, by a different patient. Which suggests to me that there was one hell of a problem – particularly as one member of staff was already in prison for the double rape of a patient and dear old Z was at the centre of a police investigation. It’s also highly likely that there were many more allegations that no-one ever got to hear about. We learn from Ronnie’s Report that a 13 year old girl was indecently assaulted but did not report it at the time and that a 17 year old male patient was buggered in 1979/80, but that this allegation didn’t come to light until the police interviewed the complainant in 1992 – in 1993 there was a decision not to prosecute.

Ronnie didn’t just hear about sexual abuse at Gwynfa. Again and again bizarre stories – bizarre but all too believable to those of us who know how the mental health services routinely conducted themselves – were related by former patients. A boy who was described as ‘behaving disruptively’ at a private school in Llandudno was sent to Gwynfa – but he thought that he was going into hospital to have his heart investigated! Who told him this cock and bull story? And what was the nature of his ‘disruptive behaviour’ at the private school in Llandudno? Which school was it? We know that people were diverted into the mental health services if they crossed the paths of certain people or questioned abuses – is it possible that something was going on in the school in Llandudno that shouldn’t have been? This boy told Waterhouse that his year at Gwynfa had been a ‘waste of time’, that he hadn’t been helped, that the education at Gwynfa was inadequate, but he also told of two very serious assaults from male members of staff. On one occasion, a harness was made of rubber rings and he was yanked up on a door using this contraption – it was incredibly painful but he was told by the ‘nurses’ who did this to ‘take it in good spirit’. On another occasion he was dropped onto the ground outside from a first floor window. Each of these incidents was constructed as being the patient’s own fault. As every assault on a mental health patient in north Wales always is.

A girl felt so uneasy about Z that she told her (female) social worker that she didn’t like him. The social worker told her not to be silly, he was nice. The girl persisted with her concerns about Z – the social worker stated that she was ‘seeking attention’. Again this is depressingly familiar – over the last thirty years, I and others consistently raised concerns about staff who were doing things that they shouldn’t have been doing. We too were fobbed off constantly with idiocies – I lost count of the number of times that I was told that Dafydd Alun Jones had ‘helped people’, that ‘other patients like him’ or even, yes, that he was ‘nice’. He wasn’t, he was/is a fucking criminal who was abusing patients and everyone knew it. What chance did CHILDREN stuck in a residential unit for months have against staff who were groping them, raping them and throwing them out of windows? Ronnie admits that one witness at the Tribunal remembered being physically assaulted by Z – Ronnie simply states ‘we say no more about it’. Other former patients remembered being gagged with elastoplasts that were then ripped off, hit on the head with a pool cue, hung out of a window, regularly assaulted and beaten up. One witness described how a dog collar was put on him and he was led around on a lead – he was seven years old. One former patient compared Gwynfa to a prison. Which it was, but probably one with fewer safeguards.

Waterhouse details two ‘therapies’ that were used at Gwynfa. ‘Pyjama therapy’ – where the children had their clothes removed and could only wear pyjamas. (I witnessed an adult male patient subjected to this at Ysbyty Gwynedd in the early 1990s.) But Gwynfa also had ‘bed therapy’ – children’s clothes AND pyjamas were removed from them so they were forced to remain in bed. Presumably naked under the covers with a bunch of rapists ‘caring’ for them. Sexual assault therapy could well have followed.

Despite the graphic accounts of the daily abuse that so many children endured, Ronnie decided that ‘the picture we have received of conditions at Gwynfa has been incomplete’ and ‘we have not attempted to reach detailed conclusions about the regime at Gwynfa’. Ronnie does have a bit of advice concerning Gwynfa though. He notes that it was staffed by male adult psychiatric nurses with no experience of child care, so he recommended that there should be more social services involvement, with trained residential care staff being introduced and that senior staff should have qualifications in residential child care. So instead of being assaulted by a bunch of former Denbigh nurses, the children could be assaulted by the sort of children’s social care staff that the rest of Ronnie’s Report was concerned with.

It seems that the abuses at Gwynfa only came to light when in Sept 1991 a former Gwynfa patient appeared on TV and a police investigation followed. Clwyd Health Authority reacted by ordering an investigation and a report from Irene Train, who was at the time of the Waterhouse Inquiry, Divisional General Manager (North) of Clwyd’s Community and Mental Health Unit. Irene featured in a previous blog post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’. In 1990 after Stephen Norris the Officer in Charge of a children’s home called Cartrefle had been convicted of sexual assault, the ACPC (Area Children’s Protection Committee) was asked to conduct a review. Irene Train was Vice-Chair – and then Chair – of the ACPC. She was at that time Director of Public Health Nursing in Clwyd Health Authority. So Irene was someone else who was in a very senior position, was very well-networked and even Chaired the ACPC – who was just so taken aback by all the allegations of violence and rape that emerged after people started appearing on TV and in the press. Irene presented ‘written evidence’ to the Tribunal informing Ronnie that: there was now ‘confidential free telephone facilities for patients to obtain individual counselling’; the development of child advocacy services; and that patients were informed of their right to have their complaints dealt with by the Chief Exec and a right of appeal to a non-executive director of the NHS Trust. Right – there is no confidentiality in the north Wales mental health services, the entire system works on gossip and rumour; hardly any of the ‘counsellors’ employed know anything about counselling, nearly all of them have been ‘trained’ by the same lame abusive idiots that have spawned the disaster in the first place; the ‘advocacy’ services positively ensure that no competent ‘advocate’ is ever employed and most of the ‘advocates’ are ‘service users’ themselves who are dependent upon the system and far too frightened to challenge it; the Chief Exec was Laurie Wood, who was ultimately responsible for the abusive services and who was very much part of the problem; a non-executive director of the NHS Trust will not step on anyone’s toes. So I really don’t think that Irene Train’s bright ideas were ever going to stop any future patients being abused.

So the children at Gwynfa were raped and assaulted and as with the children in care I expect that many – if not most of them – will be dead by now. What of those responsible for the ‘service’? Such as Dr Barry Kiehn, the child psychiatrist specifically responsible for the ‘therapeutic community’ that was Gwynfa? Barry Kiehn is now retired and living the life of Riley. His twitter feed informs us that he lives in Colwyn Bay (as so many featured in the wrongdoing detailed on this blog do) and he enjoys opera, classical music, ballet, art, ceramics, travel, languages, science and singing. How did such a cultured man stand by whilst his young patients were sexually assaulted and battered by a bunch of ageing thugs who had been transferred from the North Wales Hospital Denbigh? What about Irene, the most senior nurse responsible for those thugs? Irene is now retired but she keeps busy. In 2003-2004 she was Secretary for St David’s Promotions Ltd – that’s the fundraising bit of St David’s Hospice. The St David’s Hospice in Llandudno that gave the former manager of the Hergest Unit Alun Davies a job as Chief Exec after his corruption and mismanagement left the Hergest Unit a heap of smouldering rubble; the St David’s Hospice who, once Davies finally went, gave the dreadful Trystan Pritchard a job as Chief Exec – the Trystan who was responsible for lies, deceit and mismanagement when he worked at Ysbyty Gwynedd, the Trystan with Masonic connections who was on excellent terms with the regime of managers previously employed by the North West Wales NHS Trust. Please see post ‘The CEOs Of St David’s Hospice’ for more information. In 2006 however, Irene Train turned up as a company director, along with a Howard Geoffrey Train and a number of other people with the surname ‘Train’, of an outfit called H Domestic Agency Ltd. H Domestic Agency’s address is 99 Blimco Grove, Cambridge, should anyone wish to contact Irene and ask her a few questions about her glorious career in Clwyd. As for Nigel Mannering Berry, the pig who was ‘Principal Nursing Officer’ at Gwynfa, who oversaw the brutality and the abuse after gaining so much ‘experience’ at Denbigh – well he lives in Colwyn Bay as well. Specifically at 40 Yerburgh Avenue, Colwyn Bay, LL29 7NB. But guess what? Between 1993-94 Nigel was a Director of Colwyn Bay Masonic Hall! Ah, the Masons that never provided any sort of protective network at all for anyone involved in the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal – we know that because Ronnie confirmed in his Report that there was no evidence of Masonic links and so did Stephen Crabb, who was Secretary of State for Wales when the cover-up that covered up Ronnie’s cover-up, ie. the Macur Review, was published. I invite Ronnie and Stephen Crabb to do what I’ve just done, google Nigel Mannering Berry and read that very long list of names that are associated with the Colwyn Bay Masonic Hall – and that’s just the Colwyn Bay contingent. And if they’ve got time Ronnie and Stephen can google dear old Mrs Train and her former associates at St David’s Hospice – they’re all there, the elderly negligent fuckwits from yesteryear who brought the north Wales NHS to it’s knees.

There is of course one elderly negligent fuckwit who was in a senior management role with the Clwyd mental health services whilst horrors were being perpetuated at Gwynfa who has not yet been put out to grass. That is Dr Peter Higson, the current Chairman of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board. Let me remind you Higson: a 16 year old girl with depression raped twice; a 17 year old boy buggered; a seven year old boy fitted with a dog collar and led around on a lead; children dropped out of windows; hit with pool cues; regularly assaulted and beaten.

Waterhouse makes an passing observation regarding Gwynfa that I find telling. That most of the patients there were actually from Gwynedd – and that Barry Kiehn was categorised as a child psychiatrist employed by Gwynedd Health Authority. So it was those fine upstanding Top Doctors from Gwynedd who were referring children to a ‘hospital’ where they were beaten and raped.

Do all these people not owe the world an explanation? Or am I just being silly because they’re nice?

 

 

 

More Post-Waterhouse Glittering Careers

Recent posts have described how many of the people involved with the Waterhouse Inquiry found their careers heading for the stars soon after the whole shameful travesty. There were so many lawyers at the Inquiry – nearly all of them acting for the people accused of seriously abusing children or concealing the abuse – that until now I’ve only blogged about the most high profile or the names that I recognised. However I have been sufficiently intrigued by the way in which defending a bunch of vicious criminals acted as a booster to so many otherwise mundane legal careers that I’ve taken the opportunity to research a few more of the names involved. I have not been disappointed. So here we go.

Anna Pauffley QC. Anna represented over 100 people who had received ‘Salmon letters’. These were letters sent out to people who were alleged to be guilty of physical or sexual abuse of children or who were likely to be the subject of criticism. The Salmon letter recipients included people who had been named by the former children in care as having abused them – some of these people had already been convicted and even imprisoned by the time that the Waterhouse Report was completed. Other Salmon letter recipients were people who had witnessed or been told about abuse but who did nothing. So the Salmon letter recipients included some Grade A scumbags. Anna represented people who had punched and kicked children, who had raped or buggered them or forced them to participate in oral sex. If the former children in care were to be believed – and of course Anna’s job was to suggest that they weren’t – some of their abusers took them to other locations where they were molested by unknown people as well. One of the many people whom Anna represented was Lucille Hughes, former Director of Gwynedd Social Services, whom it was acknowledged even by Waterhouse had known that a paedophile ring was operating in the social services but who had not acted.

Sir Ronald Waterhouse devotes part of his report to thanking all the noble lawyers who worked so hard to defend the indefensible and noted that some of the witnesses ‘were subjected to necessarily severe cross-examination by Counsel for those against whom they made specific allegations’. Ronnie admitted that a number of witnesses found giving evidence so distressing that they were admitted as psychiatric emergencies, others became so distressed that dear old Ronnie just refused to accept their evidence, scores of others needed counselling to support them through the Inquiry and yet others were referred for long term mental health care. Others left the Inquiry ‘holding each other’, which Ronnie interpreted as meaning that they had ‘left something negative behind’, rather than that they had been just about destroyed. It’s OK though! Ronnie notes that ‘we believe however, that the satisfaction in their minds of knowing that they have been listened to will substantially outweigh the disadvantages of providing that evidence’. (Of course they were not at all satisfied when they read Ronnie’s report which dissed nearly all of them and whitewashed the biggest child abuse scandal that the UK had seen.) Ronnie was however very mindful indeed of the traumas that those accused of abusing the youngsters might experience. He observed that for the Salmon letter recipients the Tribunal was ‘a particularly anxious time’, but that ‘anxiety has been mitigated…by the Tribunal’s anonymity ruling…in respect of any person against whom an allegation of physical or sexual abuse had been or was likely to be made’. Ronnie also ‘exercised restraint in naming names’. I note that none of the paedophile gang or their friends needed emergency psychiatric treatment or left ‘holding each other’. They probably left uncorking the champagne.

So what became of Anna who defended Lucille et al by severely cross-examining anyone who dared allege that they’d been abused? Like Nicola Davies QC, Anna is now a Dame of course! She was appointed a High Court judge in 2003, although she did end up in hot water in 2015 when she publicly stated that it was ‘Okay for migrant families to hit their children’ (it’s their culture you see). Gov’t spokespeople were wheeled out to explain that child abuse was unacceptable from anyone. But what did the Gov’t expect from a woman who was made a Dame after psychologically assassinating people who relived details of the most horrific abuse – sensitivity???

Dame Anna was assisted in her defence of people who had done some pretty dreadful things by Rachel Langdale. Rachel was appointed a QC in 2009 and she now advertises herself as a specialist in Children’s Law. Last month she featured in ‘Counsel’ magazine maintaining that ‘The Only Way Is Ethics’, discussing the importance of in house ethics training, underlining the importance of Ethics Committees and discussing ‘the integrity which lies at the heart of the Bar’. So has Rachel finally seen the light? Or is she a hypocritical unscrupulous cow who’ll do anything to advance herself?

Alistair Webster QC. Alistair acted for the senior managers of Clwyd County Council. A previous post (‘Ain’t Nothing Clean – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists’) detailed just how culpable and either dishonest or incompetent these people were. Alistair is still going strong and is a Crown Court recorder. He is a member of the Liberal Democrat Lawyers Association and describes his fields as ‘commercial crime, crime and regulation’. He boasts that he has acted for the defence in ‘large drug conspiracies’ and many ‘gangland murders’. (Many people who grew up in care in Clwyd were found dead, sometimes shortly after giving evidence against their abusers.) In 2015/16 Alistair defended Indranee and Meghadeven Pumbien, who owned Briarwood Rest Home in Preston, when they were accused of the serious abuse of elderly people in their care, as well as perverting the course of justice. Among the allegations were that a 99 year old woman was burnt after being dropped into a bath of scalding water. Another elderly person had two inexplicable black eyes and bruising on their arms. Alistair also represents Top Doctors in trouble with the GMC, both at Tribunals and in the High Court. Alistair was assisted in his defence of the Clwyd senior managers by Suzanne Goddard. In 2015 she became a circuit judge on the Northern Circuit.

Andrew Caldecott QC. Caldecott appeared at the Waterhouse Inquiry to act for Gordon Anglesea. Anglesea had of course recently won a libel case after ‘Private Eye’ and others accused him of molesting boys in care. Anglesea was awarded almost £400,000 in damages. One of the men who gave evidence at the trial was found dead some weeks later. In 2016 Anglesea was convicted of sexually abusing boys in care and was imprisoned. Caldecott describes himself as a leader in the field of defamation and he also has an interest in human rights law no less. Caldecott acted for Constance Briscoe, the former barrister and judge, when Briscoe’s mother sued her for libel after Briscoe published a book maintaining that her mother had inflicted dreadful cruelty upon her when she was a child. Briscoe won the case. In 2014 Briscoe was imprisoned after being found guilty of perverting the course of justice in an unrelated case. She is now an ex-judge.

David Knifton. Knifton defended, among other people, Nefyn and June Dodd, who were accused again and again of serious physical violence against children resident at a children’s home in Bangor. One of Dodd’s specialities was to make children lick his boots or sometimes his bare feet. At one point a forged letter purporting to be from one of Dodd’s accusers was sent to Lucille Hughes in support of Dodd and his wife. Not only did Ronnie brush this piece of very incriminating evidence to one side but he decided not to believe numerous former residents who claimed to have been assaulted by Dodd and his wife. A number of former staff accused Dodd of brutality as well. One of my former neighbours used to work in the children’s home that Dodd managed and she described him as being a ‘total fascist’. Knifton was appointed a Crown and County Court Recorder in 2002. He advertises himself as a specialist in clinical negligence and personal injury.

Steven Crossley. Crossley represented Roger Saint, the foster carer who sexually assaulted children repeatedly but who was nonetheless allowed to adopt and foster again and again (see post ‘Tower Hamlets, Paul Boateng And Tessa Jowell’). Crossley represents Top Doctors and Angels in trouble at GMC and NMC hearings and also specialises in helping police officers who’ve ended up in hot water. He has defended a number of doctors and police officers accused of sexual assault.

Barrie Searle. Represented a number of ‘care workers’ accused of abuse at Waterhouse. These days Barrie represents Top Doctors and Angels in trouble with their regulatory bodies. Barrie is based in Manchester and is a recorder.

Theresa Pepper QC and Charles Gratwicke QC acted for ‘care workers’ accused of physical and sexual abuse. Theresa is now a recorder on the Northern Circuit. Charles Gratwicke QC is the resident judge at Chelmsford in Essex and led the tributes when a ‘controversial’ colleague retired. This colleague seems to have made some positively dangerous decisions with regard to people convicted of serious offences, including sexual ones. Not that Charles minded – he really liked this bloke because he was ‘his own man’ and Chelmsford was fortunate to have been graced with his presence.

Jodie Swallow represented the dreadful Stephen Norris, a truly hideous specimen who was described as coarse, obsessed with sex and unsuitable to work with children by his fellow paedophiles, so one can only marvel at the depths to which Norris must have sunk. He was one of the ‘care staff’ who had already been imprisoned by the time that the Inquiry was held, so I’m not sure why he actually needed Jodie to represent him. So where is Jodie now? She hasn’t gone far geographically. She is an honorary lecturer with the Criminal Justice Team at Glyndwr University in Wrexham and a part-time postgraduate student at Chester University. When she was working as a lawyer her ‘area of expertise’ was ‘dealing with cases of sexual abuse especially involving children’ – well yes, she represented the people who molested them. Jodie gave up practising law in 2001 because she wanted to spend more time with her young children. Presumably she wanted to give them a bit of high quality parenting lest they ended up in care in the hands of someone like Norris. Jodie managed to get on the Radio 4 sociology programme ‘Thinking Allowed’ last year, talking about women’s experience of domestic abuse. No doubt she kept very quiet about acting for Stephen Norris when she was chatting to Laurie Taylor.

Now we come onto a real star – the late Anthony Jennings. Jennings acted for Peter Howarth, one of the most notorious paedophiles who worked at Bryn Estyn. Before he molested boys at Bryn Estyn, Howarth molested boys at an approved school in Gateshead. Like Norris, Howarth was already in prison by the time the Waterhouse Inquiry was underway. One might have thought that representing Peter Howarth would not be the best career move, but it certainly didn’t hold Anthony Jennings back. Jennings died in 2008, but his obituaries have nothing but praise for him – he was clever, skilled, full of fun, ‘larger than life’. He became a QC in 2001 and in 2002 was given permission to try rape trials. In 2003 he was appointed a Crown Court recorder. So how did the man who defended Peter Howarth describe his area of expertise? Civil rights of course! Howarth’s civil rights presumably, not those of all the kids whom he molested. Jennings was well-known in legal circles, but he wasn’t half as well-known as one of his colleagues. Jennings was a co-founder of Matrix – the chambers where Cherie Booth aka Mrs Tony Blair practised…. They’ll have known each other well.

I’ve kept the most stunning example of career progression until the end of this post. The lucky winner of this award has got to be Fiona Walkingshaw. Fiona was de facto solicitor to the Tribunal and remained so until Ronnie handed over the final documented whitewash. Fiona worked for the Welsh Office, had been on secondment to Europe and then returned to help Ronnie out. So Fiona loyally assisted Ronnie as witnesses collapsed in distress, as they were hauled off as psychiatric emergencies, whilst Ronnie discredited nearly all of them yet described the paedophiles who wrecked their lives as ‘kind’ and ‘generous’ or ‘strict but fair’. So what is Fiona doing these days? She’s a counsellor, what else would she be? Not just any old counsellor though – Fiona is a tutor with the Psychosynthesis Trust. She specialises in ‘bereavement, issues of love and loss, working with children and young people’. She enjoys her work because it gives her the ‘opportunity to witness and support the journey of other souls who open themselves up to transformative compassion’. She’s not in Wales anymore, she’s based in the south east of England and is listed as holding sessions with the Croydon Young Persons Service for girls between 11 and 18 who are refuges and asylum seekers. I think that Fiona ought to get her arse back up to north Wales and quickly, because there’s a few souls up there who are on a journey after spending years being raped and buggered in the children’s homes. They didn’t experience much love, but there was an awful lot of loss and quite a bit of bereavement as well, particularly after five of them died all at once in an arson attack (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’). Come on Fiona, Wales needs you and your therapeutic skills – and of course the empathy and compassion that you’re advertising in your biography…

 

 

‘Ain’t Nothing Clean’ – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists

My post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’ detailed the findings of the Jillings Report – or at least those findings that anyone was allowed to read, what with the Jillings Report being so heavily redacted by the time that it was eventually published. The Jillings Report investigated sexual abuse in children’s homes in Clwyd and in that post I provided a few details regarding the managers of Clwyd Social Services during the period under investigation, 1974-1995. The over-riding impression that one is left with from the Jillings Report is how clueless the managers all were and the enormous degree of cronyism involved in appointments. I thought that I’d have a look at what the Waterhouse Report said about it all and I also decided to do a bit of research on the most senior figures in Clwyd County Council – and their fate after they had been outed as presiding over the biggest child abuse scandal in the history of the UK.

Ronald Waterhouse introduces his discussion regarding the management of Clwyd County Council by observing that as Clwyd County Council ceased to exist on 1 April 1996 – a local government reorganisation most conveniently occurred just as John Jillings submitted his report – and stating that the Council ‘could not therefore be represented before us’, mentioning this as one of the many difficulties that the Waterhouse Tribunal was faced with. The successor authorities were represented – by the crooked former Gwynedd County Council lawyer Ron Evans and counsel Merfyn Hughes QC – but they didn’t purport to present a case on behalf of Clwyd County Council. Ronnie states that it was ‘left to the Tribunal itself to conduct the investigation…and to seek out appropriate witnesses’. So that’s why Ronnie did such a hopeless job – he had to do it all himself, supported only by the other two stooges who completed his panel, the Treasury Solicitor’s team, the lawyers representing the Welsh Office, the team of paralegals and administrators from the Welsh Office dispatched by the Welsh Office, Gerard Elias QC, Ernest Ryder, Gregory Treverton-Jones, Ron Evans and Merfyn Hughes QC.

Clwyd County Council was formed in 1974. It’s first Director of Social Services was Emlyn Evans (1974-80) and his Deputy Director was Gledwyn Jones. Neither of them had a specialist background in child care matters. Evans had previously been the Director of Social Services for Denbighshire from Jan 1971 and for Flintshire from approx April 1973. So he knew the patch well and he’ll also have known Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and the lobotomist Dr T. Gwynne Williams who were unlawfully banging up any awkward customers in the North Wales Hospital. Jillings observed that serious child abuse had probably been happening in the region for decades and my own inquiries suggest that is almost certainly true… When Evans retired in 1980, he was succeeded by Gledwyn, who remained as Director of Social Services until 1991. It was acknowledged that there were serious problems in the Social Services Dept before Evans retired and an internal investigation, the O and M Report (by Clwyd’s Organisation and Methods dept), reported in Feb 1980. The report was highly critical and described the sorry state of the management of child care services.

When Gledwyn was appointed Director, John Coley was appointed his Deputy Director. Coley had been the Assistant Director of Dorset Social Services since 1974 and after he left Clwyd in Feb 1984 he was appointed Senior Deputy Director of Tayside Regional Council. John Jevons then succeeded Coley as Deputy Director. Jevons had no experience in child care either, although he had previously spent ten years as the Social Development Manager in the Milton Keynes Development Corporation. In 1991 Jevons became Director of Clwyd Social Services when Gledwyn retired. One of the managers beneath Gledwyn and Jevons with responsibility for children’s services was John Llewellyn-Thomas, who came to Clwyd in Feb 1984 from the Regional Planning Unit for Wales. Prior to that he had been a probation officer. Llewellyn-Thomas was initially responsible for residential homes for children and then in 1986 his responsibility was widened to cover virtually everything concerning children’s services. In April 1991 he was appointed Assistant Director of Children and Family Services and after that he became Director of Social Services for Torfaen.

Waterhouse noted that the Deputy Directors in the 80s were ‘not closely involved in children’s services’, although Coley had a ‘specific role to play in Clwyd County Council’s function as an adoption agency’. However, Coley ‘cannot recall any complaints or allegations of abuse in respect of children in care reaching him’. Jevons, when he was an Assistant Director, had an input into policy ‘mainly in respect of mental handicap and mental illness’ and as Deputy Director he retained those responsibilities and took on others, but continued to be heavily involved in mental health strategy. Gledwyn was concentrating his energies on children’s services. So Jevons was partly responsible for Dafydd and the lobotomist being given free reign then – who were discrediting and imprisoning people who had complained about being molested whilst in care. Jevons attended Senior Management Team meetings but couldn’t remember any matter of complaint relating to the children’s services being discussed at any of the meetings.

In the 80s, the middle managers responsible for children in residential care were Geoffrey Wyatt and Raymond Powell (Assistant Directors of Social Services) and John Llewellyn-Thomas (Principal Officer for Children from 1984). Until 1987 Gordon Ramsey was responsible for placements and from Jan 1988, Michael Barnes was directly responsible for children’s homes.

Waterhouse described ‘turmoil’ prevailing in Clwyd Social Services as the 1980s drew to a close and they prepared for the implementation of the Children’s Act 1989 and the NHS and Community Care Act 1990. The NHS and Community Care Act certainly caused them traumas because the North Wales Hospital Denbigh was stuffed full with people being held there unlawfully, most of whom should never have been there in the first place and Dafydd, Peter Higson, Laurie Wood et al knew that they were going to have some explaining to do when that place was emptied. And of course there was the matter of the patients who had disappeared and those that Gwynne had more than likely killed whilst he was lobotomising them. In 1990 there was a major reorganisation in Clwyd Social Services and it was split into three divisions on a geographical basis. Waterhouse makes a point of saying that he’s not going to enter into details about this, so that reorganisation must have been hiding a multitude of sins. After the reorganisation, John Jevons was promoted to Director and the position of Deputy Director was dispensed with – there were instead three new Divisional Directors.

Geoffrey Wyatt retired in Sept 1992 – he had been responsible for the registration and inspection of children’s homes. John Llewllyn-Thomas left Clwyd in April 1991 – he had been a member of the Welsh Office’s working party regarding preparation for the Children Act. During this time Clwyd had one of the highest proportions of children placed in residential care in Wales. In Jan 1992, Jackie Thomas was appointed as Principal Officer (Children). She only lasted in this post until April 1994 and then left as a result of a long term illness.

So that lot were the people screwing up big time on the ground. What of the most senior people in the Council as a whole, the Chief Executive and the County Secretary? The first Chief Exec of Clwyd was T.M. Hadyn Rees. Hadyn Rees had been around for donkeys years. He originated from Swansea and in 1947 was appointed as assistant solicitor to Caernarvon County Council. The following year he went to Flint County Council in a similar role and became the County Clerk in 1967. He retired in 1977. Mervyn Phillips succeeded Hadyn as Chief Exec and stayed in the post until 1992. He had been Deputy Chief Exec from the creation of Clwyd County Council. Phillips was a solicitor who was a law graduate of Liverpool University. When Mervyn stood down in 1992, he was succeeded by Roger Davies. Davies was a solicitor and an Oxford graduate who in 1977 became Director of Legal Services in Clwyd, was County Secretary from 1980 and then Deputy Chief Exec from 1982 (although he was still usually referred to as the County Secretary). He became Chief Exec in Aug 1992 and remained as such until Clwyd’s dissolution. So between them, Hadyn Rees, Mervyn Phillips and Roger Davies knew that region very well indeed and had been at the top of the tree for a very long time. Yet none of them took responsibility for anything concerning the rampant abuse of children in care in Clwyd and the operation of a gang of paedophiles involved in organised crime.

Roger Davies serviced/attended the Social Services Committee and Mervyn Phillips shouldered the responsibility firmly onto Roger and Gledwyn, the Director of Social Services. Waterhouse stated that Phillips ‘relied heavily upon the Director of Social Services and the County Secretary’. Yet Phillips only met Gledwyn about twice a month, although he spoke to Roger almost daily. Waterhouse claims that Phillips ‘learned for example of the convictions of social services staff when they occurred through the Director or County Secretary and similarly of the request made by Mr Justice Mars-Jones for an investigation’. He also maintains that the ‘failure to inform the Chief Exec of criticism of management and practices of the department was part of a pattern of deliberate non-disclosure’, which resulted in ‘ineffective monitoring’ by the Chief Exec. It seems that there were a number of damning internal reports concerning the social services dept of which it is claimed that Phillips knew nothing. So Waterhouse believed that Phillips knew nuzzing, even when staff of Clwyd were appearing in the media being carted off to prison for abusing the children in their care. I shall explore how likely this was later on. However it was admitted that when Gledwyn was in hospital in 1987, Jevons did discuss Mars-Jones’s request with Phillips and Phillips decided that Roger Davies would carry out the investigation. Jevons himself claimed that when he became Director of Social Services in April 1991 he received no guidance from Phillips or Davies regarding which matters to refer to the Chief Exec – this was not long before Phillips’s retirement and just before the major police investigation into child abuse in Clwyd. Waterhouse summarises Phillips’s management style by stating that ‘Phillips did not offer regular discussions or supervision and did not expect to be informed of day to day business’. Whilst he mildly admonishes Mervyn Phillips et al for taking their eye off the ball, the person who comes in for the most serious condemnation was one of the people with least clout, Iorwerth Thomas, who was ‘a striking example of a person who never shouldered his assigned responsibility for the children’s services’. Unlike those highly paid law graduates who were also solicitors who had been employed in the system for decades and who of course had no idea at all of what was going on.

Waterhouse notes at one point in the Report that between 1977-1980 Emlyn Evans ‘thought that Arnold was living up to his high commendation by the Home Office’. This is a reference to Matt Arnold who was the head of the monstrous Bryn Estyn home, which was one of the most intense centres of paedophile activity, as well as being a place of very great physical cruelty. A number of staff from Bryn Estyn alone were convicted of the sexual abuse of children, the worst offender being Peter Howarth. Howarth had known Arnold since the mid 1960s and they had both worked together at an approved school in Gateshead, where there were allegations that Howarth had sexually abused boys. It was Arnold who brought Howarth to Bryn Estyn with him when Arnold was appointed head. So the Home Office had ‘highly commended’ Arnold – of course until 1974, Bryn Estyn was run by the Home Office. A number of the staff who were eventually convicted of child abuse had worked at Bryn Estyn whilst it was run by the Home Office. That would have been the Home Office under Ted Heath. Gledwyn Jones expressed a similarly high opinion of Arnold. Raymond Powell (Assistant Director, Children In Residential Care) between 1974-89 held the same opinion of Arnold. Powell claimed that the atmosphere at Bryn Estyn was ‘always good’ and that the ‘boys seemed to be happy’. The boys who were constantly running away because they were being physically injured and repeatedly molested. Waterhouse notes that Geoffrey Wyatt, Arnold’s line manager, was faced with great difficulty – it was admitted that Arnold did whatever he wanted, ‘felt able to approach the Director of Social Services directly when he chose to do so’ and that Arnold was ‘wrongly permitted to run Bryn Estyn as his own fiefdom’. Waterhouse also mentions that Arnold earned ‘substantially more’ than Wyatt.

Shouldn’t Ronnie’s antennae at least have twitched at this point? Arnold is out of control, his line manager can’t reign him in, Arnold is paid SUBSTANTIALLY MORE than his line manager and he’s got a hot line to the Director of Social Services. Furthermore he was ‘highly commended’ by the Home Office and was running a home for them – a home where boys were being molested by a paedophile ring. A ring that those boys alleged contained a number of public figures and politicians… One of the boys who dared complain was transferred to Neath Farm School, a place that had an even worse reputation than Bryn Estyn – the other boys were known to have feared that the same thing would happen to them if they complained. Sounds as though that all this could be connected with the putative Westminster paedophile ring…

Regarding the bigwigs at the top of Clwyd County Council who had not a clue that children were being abused, that is T.M. Hadyn Rees, Mervyn Phillips and Roger Davies:

Hadyn Rees died in 1995 and his obituary in the ‘Independent’ was revealing. It described Hadyn Rees as having spent ‘a lifetime in public service in Wales’ and that he lobbied for the setting up of Mold Law Courts, which made the town the principal legal centre in north Wales. Hadyn Rees also campaigned after Thatcher’s policies devastated industry on Deeside and Shotton, especially after the steel works closed down. He was said to have ‘immersed himself in the battle to bring in new employment’ and his activities led to the establishment of Deeside Industrial Park. So somehow he had a lot of clout in high places. One obituary stated that ‘his battles with the Welsh Office to secure parity with south Wales when discussions of Gov’t funding was discussed became something of a legend – and won him wide respect’. So this solicitor who had been working in north Wales since the late 1940s and who oversaw a Council whose children’s homes were rife with paedophile activity had a lot of power at the Welsh Office. The Welsh Office who ignored complaints about the paedophile gang that was operating in the social services that Hadyn Rees ran, the Welsh Office who knew that the mental health services in the region – which were banging up the former residents of children’s homes – were involved in criminal activities and who used their own crooked lawyer Andrew Park to conceal this. But guess what – Hadyn was clerk to the North Wales Police Authority between 1967-77. The North Wales Police who were accused of failing to take action against the paedophile gang and who employed Gordon Anglesea as an officer, who was eventually imprisoned for abusing boys in care in north Wales. Upon retirement Hadyn Rees became a magistrate in Mold and then in 1985 became Chairman of the Magistrates in Mold. That will have been as useful as his stint with the North Wales Police Authority. Of course, one of the biggest movers and shakers that there was in north Wales at that time, Lord Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon, was also a member of the North Wales Police Authority. He was the father of Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon, who in 1979 was involved in an embarrassing incident after having sex with a teenage boy who was in the care of Clwyd Social Services. Please see post ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd’.

Hadyn had his fingers in a lot more pies than law n order though. He was Chairman of the Welsh Water Authority 1977-82; a member of the Severn Barrage Committee 1978-81; a member of the National Water Council 1977-82 and a part-time member of BSC (Industry) Ltd 1979-83, which is the name that British Steel formerly went under. But didn’t Hadyn battle so hard for the people of Clwyd when Thatcher shut the steel works down??? Hadyn however seems to be best known for Mold’s crowning glory – Theatr Clwyd. It is acknowledged by one and all that Theatr Clwyd was a result of Hadyn’s vision and it was even opened by HM the Queen in 1976. Hadyn was a member of the Welsh Arts Council 1968-77 as well, so that might have loosened a few purse strings even if the gay brothels staffed by children in care didn’t. Like so many others who seemed to be connected with the business of concealing the abuse of children in care in north Wales, Hadyn Rees was a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards.

Mervyn Phillips succeeded Hadyn as Chief Exec. Mervyn is a man of many good deeds as well. Mervyn is best known for being the first Chairman of Nightingale House Hospice in Wrexham. Nightingale House started as a day ward in Wrexham Maelor Hospital and in an interview for the Daily Post Mervyn explained that ‘I was coming up for retirement in 1992 [just when the police were investigating the abuse of children in the care of his County Council] but I was approached to ask if I could help raise funds to set up the hospice’. Mervyn was given one hell of a task – he was asked to raise £2.5 million in order to open the hospice, but he did it remarkably quickly. Building started in 1994 but Mervyn seemed to have found the speediest builders in Wales and it was completed and opened in 1995. Mervyn explained that the money was ‘raised through donations and people involved in health care’. Now I don’t think that Mervyn raised £2.5 million by rattling a tin in Wrexham town centre but I do know that a lot of people involved in ‘health care’ in north Wales are very dishonest indeed and concealed the paedophile gang that operated in the children’s homes. I wonder if Merv persuaded them to stump up and if they did I wonder which budget the dosh for the ‘donations’ came from.

Mervyn is a busy bee though. Companies House data reveals that Mervyn is a director of the Clwyd Fine Arts Trust; was a director of the Bodelwyddan Castle Trust (resigned Jan 2017); was a director of the Wrexham Hospital and Cancer Support Centre Foundation [the original name of Nightingale House Hospice] (resigned May 2014); was a director of Gladstone’s Library (resigned 2005); was a director of the Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Assurance Trust (resigned 2005); was a director of Nightingale House Lottery Ltd (resigned 2001); was a director of Nightingale House Promotions Ltd (resigned Feb 2001); was a director of the European Centre for Training and Regional Co-Operation (resigned Feb 1999); was a director of Clwydfro (resigned March 1994); was a director of the Institute for Welsh Affairs (resigned June 1993). There is also a reference on the internet to Mervyn being involved with the Flying North Derbyshire Tinnitus Support Group of all things – along with David Owen, the Chief Constable of the North Wales Police who led the force when it investigated abuse in children’s homes whilst Mervyn was Chief Exec. There was a lot of people who thought that Owen should not have led that investigation because allegations had been made that his own officers had been involved with the abuse. But Owen refused to appoint an outside officer to lead the investigation and the Home Secretary at the time refused to intervene regarding Owen investigating his own force either.

Mervyn Phillips also oversaw the redevelopment of Tyddyn Street Church, Mold in June 2012. The dosh for this came from Cadwyn Council, which provided £14,823 from the Flintshire Key Fund – this money came from the Rural Development Fund for Wales 2001-13, funded by the European Agricultural Fund for Rural Development and the Welsh Gov’t. (Flintshire was one of the successor authorities when Clwyd was dissolved and Mold is in Flintshire.) I’d love to know who was sitting on the grant awarding committee.

In 1985 Mervyn was appointed to the Registered Homes Tribunal. That was at the time the body responsible for appeals relating to the registration of nursing homes, care homes and children’s homes.

In 1991 Mervyn appeared in the Birthday Honours!

In Aug 1999 Mervyn appeared on the BBC in his capacity as the Secretary of the Presbytarian Church of Wales Social Issues Committee, raising concerns regarding genetic engineering and the use of GM plants. Mervyn referred to ‘the Christian perspectives on the importance of creation and human dignity’. I’m not sure that there was much dignity in being passed around a paedophile ring and having the living daylights beaten out of you if you dared complain, but at least it didn’t involve genetic manipulation.

Interestingly enough, when Gordon Anglesea died in prison last year, there was a big turn out at his funeral, including from the Police Federation and the Methodist Church. I wonder if Mervyn was among the mourners.

Merv’s generosity knows no bounds though. In July 2015, a local paper in north Wales ran an interview with Gethin Davies, who was stepping down after being on the Board of the Llangollen International Eisteddfod after 45 years. Gethin was explaining this history of the Royal International Pavilion and said that in 1958 the Eisteddfod purchased the fields where the Eisteddfod is held for £12,000, which ‘turned out to be a very good piece of business’. Part of the parcel of land was then leased to Denbighshire County Council with the proviso it be available to the Eisteddfod. Gethin went on to say that they ‘later worked out a deal with Clwyd County Council thanks to Mervyn Phillips’ ‘which has also proved crucial’. The Royal International Pavilion was opened by HM the Queen in 1992. Next time the Queen is invited to open something that’s the brainchild of a Chief Exec of Clwyd County Council I suggest that she asks to see all the paperwork. Like Mervyn, Gethin Davies was a solicitor. Gethin read law at Aberystwyth University – as did scores of others named on this blog – and was a partner in GHP Legal in Wrexham. GHP is described as a ‘major sponsor’ of the International Eisteddfod. Gethin is the only person who has ever been Chairman of the International Eisteddfod twice, between 1992-03 and 2013-15. Readers might remember that Ronnie Waterhouse too was involved in the International Eisteddfod and was President, 1994-97.

Mervyn was succeeded as Chief Exec by another solicitor, Roger Davies, an Oxford graduate.  He died in 2013 and his obituary mentioned his ‘great service’ to the public. He retired shortly before Clwyd was dissolved in 1996. Which was probably the only possible path open to him – he had been the Director of Legal Services for Clwyd, then the County Secretary, then the Deputy Chief Exec, then was appointed Chief Exec in the middle of the police investigation into the child abuse. He was never held responsible for what happened either.

I gained a clue as to how no-one at all in Clwyd Council, except for one bottom feeding social worker, was held responsible for the biggest child abuse scandal in the UK when I read the minutes of a meeting of Denbighshire County Council (a successor authority to Clwyd) held on 7 Dec 2010. Councillor D.I. Smith was noted as having offered prayers at the commencement of the meeting. There were references to Councillor H.H. Evans winning the ‘Welsh Local Gov’t Politician Of The Year’ Award and the ‘many other awards’ recently won by the Authority. There were tributes paid to three senior officers who were retiring. One of those was Roger Parry, the Finance Chief, who had started working in (the original)Denbighshire County Council in 1971. One of Roger’s sayings was, it was noted, was ‘struggling on’. The meeting heard how Denbighshire ‘inherited’ ‘enormous debt’ at the establishment of the Unitary Authorities in 1996 (ie. after Clwyd was dissolved) and they ‘did indeed struggle’, but Roger helped turned things around. Roger was described as ‘pretty cool in a crisis’. Roger thanked the Members and the Corporate Director and said ‘in particular’ ‘in the early 1990s all had worked together well when facing problems and it was likely that similar problems would have to be faced in the future and his advice was for all to work together, bury any difficulties to deliver for the Authority’. Roger then warned them all not to touch the balance!

So not only was Clwyd host to the worst case of organised paedophilia in the UK but they’d nicked all the money as well – and not one person has ever been held accountable for any of it because they all stuck together like glue and Roger got them out of it by being cool in a crisis. Rather more cool than the kids who had been abused in Clwyd’s children’s homes who collapsed in Court whilst giving evidence and became so distressed during the Waterhouse Inquiry that Ronnie Waterhouse dismissed them as not being good witnesses. And after he retired he organised the International Eisteddfod which was held in the Pavilion which sounds very much as though it was paid for by some of the money that had disappeared from Clwyd County Council.

Before staff from the North West Wales NHS Trust perjured themselves in an attempt to have me imprisoned, someone sent a memo around asking for ‘more nurses down the police station to make statements please’ (the Angels obliged – scores of them trooped down to the cop shop to lie their arses off and although the case collapsed against me in Court not one of them was prosecuted for perverting the course of justice). Can I appeal for more former employees of Clwyd County Council down the police station please – only unlike nurses employed by Ysbyty Gwynedd they won’t have to lie about serious crime because they bloody well committed it.

 

Tower Hamlets, Paul Boateng And Tessa Jowell

Yesterday’s post ‘This Is What Happened To Nicola, Niclas, Merfyn, Joan and Kathryn’ mentioned that Tower Hamlets Council thought it worth their while to send a solicitor and counsel to the Waterhouse Inquiry to represent them, which suggested that they believed that they might have something to worry about. I also speculated on possible links between Tower Hamlets and north Wales but I didn’t know of any for certain. My co-researcher has come up trumps again and has sent me a few useful links and pieces of information. There is a direct connection between Tower Hamlets Council and north Wales and that is a man called Roger Saint. Roger Saint features in the Waterhouse Report, indeed there is a chapter devoted entirely to his activities, but of course it had to be one of the chapters that I had not read. I hadn’t read it because it was a chapter entirely concerned with one foster carer, that is Roger Saint, rather than a chapter with information about the children’s homes or Gwynedd and Clwyd Councils. However it is a chapter full of treasures for those of us who are interested in networks, connections and fuckwittery so great that it surpasses all expectations.

Roger Saint was a man originally from Somerset but who had passed through many other places. He was educated in south Wales and gained employment in residential care in 1968 in a boys’ remand home in Winchester. After working there for a year he moved onto a children’s home in Wednesfield, then one in Wiltshire, then one near Salisbury. Whilst he was employed at Salisbury, in June 1972 he pleaded guilty at Neath Magistrates Court to indecently assaulting a 12 year old boy. Saint did not know the boy, but he saw the boy who was walking a dog as Saint drove past. He stopped his car, got out, grabbed the boy and indecently assaulted him. This conviction was reported to the Home Office Police Department by letter by the Chief Constable in June 1972 and the letter noted Saint’s appointment. Saint had resigned from his job before he was convicted and then secured another job in Manchester at a children’s home run by the Boys and Girls Welfare Society. His next job was at a children’s home in Barry, south Wales, but they found out about his conviction and he was asked to leave.

In Dec 1976 Saint purchased a house in Holywell, Clwyd, with his wife Carol whom he’d married in March 1976. Carol had a number of children from her previous marriage and in 1997 Saint pleaded guilty to a specimen charge of indecently assaulting one of those children. In 1975 Saint had acquired a job at the West Kirby Residential School – he stayed there for ten years. In 1997 he pleaded guilty at Mold Crown Court to offences of indecent assault on two pupils from West Kirby Residential School between 1975 and 1979. Three other counts against two other pupils were not proceeded with.

In 1977 Carol Saint responded to an advert from Clwyd Social Services for foster parents. A social worker from the Delyn Area Office dealt with her inquiry. In April 1978 the Saints approached Clwyd Social Services again, stating their interest in offering a placement to a baby or very young child. The same social worker processed their application and carried out home visits. Roger Saint did not disclose his 1972 conviction but the Saints did authorise Clwyd to check for convictions with the North Wales Police. Saint’s conviction did not of course show up on the records held by the North Wales Police because it had been incurred in south Wales and although New Scotland Yard had a record of it, the North Wales Police didn’t. The social worker provided a positive report about the Saints to the Local Authority’s Adoption Panel and in Dec 1978 the Saints were approved as adoptive parents. Documents submitted to the Waterhouse Inquiry showed that Saint had not mentioned his employment at Barry being terminated and he had falsified other details relating to his employment record as well. It was also revealed by Waterhouse that two references supplied by Saint during the process of his vetting by Clwyd in 1978 hadn’t been received yet this was never followed up, although West Glamorgan Social Services informed Clwyd that they had not been able to make contact with the names that Saint had supplied.

Between Dec 1978 and Feb 1988, eleven children were placed with the Saints, although only two of these were from Clwyd Social Services. The first placement was arranged two days after Clwyd approved the Saints. It was a result of a private arrangement between the Saints and the child’s mother, although a Clwyd social worker did carry out welfare checks and home visits between Dec 1978 and June 1979. The adoption went ahead in July 1979. Two more boys were placed with the Saints by Clwyd in April 1979, but things went wrong very quickly and although the social worker involved – who was from the Wrexham Area Office, although the boy already placed with the Saints was the responsibility of the Delyn Area Office – took no action. In Oct 1979 the boys ran away, were picked up by the police and taken to Holywell Police Station where the Social Services were called. The boys made allegations that they had been physically abused by both Carol and Roger Saint. Nevertheless they were returned to the Saints’ care. They ran away again in Jan 1980 and were found in St Asaph. The social worker had her reservations about returning them to the Saints and both boys were openly expressing a dislike of Roger Saint. Yet at this time the Saints were pressing for yet another child to be placed with them. By March 1980 it was acknowledged by everyone involved that one of the two boys was in a very bad emotional state. Roger Saint continued to request that a third child be placed with them, although three social workers did not think that this would be a good idea. The boy in a bad way was removed from the Saints’ care in March 1980. He gave evidence at Waterhouse that Roger Saint had physically and sexually abused him, as did the other boy, who himself was removed from the Saints’ care in July 1981. The ‘End Of Foster Placement Report’ compiled in Oct 1981 by the social worker in respect of this child was critical of the Saints but did not mention the physical abuse from Roger Saint, although she had been told about it previously by the boy. This boy was so frightened of the Saints that he had asked to be removed from their care without them being warned first, presumably because he feared retribution. The social services did indeed comply with his request.

From 1981 the Saints sought fostering and adoption opportunities outside of Clwyd. Saint maintained that they were encouraged in this by the Clwyd Adoptions Officer, who introduced him to a publication from BAAF (British Association for Adoption and Fostering), which led to him contacting the London Borough of Ealing. Saint also came across PPIAS, a national self-help group of mainly adoptive parents and through PPIAS he approached other authorities, including Tower Hamlets. He was making these approaches at the time that the second boy was being removed from the Saints care. The Saints were considered by Ealing but failed to bond with the two teenaged boys involved. Ealing were warned by the social worker of the second boy who had been removed from the Saints that Roger Saint subjected children to enormous pressure, but she didn’t tell Ealing about the physical danger from Saint. In July 1981 the London Borough of Greenwich considered a placement with the Saints and held two conversations with the aforementioned social worker who did mention the physical abuse. In August 1981 Greenwich turned down the Saints, as did Brent and Nottinghamshire in 1982.

In March 1982 Cheshire Social Services placed a one year old boy with the Saints, whom they later adopted via Clwyd’s Adoption Agency which was part of the Local Authority. Waterhouse notes that this boy stayed with the Saints and made no complaints about them. However as he had cerebral palsy and ‘special educational needs’, he may have been in no position to make complaints about them – Waterhouse does not detail the severity of his disabilities.

In Nov 1982 Tower Hamlets Social Services told Clwyd that the Saints were being presented to their adoption panel in Dec 1982 as prospective parents for two brothers in their early teens. Tower Hamlets asked Clwyd to carry out a police check on the Saints, which Clwyd didn’t do. Tower Hamlets failed to follow up the lack of a police check. From 1982, the Saints’ main involvement with new placements was with Tower Hamlets. At the end of 1984 they moved from Holywell to a village between Mold and Ruthin and then in Sept 1990 they moved near to Bala in Gwynedd. In Oct 1987 Roger was appointed a member of the Statutory Adoption and Foster Care Panel for Clwyd South, after Clwyd’s Adoption Officer had nominated him in Sept 1987. By then Saint was also the local representative of PPIAS. Within four months of approving the nomination from the Adoption Officer, Gledwyn Jones, Clwyd’s Director of Social Services, had found out about Saint’s 1972 conviction and in Feb 1988 wrote to Roger Davies, the County Secretary and Solicitor for advice. Davies did not reply, despite being sent a reminder 18 months later. Saint remained on the panel until Clwyd County Council was abolished in March 1996. In August 1992 Roger Davies became Chief Exec of Clwyd County Council.

Between Feb 1983 and Sept 1985, Tower Hamlets placed seven children with the Saints, five of whom they adopted. After their initial period of being boarded out with the Saints, all five boys complained of being sexually abused by Roger Saint. Four of the boys were adopted in Jan 1989, which was after Saint’s 1972 conviction had been revealed. Waterhouse makes reference to a letter that was written by the Metropolitan Police to Tower Hamlets in March 1988 confirming the conviction. In March 1997 Saint pleaded guilty at Mold Crown Court to indecently assaulting all five of the boys. Waterhouse notes that Saint’s 1972 conviction did not seem to have been revealed to Mold County Court in Jan 1989 when adoption orders were issued for the four boys.

At one point there was a change of social workers from Tower Hamlets who were dealing with the Saints. By the time that this happened, the Saints house was piled high with ‘looked after’ children but the new social worker recorded that the Saints were ‘parental’ and in no way was their place a mini children’s home. She also referred to the very sound relationship between Tower Hamlets and the Saints. Events in 1985 provide a clue as to why the Saints filled their home with kids whom they didn’t seem to like and yet requested more when some were removed from them as a result of their violence. Roger Saint had given up his job – on the advice of Tower Hamlets no less – and in 1985 an arrangement was made to pay the Saints double the going rate for looking after the children. In addition, Tower Hamlets enlisted the help of a charity to help finance the Saints’ smallholding. The Saints received a further rise in pay in May 1986. The Waterhouse Report states that one of the Tower Hamlets social workers had become ‘an advocate for the Saints’ even after she had discovered that Roger Saint had not disclosed his conviction. At much the same time that the Tower Hamlets social worker formed her view of the Saints, a social worker from Southall who had been involved with them was highly critical and so concerned that she rang Tower Hamlets in July 1987.

In the late summer of 1985 a girl of twelve from Tower Hamlets was boarded out with the Saints and remained with them until Sept 1989. The girl was driven to a local school by taxi and Roger Saint had told the taxi driver that she was ‘schizophrenic’. At a later date the girl told this taxi driver that Roger Saint was repeatedly asking her to remove he knickers so he could look at her. The taxi driver contacted Clwyd’s Head of School Transport who said that she’d notify Clwyd’s Social Services Dept. Within an hour, Saint had phoned the taxi driver threatening retribution through his solicitors, alleging that it was the girl’s condition that caused her to say such things. The taxi driver confirmed that he was never approached by Clwyd Education Dept or Social Services. Waterhouse notes in his Report that the girl later left the Saint’s care after she had run down the drive at their home saying that she’d had sex with a man three times. The police interviewed her with Roger sitting in on the interview. This girl was not called to give evidence to Waterhouse and old Ronnie concluded that ‘it seems quite possible that they [the incidents of sexual interference] were imagined by her’ and ‘were attributable as Saint said to her condition’. One can only wonder why at the time north Wales was populated by so many people who were suffering from a type of schizophrenia that caused them to allege that they were being abused whilst they were in care or in the clutches of the local psychiatrists! It can’t be attributed to the genetic inferiority of the locals and their putative inbreeding because a lot of these schizophrenics weren’t from north Wales. The symptoms did however only manifest themselves when they encountered the children’s services or mental health services…

In Feb 1988 the Saints applied to adopt two children from Devon and Devon Social Services discovered Saint’s conviction (in 1981, the national database of computerised police records had been established) and the Director of Social Services of Devon informed Clwyd. Clwyd asked the North Wales Police to check Saint’s record and they confirmed his conviction. North Yorkshire Council placed a boy with the Saints in Sept 1991 and he was adopted by them in 1995, becoming their eighth adopted child. North Yorkshire placed a further two children with them, in Dec 1993 and April 1995. Two other children from North Tyneside Metropolitan Borough Council and Greenwich were placed with the Saints in May 1994 and Aug 1995 and remained with the Saints until Roger Saint’s arrest before his 1997 trial. Ronnie Waterhouse didn’t seek evidence from North Tyneside or Greenwich because there had been no complaints. Nothing to worry about there then.

At Saint’s trial at Chester Crown Court in 1997 – where he was found guilty and sentenced to six and a half years in prison – North Tyneside Council stated that ‘the [1972] conviction was not so big and that he had successfully cared for so many children in the past and no person had made a complaint against him’. As mitigation, before sentence was passed on Saint, Ronnie Waterhouse noted that ‘Counsel…emphasised the positive aspects of Saint’s record as a carer of children, including the continuing allegiance of many of the adopted children’. The allegiance of children who no doubt knew that they would be violently assaulted or called schizophrenic and mysteriously disappear if they did complain…

So those were the practices which Tower Hamlets needed to defend when it dispatched Bryan McGuire the lawyer who was ‘instrumental in many of the changes and developments in public law in recent years, particularly in the field of…children’s services’ and who ‘sought to improve Local Authority services for the vulnerable’ to the Waterhouse Inquiry.

 

Much as Ronnie Waterhouse, Tower Hamlets/North Tyneside/ Greenwich/ Cheshire/North Yorkshire Councils took a rather relaxed view of placing children in the care of a man who had a track record of violently assaulting them, molesting them and then demanding enhanced payment from Local Authorities in return for providing this service, the rest of the world didn’t and there was quite a hoo hah in the press following Roger Saint’s conviction and imprisonment. There was such a fuss that Blair’s newly elected Gov’t made a point of Taking Action. The man who Spoke Out was Paul Boateng, Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Health. Boateng had responsibility for social services and mental health and said regarding Saint: ‘…a truly horrific case. This new Gov’t will not tolerate a loophole in the law that allows Local Authorities to place children for foster care or adoption with convicted child abusers which happened in this case’.

‘A truly horrific case’ was Boateng’s opinion in 1997. But Boateng knew that something was very wrong in north Wales many, many years before he said that. Because before he was elected as MP for Brent South in 1987, Paul Boateng was a civil rights solicitor for Birnberg and Co and became a partner in the company. So he will definitely have known about a case that made legal history which was handled by Birnberg and Co whilst Boateng worked there – the case of Miss Mary Wynch. But let’s give Boateng the benefit of the doubt and accept that although he will have known that a lady from north Wales was illegally arrested, imprisoned and detained in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh for a year by Dr Dafydd Alun Jones after she complained about being swindled out of her inheritance by a ring of crooked solicitors, he may not have known that the North Wales Hospital was also being used to illegally bang up people who complained that they had been molested whilst in care in north Wales. (Although one wonders why Paul, a civil rights lawyer and Champ of the Common Man, committed to equality and diversity, never breathed a word about Mary’s case once he became an MP, never commented when the stuffing over of Mary received much media coverage and was the subject of an Early Day Motion in Parliament in the early 1990s and still remained silent when Mary was sent off into the sunset by Michael Howard’s Home Office, ruined, in 1995.) It is highly probable however that Paul knew that all was not well in terms of children in care in north Wales – and he most definitely knew that all was not well with children in care in London, some of whom were being sent to north Wales to live with people like Roger Saint.

In March 2016 the BBC revealed that a London police officer, Detective Inspector Clive Driscoll, in 1998 had been removed from an investigation that he was working on regarding the sexual abuse of children on an enormous scale whilst in the care of Lambeth Council. Driscoll was particularly interested in the activities of a paedophile called Michael John Carroll – usually known as John Carroll. Carroll had been the manager of Angell Road Children’s Home in Lambeth and was eventually jailed for ten years for sexual offences against children. Driscoll had identified five people whom he wanted to talk about regarding Carroll and one was Paul Boateng, who was then the Minister for Police in the Home Office. Driscoll made the mistake of attending a meeting with a group of social workers from Lambeth and named Boateng as someone whom he wanted to talk to. An internal Scotland Yard document that ‘Newsnight’ managed to obtain accused Driscoll of ‘serious indiscretions’ and referred to the ‘political sensitivities’ that resulted in his removal from Lambeth. Two people who gave information to Driscoll spoke to ‘Newsnight’ and suggested that Carroll and Boateng knew each other. Social worker Teresa Johnson who worked with Carroll at Angell Road said that she’d seen Boateng at the home on up to six occasions during the mid 80s. Another witness claimed to have seen Boateng during caravan holidays for children run by ACYC (Association of Combined Youth Clubs), of which Carroll was a member. The witness claimed that Carroll had boasted of his friendship with Boateng, believing that Boateng could ‘open doors’ for him. Boateng himself told the BBC that he had no recollection of going to Angell Road or meeting Carroll or visiting the ACYC during caravan holidays. Boateng stated that ‘as a campaigning youth justice lawyer in the 70s and 80s, I acted for many young people in care, met many of their social workers and visited many youth facilities…’ Ah, so he’ll have met the social workers who placed those children in north Wales and other settings where they were abused. Paul Boateng knew one social worker from Lambeth very well indeed – she was a lady called Janet and he married her in 1980. Janet appeared in the Telegraph in 2009 when it was claimed that the Foreign Office were investigating claims that she had bullied black members of domestic staff at the High Commissioner’s residence in South Africa – Boateng was appointed High Commissioner to South Africa in 2005 after he stood down as an MP.

All this surfaced in the media in 2016 because Judge Lowell Goddard, who had been appointed to Chair the Independent Inquiry Into Child Sexual Abuse, had stated that she was particularly interested in getting to the bottom of what had happened in Lambeth and wanted to examine ‘allegations that there was inappropriate interference in law enforcement investigations into the sexual abuse of children in the care of the Council’. Since then of course Lowell Goddard has resigned from her role as Chair of that Inquiry, stating that the Home Office were trying to force their own team of officials on her, which would not make it an independent inquiry. A group of former residents of children’s homes in Lambeth, the Shirley Oaks Survivors Association, walked out of the Inquiry for the same reason.

John Carroll is central to the child abuse investigation in Lambeth. At one point he said that he wanted to turn the Angell Road home into a centre to provide therapy for victims of child abuse – the police even sought advice from him when they investigated abuse in another home. In 1998 Carroll was arrested and one year later was convicted of 35 offences, including buggering young boys. There were 40 charges left on file. The offences were committed in Merseyside and London. Carroll was sentenced to ten years in prison and served five. But Carroll had been first convicted of indecent assault in 1966, against a 12 year old girl in his care at St Edmonds Orphanage, Wirral. He took up his post at Angell Road in 1978. In 1986 Carroll and his wife applied to Croydon Council in order to foster with a view to adopting two boys who’d holidayed with them in north Wales – his earlier conviction for indecent assault was uncovered, yet he was allowed to keep his job at Angell Road. In 1990 he was sacked by Lambeth Council after spending £300 on cigarettes and alcohol whilst the children ate out of date food. In Jan 1991 Carroll purchased the Hand Hotel in Chirk for £725,000 and also ran a small antique shop near Wrexham. I wonder how a jobbing paedophile working in a council run children’s home acquired that sort of money. (I also remember that one of the witnesses at the Waterhouse Tribunal told of how he was taken to Chirk and assaulted in a truly grim ordeal. Ronnie Waterhouse didn’t believe him.) Lambeth was one of the authorities sending children in their care to north Wales.

Boateng’s wife is not the only member of Boateng’s immediate family to attract bad media coverage. In 2011 his son Benjamin was found guilty of sexual assault and was sentenced to three years and ten months in prison and was put on the sex offenders register. It was then revealed that not long before he had been cautioned for sending a hostile text message to his former girlfriend and whilst the family were living in South Africa in 2006 Benjamin was cleared of accusations of the double rape of a teenager.

His knowledge of Mary Wynch’s case and his putative knowledge of John Carroll notwithstanding, I think that Boateng knew exactly how grim children’s services in London in the 80s were and I think that he has a very good reason for pretending that he knew nuzzling until Roger Saint was waved under his nose – apart from his wife being a social worker from Lambeth of course. Before he became an MP, Boateng was a Councillor with the GLC under Ken Livingstone – Boateng was Chair of the GLC’s Police Committee. Ken’s GLC did of course have it’s HQ and it’s powerbase in Lambeth. So Boateng was a Councillor in the organisation that was overseeing the bodies responsible for the kids who were being abused. Boateng was always considered to be on the hard left of the Labour Party until Kinnock became leader – and then Boateng’s political hue started changing… By the time he was a Minister in the Home Office under Home Secretary Jack Straw, Boateng took quite a firm line on law n order – after keeping quiet about all that wrongdoing in the children’s services and mental health services previously. Like many of his contemporaries in the GLC, Boateng was also involved with the NCCL, the National Council for Civil Liberties, which at one point allowed PIE to become affiliated to it – PIE being the organisation that campaigned to legalise sex between children and adults. Boateng was an executive member of the NCCL. Many other leading lights in New Labour were involved with NCCL, including Harriet Harman, Patricia Hewitt, Jack Dromey and Henry Hodge. When the NCCL’s links with PIE received media coverage some three years ago, Harriet et al became very vexed and tried to deny the connections. They couldn’t – PIE were affiliated to the NCCL and successfully managed to dupe idiots like Harriet into conflating homosexuality and paedophilia. (Some members of the Chester branch of the Campaign for Homosexual Equality, CHE, walked away because so many of the members were actually paedophiles, some of whom were employed in children’s homes in north Wales.) Recently, Shami Chakrabarti, who for years led ‘Liberty’, the name that NCCL later adopted, publicly spoke about paedophiles ‘infiltrating’ the NCCL. They didn’t infiltrate anywhere, they were quite open about their activities, it was just that Harriet et al were too thick and too busy playing identity politics to realise what PIE actually was all about. Interestingly enough, I have discovered that on one occasion when Peter Hain was still in the Young Liberals and was honorary Vice-President of CHE, he stated that ‘paedophilia is not a condition to be given a nod and a wink as a healthy fringe activity in society – it is a wholly undesirable abnormality requiring sensitive treatment’. If Peter Hain managed to work that out I wonder what was wrong with the rest of them. For more info on the NCCL and those who were involved in it, see post ‘The London Connection’.

Not that Boateng’s link with PIE hampered him – in 2000 Boateng was appointed Minister for Young People by Blair. But then Margaret Hodge was Minister for Children and she was leader of Islington Council when their children’s homes had been host to paedophile gangs.

On account of Paul being the first mixed race cabinet minister, his portrait hangs in that Hall of Lame – or indeed Shame – the collection of portraits of 21st century Parliamentarians.

Boateng was elevated to the House of Lords in 2010. When he was introduced to the House he was supported by Lord Ouseley and Lord Greville Janner. Greville is best known to me as the father of the dreadful Marion, who believes that she is a mental health campaigner and in this capacity travels around the UK visiting abusive facilities and complimenting the staff on their excellent work. Marion is sufficiently delicate as to need to be accompanied everywhere by her emotional support dog Buddy, even when she arrives in the Radio 4 studio to a toadying welcome from Claudia Hammond presenting the ‘All In The Mind’ programme. I know a lot of people who have suffered very badly at the hands of some whom Marion has supplied with free PR, but none of them have the luxury of an emotional support dog. However, most of the nation know Greville for something else – for being accused again and again of molesting children who were in care in the Leicester area. Despite the robust denials of Greville – and indeed his offspring (please see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’), it has now been admitted by the police and the CPS that there was enough evidence for Greville to have been charged years ago and were it not for inexplicable slip ups on the part of the DPP, he would have been. Sadly the slip ups continued at the hands of Alison Saunders, the latest occupier of that office. Greville was supposed to be at least facing a trial of the facts after some Top Doctors gave evidence that he wasn’t fit to stand trial, but more mysterious delays ensured that Greville was safely dead and buried before anyone ever got near a trial of the facts.

Boateng used his maiden speech in the Lords to highlight the needs of poor and disadvantaged children in both rural and urban areas. Like the kids from inner London who were shipped out to rural north Wales to join the kids there in being abused – shipped out by colleagues of Paul’s wife…

Paul is a Methodist lay preacher and in 1988 received the Dr Martin Luther King Jr Award from the Southern Christian Leadership Conference for his contribution to the field of civil rights. His contribution continues – he is a non-executive director of Aegis Defence Services, a ‘private security, military and risk management company’. Judging from it’s website, this is one of those companies that employs ‘security men’ who shoot poor people who have the misfortune to be living in dangerous parts of the world under oppressive regimes (the sort of regimes that Boateng’s former boss Blair now sells his ‘advice’ to). The Chairman of Aegis is Nicholas Soames (or as ‘Private Eye’ always calls him, Fatty Soames), former Tory Defence Minister, friend of Prince Charles, who told the media that Diana was mentally ill and in an advanced state of paranoia when she accused Charles of having an affair with Camilla. Fatty Soames has denied threatening Diana in the months before she died, telling her that accidents happen. I do hope that Fatty doesn’t own a white Fiat Uno, although if he does I doubt that he’d actually fit inside of it.

I have good friends who are Methodists and I don’t think that they would believe that being involved with Ageis would be a particularly Christian or neighbourly thing to be doing. But as Brown observed ‘people with an interest in human rights tend to end up giving advice to the violators rather than the victims, presumably because the former have most money’. Brown then claimed that Sylvester Stallone once said ‘ain’t nothing clean’. Perhaps I should incorporate that phrase into the title of this blog.

One of Paul’s former colleagues in Blair’s Gov’t could probably have helped Judge Lowell Goddard with her inquiries into the child abuse at Lambeth Council, if only Goddard hadn’t had a bellyful of the Home Office and returned to New Zealand. That is a former star of this blog, Tessa Jowell. Tessa has paddled in some very unpleasant ponds in her time. She was a child care officer in Lambeth between 1969-71 and a psychiatric social worker at the Maudsley Hospital between 1972-74. That’s the Maudsley where Dr Dafydd Alun Jones did a stint of ‘training’ under Dr Bob Hobson, before returning to north Wales to illegally imprison people who dared try to complain about the paedophile gang. The Maudsley that was still protecting Dafydd from the consequences of his criminal activities in 1991 (please see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London…’). Tessa was a Councillor in Camden between 1971-86 and was Chair of Camden’s Social Services Committee when she was 25 years old. I don’t think that meant she was Wonder Woman, I think it meant that someone was daft enough to appoint someone as Chair of the Committee who in no way had sufficient life experience for such as position. Between 1978-86 Tessa was Chairwoman of the Social Services Committee of the Association of Metropolitan Authorities. Those will have been the Metropolitan Authorities whose Social Service Depts were placing children in establishments staffed and run by paedophiles.

Between 1974-1986 Tessa was Assistant Director of MIND. So she will have worked with the Legal Director of MIND William Bingley. Who in the summer of 1987, told me that he knew all about Dafydd Alun Jones, that Jones was a ‘very charming psychopath’, that there had been five complaints about Jones to the GMC in one month including one involving a death and that the Mental Health Act Commission knew all about Jones as well but was ‘toothless’. When I contacted Bingley again a few weeks later and told him that Jones had now tried to bribe me and when that hadn’t worked had threatened to have me arrested and imprisoned unless I dropped my complaints about him, Bingley told me that such behaviour was ‘entirely characteristic’ of Jones. Bingley clearly wasn’t going to spring into action regarding Jones though, despite all the radical talk that was emanating from MIND at the time. A few days later I received a letter from William advising me not to go to north Wales at all. After leaving his post at MIND Bingley then took a job as Chief Exec of the Mental Health Act Commission. Which did of course continue to fail to challenge the abuses of the mental health services in north Wales. Guess who else was a member of the ‘toothless’ Mental Health Act Commission which colluded with Jones et al between 1985-90? Tessa! The MHA Commission may have been shite, it may have colluded with a man who was illegally imprisoning and sexually abusing his patients and concealing a paedophile ring that was operating in the social services dept of whom his mistress was Director, but it looked great on your CV!

MIND did something else interesting whilst Tessa was Assistant Director. In 1975 MIND organised a conference which was attended by a man called Keith Hose. Keith was Chairman of PIE and was busy campaigning to legalise sex between children and adults. Between 1975-76 Hose actively sought to increase the membership of PIE as much as possible and gain mass publicity to ensure that paedophilia ‘became a public issue’. It was suggested at the MIND conference in 1975 that PIE should submit evidence to the Home Office’s Criminal Law Revision Committee on the age of consent. PIE submitted a 17 page document in which it proposed that there should be no age of consent.

Tessa was a Governor of the National Institute of Social Work between 1985-97. That’s the National Institute of Social Work who’s Director of Education was Peter Righton, a convicted paedophile and founding member of PIE who used his position to publish material advocating sexual relationships between adults and children (see post ‘The Waterhouse Tribunal – Who Was Involved And What Happened To Them Subsequently?’).

Tessa was elected as Labour MP for Dulwich and West Norwood in 1992 and of course hit the big time under Blair’s Govt, becoming a member of the cabinet – she was also a member of Gordon Brown’s cabinet. She encountered a bit of difficulty when her husband David Mills, a friend of Silvio Berlusconi, was prosecuted in the Italian Courts for accepting a bribe from Berlusconi to give false evidence in corruption trials.  At that point Tessa publicly announced that they had split up, although people continued to spot them together looking like they were very good friends in places where Tessa thought that there might not be a media presence. Happily the relationship healed rapidly when David escaped prison on a technicality. You can read more about Tessa and David’s difficulties in my post ‘The London Connection’.

In 2012 Tessa became a Dame!

Tessa stood down from the Commons in 2015 and was elevated to the peerage in the 2015 dissolution honours. Luckily working in a vile institution with corrupt abusive psychiatrists or spending many years being involved with a number of other organisations that are colluding with, facilitating or concealing child sexual abuse is no barrier to a seat in the Lords. Tessa famously said on one occasion that she would jump under a bus for Tony Blair. With a CV like hers I’m surprised that no-one’s given her a push.

Just to finish, a brief word about a former colleague of both Tessa and Paul, dear old Diane Abbott. Diane has trodden a fairly similar path to that trodden by Tessa and Paul although she’s never actually aligned herself to the right of the Labour Party, simply remaining a hypocrite instead. Remember all that business of sending her son to a fee paying school after spending years maintaining that she completely opposed private education? Diane was also involved in a leadership contest at one point and stated that she was the outside candidate. She did claim that this was because she was a black, female, single parent, but a friend of mine observed cynically that it must have been because Diane had been to Cambridge whereas the others had been to Oxford. She did a stint at the NCCL between 1978-80 when PIE was affiliated to it and between 1985-86 was press officer at the GLC under Ken Livingstone. Between 1986-87 she was head of press and public relations at Lambeth Council – considering the slurry that is now pouring out in relation to that Council during that time, she either did a really brilliant job or there were so many of them involved that no-one was ever going to leak anything. Having watched and heard Diane in action many times on the TV and radio, I suspect that the latter was the case.

 

 

This Is What Happened To Nicola, Niclas, Merfyn, Joan and Kathryn

It seems that there is a limitless source of blogging material for me with regards to the trajectories of the careers of those who have somehow been involved in concealing the abuses of the children’s services and mental health services. An e mail from a reader yesterday prompted me to follow up a few more of the names who were listed in the Waterhouse Report as having provided legal advice for the various witnesses and parties involved in the Inquiry. There were of course many lawyers named – some of them local lawyers from practices in north west Wales who were personally known to me – but I’ll just provide details of some who are of particular interest here.

However, I’ll just kick off with a lawyer who was involved with the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal before it all got as far as the Public Inquiry – Nicola Davies QC. Readers may remember that Nicola was appointed by the Welsh Office during the Jillings investigation into child abuse in children’s homes in Clwyd County Council to examine the need for a public inquiry. Nicola’s conclusion was that a judicial inquiry ‘would not be in the public interest’ – although the next year William Hague announced that there would be one and soon afterwards appointed Sir Ronald Waterhouse and his panel.

So who was Nicola Davies QC? Well she was originally from Bridgend but studied law at Birmingham University. Nicola was considered to be a ‘medical specialist’. What was it that established Nicola’s reputation in this area? It was her acting as junior counsel for Dr Marietta Higgs and Dr Geoffrey Wyatt, the two paediatricians involved in the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal! The scandal that kicked off just after Alison Taylor – the whistleblowing social worker from north Wales – approached Margaret Thatcher and told her that she’d witnessed child abuse in north Wales, just as I started making representation about criminal activities in the mental health services and just at the time that Mary Wynch was winning in Court against the mental health services and Risley Remand Centre (please see post ‘A UK Network’). So Nicola represented two doctors who were widely criticised by other doctors, who precipitated a crisis and a national scandal, who undoubtedly removed some children from caring homes and accused innocent people of sexual abuse, whose actions led to a complete breakdown in working relationships between professionals in the region and within a few months, a Judicial Inquiry.  So that was the ‘expertise’ that the Welsh Office utilised and did initially rely upon in deciding whether to hold a Judicial Inquiry in north Wales.

Following her work for the Welsh Office, Nicola’s reputation grew and grew. She ‘played a part’ in the Bristol Heart Surgery scandal. From what I’ve read I presume that she represented some of the surgeons – the surgeons at the Bristol Royal Infirmary who carried out operations beyond their competence, who refused to listen to warnings and whose own ‘expertise’ lead to the deaths of a lot of children. A judicial review also resulted in Nicola quashing a decision to close some NHS paediatric surgery units. I suspect that case was actually the one that followed the aftermath of Bristol, in which Top Doctors from various paediatric surgery units tipped buckets of slurry over each other, all called each other dangerous and incompetent in an attempt to save their own unit and in the event no-one ever got to the bottom of any of it – just like Cleveland! Clearly by now Nicola was rapidly becoming the choice of any Top Doctor in the shit – she must have overtaken even Sir Robert Francis QC on that measure – and she  subsequently represented Professor Sir Roy Meadow before the GMC, at the High Court and at the Court of Appeal. Roy Meadow was the paediatrician who invented a psychiatric syndrome – Munchausen’s by proxy – and subsequently spouted made-up statistics in Court in his capacity as an ‘expert witness’ which led to a number of innocent women being jailed for murdering their children who had in fact died of other causes. The most high profile of these cases was Sally Clark, a solicitor who had lost two children due to cot death. Sally was crucified in the press, banged up, repeatedly physically attacked by other prisoners who believed that she was a murderer and by the time that her conviction was quashed had just about been destroyed. She died not long after being released. Before she died however, another Top Doctor, Professor David Southall, vented his spleen on the Clark family (they obviously hadn’t been through enough, only having lost two of their children and Sally having being wrongly convicted and imprisoned for double murder) and reported Sally’s husband for the murder of the children, on the grounds of absolutely no evidence at all. Neither Southall or Meadow crawled off under a stone to retire after this series of unimaginable misjudgements and cock-ups – after the GMC finally took action against them in the face of much public outrage, they both continued to max-out the various appeals processes until they were returned to the Medical Register. And it was Nicola whom Meadow used to do it. This was not yet the pinnacle of Nicola’s career however.

Nicola’s reputation was well and truly sealed when she defended a man called Harold Shipman. Readers may have heard of him. Nicola did her best, but he was of course found guilty. Now I suspect that if I had defended the UK’s biggest serial killer and lost the case, I’d be finished, but I’m glad to say that Nicola was made a Dame in 2010 – of course she was, what did any of us expect? She was described in ‘Wales Online’ as ‘the highest medical defence QC in the UK’ and a woman who had ‘broken many glass ceilings’. (I thought that there might be bit of a role model for all us other women in there somewhere.) Nicola could only travel upwards though – since 2014 she has been the Presiding Judge of the Wales Circuit. (She was appointed a judge a couple of years after telling everyone that holding an inquiry into the biggest child abuse scandal in the UK would not be in the public interest.) Nicola is an honorary fellow of the University of Cardiff. One can only hope that Nicola has a very powerful washing machine because she’ll have more blood on her than Lady Macbeth had.

The research for this post was prompted when a reader sent me some links concerning a branch of a bikers club in Colwyn Bay, the ‘Outlaws’, some of whom have been involved in organised crime. In June 2012, at Mold Crown Court, the police sought a serious crimes prevention order against two members of the ‘Outlaws’, Stuart Dawson and Adrian Sheriff, to prevent them participating in serious criminal activities upon their release from prison. Dawson had previously served five years in prison and Sheriff four years, for conspiring to supply amphetamines. Their arrests had followed the discovery of £20,000 worth of the drug at their North Wales clubhouse in Colwyn Bay and the clubhouse was described as a centre of illegal activity. At a previous trial involving Dawson, Judge Merfyn Hughes QC had stated that Dawson had used his position as European and Asian President of the ‘Outlaws’ to further his own criminal activities. At the trial in June 2012 the police requested that Dawson and Sheriff should be prevented from holding office in the club by Court Order. I bet they were surprised at the response of the judge, Niclas Parry – he told the police that such an Order would be ‘disproportionate’ and he then made a less restrictive Order, stating that Dawson and Sheriff mustn’t hold office or seek to hold office in the ‘Outlaws’, the ‘Hell’s Angels’ or ‘Black Pistons’, after ‘negotiations’ between the lawyers. The Order applying to Dawson ran until May 2015 and the one applying to Sheriff ran until May 2014. Judge Niclas Parry then thanked the barristers – and the defendants – for reaching the agreement and saving the Court from a ‘week long trial’. Yes, Niclas Parry allowed two people involved in serious organised crime on an international scale to arrange the terms of their own Court Orders and then thanked them for it. If Niclas Parry is ever the victim of crime and phones the police for help, I don’t expect they’ll be busting a gut to arrive at the scene of the crime at top speed – and he’d better be careful because the Orders that he put on Dawson and Sheriff expired ages ago. The ‘Outlaws’ don’t just have a cosy relationship with a judge in the region, the reader who sent me this story also sent me  a collection of photos of the ‘Outlaws’ at  a charity fundraiser with the Bryn y Maen RSPCA. Haven’t the RSPCA created enough bad publicity for themselves already?

So who is the judge who thanks organised criminals for allowing him to negotiate with them? Niclas Parry, before he was a judge, was one the many lawyers who was involved in the Waterhouse Inquiry. Parry was a solicitor advocate representing one of the witnesses, Stephen Norris. Stephen Norris had been employed at Bryn Estyn and later at the Cartrefle Community Home. Norris was so gross that even the other staff at those homes didn’t like him, describing him as coarse, unsuitable to work with children and obsessed with sex. When the members of a paedophile gang described someone in those terms even Ronald Waterhouse couldn’t ignore it. In 1990 Norris pleaded guilty to a number of sex offences at Chester Crown Court and was sentenced to three and a half years in prison. This case sparked off a police investigation and before he had finished his sentence Norris was charged with numerous more offences and in 1993 pleaded guilty at Knutsford Crown Court to three offences of buggery, one offence of attempted buggery and three indecent assaults. He pleaded not guilty to ten other counts. Norris was sentenced to seven years in prison and the ten counts to which he’d pleaded not guilty were ordered to remain on file. The Waterhouse Tribunal however heard about a lot more wrongdoing on the part of Norris than this. Norris himself admitting committing offences from 1980 onwards. Witnesses told the Tribunal that Norris repeatedly molested them in the showers, in the bedrooms, in his caravan and on a smallholding that he owned. They also told of physical violence from Norris and one claimed that Norris had threatened him with a shotgun – but Ronnie didn’t believe that, in the way that he chose not to believe so much of what former residents of children’s homes told him. One witness explained that Norris took him to a large house in Chester where he was buggered by Norris and the occupier and shown pornographic films involving children. On another occasion Norris arranged for a man to pick him up, who then took him to Chirk and sexually assaulted him. This witness also told Waterhouse that Peter Howarth – another member of staff at Bryn Estyn who was in prison for sexually assaulting the boys in his care by the time that the Inquiry was underway – and Norris tried to get him to recruit boys for sexual purposes. If I was leading an Inquiry into sexual abuse in a region where it was alleged that influential public figures were abusing children, that a paedophile ring was in operation and that staff in the children’s homes might be involved with a gay prostitution and child pornography racket I’d be quite interested in this witnesses story. But Ronnie pointed out that there was no evidence to corroborate it and furthermore this witness was under psychiatric care. Which says it all. (This was not the only witness who talked about being taken to other locations where they were molested by strangers. Ronnie didn’t give them the time of day either.)

So that’s who Niclas Parry represented at the Tribunal. But I think that Niclas might have actually known old Ronnie Waterhouse before that Tribunal. This blog has made it eminently clear just what a small world it is in north Wales and the legal world in north Wales is even smaller. Ronnie himself grew up in Flintshire, was very locally rooted and retained numerous links there throught his life. Niclas came from Flintshire as well! He was born in Halkyn and went to school in Mold, where his parents were teachers. Niclas even managed to become head boy in the school in which his mum was head of English! Niclas maintains that it was his mum who inspired him to follow a legal career – his mum had legal connections, she was a magistrate! Niclas studied law at Abersytwyth, like so many featured on this blog and whilst he was there was head warden of Pantycelyn, the well-known Welsh speaking hall of residence which was the site of many language protests. After graduation, Niclas undertook his training as a solicitor with a firm called Llewellyn Jones and Co in Mold, under the late W. Armon Ellis and became a partner there, only leaving in 2010.

It’s worth me saying a bit about Armon Ellis, Niclas’s mentor. Armon also read law at Aberystwyth. He was born in Flintshire as well, near Holywell and attended the same school as Ronnie Waterhouse, Holywell Grammar, although he was thirteen years older than Ronnie. In 1946, after serving in the war, he joined the Mold law firm of the local MP, Llewellyn Jones, becoming a senior partner. In the 1970s he was one of the first solicitors to act as a deputy circuit judge. He was a Councillor with Flintshire County Council between 1950 and 1974 and between 1974 and 1977 he served on Clwyd County Council. So Niclas’s mentor was right in the thick of it whilst children in the care of those councils were abused for years – and he’ll have known the dipsticks who ran the social service depts of those councils who were steeped in incompetence and nepotism as described in my post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’. Armon Ellis was described in his obituary as being immersed in and dedicated to the Welsh language and Welsh culture – it is even mentioned that he was born on St David’s Day. Presumably Armon Ellis arranged that whilst he was still in the womb. The writer of that obituary stated that Armon Ellis served for years as the Chairman of a ‘progressive education committee’ which gave education chiefs Hadyn Williams and Moses Jones support in establishing Welsh medium education. Which is laudable, but whilst they were doing that they failed to notice that the molesting of children less fortunate than their own was rife. Armon Ellis had an interest in politics and stood unsuccessfully in Flintshire for the Liberal Party in the general elections of 1950 and 1951. (Ronnie Waterhouse was the Labour candidate for West Flintshire in 1959.) That would be during the time that the Liberal Party provided a home for Jeremy Thorpe and Cyril Smith. Armon Ellis was a keen Eisteddfodwr. He was the honorary solicitor to the National Eisteddfod, the chairman of the executive committee at Flint in 1969 and the vice-president at Mold in 1991. Niclas is an Eisteddfodwr as well. He was President of the National Eisteddfod in Denbigh in 2013 and has been stage leader at the National Eisteddfod, the Urdd Eisteddfod and the Llangollen International Eisteddfod. Ronnie Waterhouse liked Eisteddfodau too! He was the President of the Llangollen International Eisteddfod 1994-1997. Now anyone who knows anything about Eisteddfodau knows that they take a huge amount of organising, rehearsing and work in general and if you are an enthusiastic Eisteddfodwr you will know everyone else involved, including across different generations. Niclas will have had to have worked very hard indeed not to have known Ronnie and Ronnie will have had to have worked very hard not to have known Armon Ellis. They are different generations of a very similar sort of person.

Indeed the founder of Llewellyn Jones solicitors firm was an earlier version of Ronnie/Armon Ellis/Niclas. He was Frederick Llewellyn-Jones, who was born in Bethesda back in 1866 and who died in 1941. He went to Bala College and then studied law at Aberystwyth. He married a woman from Ruthin which is perhaps why he ended up in the north east of Wales. He was the Liberal and then Liberal National MP for Flintshire. Llewellyn-Jones was a Governor of both Aberystwyth and Bangor Universities, a member of the Holywell School Board, had positions with the Ministry of Health, was a Governor of the Welsh National Museum and the National Library of Wales and was a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards. Niclas, several generations later, is a member of the Gorsedd. of the Bards.

I could continue to map the connections between people with these interests for eternity. J.E. Daniel, one of the founders of Plaid and father of the corrupt judge Huw who has done so much himself to conceal the wrongdoing of those we know and love, was a professor at Bala College (later known as the Bala-Bangor College); I also seem to remember that the election literature sent out by Alun Ffred Jones, former leader of Gwynedd County Council and then AM for Arfon, brother of Dafydd Iwan, also a former leader of Gwynedd County Council and former President of Plaid, mentioned that their father had a connection to the Bala-Bangor College. I sometimes wonder why people get so excited about alleged masonic links, because there are so many other commonalities between so many of those we know and love and the people who colluded with them. Now I don’t really mind if everyone with an interest in the Welsh language or literature or history or Welsh institutions or Eisteddfodau hobnobs together, because I’m quite interested in those things as well so I can understand that there will be certain places and institutions to which people with such interests will gravitate towards. However, the sort of inner circle from which Ronnie and Armon Ellis and Niclas have emanated is very cliquey. The one thing that those outside the circle notice is that there is definitely a preservation of the influential positions for the offspring of those within the circle. (This phenomenon is written all over Niclas’s biography.) I know an excellent sociologist of Wales who spent forty years studying this and he once observed that these people were actually Tories. They’d never identify as such because they identify as Welsh, but their values are Tory and the biggest clue of all is that it will be their children who will take over the positions of power from them. Thus Niclas ends up as a solicitor advocate defending a scumbag who grossly abused people from backgrounds far less fortunate than Niclas’s or Ronnie’s or Armon Ellis’s et al. And the whole lot of them did a really big favour for a Tory Gov’t who would have done just about anything to keep the lid on a major scandal that had been allowed to get completely out of control under Margaret Thatcher’s administration.

Of course Niclas didn’t remain a solicitor advocate. Like all the other people involved with the Waterhouse Inquiry, he ended up with a nice little number for himself. He became a judge on the Wales Circuit and sits in the Crown Court, mostly in north Wales. He has also been a member of the S4C authority and is of course well-known for being a commentator on Welsh football. I knew someone a few years ago who told me that Niclas has a reputation in Court for being very grandiose and pompous. I’m not sure that anyone who, as a career move, defended a man who buggered, molested and violently assaulted scores of children over a period of many years – and almost certainly did far worse as well even if Ronnie wouldn’t admit it – has anything to be grandiose or pompous about.

The rather more rational judge involved in the action against the ‘Outlaws’ bikers club also starred at the Waterhouse Inquiry, Merfyn Hughes QC. Merfyn was counsel for the six Local Authorities that succeeded Gwynedd and Clwyd County Councils (Gwynedd and Clwyd Councils were conveniently dissolved in a reorganisation in 1996 just as the sheer scale of the child abuse that had gone on started to dawn on everyone). The solicitor representing those six successor authorities who instructed Merfyn was the crooked solicitor Ron Evans, who had previously been County Secretary and Solicitor for Gwynedd County Council. Ron’s name is all over the documents that I have relating to the many attempts that Gwynedd Social Services made to land me in hot water, which involved their staff perjuring themselves on every occasion. It is very clear from the documents that I have that Lucille Hughes had a hotline to Ron Evans and Ron was fully aware of the scale of the wrongdoing – my documents suggest that Ron was actually the Brains behind the whole lot of Lucille’s gang. I have provided full details of Ron Evans’s involvement in the posts that describe my legal battles with Gwynedd Social Services. Merfyn was another who rose to the top in the years following Waterhouse. In 2010 he was appointed Resident Judge for North Wales. He retired in 2014 and was replaced by Rhys Rowlands. Rhys was, a long time ago, the prosecuting solicitor for the North Wales Police. He was called to the Bar in 1986 and worked from chambers in Chester. So he’ll have been working for the North Wales Police when they were quietly ignoring the presence of a paedophile ring on their patch and arresting youngsters for ludicrous offences who happened to have complained about being molested; when the police were returning injured children to the homes where they had been molested after they had run away, without asking any questions; when Gordon Anglesea, a senior policeman, was abusing children himself; when Mary Wynch and others were being unlawfully arrested and detained in the North Wales Hospital. Rhys will have known about all of it. Then he’ll have seen the end result when he was a barrister and judge – he sat at Crown Courts in Caernarfon and Mold – the people that lot stitched up appearing in Court and often going to prison. Merfyn himself was the judge who presided over the notorious Ched Evans rape case at Caernarfon Crown Court in 2012. Evans always protested his innocence – he did fess up that it was all a bit sordid, a drunken gang bang with people whom he didn’t know – but he robustly maintained that he did not rape anyone. His conviction was quashed in 2016, a retrial was held in Cardiff and he was subsequently found not guilty. Merfyn is another lawyer who was born into a family with legal connections. In 2014 there was a gathering at Mold County Court for a special eulogy in honour of a retired judge who had recently died, David Morgan Hughes QC. The tributes were led by one Mrs Justice Nicola Davies and Merfyn was in attendance – the dead judge was his uncle.

Ron Evans instructed another QC to act for the six successor Local Authorities as well – from April 1998 Joan Butler acted for them. Joan became a QC in 1999, whilst she was working on the Inquiry – just like Patricia Scotland became a Baroness whilst she was acting for the Welsh Office at the Inquiry! Also in 1999 Joan was appointed  as a legal member of the restricted patients panel (Mental Health Review Tribunal). A lot of those restricted patients will have been people who were abused as children in care, perhaps some of whom were abused whilst in care in north Wales. Joan became a Circuit Judge in 2002 and was the designated family judge for Nottingham in 2003. She retired as a circuit judge in Feb 2017.

The insurance company Municipal Mutual were represented at the Inquiry. They were of course right in the thick of it, having been Clwyd County Council’s insurers who threatened to refuse to stump up the compensation to the kids who had been abused if the Jillings Report was ever made public and stated that they would pass liability onto the Councillors themselves, raising the spectre of the Councillors being made bankrupt and losing their homes. It was also Municipal Mutual who wanted Councillor Malcolm King sacked if he revealed the contents of the Report, Malcolm King having already made a nuisance of himself by asking rather a lot of questions about all these kids who claimed to have been abused and the staff who ended up in prison for offences against children. From April 1998 Kathryn Thirlwall QC was counsel for Municipal Mutual. Kathryn is described as a ‘specialist in abuse litigation’. I have found details of two cases that Kathryn has been involved in and as with her work with Waterhouse, Kathryn was not using her expertise to represent people who had been abused, she was acting for organisations responsible for children who had employed paedophiles. That’s the way to advance though. Whilst working on the Inquiry in 1998 Kathryn was appointed an assistant recorder and in April 2010 she was appointed a High Court Judge, Lady Justice Thirlwall! She was appointed to the Court of Appeal for England and Wales in Feb 2017.

Just a few lines about a couple of other names that jumped out at me as I was reading the Waterhouse Report. The North Wales Police were represented by Andrew Moran QC who was instructed by Peter Cowan. Peter Cowan describes himself as a specialist in ‘professional negligence’ and ‘ actions involving the police’. The North Wales Police obviously felt a bit culpable then.

I have mentioned in previous posts how children from all over the UK were placed by Local Authorities in north Wales, many of them from the London boroughs. I suspect that Tower Hamlets in particular must have sent a lot, because they thought it worth their while sending a solicitor and counsel to the Inquiry. The counsel who acted for Tower Hamlets was Bryan McGuire, who is now dead. McGuire’s obituary describes him as being ‘instrumental in many of the changes and developments in public law in recent years, particularly in the fields of…children’s services’…’he sought to improve Local Authority services for the vulnerable’. Of course, that’s why he turned up at the Inquiry to act for a council which had sent the children in it’s care into the embrace of a brutal paedophile gang. McGuire became a QC in 2010. I did wonder whether there were any high profile Councillors responsible for this fuckwitted decision in Tower Hamlets who later became big names, in the way that Margaret Hodge, Tessa Jowell and Ken Livingstone were involved in some rather shameful things earlier in their careers. My co-researcher has sent me the list of Tower Hamlets Councillors  dating back to the 60s and I don’t recognise any of the names on there from the 70s, 80s and early 90s, which will have been the years when children were sent into danger. However, it’s noticeable that there were frequently Councillors representing the National Front or BNP and they often polled a lot of votes, in one election topping the poll. In later years there are of course references to Councillors who were disqualified as a result of electoral fraud – Tower Hamlets was a Council that saw a number of such scandals and was of course host to the notorious Latfur Rahman. So it was a troubled and of course a very, very poor borough, for many years the poorest in the UK. I did recognise the names of the MPs for the area though – Ian Mikardo and Peter Shore, both Labour. Mikardo was on the left of the party and Shore was a maverick. Shore was a member of Wilson’s Gov’t between 1974-76 and Callaghan’s Gov’t between 1976-79. Both of these administrations – substantially through the Welsh Office – concealed some terrible things in the children’s services and mental health services in north Wales. In later years the dreadful Oona King was elected and then defeated by the even more dreadful George Galloway. I can’t see any connections between anyone down there and those we know and love in north Wales however. I do wonder if kids from Tower Hamlets who had been abused would even have got as far as their MP – they may not even have felt able to do that. Tower Hamlet’s has had some child abuse scandals of it’s own. It managed the St Leonards Home in Essex which was closed down in the 1990s after a number of staff were imprisoned for abusing children. In 2014 there were also allegations that Jimmy Savile had frequented facilities managed by Tower Hamlets. There was one other interesting feature about Tower Hamlets – it was a stronghold of certain Top Doctors. The Royal London Hospital was there, as was Barts. I am absolutely certain that those we know and love will have had a contact down there – if anyone can give me any information, do drop me a line. The only one tentative link that touches on the contents of this blog is that Ian Mikardo and his wife died in Cheshire, where I can only assume they had retired. The tentacles of the north Wales paedophile ring did of course reach out into Cheshire – John Allen set up a branch of the Bryn Alyn Community there and dear old Lucille Hughes was a senior manager in Cheshire Social Services before she returned to Gwynedd to facilitate the paedophile ring on her home turf. It’s a long shot, but you never know…

 

When I told someone earlier who I would be blogging about in this post I received an e mail saying ‘jolly good, that lot are undoubtedly part of the equation of injustice and criminality spanning decades in north Wales’.

As for all these proud patriots who love the Welsh language and Welsh culture and showed their commitment to these things by concealing a network of vicious criminals who were serving up children to members of the British establishment, I only need point to Dr Dafydd Alun Jones. Who once stood for Plaid, who shamelessly traded on his credentials as a Welsh speaker from north Wales and who at one point was telling English people that if they wanted mental health care they should go back to England. Yet at the same time, Dafydd was travelling to England to hold private clinics for English people and charging them a lot of money for doing this – whilst he was being paid to hold NHS clinics in Ysbyty Gwynedd for which he simply never turned up. He also has probably imported more people with drug problems and mental health problems from English metropolitan areas in order to pile them high in his ‘nursing homes’ or use his ‘substance abuse services’ than any other person in Wales. Whilst at the same time helping his mistress Lucille Hughes conceal the paedophile ring that she knew was in operation when she was Director of Gwynedd Social Services. No doubt when Dafydd finally turns his toes up, his fellow patriots will all be flying the Ddraig Goch at half mast. Whilst the rest of Wales cracks open the champagne.

 

 

So Who Was It Exactly Who Appointed The Corrupt Old Bastard?

Yesterday’s post ‘A UK Network’ explained why I suspect that the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal may have been precipitated as a distraction at a time when it rather looked as though the lid was about to be blown off the activities of the paedophile ring operating in north Wales and their buddies in the mental health services. I described how there was obviously a network of corrupt professional people stretching across the UK who were concealing rampant abuses in the child care and mental health services and speculated on possible links between north Wales and the north east of England. I mentioned the notorious Bryn Alyn Community, a private business run by a vicious criminal, John Allen, who was subsequently imprisoned for sexual assaults on teenage boys. Bryn Alyn was established in 1968 and accepted hundreds of children sent from Local Authorities across the UK. I’ve just read the part of the Waterhouse Report that deals with Bryn Alyn and it’s even more mind-blowing than the rest of Waterhouse’s whitewash.

The first thing that I noticed was Waterhouse’s mention of which Local Authorities sent children to Bryn Alyn – substantially London authorities, but also authorities from the north west of England, the West Midlands and Newcastle no less. So that pretty much confirms my suspicions regarding the locations of professionals who were colluding with those we know and love in north Wales, as postulated in previous posts. However there are other authorities mentioned as well – including Devon and Oxfordshire. But Waterhouse mentions something else that I was not previously aware of – that John Allen owned a villa in Bordeaux and also some sort of facility in Bordeaux where children from Bryn Alyn were taken for ‘holidays’. Someone else I know used to pop back and forth to Bordeaux for the purposes of ‘work’ which no-one ever actually specified – Dr Dafydd Alun Jones! Dafydd made frequent visits to northern France as well, again on the pretext of visiting ‘GP friends’ or ‘holding clinics’ – which I always felt was rather improbable. Regular readers will remember some other people from north Wales who enjoyed visits to France – Elfed Roberts and his mates! Elfed was a former senior police officer in the North Wales Police, left under a substantial cloud and then became Chair of the North West Wales NHS Trust – one of his high points during his incumbency there was to have me arrested for having pink hair, calling his car a penismobile and because he was ‘fed up’ of my complaints (please see post ‘After The Attempt To Frame Me…’). Elfed and his friends used to frequent an establishment that I remember being called Chateau de Cop – I have found online adverts for a hotel in the Loire Valley called Chateau de Cop Choux, I think that is indeed the hang-out that Elfed and his mates use. The disgraced of north Wales certainly enjoy a good standard of living – but have they not heard of something called the European Arrest Warrant? (Another disgraced name featured on the blog also has a house not a million miles away from Bordeaux – Robert Bluglass. He has (or had) a second home in the Pyrenees.)

Some of the Local Authorities had received complaints from children regarding the abuse that they had been subjected to whilst at Bryn Alyn. In 1976 Anthony David Taylor was convicted of two offences of indecent assault at Talgarth Magistrates Court. In 1975, before the Court case, Taylor wrote to the Welsh Office admitting that he’d committed previous offences against boys from Newcastle-Upon-Tyne whilst they were on a summer holiday scheme that Taylor ran for Bryn Alyn, asking the Secretary of State for anonymity for social workers when they had committed offences, citing his own case! The Secretary of State for Wales at the time was John Morris aka Lord Morris of Aberavon. But of course the Welsh Office had no idea that there were serious problems with child abuse in homes in north Wales… In previous posts I mentioned how Waterhouse used numerous techniques to dismiss or discount evidence from witnesses when they explained how they had been violently or sexually assaulted whilst in care in north Wales and ignored other evidence such as forged documents that would have set off loud alarm bells in any intelligent person. What is Waterhouse’s comment with regard to this social worker who freely fesses up to abusing children but feels able to write to John Morris asking for anonymity? Waterhouse states that the Inquiry heard from four other witnesses that Taylor sexually assaulted them whilst they were at Bryn Alyn, that the panel had ‘no reason to doubt the truth of any of the complainants’ but that Taylor is ‘now retired and ill and it is unnecessary to say anything further about him’.

This was exactly what used to be said to me when I mentioned Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’s activities – ‘he’s retired’. Except Dafydd hadn’t retired, he was running private nursing homes where people alleged that they were being abused and fleeced and had been given the contract by the NHS to provide ‘substance misuse services’ (please see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’). As for when I mentioned Dr T. Gwynne Williams the lobotomist – people would simply yell at me ‘he’s dead, how dare you say such things’. Dr X/Dr Tony Francis and the dreadful Dr DGE Wood even documented that I had ‘even’ made terrible allegations against ‘deceased’ people. The deceased people had done some terrible things – and as the complaints about them had been ignored whilst they were alive it was hardly surprising that I was not prepared to keep quiet about them just because they had died. Another ‘deceased person’ who abused her position was Sheila Jenkins, a social worker with the appalling Arfon Community Mental Health Team, who lied about me to the police in order to have me unlawfully thrown out of Ysbyty Gwynedd – Sheila was also happy to slander me in the local community. I was told to stop ‘speaking ill of the dead’ at my own birthday party by a former colleague of Sheila’s husband. I suspect that the man at my birthday party had no bloody idea at all of the sort of things that dear old Sheila actually did, but the people who worked with her, as well as those who worked with Dafydd and the lobotomist, most definitely knew what they were all up to. But I suspect that it was DGE Wood’s valiant defence of those who concealed the paedophile gang that landed him his senior roles with the Royal College of General Practitioners and perhaps even bagged him his OBE…

A boy from Plymouth placed at Bryn Alyn made complaints to the police in Oct 1989 and Aug 1990 and a solicitor’s letter was sent to his social worker in Plymouth in June 1990. Devon Social Services reported their concerns about Bryn Alyn to the Welsh Office in Oct 1990. Boys from Sandwell and Solihull in the West Midlands made allegations of abuse whilst at Bryn Alyn and a number of complaints between 1988-1993 were also reported to the Welsh Office.

In March 1993 a 15 year old girl placed at Bryn Alyn by Oxfordshire Social Services went to Clwyd Social Services with complaints of physical abuse from staff and sexual harassment from other residents and refused to return to Bryn Alyn. She stated that at one point she had been thrown across the room by a male member of staff which resulted in injury. She was placed with foster parents. The next month she turned up at Wrexham Police Station saying that she wished to withdraw the complaint. Waterhouse notes that the police wanted to continue to pursue the complaint in the public interest, but the CPS returned the file, refusing to take further action. The Director for Public Prosecutions at this time was Dame Barbara Mills. All was well in Waterhouse World though – he noted that the girl acknowledged that the man who threw her across the room had a ‘very positive, caring and supportive relationship’ with her. When he wasn’t throwing her across the room. Or perhaps even sending the boys around to ensure that she withdrew her complaint whilst she was living with foster parents – a placement presumably arranged by whoever had sent her to Bryn Alyn.

Manchester and Salford College of Technology as well as Manchester Social Services were also told of the sort of things that happened to young people at Bryn Alyn. A mature student called Denis Williams had the misfortune to end up on a ‘placement’ at Bryn Alyn in 1983. He was so appalled at what he witnessed that he compiled a report and sent it to Manchester and Salford College of Technology. In Nov 1983 he was told by an unidentified ‘senior officer’ from Manchester Social Services Dept that his concerns had been fully investigated and that his report was ‘unfounded and unprofessional’. He was also told that John Allen was threatening legal action against him. Denis was made of stern stuff and in June 1985 went to the Home Office about events at Bryn Alyn. The Home Secretary at that time was Leon Brittan. No-one seemed to have mounted an investigation or put a stop to what was happening. Waterhouse notes that in Sept 1992 Denis was interviewed by a number of newspapers and BBC TV. Guess what? Denis was unable to be traced by the Tribunal so wasn’t available as a witness! Of course by the time that the Waterhouse Inquiry was held, a number of former residents of Bryn Alyn and the other homes in north Wales had been found dead. I wonder if Denis too had been found dead in suspicious circumstances by then? Because I’ve not heard of him since. But Ronnie has an explanation! ‘The picture given by Denis Williams is truly alarming…but he stayed only three days…his strictures upon particular individuals were not mirrored by the volume of substantial complaints about them’. Denis did what any good student should do – he noted everything, got the hell out of there and sent a report to the college who had sent him on the placement. He was rubbished, threatened with legal action by a vicious paedophile, alerted the Home Office in the wake of the threats, got nowhere, went to the press and then disappeared off the face of the earth. Ronnie merely notes that not many other people had complained…

Waterhouse documents that the ‘principal witness on behalf of the Welsh Office’, John Lloyd, ‘told us of a number of allegations of physical and sexual abuse at the Community’s various premises that were reported to the Welsh Office between 1989 and 1992’. In May 1993 there were two other reports to the Welsh Office of boys at Bryn Alyn who had been injured after alleged assaults.

Waterhouse was told again and again of sexual assaults and assaults so brutal that young people sustained injuries. One boy suffered anal bleeding after a sexual assault, was taken to a GP and was – interestingly – told that he had haemorrhoids. So there was a tame Top Doctor on tap as well then. Waterhouse was told by another witness that he had been tied to a tree with a piece of rope, the end of the rope being tied around his neck. Ronnie noted that the witness who related this anecdote was now a patient at Broadmoor. I wonder how he ended up there? Were there perhaps allegations made regarding his extreme dangerousness by any of the people previously named on this blog, in the face of no evidence at all? Or had the poor sod been driven crazy after a few years at Bryn Alyn? (Waterhouse notes that placements at Bryn Alyn were long-term, most being about three years.) There were other allegations of abuse against the man who tied this person to a tree – but Ronnie concludes that the evidence was ‘so limited’ that he was ‘not persuaded he was party to child abuse’. (Of course if someone really wasn’t going to be party to child abuse at Bryn Alyn they’d walk out after three days. And find that they were called a liar and then find themselves threatened with legal action.) A young woman gave evidence that when she was at Bryn Alyn as a teenager, she was forced into a chair by two staff and strong bleach was rubbed into her scalp. Her hair subsequently fell out. Other people gave evidence that they were punched, kicked and thrown around. But all poor old Ronnie could do was observe that these were ‘troublesome’ children, that some former residents were ‘too emotionally disturbed to give oral evidence and be cross examined’, that staff hadn’t had training in restraint so were just doing their best really, that one man constantly accused of violently assaulting children was ‘strong, a disciplinarian’ but ‘fair’…

It just goes on and on, as this silly old fucker was confronted with the most damning evidence stretching back over decades and constantly explained it away. Of course sometimes he couldn’t explain it away, so as he did in the case of the forged document that was compiled in an attempt to get Nefyn Dodd off the hook (please see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’), he just notes it and moves on. For example he noted that ‘for unexplained reasons’ details on the P45s given out to two of the staff at Bryn Alyn are inconsistent with the employment records of Bryn Alyn. In other chapters of his Report he notes that the dates that certain witnesses maintained that they were resident in various children’s homes in north Wales are inconsistent with the records of the establishments themselves. So Waterhouse concludes that the witnesses can’t be relied upon. Of course, the records compiled by the criminals running these institutions – criminals who had a track record of abusing children, lying, forging documents and altering documentation – couldn’t possibly be wrong… Ronnie observes without comment that the records of the children placed at Bryn Alyn had all been stored together, at a Pickford’s storage depot in Hoole near Chester and on 25 Oct 1996 had all gone up in flames, so most of the children placed at Bryn Alyn could never be traced and therefore couldn’t be invited to give evidence.

I have mentioned in a previous post that the only people whom Waterhouse found it in his heart to condemn in his Report were the staff who had actually been convicted of offences against children and were already serving – or had served – prison sentences. So what did he have to say about John Allen, the owner of the nightmare that was Bryn Alyn, who at the time of the Inquiry had been convicted of sexual offences against young people in his care and who was in prison? Waterhouse was told repeatedly of the numerous sexual assaults that Allen carried out on boys at Bryn Alyn and was also told that Allen gave large sums of money and gifts – substantial gifts as well, on one occasion a motorbike – to favoured boys with whom he regularly had sex. He was told about Allen’s violent temper, which resulted in ferocious attacks on children leaving them with injuries. He was even told that there were a number of boys at Bryn Alyn who were openly referred to as ‘Allen’s bum boys’. Waterhouse states of Allen that ‘his reputation was that of a caring and generous person’. Waterhouse stresses how staff had told him that Allen lavished money and gifts on certain boys, of how ‘kind and generous’ he was. Of course Waterhouse is aware that there was ‘some contemporaneous discussion and gossip about Allen’s predilections among both staff and residents’ and that there ‘was some talk of Allen’s ‘bum boys’ but it did not amount to a great deal’.

I had heard something similar to this many years ago when I first complained about Dr Dafydd Alun Jones. I was castigated for referring to his ‘private life’ ie. his shagging of female patients. I too was told that a lot of people thought that Jones was a nice man because he ‘helped’ patients by giving them somewhere to live and finding them jobs. The patients concerned were invariably young female patients, the accommodation that they were provided with was Jones’s own house and the jobs in question were located in his house, as nannies and housekeepers. Whilst all this was going on, five female patients made statements to a local MIND representative that they had had sexual relationships with him. As for Dafydd himself – when I told him that he was nothing short of a psychopath, he replied ‘I think that I am a nice man. I’m kind to children.’ Well Dafydd was nuts, of course he would come out with some silly, obviously untrue statement, but he was surrounded by dozens of people who knew exactly what he was doing – just like all those people who waxed lyrical about John Allen’s generosity knew what he was doing. Waterhouse had an interesting take on John Allen’s violent attacks on children as well: ‘We do not think that he was an habitually violent man: the complaints against him of using excessive force are heavily outweighed by the allegations against him of sexual misconduct’.

One allegation that victims of Allen made was that he ran a gay prostitution racket, including a number of brothels and also a gay porn business. Waterhouse makes reference to Allen’s ‘film studio’ and boys alleged that they’d been taken there and asked to pose naked, but still old Ronnie doesn’t click. Ronnie did note however that Allen continued his contact with some of the boys long after they’d left Bryn Alyn. Ronnie takes a dim view of this, mentioning that boys were ‘encouraged to live in unfamiliar surroundings such as Brighton or London in accommodation provided or subsidised by Allen….at a time when they were highly likely to fall prey to many temptations’. Temptations such as working in a brothel in Brighton or London owned by Allen one presumes.

By the time that Waterhouse stumbled through this Inquiry with his eyes tightly closed, a lot of former residents of children’s homes in north Wales had been found dead. Some had been killed in a fire in Brighton, whilst they were attending a party at which John Allen agreed to meet them. John Allen didn’t turn up but an arsonist did (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’). Waterhouse even manages to mention that a Court had reached a verdict of ‘unlawful killing’ after the Brighton fire, but then he passes on… He also mentions another witness who had made allegations of abuse against Allen – this witness had given evidence at John Allen’s trial for sexual assault and had been found dead days later… All in a day’s work for Ronnie though, he moves on to the next brutalised terrified witness who’s dared come forward, no doubt busily working out how he can discredit them or dismiss their evidence…It is also mentioned in the Waterhouse Report that the police had admitted that there were 280 ‘absconders’ from the Bryn Alyn Community between Jan 1 1991 and 19 June 1991. ‘Absconders’ in this case being kids running away from people who were battering them and raping them, rather than armed robbers escaping from the Scrubs. I bet that the police returned every one of them to the caring embrace of John Allen as well. What on earth did the police – and Ronnie – think had caused 280 kids to flee during a period of six months?

So what did Ronnie conclude was the prevailing situation at Bryn Alyn? Get ready, here comes a summary worthy of Perry Mason: ‘…(John Allen apart) sexual abuse by members of staff of the Community was not rife…’ Ronnie did have a reservation though – that ‘the…few girl residents were specifically vulnerable’ to the sexual abuse that he did admit was happening at Bryn Alyn…’ No Ronnie, you’ve got it wrong. The girls were comparatively safe – as much as anyone could ever be safe in that hell-hole – because it was the BOYS that they wanted to force to work in their male prostitution racket. That Ronnie is why the girls weren’t getting expensive presents like hi fis and motorbikes – it wasn’t them being bribed and beaten into providing sexual favours for all and sundry, including it would seem a few bigwigs from Westminster, it was the boys… One would have thought that Ronnie would have realised that something was amiss though – even he noted that it was ‘a grave concern that so many members of staff were named in a major police investigation’…

The numerous reports that were given to the Welsh Office regarding complaints from the youngsters at Bryn Alyn apart, it seems that the Welsh Office had long since been aware of the unsuitability of Bryn Alyn as a facility for children. Ronnie explains that Bryn Alyn was finally removed from the register by the Welsh Office in 1997 but it would be ‘unnecessarily tedious’ to detail the exchanges between the Welsh Office and the Bryn Alyn Community (indeed – who knows what was revealed in those exchanges). However, Ronnie mentions that Welsh Office Inspectors recognised in 1975 that Allen’s ‘expansionist regime’ (Allen was certainly packing the kids in – at it’s peak the ‘Community’ housed some 250 children and there were frequently insufficient facilities such as bedrooms for them), did not have the infrastructure to cater for the residents and that ‘basic problems’ were allowed to ‘proliferate’ over twenty years. It seems that during those 20 years, the Welsh Office raised a few questions and their own inspections of Bryn Alyn – when they actually did them – noted serious problems. But John Allen was allowed to continue with his trade in people unhindered…

Regarding the connections between people who worked at Bryn Alyn and the wider UK – there were other links as well as those with the Local Authorities that were placing children there. For a start although most of the Bryn Alyn Community was based around Wrexham, there were branches of it in Cheshire and Shropshire. Many staff members had worked in previous children’s homes and moved onto work at other children’s homes, both within and outside of the north Wales region. One member of staff was a former Liverpool probation officer. Some of the ‘senior managers’ had certificates in the residential care of children from Salford Polytechnic. Some of the teachers who worked there had qualifications in special needs from Chester College. One member of staff had previously worked for Derbyshire Social Services and had responded to one of the recruitment adverts in ‘New Society’ placed by John Allen. ‘New Society’ was, at that time, considered very much the journal for social work and carried pages of adverts for social work positions, including very senior ones, such as for Directors of Social Services. So John Allen was recruiting via the reputable professional journal, he did not even have to resort to the recruitment methods of Bryn Estyn ie. by word of mouth via the local Rugby Club. ‘New Society’ considered itself a liberal, progressive journal for the enlightened. I do not ever remember it carrying articles suggesting that the practices which were routine at Bryn Alyn even existed. Yet surely, word of life at Bryn Alyn must have reached the ears of many of it’s readers. John Allen seems to have been a bit of a Jimmy Savile – his abuses were an open secret. And not even that much of a secret.

My co-researcher has sent me a brief summary of John Allen’s brushes with the law. At some point in the 1970s he was sentenced to six years in prison for offences against children. In 2002 he was arrested for historic offences against children in the Wrexham and Flintshire areas. In 2003 a judge threw out 44 charges against him on the grounds that due to the publicity and the time lapse he would not get a fair trial. In August 2013 Allen was charged again under Operation Pallial. In November 2014 he appeared at Mold Crown Court, charged with 40 offences of indecent assault and another 20 sex offences against children. He was subsequently found guilty on 26 charges of child abuse and in December 2014 was jailed for life.

The Waterhouse Inquiry was ordered by William Hague whilst he was Secretary of State for Wales. His PPS at the time was Nigel Evans. The Permanent Secretary will have been either Rachel Lomax or Sir Michael Scholar. Sir Michael Scholar is a man with many fingers in many pies. Between 1982 and 1983 he was Private Secretary to Margaret Thatcher. He was Permanent Secretary at the Welsh Office between 1993 and 1996. He was appointed President of St John’s College, University of Oxford in August 2001. He is also Pro Vice Chancellor, Chairman of the Conference of Colleges and Chair of the Oxford University Careers Service. In 2008 he was appointed Chair of the UK Statistics Authority, which oversees the Office of National Statistics. He is an honorary fellow of the Universities of Aberystwyth and Cardiff and has an honorary doctorate from the University of South Wales (like so many others who seemed to play a role in concealing the dreadful reality of the north Wales children’s services or mental health services – please see post ‘Oh To Be In Receipt Of Academic Honours’). Michael’s son Tom is a civil servant too. He was appointed Chief of Staff at Number 10 Downing Street when Gordon Brown became PM – that was the Gordon who appointed Patricia Scotland as Attorney General.

Ronnie’s own autobiography, in Chapter 24, explains that when he was approaching retirement, he received a call out of the blue from the Welsh Office, telling him that he was going to be leading the Inquiry into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. Two other people made up Ronnie’s panel whom I haven’t yet mentioned. That was Margaret Clough and Morris Le Fleming. The reason that I haven’t mentioned them before is because there is very little information available about them. Margaret was something in social work and Le Fleming was involved in a company called ‘Groundworks’. They would seem to be literally nonentities.

Now would William Hague, Nigel Evans or Sir Michael Scholar like to tell us all who it was exactly who decided to appoint a man who personally knew some of those who in key political or public roles in the region under investigation; who knew even more people who knew other people directly connected with the scandal; who systematically discredited just about every witness except those who actually carried out the beatings, the buggery and the rapes; who ignored forged and doctored evidence and who somehow failed to notice that key witnesses had disappeared off the face of the earth or had been found dead? And who appointed two anonymous deadbeats to assist him as he conducted his Inquiry into the biggest child abuse scandal in the UK?

 

After the publication of the Waterhouse Report, there was much wailing and gnashing of teeth and quite understandably, as numerous people alleged that it had been a whitewash. One major criticism was of the terms of reference, which had been set by William Hague. The Inquiry only looked at the abuse of children within Gwynedd and Clwyd County Councils by the care staff. This of course meant that it failed to investigate what those care staff or other people connected with them did to the residents of children’s homes from north Wales outside of north Wales. If anyone wanted to find a more effective way of ensuring that no part of that Inquiry would touch on children from those homes being taken to other locations by their ‘carers’ to be molested by public figures – or indeed even being molested by public figures within the homes – they could not have thought of a better way to do so. In response to the questions raised about the limited remit of the Inquiry, a spokesman for Hague was quoted as saying ‘The Terms of reference were prepared by officials in the Welsh Office and agreed by Ministers and widely supported by Parliament. There were no serious representations from MPs or the judge to challenge them at any time’. What were the names of those officials and Ministers?

Lest anyone’s still in a sound sleep out there about how hard somebody was working to chuck a spanner in the works, my co-researcher has reminded me that the Welsh Office had a pretty big hand in things before they even got round to appointing the corrupt old git Ronnie and the two stooges. Nicola Davies QC was appointed by the Welsh Office DURING the Jillings investigation (please see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’) to examine the need for a judicial inquiry. Why was this and who in the Welsh Office made the decision and subsequently appointed her? Davies subsequently stated that a judicial inquiry into the abuse allegations would not be in the public interest. The Jillings Report was suppressed on the advice of lawyers, including Michael Beloff QC – did Nicola Davies’s decision not to hold a judicial inquiry influence this decision? Yet only twelve months later, Hague announced that a judicial inquiry would be held and appointed Ronald Waterhouse to lead it.

Of course, the allegations of Waterhouse being a massive cover-up exploded again after the Jimmy Savile revelations. The Home Secretary at the time announced that there would be a review of Waterhouse, carried out by another judge, Lady Justice Macur. That Home Secretary was Theresa May. When the Macure Review was finally published it was so heavily redacted that it was virtually meaningless. Stephen Crabb, the Secretary of State for Wales, whilst reassuring everyone that of course no-one would ever seek to protect child abusers, stated that Macur was ‘satisfied’ with Waterhouse’s Inquiry and that there was ‘no reason to undermine Waterhouse’s findings’.

I am happy to tell Stephen Crabb, Theresa May and Lady Justice Macur that I am currently in possession of nearly 10,000 documents covering a period of nearly thirty years that were compiled by some of the social workers who facilitated the abuse of children in north Wales, by the corrupt lawyers who encouraged social workers and others to perjure themselves in attempts to have me imprisoned – one of those corrupt lawyers, Ron Evans, actually acted for the Local Authorities in north Wales at the Inquiry – and by scores of other ‘professionals’ who were involved in concealing what was happening. It is particularly farcical that at the very month that one of the very brave souls went to Clwyd Council and told them what had happened to her, refusing to go back to Bryn Alyn but who then suddenly withdrew her complaint, I was being dragged through the Courts in Bangor – accused of staring at a fucking social worker in Safeways. Of course, the original allegations against me were much more serious – that I had shouted and sworn at her and threatened to assault her. When cross-examined in Court, she started crying and admitted that I had not even spoken to her. And no-one asked any questions. But then no-one asked any questions on any of the occasions on which these people took me to Court and the cases collapsed because they had committed perjury – even when the charges were so serious that had I been found guilty I’d have faced a lengthy prison sentence. I invite Theresa, Stephen and Lady Justice Macur to read this blog, acquaint themselves with the full details and tell me that Waterhouse was no cover-up. Keen readers will of course have spotted that several names on today’s post have cropped up in the media in connection with the elusive Westminster Paedophile Ring.

Just to remind you all, here is the list of Secretaries of State for Wales who were in office whilst the Bryn Alyn Community was in operation:

Cledwyn Hughes, George Thomas, Peter Thomas, John Morris, Nicholas Edwards, Peter Walker, David Hunt, John Redwood, David Hunt (again), William Hague.

I was asked the other day if I was going to attend any further meetings of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board because people are missing my reviews of the Board meetings. Much as I know that I would derive much entertainment from observing those meetings, unfortunately I am not able to. That is because I am currently living at a secret location under police protection. Because somebody wants to kill me. I’m sure that I don’t need to explain why somebody might want to kill me.

Now, would the many people who have been outed on this blog care to start preparing their statements for the police, because believe me, the police are interested in you all.

Theresa May – I await an explanation for what your Gov’t and indeed your party have done to Wales.