Dirty Rotten Scoundrels

My post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’ discussed Rhodri Morgan’s long-standing friendship with Ron Davies, as well as some other people in that very tight south Wales Labour Party network and how they ‘didn’t know’ about Ron’s cottaging activities. In spite of much evidence that they did know and they also knew a great deal more about Ron and a few other people which didn’t ever hit the media, even after Ron’s moment of madness with Boogie on Clapham Common and his subsequent adventure when he was looking for badgers.

A few other people knew about Ron – and more importantly knew about the serious abuse of vulnerable people by the health and welfare services in north Wales and elsewhere, which was being kept quiet by all political parties.

 

One of those was Lawrence Conway, the civil servant who was Director of Rhodri’s private office (Director of the Dept of FM, ie. Cabinet Secretary). In his memoir Rhodri describes Lawrence as ‘a Welsh Office lifer’ with ‘sensitive political antennae’ and ‘eyes in the back of his head to know what was going on’. Not only had Lawrence spent his career in the rotten-to-the-core Welsh Office – with its many officials, Ministers and Secretaries of State who had concealed the criminal activities of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and the paedophiles in north Wales for decades (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’), but had also kept the lid on George Thomas and his sexual assaults on children and young men – but Lawrence Conway was at the heart of the most rotten part of the rotten apple. According to Rhodri, Lawrence ‘did child protection’.

So Lawrence knew that the children’s homes in north Wales were not being inspected regularly even when complaints of abuse were being made and a number of staff of those homes were appearing in court charged with sexual and physical assaults on children (see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’). Lawrence knew that some of those employed as social workers/social work managers in homes and areas where there was a massive problem with the abuse of children in care were given jobs as inspectors with the SSI (Social Services Inspectorate) in the Welsh Office (see post ‘The Reality Is That There Is No Problem’).

Lawrence Conway knew that there were also serious complaints about the abuse and illegal imprisonment of patients in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and that many of those patients were former residents of the children’s homes of north Wales.

 

After the publication of the massive cover-up that was the Waterhouse Report – organised by William Hague and the Welsh Office whilst Hague was Secretary of State for Wales – the ritual hand-wringing and chanting of the mantra ‘never again’ reached new levels. One of Ronald Waterhouse’s most publicised recommendations – which it was claimed would ensure that no-one would ever have to do the ‘never again’ bit in the future – was the establishment of the Office of the Children’s Commissioner for Wales. My God, Wales was proud of having a Children’s Commissioner. Wales was leading the way! My post ‘Yet More Inglorious Bastards’ discusses the backgrounds of the people that have held that post. They have all been former social workers who were employed by and networked with organisations and institutions where children were abused. Anyone familiar with Wales will know that there is a great deal of truth in the caricature that everyone in Wales knows each other and each other’s business. Every one of the Children’s Commissioners will have been party to details of the abuse of children that they have not disclosed.

One social worker who was employed in the Children’s Commissioner’s team whilst Keith Towler was Commissioner came from Denbigh. She knew all about the abuse of patients at the North Wales Hospital because her father worked as a nurse there. He didn’t just work as a nurse at Denbigh for a few weeks – he was one of the long term key staff who was employed there for many years and his name is frequently mentioned by the former staff of that hospital when they are reminiscing about the Good Old Days. I don’t know this man’s real name because he was simply universally known as ‘Davey Crockett’ because of the nature of a hat that he wore. Davey Crockett knew Dafydd, was mates with him and Davey Crockett’s family used to call upon Dafydd when they needed a favour. Davey Crockett knew about the dungeon in which the victims of the paedophile gang were imprisoned, he knew about the paedophile gang that Dafydd was facilitating and he knew that the North Wales Hospital was stuffed full of people who were being held there unlawfully.

Davey Crockett’s daughter knew Keith Fearns, the grossly abusive leader of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team and had absolutely no problem with him. She also knew that Dafydd’s own family – as well as everybody else – were terrified of Dafydd. She knew that Dafydd terrorised and stalked members of his own family. She described Dafydd as ‘evil’ and stated that no-one would ever get away from him once they had crossed his path.

I know for a fact that this social worker had knowledge of at least one school in Gwynedd where the kids were being sexually abused and she has never said a word. Probably because she knows that she’d never work again if she did.

Well Dafydd, you might have convinced Davey Crockett’s family that being mates with you was a better option than challenging you, but you shouldn’t have tried the same game with me, because there’s this blog now…

 

Lawrence Conway retired from the civil service in 2009. So he is of the right vintage to have been ‘doing’ child protection when Dafydd and the paedophiles were running that extensive business of theirs back in the 1970s and 80s. Lawrence will have been sitting in his office in Cathays Park when Tony Francis (Dr X) snapped at me ‘you can even complain to the Secretary of State if you want’ and when other people were telling me to ‘shut your mouth about DA’ and to get out of north Wales and never come back. The Cathays Park in which those worked who were responsible for receiving and writing the incriminating documents – some of which seem to have been forged – that are now in my possession.

What did Lawrence Conway do when he retired? He joined Carwyn’s team of First Minister’s special advisors. Lawrence advised Carwyn on public service delivery! Well Carwyn, if you’ve ever wondered what is going so wrong, there’s your clue…

Entertainingly, the appointment of Lawrence Conway as Carwyn’s Spad left one person seething, so seething that they raised concerns with Whitehall and the civil service heads of the Welsh Gov’t. Who was this person who didn’t think that paedophiles’ friend Lawrence Conway should be cluttering the Welsh Gov’t up after his retirement? It was none other than another paedophiles’ friend Dame Gillian Morgan, the Top Doctor who was Permanent Secretary to the Welsh Assembly, 2008-12. Dame Gillian knows a great deal about the abuse of anyone who has spilt the paedophiles’ pints, as I discussed in my post ‘A Major Coup – Or A Complete Disaster?’

Paedophiles’ friends at war!

 

Before he worked for Rhodri, Lawrence Conway worked for another person who knows a good deal more about Dafydd and the paedophiles and George Thomas et al than he ever lets on- Alun Michael, who resigned as First Secretary at the same time as the Waterhouse Report was submitted to Gov’t (see post ‘News From Sicily’). Lawrence was appointed Alun Michael’s Principal Private Secretary in May 1999 when Michael became First Secretary of the new Welsh Assembly.

Although Rhodri and Alun Michael were famously pitched against each other in terms of who would be First Secretary once the Welsh Assembly was established – everybody presumed that it would be Ron Davies until Ron was caught with his trousers down on Clapham Common (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate) – they went back a long way.

When Rhodri was first elected as MP for Cardiff West in 1987, he shared an office with Alun Michael and Paul Murphy. The Paul Murphy who took delivery of the Waterhouse Report in his capacity as Secretary of State for Wales and who expressed his relief that the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal had now been subject to a full and transparent investigation and that there was no links with organised paedophile rings outside north Wales, no evidence of any politicians involved and it was definitely nothing to do with the Freemasons. Furthermore Paul was delighted to be able to say that there had been no cover-up.

‘We didn’t know.’

I wonder who told the daughter of one of Dafydd’s mates that there would be a job coming up in the Children’s Commissioner’s office? Perhaps it was the same person who told Alun Michael’s son Tal that the job of Chief Exec of the Gwynedd CAB was going begging – the CAB which boasts the involvement of Dafydd’s former mistress Lucille Hughes at a senior level. Or the same person who told Tal about the vacancy for the Top Job in the North Wales Police Authority. Or perhaps the person who suggested that Tal would make a good North Wales Police and Crime Commissioner. Or even a good Labour MP for Ynys Mon!

 

After Alun Michael was elected as the Labour MP for Cardiff South and Penarth in 1987, Lorraine Barrett was his office manager. Lorraine became the Labour AM for Cardiff South and Penarth in 1999! Lorraine – a former Angel – is married to Paul Barrett who was of all things the manager of 80s pop favourite Shakin’ Stevens (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). Shaky found himself the centre of bad publicity after he hit fame and fortune when the press revealed that his manager had told everyone to keep it quiet that Shaky was married with children and much older than everyone had been told because Shaky and his manager wanted to promote Shaky as a suitable heart-throb for pre-teen girls. Cardiff’s answer to Donny Osmond. Donny was a drip but at least he was 14 not 40 and his mum and dad didn’t let him go out boozing – in fact from what I remember even Coca-Cola was not considered acceptable by famille Osmond, which will have been the key to those perfect teeth which they all possessed. Presumably Shaky was not similarly constrained.

 

Before Alun Michael was elected as an MP he was the Labour Group Whip on Cardiff City Council. So he sat on Cardiff City Council with Julie Morgan and the other ne’er do wells, as the Council was hit by repeated scandals (see posts ‘Corruption Bay Special’, ‘More Than Politics And Local Government’ and ‘The Paedophiles’ Friends of Cardiff North’).

 

Rhodri’s book mentions that Alun Michael had four very loyal Spads who had been appointed by Michael – Gareth Williams (political), Andrew Bold (policy), Delyth Evans (speech writing) and Julie Crowley (press, PR, spin doctor).

 

Gareth Williams was a Spad to Alun Michael as Secretary of State for Wales and First Secretary of the National Assembly, Dec 1998-Feb 2000. Gareth began his career as a civil servant first in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, working in London and Sweden (1982-88) and subsequently in the Welsh Office (1988-90).

So Gareth was one of the civil servants in Sodom and Gomorrah in Cathays Park along with Lawrence Conway and the rest of them. Including Ffion Hague.

From 1990-1993, Gareth Williams worked in the European Parliament as a Policy Advisor to the Socialist Group, before joining Birmingham City Council, where Williams spent three years as Head of European and International Affairs. He was an Associate Director at ECOTEC Research and Consulting Ltd (1996-98). Gareth Williams runs his own economic development consultancy based in Shropshire. He has undertaken a wide range of work in Wales, with an emphasis on the European Structural Funds.

 

In Jan 2006 the BBC reported that WAG (Welsh Assembly Government) was failing to meet its key targets to regenerate some of Wales’ poorest areas – according to a report produced by Gareth Williams. Gareth said that WAG was not likely to reach two out of the three targets set for Objective One European funding, the shortfalls being in job and wealth creation.

Yet Economic Development Minister Andrew Davies said 85,000 people in Wales had been helped by the money. The seven-year programme, which ended in 2006, saw £1.26 billion spent on hundreds of projects in west Wales and the Valleys. ‘We’ve set ambitious targets because the scale of the task we inherited from the Conservatives was huge’ Davies claimed. ‘The impact isn’t necessarily on jobs created – it’s also on the number of people who have been helped.’ Andrew Davies said it had made a ‘major impact’ on west Wales and the Valleys, with skills training. ‘Clearly we’ve closed the unemployment gap with the rest of the UK. The next challenge is to get higher paid, higher quality jobs.’

It is now 12 years since Andrew Davies claimed that the EU funding given to west Wales and the Valleys had worked wonders. West Wales and the Valleys are still on their knees. One major area of growth in those regions is in Third sector organisations receiving dosh from the Welsh Gov’t to provide ‘services’ for homeless people or other people having a hard time – it has become clear that these organisations are excellent at maintaining their own existence and growth but they are not helping those that they claim to be.

Whilst Wales did build bridges and roads with EU funding and I can remember huge swathes of very poor housing in Bethesda being transformed by EU funding back in the 1990s, after those in Cardiff Bay went into shock when a majority in Wales voted to leave the EU in 2016 it was admitted that far too much of the EU funding had been spent on ‘projects’ from which people in Wales saw no benefits.

Those projects followed the standard model in Wales. A load of people were employed for a short length of time – for the duration of the ‘project’ – on minimum wages. They were supervised by a smaller number of team leaders, who were people with a professional qualification or a level of education (often former teachers or social workers). At the top of the pyramid there were a very small number of people on very generous salaries who were mates with politicians or civil servants in the Welsh Gov’t. This was the business model for Gov’t funded ‘projects’ for the 30 odd years that I lived in Wales. I first observed it in the 1980s and I presumed that it was a consequence of Thatcher’s ‘job creation schemes’ to fiddle the unemployment figures – although Thatcher eventually mercifully went, the ‘projects’ in Wales remained and were run in exactly the same way. One could entertain oneself by watching the lucky few with the jobs at the top circulate from one waste of money which achieved nothing to another. These are the same folk who ‘lead’ the Health Boards in Wales, the Third sector organisations and the quangos. They often leave a great deal of blood on the carpet behind them, but they are never taken out of circulation.

A prime example of the cadre is Meri Huws, who was formerly the Chair of the Welsh Language Board. There was the most enormous row when Meri was appointed to the post of Chair of the Welsh Language Board because she failed to declare that she was in a relationship with a Welsh Gov’t Minister. Who was Meri’s bedfellow at that time? None other than Andrew Davies. The allegations that Andrew had bagged Meri the job were made just a few months before Andrew Davies made the comments above as reported by the BBC. So Andrew stated that what was needed were ‘higher paid, higher quality jobs’. All these years later, west Wales and the Valleys are still in poverty – but Meri does of course have a higher paid, higher quality job. She is the Welsh Language Commissioner. There was blood on the carpet left behind her at the Welsh Language Board and much discord. Furthermore the number of people speaking Welsh continued to decline whilst Meri was Chair of the Board. So it was only sensible after that track record Meri should then have been given the job of Welsh Language Commissioner rather than someone who would have been effective.

However, as I explained in my post ‘People With Energy’, the one advantage that Meri always has over other candidates is that she used to work as a social worker for Gwynedd Social Services on the patch where the Ty’r Felin children’s home was located. The social workers running Ty’r Felin were trafficking kids down to Dolphin Square – among other places – for sex work (see post ‘Are You Local?’). Any civil servant or politician looking at Meri’s CV will get the message loud and clear – she knows where the bodies are buried.

 

The clients of Gareth Williams’s consultancy included Wales’s education and training quango ELWa. ELWa was nearly as notorious as the WDA for cronyism and the inexplicable spending of huge sums of money. ELWa’s reputation finally ended over the business of the Pop Factory in which £2 million quid was inexplicably given to a company called Avanti who ran something called the Pop Factory to organise something else which they had no hope of organising, which never got off the ground and ended in chaos. It was Jane Davidson – the AM for Pontypridd and Minister for Lifelong Learning – who had countersigned for the cheque to be released. It was revealed that Gov’t accounting procedures had not been followed and that ELWa had refused to disclose other alleged irregularities when requested.

The Chair of ELWa was Enid Rowlands who was based in north Wales. Enid flatly refused to move to south Wales – although nearly all the staff of ELWa were based in south Wales and Rowlands was keen to accept the job. So an arrangement was made that ELWa would have a ‘virtual’ head office. Is it surprising that the whole set up imploded?

Enid featured in a Wales Online report in 2003, when she was at the centre of a grade A row for refusing to resign as the Chair of ELWa in the wake of the £2 million scandal and the laying off of nearly 100 ELWa staff. Enid stated her intention to remain as Chair for another four months until her contract ended.

Did Enid’s career suffer from the ELWa scandal? Of course not. Enid is now the Chair of the Solicitors Regulation Authority! Enid was previously the UK Chair of Victim Support. She has ‘held roles’ with the Information Commissioner’s Office, NEST Corporation Consumer Focus, North Wales Police Authority, North Wales Health Authority and the S4C Authority. Enid was and might still be a member of the BUPA council.

Enid ‘began her career working with unemployed and disadvantaged young people and became Chair of Education and Skills Wales, responsible for all post-16 education and training in Wales outside the Higher Education sector’. She has also been a Trustee in the voluntary sector including positions with the Royal National Institute for the Deaf and The Prince’s Trust.

I note that Enid ‘studied psychology’. Rhodri’s memoir claims that Enid is a patriotic north Waleian and would never move from north Wales. So did Enid perhaps study psychology in north Wales? Which could have involved a placement with Dafydd at the North Wales Hospital…

Enid’s biography on the Solicitors Regulation Authority website doesn’t mention this, but Enid is married to the former Auditor General for Wales, Huw Vaughan Thomas. Huw was the Chief Executive of Gwynedd County Council, 1991-96. Whilst Dafydd’s mistress Lucille was Director of Social Services for Gwynedd and the paedophile ring operating in those Social Services caused havoc and was subject to a police investigation. Huw holds even more positions of responsibility than does Enid (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’).

In 2010 Jeremy Colman, the Auditor General for Wales who preceded Huw Vaughan Thomas, was imprisoned for the possession of child porn.

It is incredible isn’t it.

For eight years, Enid was a member of the GMC. Enid – do you happen to know anything about the forged document that was found in the possession of the GMC, purporting to be a letter from me (see post ‘The General Medical Council And Yet Another Forged Document’), after I made repeated representation to the GMC about the abusive Top Doctors at the Hergest Unit?

Huw and Enid are yet two more highly placed paedophiles’ friends who live in the HQ for such folk, Colwyn Bay (see post ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’). No wonder Enid wouldn’t move to south Wales.

 

The acting CEO of ELWa found himself in the shit along with Enid – that was none other than paedophiles’ friend and the former manager of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, Dr Peter Higson. Wales Online reported that Higson was appointed as acting CEO without going through normal procedures. Furthermore he was known to Enid, having been an Executive Director of North Wales Health Authority at a time when she Chaired the North Wales Health Authority.

So Higson’s career trajectory went from staffing Dafydd’s dungeon – Higson was originally a clinical psychologist at Denbigh – to managing the dungeon, to managing the whole of the north Wales mental health services when lies were told about the North Wales Hospital having been completely shut down in the summer of 1995, to being a Director of the North Wales Health Authority, to being the acting CEO of ELWa which never recovered from the business of the £2 million quid and was later dismantled. What happened to Higson in the wake of that? He was appointed CEO of the newly formed regulatory body Health Inspectorate Wales of course. After Higson had been in post for nine years it was declared that the mismanagement of HIW was so serious that it was ‘not fit for purpose’. Which must have been why Higson was then appointed Chair of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board. Which was put into special measures after Higson’s feet had been under the table for about eighteen months.

As far as I know, unlike Meri, Peter Higson’s career success has been achieved without sleeping with Alan Pugh, Andrew Davies and Rhodri Morgan. Although Higson’s sister Ruth Hussey was Chief Medical Officer for Wales – a female role model! – so perhaps it was her bedfellows who were the key to Peter’s success… Although I suspect that it was Peter holding the keys to the dungeon containing the victims of a branch of the Westminster Paedophile Ring which probably brought such good fortune to the Higson clan.

 

Gareth Williams’s 2006 report re the EU Structural Funds said that Labour had not created the hoped-for 43,500 new jobs. WAG had also wanted to use the funding to raise Wales’s GDP to 78% of the UK average. The report suggested that figure had not been reached.

Mike German, the then Liberal Democrat leader in the Assembly, commenting on Gareth’s report said: ‘I don’t think it was a failure, but that we had enormous built-in problems: a slow start, a lot of squabbling at the beginning. What we need to do is learn those lessons now.’

It is the story of Wales – a slow start and a lot of squabbling. Which is entirely a result of the one built-in problem that runs through everything – that the most senior jobs in absolutely every domain are given to people who either facilitated or concealed a gang of paedophiles. The lesson has still not been learnt.

The problem that the Assembly inherited from the Conservatives which Andrew Davies mentioned in his comments to the BBC would never have happened had Meri, Davies, Enid fucking Rowlands and the rest of them not been so keen to stick their noses into the trough provided by the Bay of Plenty that they were prepared to spend their entire careers assisting a paedophile gang which supplied kids to Thatcher’s friend and aide Sir Peter Morrison, as well as to a few others.

 

Alun Michael’s Spad Andrew Bold was born in Newport and wrote his PhD on the WDA. So he’ll know even more about the crooks that milked it for millions than the rest of us do. Bold worked as a Welsh Labour Party research officer in the early 1990s and was the Welsh Labour’s Assistant General Secretary (policy) before becoming Michael’s Spad in 1999. In June 2000 after Rhodri had replaced Michael as FM, Andrew Bold moved to the Wales Office to replace Professor Hywel Francis as Paul Murphy’s adviser. Murphy had another advisor as well – Anthony Hunt.

 

Hunt completed a law degree and worked in the US on educational projects and for the Democrats. Hunt joined WAG’s Labour policy team in 2001. In 2002 he was recruited by Paul Murphy to manage his constituency office and communications; Murphy was appointed Secretary of State for Wales in January 2008 and a year later Hunt joined him as a Spad concentrating on press and communications.

So can Anthony Hunt shed any light on Murphy’s sudden departure as Welsh Secretary which no-one ever explained?

 

Alun Michael’s Spad Delyth Evans had been a management consultant and BBC and HTV journalist. She worked on the BBC’s ‘World at One’ and PM programmes before becoming an assistant to Gordon Brown MP in 1992 and then policy adviser and speechwriter to the then Labour leader John Smith, 1992–1994. After Alun Michael resigned, Delyth Evans was the Labour AM for Mid & West Wales, 2000-03.

Delyth actually succeeded Alun Michael’s seat when he resigned. As well as being the AM for Mid & West Wales, 1999-2000, Michael also held the Westminster seat for Cardiff South and Penarth, 1987-2012. After Michael resigned as FM, he reverted to his Westminster role. Alun Michael’s short time at the Assembly was not a happy one. He had been imposed upon Wales as First Secretary by Blair and there was much resentment all around as a result.

 

When Alun Michael resigned as First Secretary, there was much muddy water surrounding his resignation. He resigned just before a Plaid-inspired vote of no confidence in his leadership. The vote followed what Plaid regarded as the failure of Michael to secure Treasury match-funding for £1.2 billion worth of European funding for deprived areas of Wales.

Yet something odd happened when Alun Michael resigned ahead of that no-confidence vote. Janice Gregory, AM for Ogmore, 1999-2016 and Labour Group Whip in the early days of the Assembly, had a hissy fit and resigned the Whip because Alun Michael had resigned as First Minister. Janice resigned the Whip on the grounds that Andrew Davies had plotted to remove Alun Michael. Janice Gregory was the daughter of Sir Ray Powell, the MP for Ogmore, 1979-2001.

Ray Powell was a Labour Whip between 1983-95 and one of his achievements was to refuse Ken Livingstone a desk for more than a year after Ken arrived in the Commons in 1987. Although Ray Powell had a reputation as an effective and formidable Whip himself, he later denounced the Whips office as ‘the Gestapo’ after he ended up on a hit list for refusing to vote to lower the age of consent for homosexual activities. Ray might have held out against that, but he never mentioned the matter of the abuse of children in care in Wales at all – although he was in the Commons throughout the years of the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, the police investigations, the Jillings Investigation, the Waterhouse Inquiry, the deaths of witnesses…Ray was also the honorary Secretary of the Welsh Parliamentary Labour Party, 1982-92.

Ray Powell could make headway in the most unlikeliest of circumstances. In 1983 the Tory Gov’ts cap on spending resulted in problems with the building of phase two of the hospital in Bridgend in Powell’s constituency. Ray Powell took up the case with the paedophiles’ friend Wyn Roberts at the Welsh Office. Wyn Roberts was obliged to make special arrangements for the funding of the hospital and Ray was delighted to be able to tell his constituents that they would be getting the first rate hospital that they deserved. But Wyn Roberts found himself doing a few other remarkable things to help Welsh causes after he or his colleagues in the Welsh Office had received a visit from someone in a position to remind them that a vicious paedophile gang was operating in north Wales and that the Welsh Office knew all about it (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’).

 

Janice Gregory was a damp squib as an AM, she was labelled an ‘under-performer’ and a lot of people wished that she’d bugger off. She got into politics via her father. From 1991 Janice worked as political secretary for her dad. That was the year of the Great Stuffing Over of me and a number of my friends who knew what had happened to me at the hands of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends – the year in which there was an attempt to frame me for a serious crime, with which St George’s Hospital Medical School was complicit (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London’), the year in which two of my friends who worked in the media had their careers ruined….

As a result of working for her dad, Janice will have been party to a great deal of information – including information about the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. Janice was also active in the local constituency Labour Party, was of course wimmin’s officer for the Party and Chair of Ogmore Wimmin’s Forum. Janice’s wiki mentions that ‘several other family members were active in Labour politics’. I bet that family ran fucking Ogmore.

 

One of Wales’s celebs lived at Ogmore – the well-known poet Danny Abse. Most people who have heard of Danny Abse but who didn’t actually know him have heard of him as a poet. But Danny Abse was also a Top Doctor and he practised as a Top Doctor for 30 years. Danny trained at the Welsh National School of Medicine, King’s College London and the Westminster Hospital Medical School. The Welsh National School of Medicine concealed the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles for years. Two of the ringleaders in this were Professor Kenneth Rawnsley (see post ‘The Discovery Of A Whole New Galaxy’) and Professor Sir William Asscher who, after spending many happy years concealing a paedophile gang in Wales, then took up the post of Dean of St George’s Hospital Medical School in London, where Asscher concealed another paedophile gang as well as research fraud and serious misconduct (see post ‘I Don’t Believe It!’). Asscher did of course continue with his earlier interest in concealing the crimes of Dafydd et al (see posts ‘Some Very Eminent  Psychiatrists From London…’ and ‘The Paedophiles’ Friends Of Cardiff North’).

Danny Abse was from a family of psychoanalysts and he and his brother Leo dabbled in analysis themselves. Psychoanalysts of Leo and Danny Abse’s generation concealed a great deal of sexual abuse.

 

Leo Abse was the Labour MP for Pontypool, 1958-83 and Torfaen, 1983-87. Abse was a very good mate of George Thomas and could be relied upon to get George Thomas out of trouble when people who had been molested by Thomas made a fuss about it (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’). Leo Abse paid some people to keep quiet and threatened to have others imprisoned. (Abse was a lawyer and a not very pleasant one, so a threat from him was quite effective.) It was Leo Abse who provided the cover story when in 1984 George Thomas was hospitalised as the result of contracting an STD. George Thomas and the Top Doctors really loved each other – Thomas was involved with raising funds for medical charities and in return no Top Doctor ever squealed. Kenneth Rawnsley’s wife, Dr Elinor Kapp  – who was a child psychiatrist working in south Wales – was a Trustee of the City Hospice from its founding. The City Hospice was originally known as the George Thomas Hospice, but it changed its name when Thomas’s molesting activities became publicly known.

 

Paul Murphy succeeded Leo Abse as Labour MP for Torfaen. Murphy had long been associated with Torfaen, he’d been a Torfaen Councillor for years whilst Abse was the MP for the constituency.

 

The thing that I noticed which coincided with Alun Michael’s resignation as First Secretary was the submission of the Waterhouse Report to the Secretary of State for Wales, Paul Murphy. I’m fairly sure that as soon as it was handed over, Alun Michael was out of the door.

Any expose of the truth behind – and the extent of – the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal would have sunk numerous politicians, from all parties, in both Westminster and the Assembly. It would have been well worth people putting their heads together and creating a distraction just as that Report was submitted. As one of the creatures said in Jungle Book, ‘You create a distraction, then I’ll rescue Mowgli’.

So as Janice accused Andrew Davies and resigned the Whip, as Plaid made a fuss about the failure to secure Treasury matched-funding, Mowgli scuttled off back to Westminster to the arms of the man who has a great deal to lose if the truth ever does emerge re the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, because his wife was mates with all the lawyers who kept it quiet by standing by in silence as witnesses and victims went to prison or died – a man called Tony Blair.

 

Perhaps Delyth Evans could tell us exactly why Mowgli decided to get the hell out of the Welsh Gov’t in Feb 2000. Delyth did well out of it though – she didn’t even need to stand in a by-election to succeed Alun Michael as AM, because Delyth was the second name on Labour’s regional list of candidates for the seat of Mid & West Wales and under the Assembly’s election rules, no by-election is necessary for the regional seat, the next candidate is automatically appointed.

Delyth won’t have just been in a position to dig up the dirt whilst she worked for Alun Michael, Delyth’s previous career was built upon having access to dirt and keeping schtum, which was why she will have ended up as Michael’s Spad and on the regional candidates list.

Delyth was working for the Labour leader John Smith when he died in circumstances in which the Top Doctors at Barts found themselves unable to save his life. Now there’s a warning to everyone.

Delyth went to Aberystwyth University when the place was run by the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). Before going to Aber, Delyth went to Ysgol Gyfun Rhydfelen. Delyth was a pupil at Rhydfelen when the drama teacher John Owen taught there. The John Owen who molested his pupils for years and was protected by Mid-Glamorgan Education Authority and the WJEC (see post ‘Yet More Inglorious Bastards’). John Owen also wrote for children’s TV and the HTV Wales and S4C stayed loyal to him as well. He killed himself just before he was due to stand trial and Menna Richards paid her respects at his funeral – the Menna who for years was one of the most senior people employed at the BBC, Delyth’s former employer.

Delyth joined the Labour Party in 1984, when the Windbag was busy concealing organised child abuse and the associated abuses in psychiatry (see posts ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’ and ‘I Warn You…’). The Windbag who was the President of the Students Union at Cardiff when Dafydd’s partner in crime Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) was a student at the Welsh National School of Medicine. After he graduated, Tony Francis worked in the Dept of Psychological Medicine at Cardiff. Of which the Head of Dept and Professor was Kenneth Rawnsley.

 

Alun Michael’s Spad Julie Crowley was the Press Officer for the Labour Party, 

 

Rhodri’s book mentions that Alun Michael is a distant relation by marriage of Blair’s big buddy, paedophiles’ friend Lord Bruce Grocott (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part I’).

 

As well as relying upon the paedophiles’ umbrella that was Lawrence Conway, another person upon whom Rhodri’s ship depended was Kevin Brennan. Brennan was Rhodri’s case worker, researcher, campaign manager and then Spad. Brennan sat on Cardiff City Council, 1991-01 and served as Chair of the Finance Committee, Chair of the Economic Scrutiny Committee and Vice-Chair of Economic Development.

Brennan stood down as Rhodri’s Spad to accept the nomination as the candidate for the Westminster constituency of Cardiff West, Rhodri’s old Westminster seat, after Rhodri stepped down to concentrate on his role as FM. Brennan was elected as the Labour MP for Cardiff West in 2001. Blair appointed him an Assistant Gov’t Whip in 2005 and in June 2007 Blair’s successor Gordon appointed Brennan as junior Minister for Children, Young People and Families in the new Department for Children, Schools and Families. Well who better for such a role than Kevin who kept quiet about so much organised child abuse whilst he spent all those years at Rhodri’s side?

Brennan then held the position of Parliamentary Secretary for the Cabinet Office in Gordon’s Gov’t, 2008-09; then Minister of State for Further Education, Skills, Apprenticeships and Consumer Affairs with responsibilities in both the Department of Education and the Department of Business, Innovation and Skills. Following the 2012 General Election, Brennan continued this role in a Shadow Ministerial capacity before Ed Miliband appointed him as Shadow Minister for Schools. Under Jeremy Corbyn, Brennan was Shadow Minister for Business, Innovation and Skills, 2015-16. He is at present Shadow Minister for Heritage and the Arts.

Brennan was born in Cwmbran. He went to St Alban’s RC High School in Pontypool and then Pembroke College, Oxford. Brennan graduated in 1982 and was elected President of the Oxford Union in the same year, with support from William Hague. Hague supported Brennan’s candidacy over those from the left of the Conservative faction in the Union. Brennan then returned to Wales  and completed a PGCE at University College Cardiff in 1985. Brennan also completed a Masters in Education Management at the University of Glamorgan (now the University of South Wales) in 1992.

In 1982, Brennan joined the Cwmbran Community Press as a journalist. He joined the NUT in 1984 before becoming a teacher at Radyr Comprehensive School in 1985 – Radyr was the village in which Rhodri grew up. Brennan left the school in 1994 as Head of the Economics Department. 

Brennan had a major triumph the year after he was elected to the Commons. In July 2002, the steel manufacturer Allied Steel and Wire (ASW) entered receivership and many of their employees were told they would not receive their full company pensions because of a fund shortfall. Brennan had many former workers of Allied Steel & Wire as constituents and he tabled an Early Day Motion in the Commons in Nov 2002 calling for compensation. Brennan threatened to table an amendment to the Pensions Bill if the Gov’t did not offer any help. After Brennan carried out his threat to table the amendment, The Indie reported that Tony Blair faced the ‘biggest backbench rebellion’ of his career. Ultimately, Brennan was successful. The BBC reported he was ‘instrumental in extracting the government’s commitment to establish a £400 million fund to provide compensation for workers who lost their pensions when their firms went bankrupt’.

No doubt the former steelworkers in Brennan’s constituency were most grateful, but I wonder how they would feel if they knew how their MP had twisted the arm of Tony ‘I’m a pretty straight kind of guy, but my wife is mates with God knows how many radical lawyers who ignored a vicious paedophile gang who killed some of their victims and I’ve put quite a few people in the Lords after they had done exactly the same thing’ Blair?

‘It was all a long time ago.’

Unfortunately those who built their careers upon the silence surrounding the dungeon, the rapes, the buggery, the beatings, the fatal car accidents, the bodies which were found hanging from trees, stairwells and in prison cells and the five people who were killed by the firebomb in 1992, are still with us.

Are you having a good time in Westminster Kevin? I bet it’s even better for freebies than Cardiff City Council!

In 2009, Brennan came under scrutiny during the expenses scandal for claiming various items, including a £450 television claimed for his London second home which was delivered to his family home in Cardiff. He claimed for bunk beds for his daughter while the expenses system was intended exclusively for items for the MPs use. Brennan said he bought from businesses in his constituency and the items were for use in his second home. He called the story a ‘smear with no basis in fact’. As opposed to my account of my experiences with the people whom Kevin protected for years, which is backed up by 10,000 documents…

In 2014, Brennan led a campaign with musician Billy Bragg to lift a blanket ban on prisoners having access to guitars. Brennnan held a Westminster Hall debate on the subject to try and get the Gov’t to overturn the ban, citing the importance and the efficacy of music as a means for the rehabilitation for prisoners. The Gov’t agreed and prisoners can now have access to the instruments. Does that include people still banged up because they were fitted up by the paedophiles’ friends Kev?

 

I’m thinking of Howard Hughes, who’s still languishing in prison after being convicted of the rape and murder of Sophie Hook in Llandudno in 1996 on the basis of absolutely no evidence at all except for the word of a convicted child molester (see post ‘News Round Up – And Murder Most Foul’). The North Wales Police were forced to release Howard after they initially arrested him because they could find no reason to detain him for any longer. Then one of them searched Howard’s house and very conveniently found a stack of child porn. The pathologist who gave evidence at Howard’s trial was Donald Wayte, who is married to Avril Wayte – Avril presides over the notorious shambles that is the pathology service at the Betsi Board and she’s also a Trustee of Dafydd’s charity CAIS. Howard spent time in Bryn Estyn as a boy where he claims he was abused. His application for compensation was rejected on the grounds that he was a convicted sex offender himself. When he was a young man, Howard also passed through that other prison of the paedophiles, ‘a hospital for mentally abnormal criminals’, Garth Angharad.

Howard Hughes has learning disabilities and can barely read and write. But then the North Wales Police probably wrote his statement for him anyway.

 

Our Kev fancies himself as a bit of a popster. In 2016, following Jo Cox’s murder, Brennan put together the ‘Friends of Jo Cox’ to record a charity single to raise money for the Jo Cox Foundation. The Friends of Jo Cox included the Parliamentary rock band MP4, the Commons choir, MPs from other parties and a group of famous musicians. The song was a cover of The Rolling Stones’ ‘You Can’t Always Get What You Want’. The Stones waiving their royalties for the Jo Cox Foundation.

Kev – a former Denbigh patient used to wander around Bethesda destitute, visibly malnourished and badly neglected by the mental health services because ‘she is very difficult and we’re not helping her’. This lady repeatedly told me that when she was young she was a groupie who had sex with Mick Jagger. As far as I was concerned the jury was out on that one, but I do know that the same lady was sexually exploited by a number of other people who pretended that they didn’t know her. And a patient who was of a similar vintage to her was sterilised on the orders of the mental health services ‘because she’ll get pregnant’. That was certainly a risk, because the staff were shagging her. So next time that you see Mick Kev, perhaps you could ask him if he remembers the lady from Bethesda. While you’re at it you could also mention the words ‘Mandy Smith’ to Mick’s mate Bill Wyman.

Kev, the reason why the Windbag et al were protecting the reputation of the psych wards at Ysbyty Gwynedd as well as Dafydd’s empire at Denbigh was because the Windbag’s mate Tony Francis ran the empire at Ysbyty Gwynedd. Whilst I was on Tony Francis’s ward at Ysbyty Gwynedd I watched a 19 year old female patient receive a punch in the face from a adult male patient. No provocation at all from her, he just walked up and smacked her one. The matter was not reported to her parents and certainly not to the police. No-one could work out what the man who punched her was doing on the ward anyway. He was a drug user from Llandudno, didn’t seem to be distressed or ill himself and used to have stand up rows with the Angels boasting that he was homeless and was in hospital until he was housed and he ‘wasn’t going to a fucking hostel either’. He didn’t. He kipped in the hospital until a decent flat was found for him. Which was a bloody site more than anyone else got.

The drug patients were Dafydd’s responsibility. Dafydd had a few beds in Ysbyty Gwynedd…

 

Rhodri’s other Spad who hit the big time was of course Mark Drakeford, who was the Professor of Social Policy at Cardiff University. It was Drakeford who was responsible for Rhodri’s famous ‘Clear Red Water’ speech, which was used to signal that the Welsh Gov’t was not going to adopt Blair’s Third Way. Not only did Rhodri forget to use the key phrase ie. Clear Red Water, but Drakeford had previously worked as a social worker for Dyfed County Council whilst a paedophile gang with links to Dafydd et al was at work down there. Which was probably why the Welsh Gov’t had to roll over and have its tummy tickled by Blair when Blair felt like it, because none of them were actually in a position to stand up to him and tell him to take a running jump let alone put Clear Red Water between them and Westminster or indeed even implement any of the more radical ideas that Drakeford published as an academic.

When Drakeford became Health Minister in 2013 and the Top Doctors were busy causing havoc whilst still eliminating vulnerable people, Drakeford made a point of ‘sitting down and talking’ to the BMA. The BMA must have thought that Christmas had come. Drakeford obviously had a talent for sitting down and talking to people when he probably shouldn’t have. Rhodri’s book mentions how helpful it was that when Drakeford was his Spad, that Drakeford would hold regular ‘Saturday coffee meetings’ with Mike Hines, the Lib Dem Group Secretary, to ‘sound out’ the Lib Dems. I am not suggesting that Lib Dems cannot be socialised with, but something underhand must have been going on because Rhodri stressed how by Drakeford doing this there was ‘no trail’ back to Rhodri or any Ministers.

In the same way that Kevin Brennan took over Rhodri’s Westminster seat in 2001, Drakeford took over Rhodri’s Assembly seat of Cardiff West when Rhodri stepped down in 2011. Rhodri and Drakeford went back a long way. Drakeford is described by Rhodri as an ‘old friend from Cardiff West’ who was a South Glamorgan County Councillor when Rhodri was a newly elected MP in 1987. The South Glamorgan County Council that had as members of many other friends and relations of Rhodri – the South Glamorgan County Council that was involved in the scam that was the development of Cardiff Bay (see post ‘Corruption Bay Special’) and was at the centre of much corruption (see post ‘More Than Politics And Local Government’).

Then Drakeford was Rhodri’s Parliamentary agent in the 1992 General Election. The one which the Windbag and his coterie really thought that the Windbag was going to win. The one which John Major won just a few days before that firebomb killed the five witnesses to the paedophile ring in north Wales (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’). The first police investigation into the possibility of the existence of a paedophile ring operating in north Wales took place in 1991-93. The North Wales Police concluded that no paedophile ring existed. Drakeford could have told them otherwise but he didn’t.

Rhodri mentions another one of his pals, Geoff Mungham, whom Rhodri describes as a ‘sociologist from Cardiff University’ although I note that Mungham’s senior lecturing post at Cardiff was in the Centre for Journalism Studies. Mungham died in 2003 and in his tribute to Mungham, Kevin Brennan stated that Mungham, through ‘his teaching probably did more to promote Cardiff to the world than any official agency’.

 

Mungham had been with the Centre of Journalism since 1971 and was a colleague of Brennan’s on Cardiff City Council. For many years Mungham was City Councillor for Splott. He was Secretary of the ‘Cardiff Says Yes’ Campaign for the Welsh Assembly.

Splott is a disadvantaged area of Cardiff. A friend of mine who was at medical school in Cardiff during the 1980s told me that she felt that a lot of the Top Doctors working in the University Hospital at Cardiff had a rather bad attitude to people in Splott and that this attitude was passed onto medical students. In those days, in their third year at Cardiff (ie. the first clinical year) the medical students used to be allocated a patient who was attending ante-natal clinics, to follow her through her pregnancy and the months afterwards, the idea being to study the development of a family. My mate was quite angry when the other students commiserated with her that her patient was from Splott. Particularly as the lady from Splott turned out to be very nice.

Cardiff City Councillors will have known that people from Splott were putting up with this sort of bigotry but they won’t have said a word.

 

Cardiff School of Journalism is very grandiose and pompous and has become particularly so since the arrival of Richard Tait, or as Tait’s mate Michael Grade emphasises, PROFESSOR Richard Tait. That’s the Michael Grade who in the 1980s offered his ticket to the Edinburgh Festival to Leon’s Brittan’s brother Samuel, after Samuel threw a hissy fit because the fully booked and sold out Festival couldn’t provide him with a ticket and accommodation at the last minute when he demanded it. How do I know this? Because my mate was working in the box office and was the person who refused to pull strings for Samuel Brittan, Samuel Brittan then wrote to Big Mike and Big Mike wrote back to Brittan telling him how appalled he was that my friend wouldn’t work a fiddle. My friend’s head was demanded on a plate but as a consequence she was given copies of the correspondence between Samuel Brittan and Michael Grade and we all had a good laugh at Michael Grade’s shameless toadying. We realised what the purpose of the toadying was when Grade became head of Channel Four not long after.

Michael Grade is now a Tory peer and everyone bangs on about his charisma and how you can tell that he’s got leadership qualities because he wears red braces and matching socks. Which as far as I can see, anyone can do although not everyone has spent their lives toadying to people because their brother is a Home Secretary. A Home Secretary who presided over a thoroughly rotten Home Office, who is known to have covered-up very serious crime related to the organised abuse of children and who has been named as a possible abuser himself.

The climax of Richard Tait’s journalistic career was ‘Nationwide’, which featured Frank Bough and Michael Barratt as well as Richard Stilgoe playing a piano and singing little ditties. Frank Bough obviously had rather more about him because he was subsequently the centre of a scandal involving prostitutes and bingeing on drugs and the BBC kicked him out. Which was a little inconsistent with their remarkably tolerant attitude to Jimmy Savile.

Richard Tait was a BBC Governor and when the Governors were abolished because of the row over Hutton, Tait was allowed to stay on with Michael Grade as a member of the new BBC Trust. Whilst Tait was a Governor, he Chaired the Governors’ Programme Complaints Committee, which heard appeals against complaints regarding BBC programmes. One of the complaints which Tait investigated came from a viewer who had watched a BBC programme about worms which was presented by Ben Fogle. Ben Fogle had described the worms as ‘slippery little suckers’ and the outraged viewer wrote in and complained because he was convinced that Ben had called the worms ‘slippery little fuckers’. I presume that the viewer in question must have been a sort of Dafydd, someone who just experiences imaginary unacceptable goings-on all around them all the time and complains (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate). The BBC explained that the Complaints Committee had watched the programme four times and that the word used to describe the worms was definitely ‘suckers’.

So that’s what PROFESSOR Richard Tait, friend of Michael Grade, actually does with his time between the pompousing, the dinners and the meetings.

However, I’m sure that Richard Tait could prove very useful indeed to colleagues at Cardiff who might have close connections to Rhodri and would prefer that certain matters did not ever find their way into the media.

One of Geoff Mungham’s specialist areas was ‘political propaganda’.

‘Redesigning Democracy: The Making Of The Welsh Assembly’ is a volume co-authored by Geoff Mungham and Kevin Morgan. Kevin Morgan currently holds a Chair in the School of Geography and Planning at Cardiff and he is also Dean for Engagement at Cardiff. Kevin Morgan did his first degree at Leicester University in the mid 1970s. Whilst a great many people in that institution were concealing the activities of Greville Janner who was elected as a Labour MP in 1974 (see post ‘Radical Leicester And Some Other Free Radicals’). Janner’s family came from Cardiff and Janner was born there. The Janners are a legal family and Greville Janner had many links with both the Labour Party and the legal world in south Wales. From the late 1970s until 1989 Morgan worked in Sussex University, which is located at Brighton. The kids in care in north Wales were trafficked to brothels in Brighton and London owned by John Allen. The firebomb which killed the five north Wales witnesses was thrown into a building in Brighton. I would imagine that Kevin Morgan might well have known something about sex trafficking in Brighton whilst he lived there as a result of the sort of research that he was involved with. Kevin Morgan has been a member of and Chaired numerous Welsh Gov’t committees.

 

Rhodri’s autobiography mentions another academic whom he knew, Drakeford’s friend Mike Sullivan, Professor of Social Policy at Swansea University. Mike Sullivan is also Swansea University’s Vice President (Strategic Partnerships), Director Designate of the Morgan Academy – now which Morgan would that be named after? – and the Vice Chancellor’s Adviser (External Relations). Sullivan’s Chair is in the School of Management, because Richard Davies, the VC whom Mike advises, shut down great swathes of Swansea University some years ago, including the Social Sciences bit. Richard Davies was also accused of giving jobs to his friends and there was such discord that the staff protested to the University Visitor – which was HM Queen Lilibet – in an attempt to have Davies removed.

Davies wasn’t removed, which might have been related to Swansea University being virtually run by the friends and relatives of Rhodri Morgan (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). No doubt as long as there is a job for Rhodri’s brother Prys and others close to Rhodri’s heart, Richard Davies will stay. Richard Davies even gave Professor Geoffrey Chamberlain a job after Chamberlain retired from St George’s Hospital Medical School, after Chamberlain had concealed a paedophile gang of which one member was the Professor of Paediatrics, Oliver Brooke and serious misconduct, including a major research fraud which resulted in Chamberlain having to resign as President of the Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists (see post ‘I  Don’t Believe It!’).

Richard Davies also gave a home to Professor Hilary Lappin-Scott after she departed from Bangor University against her will, having single-handedly nearly destroyed the place during her short but notable time there (see post ‘News Round-Up, March 16 2017’). Satan-Scott was given control of Swansea’s Business School – I don’t know why, because she’s a microbiologist, but then she declared herself to be a gender specialist on the grounds that she was female (Hilary – men have a gender too). After Hilary took over the management of Swansea’s Business School, allegations of workplace bullying flew, there were numerous staff resignations, people gave jobs to their wives and friends and the students held a protest because they claimed that the Business School had acquired such a dreadful reputation that their degrees had been devalued as a result.

 

Mike Sullivan’s web page explains that he has worked as an applied social scientist for the last 30 years. He is an ‘acknowledged international authority’ on the politics of social policy and has carried out research on: the Labour party and social reform, the effectiveness of educational systems; devolution and social policy and the impact of state intervention on family and kinship patterns. Mike has acted as a consultant to the Serbian, Montenegrin and Hungarian governments in developing frameworks for public policy.

Over the last decade, Mike has provided advice and developed health policy for the Welsh Government. From 2007 to 2010 he was Spad on public policy to Rhodri. Mike has worked extensively with local authorities, the NHS and the Third Sector.

So Mike knows all about the mountain of shit as well then – although it doesn’t feature in his publications. Which will be why in 2010 Mike was elected to a Fellowship of the Royal Society of Medicine ‘in recognition of his contribution to health policy development and analysis’.

Mike claims that ‘he never wished to become part of University management but somehow it happened’. Just like that! Richard Davies’s adviser – it can happen to anyone.

 

There was another high profile figure in the Labour Party who was around for most of Rhodri’s career about whom I have so far said very little on this blog. I was reminded by someone who left a comment recently that I do need to discuss him. That is Robin Cook.

Because of the way that Robin Cook died and this happening not long after he fell out with Blair over the invasion of Iraq, a number of conspiracy theories have arisen as a result of Cook’s death. I tend to think of this when I think of Robin Cook, particularly since I met people in Scotland who really did seem to think that someone had helped Robin wave a fond farewell to this world.

The other thing that I always remember about Robin Cook is that he was married to a Top Doctor, always referred to as ‘Mrs Cook’, who exacted a very effective revenge after Cook left her for his secretary Gaynor. Mrs Cook wrote a splendid book which put the boot into Robin in a very entertaining way and did him a great deal of damage. Mrs Cook’s book among other things alleged on the part of Robin Cook serial adultery, excessive drinking, contempt for his colleagues in the Labour Party and dreadful personal habits. Mrs Cook acquired a cult following and was given a job as an agony aunt in a newspaper or magazine and she also took to the airwaves in Scotland and began broadcasting. I went on holiday to The Gambia just after Mrs Cook had published her book and I was gobsmacked to find that Mrs Cook was the talk of The Gambia as well – they had heard about her on the World Service. I was really impressed when a number of people asked me if I knew Mrs Cook – well I suppose that I was from the UK, so I could have bumped into her somewhere. During the discussions that I had about Mrs Cook in The Gambia, I discovered that the reason why she’d taken The Gambia by storm was that she was being compared to the wives of African leaders and as one young man told me ‘no wife of an African leader would ever have dared do that’. Well they aren’t Mrs Cook.

When I realised the extent of the pleasing of the Top Doctors that had gone on among Labour Party figures and the wilful ignoring of the naked greed and criminal behaviour of some leading lights in the BMA, I did bear in mind that Mrs Cook was a Top Doctor – a consultant haematologist – and that she and her network will have been ruthlessly colluded with. What I had missed however was that during his time as the MP for Edinburgh Central, 1974-83 and Livingstone, 1983-05, Robin Cook served as the Shadow Secretary of State for the DHSS, 1987-89 and then as Shadow Secretary of State for Health, 1989-92, under the Windbag. That puts Cook at the scene of a great many crimes – the Windbag ignored some pretty horrific things on the part of the paedophiles’ friends during those years. The death of Michael Carr MP at the hands of Walton Hospital (see post ‘News From Sicily’) for one, as well as the excesses and serious crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see posts ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’ and ‘I Warn You…’).

Cook was a Scottish Labour politician so he will have known much about the people and the events discussed in my post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’,  as well as all the other dirt that everyone at Westminster picked up. Medicine is an incredibly incestuous world and Mrs Cook being a Top Doctor in Scotland married to an MP who later became a Cabinet Minister – Foreign Secretary at that – will have mixed with the best in Top Doctor Circles. Mrs Cook will have known Dr Death, as well as Sir Kenneth Calman, who served as Chief Medical Officer for Scotland as well as for England and Wales and who moved mountains in terms of concealing the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part V’). Mrs Cook will have known Sam Galbraith, the Top Doctor who was begged to become a Labour MP by someone whilst the Windbag led the Party just when it looked as though all might be revealed about Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘I Warn You…’). The plan to get Big Sam on side rather backfired on the Windbag and Tony Francis, because Sam Galbraith turned out to be a complete shit who didn’t have any interest in being a politician, who insulted the rest of them and who made it quite clear that they were a load of fools and that he was a neurosurgeon who was going to do what he felt like and furthermore the purpose of Gov’t chauffeurs and official cars was to take Galbraith out from Glasgow to his boat at weekends.

Rhodri states in his book that he was friends with Sam Galbraith.

Windbag – was there anyone at all whom you wouldn’t toady to in your attempts to become PM? Sam Galbraith must have been the worst recruitment decision that you ever made, you might as well have invited Dafydd to become a Minister, he’d have probably done less damage.

 

Robin Cook has to shoulder a great deal of the blame for the idiocy which reigned supreme under the Windbag – it was Cook who managed the Windbag’s leadership campaign in 1983. Cook was considered a moderniser and assisted the Windbag and Mandy in this.

Cook went back a long way, he was an MP in Wilson’s and Callaghan’s Gov’ts so he will have known about the skulduggery over which they presided and the scandals that they kept quiet – including George Thomas and Greville Janner and of course politicians from other parties doing equally unsavoury things such as Cyril Smith, Jeremy Thorpe and Sir Peter Morrison. Cook was a member of the Tribune group of the PLP and in 1988 was elected to the NEC.

Mrs Cook may have known another Top Doctor who facilitated the activities of Dafydd and the paedophiles – Dr DGE Wood, the corrupt GP. Wood came from the Bristol area, went to Bristol Medical School and his parents continued to live down there after Wood moved to north Wales. Wood’s father was a Top Doctor as well. Mrs Cook came from Bristol and she and Robin were married there. Evidence in my possession shows that Wood was very pro-active in approaching people who were in a position to assist him in running the sex trafficking ring or doing me damage – I also think that Wood had some sort of connection with Dr Death.

In true Top Doctor style, Mrs Cook delivered a boot to the groin of Blair and the Gov’t in 2002. She resigned from her job as a Top Doctor, claiming that the NHS was being used by Blair’s Ministers as a ‘political football’. Of course it was Mrs Cook and the Top Doctors took maximum advantage of that. If the NHS wasn’t used as a political football, Dafydd et al would have simply been arrested and charged – instead the BMA used the desperation among politicians to conceal what was going on to negotiate high salaries for themselves. Mrs Cook’s criticisms sound very familiar – there’s not enough money for Top Doctors, there’s a recruitment crisis and she can’t bear the stress anymore. Just imagine the stress if you were illegally imprisoned in a dungeon in Denbigh Mrs Cook and everybody ignored the crimes of the person who had done it.

Mrs Cook was a haematologist. So she’d know about the ‘tainted blood’ scandal – which resulted in NHS patients knowingly being given infected blood products over many years under different Gov’ts, many of those patients subsequently dying. Mrs Cook would also know about other blood borne infections. Such as HIV. Furthermore Mrs Cook worked in a hospital in Edinburgh – in the late 80s/early 90s Edinburgh had one of the worst rates of HIV infection.

Mrs Cook will have known that the only way that Chief Medical Officer Sir Donald Acheson persuaded Thatcher and Norman Fowler to allow the ‘Don’t Die Of Ignorance’ HIV public education campaign which made references to gay sex was because Acheson had explained slowly and clearly that this was an infection which led to a terminal illness, that there was no effective treatment and that the chances of becoming infected were particularly high if people were having promiscuous gay sex. As Thatcher and Fowler knew damn well that some of their colleagues were using rent boys for this purpose and could well die, the public education campaign was given the go ahead. Mrs Cook will also have known that the young men dying of AIDS in the late 80s receiving visits from Princess Diana who ‘had been rejected by their families’ were very frequently the kids who had grown up in care and had been trafficked for sex. They died without anyone admitting what had happened (see post ‘Apocalypse Now’).

 

Someone else who knew about the gore that was being kept quiet by the DoH was David Miliband. Rhodri Morgan wrote the Health part of the 1992 Welsh Labour manifesto with the Health Advisory Group – although I don’t remember seeing any mention of the abuse and trafficking of kids in care and then keeping them in a dungeon if they complained in that manifesto. Miliband was working as an advisor at the time and argued with Rhodri over the wording of the manifesto – Miliband wanted a form of wording that the NHS unions and the Socialist Health Association would be happy with. They just mustn’t be upset must they.

Gov’t car for you and your family out to your boat on a Saturday Dr Galbraith? No problem.

 

David Miliband did of course share the same Uncle Harry who was popularised by Ed Miliband. Uncle Harry aka Professor Harry Keen who inspired and cared and was dedicated to the NHS. Uncle Harry who had a Chair at Guy’s and St Thomas’s, who’s colleagues became millionaires by abandoning their NHS patients whilst they buggered off down to Harley Street for the rest of the day – the Guys and Tommy’s where Dafydd’s mate Professor Jim Watson established his sex therapy clinic, after having slummed it over at St George’s for years where he’d concealed the paedophile gang along with everyone else there (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’). Uncle Harry was a member of the Socialist Health Association (see post ‘Inside Information About A Hergest Unit Death’). As was Dr Brian Gibbons, who was appointed Health Minister in Rhodri’s Welsh Gov’t and who wrote to me saying that ‘this correspondence is over’ when I told him that I had documentary evidence of serious criminal activity in the NHS in north Wales.

 

David Miliband will have known about the abuse of vulnerable people before 1992, because his first job after he left university in 1989 was as a political analyst at the National Council for Voluntary Organisations (NCVO). Not only were many of the organisations under that umbrella concealing the abuse of vulnerable people – such as MIND – but many of the people working in the NCVO, particularly at senior levels, had concealed abuse and wrongdoing themselves in their previous jobs in services where vulnerable people, including children, had been abused.

From 1989-94, Miliband worked as a Research Fellow and policy analyst at the  IPPR. He was appointed Secretary of the IPPR’s Commission on Social Justice upon its foundation in 1992 by the then leader of the Labour Party, John Smith.

Uncle Harry’s nephew is certainly a man who knows about social justice. He must have been good at keeping his mouth shut as well because in 1994 Blair appointed Miliband as Head of Policy and he contributed to Labour’s 1997 General Election manifesto. After Labour’s election victory, Blair made Miliband the de facto head of the PM’s Policy Unit, a position which Miliband held until 2001.

In 2001 David Miliband was elected as Labour MP for South Shields. So Miliband joined all those other mates of Blair’s in the north east who were keeping the lid on the paedophile ring up there which had operated for years and had strong links to Dafydd’s lot in north Wales.

As far as Miliband goes, the rest is history – Minister of State for the Cabinet Office, Foreign Secretary, mate of Hillary Clinton’s and now the President of the International Rescue Committee.

And it all began when Miliband ensured that the wording of the 1992 Labour manifesto was acceptable to people who were colluding with a paedophile gang…

 

Obviously with Rhodri having an interest in health policy, Rhodri was keen to contribute in any way that he could, so he supplied bad news NHS stories to the Mirror, to let everyone know just how much patients suffer under Tory Cuts. As opposed to when Tony Blair chucks money at the Top Doctors and Mrs Cook still tells everyone that it’s all dreadful and the stress has made her resign, in the same way that many GPs are now retiring in their mid to late 50s because they can’t take anymore. It does of course help that their pension pots are so big that unlike most other people – except of course the Denbigh nurses who retired at 55 to spend time on their yachts or at their second homes in Florida (see post ‘A Solicitor’s Letter from North East Wales MIND’) – GPs can retire in their 50s and still enjoy a comfortable life.

 

The Wales NHS horse was mercilessly flogged again for the 1997 General Election campaign. Blair made a campaign visit to Wales on 2 Feb and he visited Ty Maeth, the HQ of the RCN in the grounds of the University Hospital of Wales. Rhodri’s wife Julie was the host MP! Julie was present at the public unveiling of the RCN’s new childcare system. As Julie Morgan was a former social worker who’s colleagues were involved in concealing child abuse and Julie had previously been the Deputy Director of Barnardo’s whilst some Barnardo’s staff abused children in their care and also had links to Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales, Julie was clearly the right person to be doing that. Whilst Blair was being taken on the RCN tour of North Korea, elaborate plans were being laid in north Wales to transfer me to a secure unit after framing me for ‘threatening’ an Angel – an Angel who would, a few months after Blair met the NHS staff of Pyongyang, obligingly perjure herself (see posts ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’ and ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’). Blair’s tour also included a visit to the University of Glamorgan (now known as the University of South Wales), an institution which has excelled in giving honorary degrees and fellowships to those who have protected the paedophiles and patient batterers, including the Director of the RCN in Wales, Tina Donnelly (see post ‘Oh To Be In Receipt Of Academic Honours’).

 

John Major also visited north Wales in the 1997 General Election campaign. He gave his last Welsh Conservative Party speech before the election at Kinsale Hall Hotel, Flintshire, at the heart of the paedophiles’ biggest umbrella. Kinsale Hall Hotel is near to Holywell and the other places where many former staff of the North Wales Hospital lived. Whilst Major was addressing the paedophiles’ friends, not so far away in Ewloe Sir Ronnie Waterhouse had opened the Waterhouse Inquiry.

 

There are a couple of other references in Rhodri’s book to visits to Paedophilia Central by senior New Labour figures at the time of the Waterhouse Inquiry. Philip Gould went to Wrexham to conduct two of those focus groups which made him a laughing stock. The focus groups in question concerned people’s views on devolution. New Labour didn’t bother to dispatch anyone to make any inquiries about the paedophile gang which had its centre at Wrexham in the guise of Bryn Estyn and Bryn Alyn for so many years. Nearly every councillor and MP in the region was colluding with the gang, but someone could have had a word with the Labour Wrexham Councillor Malcolm King who was the one person who wasn’t (see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’).

 

When the devolution campaign begun, Blair himself arrived in Wrexham. I bet he gave Councillor King a wide berth. Rhodri states that Blair was greeted as a Messiah and that there was a huge turn out. From what is now known about how Thatcher’s and Blair’s campaigns were organised, it was highly probable that there was nothing spontaneous about that huge turn out.

 

Previously on this blog I have discussed how the trade unions not only failed to blow the whistle on the abuse of children in care and psychiatric patients but actually provided abusers with protection in terms of legal advice and support even in cases where it was admitted that they had abused the people whom they were paid to care for (see post ‘A Very COHSE Relationship With Some Very Nasty People?’). David Williams, a former Angel from the North Wales Hospital Denbigh held senior roles in COHSE for decades and ended up as the General Secretary.  The corrupt MSF reps at St George’s Hospital Medical School were using their knowledge of criminal wrongdoing to simply gain more power and status for themselves.

In terms of those abusing children in care, NUPE and NALGO defended them under all circumstances. Some of those accused of abuse, including in north Wales, were shop stewards in these unions. Whistleblowers found that these unions would not respond to their concerns. Although Alison Taylor was a paid-up member of NUPE when she raised concerns about the abuse of children in north Wales and when Gwynedd County Council took disciplinary action against her, NUPE dropped their representation of Alison after being subject to ‘persuasion’ by Gwynedd County Council. One social worker in north Wales who was guilty of serious abuse of children was nonetheless represented by NALGO who negotiated an early retirement package for him. A psychiatrist’s letter was produced in support. I think that I can guess which psychiatrist might have written that letter.

There is no doubt that people at the top of the unions representing abusers knew what the score was and exactly whom they were protecting (see post ‘Mary Turner – An Appreciation’ and ‘I Warn You…’).

Rhodri’s book supplies the names of some of the key figures in the union movement in Wales – Rhodri himself was associated with the TGWU. George Wright is mentioned as the Welsh T&G Area Regional Secretary. Wright became General Secretary of the TGWU and General Secretary of the Wales TUC. Wright famously stated that he knew what his members wanted and that was ‘one person, one vote: I’m the person’. Wright was a protege of the TGWU’s leader Jack Jones. These were very powerful men at one time. If they had wanted to take on Dafydd and the paedophiles they could have. Rhodri mentions that Wright’s deputy in running the Wales Region of the T&G was Jim Hancock – Hancock was Chair of the Welsh Labour Executive.

Jim Hancock became Regional Secretary of the TGWU. In Nov 2000 the TGWU was accused of ignoring local people in Bethesda at a commemoration of the centenary of the Penrhyn Quarry lock-out. The dispute was an historic one and was a key step in the development of trade unionism. The TGWU inherited the mantle of the pioneering old North Wales Quarrymen’s Union, which merged with the TGWU in the 1950s. People in Bethesda were not only not invited to the event but few of them even know about it. Tom Jones, the organiser of the TGWU in north Wales, stated that no snub had been intended.

Among the ‘VIPs’ who were invited were Rhodri; Derek Gregory, the Chairman of TUC Cymru; the actor John Ogwen (who came from Bethesda); paedophiles’ friend Glyn Owen, the Chairman of Gwynedd County Council; paedophiles’ friend Betty Williams, Labour MP for Conwy; Lord Dafydd Elis-Thomas, Presiding Officer of the National Assembly and Tom Jones, Jim Hancock and Jimmy Elsby, representing the TGWU.

I have heard Dafydd Elis-Thomas speak about the need to rescue the patients and then close down the Hergest Unit and I saw him give a paedophiles’ friend a good bollocking for giving Wales a bad name on one occasion, but I am not aware that ANY of the other ‘VIPs’ named above had ever shown any interest at all in the plight of the victims of Dafydd and the paedophiles – and Glyn Owen and Betty Williams were most definitely of the paedophiles’ friends themselves. Gwynedd County Council hosted the paedophile gang – Owen was Chairman and Betty Williams had sat on the Council for years whilst the paedophile gang were busy. Betty also failed to respond to Hergest patients who contacted her after they had suffered abuse at the hands of staff and had me thrown out of Tesco when she was campaigning in there after I asked her why she was ignoring what was going on in the Hergest Unit.

In 2005 a ding dong in Court revealed serious abuses of procedure at the TGWU. Hancock was named in the case as was Mr Harriet Harman aka Jack Dromey.

 

In 2010 the UCU expressed fears about the future of Coleg Harlech after Jim Hancock was commissioned by the Welsh Gov’t to report on the future of the Coleg and recommended that there should be no more investment there. Coleg Harlech has now died a death, which is a great pity because I know some people who maintain that Coleg Harlech transformed their lives and some very good historians were employed there, although sadly there was a contingent of paedophiles’ friends lurking within.

As the UCU shed tears over the future of Coleg Harlech, it reminded everyone that what ‘makes Coleg Harlech so unique is the residential provision it offers. For the most vulnerable learners, including ex-offenders, people with mental health conditions and drug addicts that have kicked their habits, this is vital.  It places them in a safe, supportive environment where they can learn and where they can begin to turn their lives around’.

So the well-paid of north Wales suddenly woke up to the fact that the scant educational provision for the people whom had been kicked in the teeth for decades whilst the well-paid remained silent was about to disappear and that the well-paid were in danger of losing their jobs. Christ, let’s have a campaign!

Whilst UCU shed crocodile years over the fate of vulnerable students, Eileen Tilley, the UCU rep at Bangor University, colluded with the paedophiles’ friends in attacks on those who had spilt the paedophiles’ pints (see post ‘News Round Up, May 12 2017′) because Eileen wanted a seat on the National Executive of UCU.

In 2001 Coleg Harlech merged with the WEA (north Wales). The north Wales WEA was/is dominated by the paedophiles’ friends. I witnessed one such leading light in the WEA -Annie Williams – give a lecture on the plight of the insane and the poor in Beaumaris in previous centuries. Annie got quite a few things wrong but luckily there was someone in the audience who actually knew about the subject and was able to advise Annie. At one point Annie pretended to cry at the knowledge of how the insane and destitute were treated in those days and she made comparisons with the Tory Cuts of today. One of Annie Williams’s colleagues at the WEA is friendly with an Angel in the Hergest Unit who is mistreating one of his kids. Annie’s colleague knows about this but is protecting the Angel and asked me to stop telling people that patients were being abused in Hergest.

When Annie Williams found out that I had an interest in Wimmins’ Studies (or as some of us would say, gender theory) and that I worked at Bangor University, Annie presumed that I worked with Meri Huws aka the Crack of Doom. I explained that I didn’t and mentioned the name of the person whom I did work with, a man who had come under serious attack for spilling the pints of the paedophiles. Annie made a contemptuous noise, wrinkled her nose, walked away and didn’t speak to me again. Well my former colleague might be in possession of testicles Annie, but he’d have never made the elementary mistakes that you made in your lecture. Neither did he collude with a gang of child molesters and those who protected them.

 

 

 

 

Other bigwigs from the TGWU in Wales with whom Rhodri was mates were Nev Taylor, Teifion Davies and John Bingham.

Liz Lewis was the north Wales TGWU organiser. I have not been able to find out anything about Liz other than that she was based among the paedophiles’ friends in Flintshire. There is a passing reference to Liz Lewis on a ‘Red Watch’ website which seems to have been created by some sort of far-right group and features photos and info about who Red Watch believes are dangerous Commie revolutionaries.

Two of my former colleagues from Bangor University are featured on the website. One of them is Julia Wardhaugh, a criminologist whom Red Watch believes is a ‘Marxist Feminist’ and an expert in ‘hate speech’. Red Watch, you really don’t need to worry about Julia – she caused much resentment at Bangor because she could barely make it into work most days. She has sat in Bangor University for years drawing a senior lecturer’s salary whilst much more junior staff – or even unpaid postgrads – do virtually all of her work for her. I never worked out whether Julia was a paedophiles’ friend because I only ever saw her about a dozen times during the years that I worked in the same academic dept as her. I used to speculate with a friend about what Julia actually DID when she wasn’t coming to work. Did she just sit at home watching TV? Or was she going on Himalayan expeditions? She could have been doing the latter because she wasn’t seen for months at a time. The occasions on which Julia did appear however were when meetings were being held to discuss plans to oppose any redundancies in the university. She made sure that she turned up to them. You have nothing to worry about Red Watch, Julia Wardhaugh will not be leading the revolution, she could never be bothered to put in the effort required.

Another Dangerous Revolutionary outed by Red Watch was Professor Charlotte Williams, formerly of Bangor University, latterly of Keele University. Charlotte Williams was a good deal more industrious than Julia and Charlotte is one of the few people who has published intelligent work on black ethnic identity and Welshness. Charlotte has thought about that a lot, because she is black, grew up in Bethesda but is not Welsh speaking and throughout her whole life has been told that she isn’t really Welsh. Charlotte Williams is well known in north Wales because she was subjected to an all out hate campaign by a group of paedophiles’ friends. God they hated Charlotte, they made her life hell. She was subjected to overt racism for daring to be black and when a leaving party was held for her at Bangor it was attended by a paedophiles’ friend who told a student ‘I am only going to make sure that she does leave’. Whatever Charlotte published was trashed by a paedophiles’ friend – usually a deeply unpleasant man called Glyn Williams aka Glyn Patagonia. She never achieved the recognition that she deserved which was why she left Bangor University – it was quite clear that Charlotte was never going to be given the Chair that she obviously should have one day. She went to Keele and was given a Chair very quickly.

However there is a huge mystery surrounding Charlotte. She absolutely must have been a paedophiles’ friend herself. She spent decades working in social work, both as a social worker, a tutor and then as Director of Social Work at Bangor University. She sat on numerous Welsh Gov’t committees advising on social work throughout the paedophile years and was awarded the standard gong of the paedophiles’ friends, an OBE. Charlotte grew up and worked for virtually her entire career in the midst of Paedophilia Central. She definitely knew what was happening but as far as I understood – and I knew a number of people who knew Charlotte well and liked her – she never, ever said one word or raised a concern about the rampant serious abuse which she knew was happening. She was also very frosty to me and avoided me like the plague although she knew that I was good friends with someone who had been very supportive to her.

I have to be fair and entertain the notion that Charlotte might have been simply scared shitless of the murdering bastards. Well you’ve retired now Charlotte, you are well away from them and I think that as a key witness to what they did, you now need to come forward and give evidence.

I don’t know where Charlotte is living now, but after a life and career spent in north Wales she upped and went to Australia for a few years, but later returned to the UK. As I remember, Charlotte felt the call of Oz just as Operation Pallial launched the re-investigation into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. Charlotte must have returned at some point after the Macur Review confirmed that Waterhouse was no cover-up and that the paedophile ring in north Wales was not linked with rings anywhere else and there were no Westminster figures involved. I don’t think that Lady Justice Macur interviewed witnesses though. She couldn’t, they’d buggered off to Australia after they got wind that the Review would be taking place.

 

So there were a great many people providing protection to a paedophile gang and those who facilitated it. The unions of course paid for the best legal representation. The solicitors of the GMB were a company called Leo Abse and Cohen…

 

There was a Labour MP who was also a great friend of Dafydd and the paedophiles who has so far escaped being mentioned on this blog. Gareth Thomas, the MP for Clwyd West, 1997-05.

Gareth Thomas ticks just about every box in terms of the criteria needed to be of outstanding service to Dafydd and the paedophiles. Thomas was born in Penygroes in Gwynedd, but grew up on Merseyside – however he is a fluent Welsh speaker. He graduated in law from Aberystwyth University in 1976 and worked in the insurance industry and in the West Indies. Since 1986 Thomas has been a barrister in private practice, specialising in personal injury. Thomas is a member of AMICUS. MSF, the union whose corrupt reps at St George’s concealed so much wrongdoing, became part of AMICUS after a merger.

Gareth Thomas was a member of Flintshire County Council, 1995-97 and in 2001 was appointed PPS to Paul Murphy, Secretary of State for Wales. In 2002 he moved with Murphy when Murphy was appointed Secretary of State for N Ireland.

Thomas lives near Ruthin and now works as a barrister at Atlantic Chambers Liverpool.

Blair must have been delighted to have Thomas representing that seat whilst the Waterhouse Inquiry was going on and then when the cover-up was published.

 

 

 

Previous posts including ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’ and ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’ provided details of the insanity and corruption which prevailed (and still does prevail) in the mental health services in north Wales, as evidenced by the documents in my possession – the lies being told about and to patients, the complete failure to investigate the most serious complaints and the lies subsequently told that complaints had been properly investigated but had been found to be groundless, the constant attempts to prosecute patients who had complained, the admissions that staff were committing perjury to do this and the collusion with all this by scores of people at the highest echelons, as well as by numerous lawyers.

I mentioned that I have many documents that contain clues that documents have been forged or amended/written at a later date than claimed. This seems to be true of a number of documents which are alleged to be correspondence between Alun Davies and the Welsh Office in 1988 and 1989.

In July 1989 an inquiry was finally held into my earlier very serious complaints about Dafydd, Tony Francis and Gwynedd Social Services, regarding events in 1986-87. The hearing was organised by Professor Robert Owen the corrupt Medical Ombudsman appointed by the Welsh Office (see post ‘In Memoriam – Professor Robert Owen’) and was led by Professor Robert Bluglass, who was as corrupt as the rest of them, who knew Dafydd and was a close colleague of Tony Francis’s former mentor Ian Brockington (see post ‘Ian Brockington’s Mischief’). Most aspects of my complaint were not even investigated and evidence from an Angel that Dafydd had lied to Bluglass during the hearing was ignored as was evidence from Angels that Dafydd had entered into a corrupt deal with Superintendent Roberts at Bangor Police Station to unlawfully arrest and imprison me (see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’). Bluglass concluded that Dafydd and paedophiles were ‘caring’ people who had been ‘harassed’ by me and that I was a psychopath with a ‘homicidal capacity’ who would ‘end up in Broadmoor’.

It was very, very difficult ever getting that farce of an investigation. Letters from me to NHS officials were simply ignored, which is where these allegations of me ‘harassing’ people arose from. I had to write to both Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities repeatedly, because I was either not receiving replies or when I did, barefaced lies were told. Gwynedd Social Services refused to speak to me even on the phone and after only my second letter of complaint to them they served an injunction on me preventing me from writing to them ever again – an injunction gained on the basis of the perjury of two social workers, one of whom had never met me (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’). My complaint re Gwynedd Social Services was that I had been threatened by Alun Davies and then unlawfully detained in Ysbyty Gwynedd by one of their social workers. I now have documents that demonstrate that was exactly what happened. The complaint has never been investigated. Months after serving the injunction on me, Gwynedd Social Services tried to have me imprisoned for breaching it – on the basis of their staff perjuring themselves in Court in Chester (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’).

The letters written to other people by Mr D. Hinchliffe, the administrator at the North Wales Hospital, demonstrate that Hinchliffe repeatedly wrote to Dafydd after I complained, but Dafydd ignored Hinchliffe’s letters. Peter Higson couldn’t get a reply out of Dafydd either and Hinchliffe and Higson agreed that Dafydd wasn’t following complaints procedures. Their solution was for Hinchliffe to write to me and tell me that my complaint had been investigated and was found to be groundless. This was happening during 1987. The letters demonstrating that this was happening were written by D. Keith Jones – a senior nurse at the North Wales Hospital – David Ewart at the Mental Health Act Commission Regional Office in Liverpool and Dr Duncan Egdell of Clwyd Health Authority, as well as by Dafydd, Hinchliffe and Higson. Names mentioned on the letters – people who were colluding with this way of dealing with serious complaint – included Terence James (social worker) and Dr Ramiah Ramaiah, one of Dafydd’s corrupt Top Doctor associates who turned up to ‘assess’ me whilst I was in Denbigh and concluded that I was most wicked . All of these people were involved in a flat refusal to ensure that any investigation took place and that a series of lies were told to me and indeed about me.

On July 13 1987 Hinchliffe wrote to Dr Duncan Egdell regarding Dafydd not responding to my complaints. The letter explains that the Mental Health Act Commission were also complaining about delays in response to their complaints and that they will be writing to Clwyd Health Authority. Hinchliffe states ‘I am therefore writing to advise you of the current situation and at the request of the Members of the Health Authority attached to the Unit [North Wales Hospital] to see whether you could offer any assistance in resolving the situation’. CC Mrs Mars-Jones, Mr Drennan.

Mrs Mars-Jones – referred to on another document as Mrs D. Mars-Jones – I am fairly sure is the wife of David Mars-Jones from near Denbigh. I think that David Mars-Jones is the younger brother of Sir William Mars-Jones, corrupt judge and paedophiles’ friend (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). I have been sent information alleging that Mars-Jones’s son Adam – who became a very well-known novelist – as a young man used to visit Bryn Alyn. Adam Mars-Jones is gay and wrote a biography of his father in which he claims that his father was incredibly homophobic and thought that Adam could be ‘cured’ by sex with the right sort of (female) people. I presume that Mrs Mars-Jones was a member of Clwyd Health Authority.

Letters written by Dafydd to Hinchliffe (dated 21 July 1987) and by David Ewart to Hinchliffe (dated 8 Aug 1987) make reference to the plan and attempt by Dafydd to have me framed and imprisoned for ‘attempting to stab a doctor with a knife’) (see post ‘Workers’ Play Time’). Ewart himself was fully on board with this conspiracy.

A letter from Duncan Egdell to Hinchliffe dated 27 July 1987 states that ‘I enclose herewith for your information and that of Mrs Mars-Jones and Mr Drennan (to whom I am copying this), a copy of a letter I have today sent to Dr DA Jones though I have not indicated that on the top copy that I am doing so. I do hope it achieves the desired effect and shall look forward to hearing whether it does’. Copies to Mrs D. Mars-Jones and Mr R.F. Drennan.

What was going on? I can find no clues among my documents as to what Egdell was up to – but it was obviously a bit of deception involving Hinchliffe, Dafydd, Mrs Mars-Jones and Mr Drennan.

David Ewart wrote to Hinchliffe on 11 Sep 1987 pointing out that the Mental Health Act Commission still hadn’t had answers to two questions posed in their letter of 11 June. By this time Ewart had probably found out that the plan to imprison me for ‘attempting to stab a junior doctor’ had not worked. Ewart had initially been under the mistaken belief that they’d got away with it because Dafydd jumped the gun and wrote to Ewart telling him that I had been taken to Risley Remand Centre – Dafydd didn’t realise at that time that the police had protected me from further false allegations by Janice Davies the senior nurse at the North Wales Hospital and that a nursing officer at Ysbyty Gwynedd had made a statement which evidenced that it was a lie that I had tried to stab someone and so I had been released from Bangor Police Station.

On 5 Jan 1988 PM Rees (an administrator with Gwynedd Health Authority) wrote a ‘note for file’ referring to a meeting ‘this afternoon 4 Jan 1989’ between Prof Owen, Alun Davies, Sandra Phillips, PM Rees and Robyn Williams (an administrator at Gwynedd Health Authority). Rees explains that he phoned Duncan Egdell of Clwyd Health Authority to ask if my original letter to him detailed my complaints about Gwynedd Health Authority. Egdell confirmed that it did and that a letter had been received from me ‘ages ago’, but neither Egdell or anyone else addressed my complaints because ‘it was none of their business’. Rees noted that ‘it apparently did not occur to them to send us a copy so that we could look into the Gwynedd aspects of the complaint ourselves’. Rees stated that Egdell will be faxing my letter over to Gwynedd, that he ‘will communicate this information to Prof Owen’ and will instigate the first of the two stages of the clinical judgement complaints procedure ‘as quickly as possible with a view to having it dealt with (if considered still necessary) at the third stage hearing, tentatively to be held at the end of Jan’.

PM Rees dates the note as 5 Jan 1988, but refers to a meeting that day, 4 Jan 1989. If one was dealing with normal people, this could be explained as a simply typo. But we are not talking normal people here as we shall see.

This memo is extraordinary anyway. Not only because of the apparent lack of communication between Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities, who were responsible JOINTLY for providing the psychiatric services in north Wales – Gwynedd patients were regularly sent to the North Wales Hospital although it was managed by Clwyd and Dafydd had beds at Ysbyty Gwynedd and held clinics there, although his contract of employment was held by Clwyd – but also because of Gwynedd’s claims not to know the details of my complaints against them. They had received numerous letters from me detailing my complaints – Tony Francis had served a High Court injunction on me stopping me from writing any more of them to him and Gwynedd Health Authority were consulting with the crooked Welsh Office lawyer Andrew Park with a view to also gaining an injunction against me stopping me writing letters of complaint. They were in no doubt at all regarding the details of my complaint. Furthermore, the Mental Health Acts Commission by then had also written to Gwynedd Health Authority asking them to respond to their own questions after I had written to the MHAC. The MHAC had told Gwynedd Health Authority that the appropriate report and documentation had not been provided by Gwynedd Social Services when I had been threatened by Davies and then detained at Ysbyty Gwynedd in the autumn of 1986 – so that detention was unlawful…

Gwynedd knew exactly where the land lay, even if Duncan Egdell couldn’t be arsed to write to them.

This memo was in my files alongside an undated ‘report’ about me written by Tony Francis. It is a substantial report in which Francis does his best to present his skills as a psychotherapist. His conclusion is simple – that I am a ‘paranoid litigant’ who’s complaints cannot be taken seriously and have no substance. Which is exactly what Dafydd said about Mary Wynch when she sued him after he had her unlawfully arrested and imprisoned in the North Wales Hospital for a year – Mary won that case (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’).

There is a letter to PM Rees from Duncan Egdell with a copy of my original complaint to Egdell (which was dated 2 March 1987) and letters of complaint written by me on 10 and 11 Dec 1987 because my original complaint had not been addressed. My letter of 11 Dec 1987 addressed to Mr Griffiths, the General Administrator of Clwyd Health Authority, mentioned that I am now writing to him because I have received a letter from Hempsons (the MDU solicitors) who are threatening to seek my imprisonment on the grounds that my letters of complaint to Gwynedd Health Authority broke the personal injunction that  Francis obtained against me. (I was not imprisoned because I had not broken Francis’s injunction.)

This letter from Egdell was dated 4 Jan 1989. Again, it would normally be presumed that this was just an error and it was meant to be 4 Jan 1988 – but when I looked closely at some of the other documents, it was clear that there was something highly irregular about many of them.

On 20 April 1988, Duncan Egdell, Community Physician, finally wrote to the Medical Officer for Complaints at the Welsh Office regarding my complaint about Dafydd. Egdell wites ‘please note that some of the enclosed papers are libellous [an interesting way of describing the most serious aspects of my complaint about Dafydd]. I am sending them to you under confidential cover because you have a legitimate interest in receiving them. We do have to guard ourselves against any allegations that we have ‘published’ libellous material’. Egdell mentions in his letter that he doesn’t know which Medical Officer will be handling the case. Yet in Jan 1988 PM Rees had documented a meeting to ‘discuss’ me as a result of my complaint – to which Prof Robert Owen and Uncle Tom Cobley and all had been invited. Although Rees stated that the meeting took place in Jan 1989…. QUE???

Presumably the ‘libellous material’ concern is why there do not seem to be any official records anywhere of the many complaints from patients about Dafydd’s sexual misconduct. No-one could write them down because it would libelling Dafydd! Which explains why in 1989 Bluglass stated that I described my interactions with Gwynne the lobotomist in ‘highly negative terms’. What I remember saying to Bluglass – and to a number of other people – was that Gwynne had sexually propositioned me, lied about me to discredit me, that Dr DGE Wood told me that I was ‘not allowed to complain’ when I did complain and then yelled at me to ‘drop it or you will find yourself in trouble’.

You didn’t tell me that people were going to try to murder me Wood!

 

I have a copy of an internal memorandum from Tony Francis to Alun Davies dated 29 Nov 1988. It thanks Davies for a letter from Duncan Egdell and states ‘please note that he requests copies [underlined] of the notes rather than the originals. I would be grateful if [my] notes could be kept in the hospital as I may need them for the coming High Court action’.

This memo isn’t signed by Francis, it simply has ‘pp’ and then two initials – a D and another one which looks as though it is a G, an E or a B. It it stamped as being received by Gwynedd Health Authority, 30 Nov 1988.

I have in my possession a letter purporting to be from Alun Davies to Mrs L. Canning, Welsh Office, Cathays Park, Cardiff, dated 1 Dec 1988. [Lesley Canning was Prof Robert Owen’s secretary.] It reads ‘Please find enclosed three copies of the Gwynedd case notes for this lady. will forward my correspondence when photocopying done’. Davies also stated in this letter that he was ascertaining who the Registered Medical Officer was and who the police surgeon was who saw me at Bangor Police Station when Dafydd had me arrested in Dec 1986.

This letter is not signed – despite accompanying the delivery of confidential documents crucial to an investigation.

I also have a copy of a letter purporting to be from Alun Davies to Chief Inspector Parry, Bangor Police Station, dated Dec 1988 – I can’t work out the day, the typing is blurred. Davies says in this letter that he’s been asked by the Chairman of the Inquiry Panel [ie. Prof Robert Owen] to ascertain who the police surgeon was.

The letter is not signed. Which seems a little odd for an NHS official writing to a Chief Inspector regarding an Inquiry after a patient alleged serious criminality on the part of the NHS, the social services and the police.

I have a copy of a letter to Alun Davies from ‘Superintendent for Chief Superintendent’ – signed by what looks like someone called Edwards or it might be Rowlands – dated 12 Dec 1988. it makes reference to ‘your letter of 7 December 1988 regarding the above named and her complaint to Clwyd Health Authority’. The letter informs Davies that Dr K Shah was the police surgeon who attended Bangor Police Station after Dafydd ordered that I be arrested in Dec 1986 and that Ann Williams was the social worker. The letter is signed and stamped as received by Gwynedd Health Authority, Ysbyty Gwynedd, on 18 Dec 1988. The letter bears the address of the North Wales Police Divisional HQ at Maesincla, Caernarfon and is marked with ‘ref TJE/CVD’.

I have a copy of an internal memorandum from PM Rees but signed by ‘SA Phillips for PM Rees’ [which will be Sandra Phillips, who rose to high office as a corrupt NHS manager in the mental health services in north Wales]. Alun Davies’s name appears at the top of the document., which is dated 15 Dec [no year]. It states ‘I refer to my memorandum of the 21 Nov 1988. I understand that Dr Francis has no objection to disclosure of [my] case notes to the Independent Professional Review being held in Clwyd and I should be grateful therefore if you could let me have two copies as soon as possible’. There is a reference to the ‘last letter’ that they had received from me, in which I had the temerity to dispute that Dafydd was my doctor. I did indeed do this. At no point did I ever ask to see Dafydd. In the autumn of 1986 I was unlawfully detained at Ysbyty Gwynedd and the Angel in charge of the ward Bridget Lloyd refused to let me go until I’d spent 20 mins alone in a room with Dafydd. Dafydd tried to talk to me about sex, I refused to discuss any such thing with him, asked him what the hell he thought that he was doing, whereupon Dafydd told me that he would only let me go if I agreed to leave the town of Bangor immediately and if I ever returned I’d be arrested. I thought ‘fuck you, you’re the second pervert who’s threatened me during the course of their employment as a psychiatrist, I’m not keeping quiet about this’ – although I did leave Bangor immediately because a few days later I was due to start an MSc at Hammersmith Hospital and I realised that these people were capable of anything. Thus the war began…

From then on Top Doctors constantly told me that Dafydd was my doctor and that I had to be referred back to him – even Top Docs in London. No-one could do anything without speaking to Dafydd first. Because he was ‘my doctor’ who ‘knew all about me’.

 

I have a copy of a document purporting to be a letter from Alun Davies to Prof Robert Owen, Medical Officer for Complaints, Medical Investigation Dept, Welsh Office, Cathays Park, Cardiff, dated 16 Dec 1988. The letter says ‘I enclose two sets of correspondence that we have received from [me]’. The letter also states that ‘Ann Williams of Gwynedd Social Services attended the police station’. This letter was not signed – despite transmitting crucial evidence with regard to an Ombudsman’s investigation.

After Dafydd demanded that I be arrested in Dec 1986, an amazingly pleasant, fair social worker was called by the police and ordered to section me ‘because Dr DA says so’. The social worker refused, had a row with the policeman and left. She was one of the few social workers whom I encountered in north Wales who had an understanding of the law, was not prepared to abuse it and was able to talk to clients. Although this lady was not prepared to break the law that night, everyone else was, which was how I ended up in Denbigh a few hours later (see post ‘Hippocratic Oaf or Hypocritic Oaf’). I spent years trying to trace this social worker. I was told by everyone – including the police and Alun Davies – that there was no record of a social worker visiting me in Bangor Police Station that night. At the hearing in July 1989 Bluglass told me that there was no social worker in the police station that night – he really didn’t know what I was talking about…

I have a copy of a document purporting to be a letter from Alun Davies to PM Rees (general administrator from Ysbyty Gwynedd), dated 20 Dec 1988. It reads ‘I refer to your memorandum of 15 Dec 1988. I confirm that I have already forwarded three copies of [my] case notes to Professor Owen’s office in Cardiff’.  Davies’s letter states that before I was taken to the North Wales Hospital in Dec 1986 by the police on the orders of Dafydd, that Dafydd had seen me in the police cells. He hadn’t – that’s why my detention was unlawful. No-one had provided any evidence that I was ill and sectionable. Bluglass himself in his report compiled in the summer of 1989 admitted that there was no documentary evidence anywhere that Dafydd had seen me before I was taken to Denbigh. So had Bluglass not seen this letter that Davies had sent to Rees months before? If Dafydd had seen me in the cells, where was the documentary evidence?

This letter from Davies to Rees is not signed. Which is surprising in view of the potential legal ramifications of my allegation that Dafydd unlawfully imprisoned me…

I have a copy of a document purporting to be a letter written by Alun Davies, dated 22 Dec 1988. It reads ‘I have been contacted by Professor Owen who has been nominated to Chair a Medical Review Enquiry Panel concerning complaints made by [me]…Professor Owen believes that it would be helpful to have an informal meeting to discuss [me] and I therefore write to invite you to a meeting on Wednesday 4 January 1989 at 2 pm in the Committee Room at Ysbyty Gwynedd. If you are not able to attend another date can be arranged.’ The letter is not signed. A ‘distribution list’ names  Tony Francis, Mrs J Evans [presumably Julie Evans, a particularly noxious social worker who has never met me but felt able to spend many years telling people that I was dangerous and she wouldn’t like to think of her kids living near me. Julie was happy to emphasise this after I began working as a school teacher], Jeff Crowther, Dr DGE Wood, Mr PM Rees.

The letter is not signed.

Wood was invited to the meeting although he was no longer my GP. This was known – on 23 June 1986 Alun Davies sent a memo to a minion of Bernard Rhodes (the General Administrator for Gwyned Health Authority) stating that I had transferred  from Wood’s practice. This memo also mentions that the MDU had become involved in  my ‘case’ – Dr Ian Sanderson was the person at the MDU whom they were communicating with. Sanderson has featured in previous posts on this blog – Sanderson did his best to assist the paedophiles’ friends in their attempts to imprison me, although he knew that they were perjuring themselves. DGE Wood had not been named as part of my complaint, so why he had been invited to the meeting I do not know.

I have a copy of a letter purporting to be from Lesley Canning, Prof Owen’s secretary, based at Crown Buildings, Cathays Park, Cardiff, dated 23 Dec 1988, to Alun Davies, thanking him for the two sets of correspondence concerning me.

I have a copy of a document purporting to be a letter from Debra Lewis, Secretary to Alun Davies, to Professor Robert Owen. It is dated 29 Dec 1988 and is addressed to Owen at his home – ‘Bryn Celyn’, Pwllycrochan Avenue, Colwyn Bay. The letter begins ‘Further to our recent telephone conversation regarding a meeting on Wed 4 Jan 1989 at 2 pm to discuss [me], Dr DGE Wood has contacted me…’ The letter offers contact between Wood and Owen.

The letter is not signed.

 

After Bluglass had given Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends the all clear, Prof Robert Owen wrote to Alun Davies on 2 Aug 1989 to thank him ‘most sincerely’ for the ‘excellent way’ in which he organised the Professional Review. The note claimed to have been dictated by Professor Owen and signed in his absence.

 

In view of the number of errors on these documents, the number of them which are unsigned, even when dealing with allegations of serious misconduct and criminality or when accompanying crucial confidential packages of evidence to the Welsh Office and the number of times that the contents of the letters contradict each other, the only conclusion that I can draw is that some of these documents – if not all of them – are forged. After Bluglass cleared Dafydd and the paedophiles of wrongdoing and declared me to be a dangerous murderous psychopath, within three months there was a serious attempt to declare me insane and have me transferred to a high security hospital – without my knowledge, whilst I was living in London (see post ‘The Night of The (Dr Chris) Hunter). The stakes were very high for Dafydd and the paedophiles at that time because Alison Taylor wouldn’t shut up and Mary Wynch had made legal history in her case against Dafydd and had gained press coverage.

I believe that at some point after the Owen/Bluglass Inquiry, Alun Davies, staff of the Welsh Office and others wrote a stack of letters and pre-dated them, giving the appearance of a paper trail demonstrating that Gwynedd Health Authority had followed all the appropriate procedures in the wake of my complaint. They hadn’t. Upon receiving my complaints, they were ignored. I persisted and was then threatened, unlawfully detained in psych wards, served with High Court injunctions and finally subjected to regular attempts to fit me up and have me sent to a high security hospital or prison.

I believe that when Owen and Bluglass organised their farcical inquiry into my complaints, the documentation from Gwynedd Health Authority had not even been sent to the Welsh Office, although I know that the records from Clwyd had. That lot conducted business entirely by having a word with each other on social occasions or off the record and by lying through their teeth when necessary. I have other documents in my possession which were definitely forged and I caught Top Doctors and the paedophiles’ friends red-handed amending records on a number of occasions – the first person whom I caught bang to rights doing this was Gwynne the lobotomist. The Waterhouse Report contains references to a forged letter found in the possession of Lucille Hughes heaping praise upon two abusers employed as children’s home managers – allegedly written by someone who had complained about being abused by them.  Waterhouse also refers to constant inaccuracies in the records of kids in care in north Wales. Children alleged that they stayed in certain homes and were assaulted by members of staff of which there was no record. Because Waterhouse was Waterhouse he interpreted this as witnesses lying. No they weren’t, the paedophiles’ friends lied constantly and forged documentation.

I was told that there was no record of the social worker Ann Williams visiting me in Bangor Police Station and I was told that no clinical psychologist visited me in Denbigh. He did – it was Nigel Stennet-Cox and I am in possession of a letter in which it is stated that Stennet-Cox is to be told not to speak to me if I contact him and everybody else is to tell me that they don’t know who I’m talking about. On 22 Feb 1988 an Angel called Bob Ingham told me that he was social worker Keith Fearns when he dragged me along a corridor and injured me. The lies and misrepresentation were constant and routine. Alun Davies noted in writing that he was keeping my medical records at his house and the medical records staff at Ysbyty Gwynedd admitted to removing documents from my files. Accepted practice was not followed in any way.

 

Two more anecdotes to illustrate how business was – and still is – conducted in the NHS in north Wales.

I have mentioned a number of times previously how in the late summer of 1987 Brown listened in to a number of phone calls between Dafydd and me. Dafydd tried to threaten me into dropping my complaint about him by saying that he would have me imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and when that didn’t work he tried to bribe me. Dafydd told me that if I dropped my complaint he would ensure that I was given a place at Liverpool Medical School – he maintained that he was friends with Professor Richard someone or other and all he needed to do was to have a word with the criminal with a Chair at Liverpool. I was so gobsmacked that I just stopped the conversation. Brown heard every word of what Dafydd said in all the phone calls. I made a complaint about Dafydd’s attempts to threaten and bribe me. I was ignored – as ever – so I pressed the point. I was told that I had no evidence and of course Dafydd would never do such a thing. So Brown wrote a letter to Gwynedd Health Authority, in which he stated very clearly what he had heard. We heard nothing in response.

I raised the matter of Dafydd’s bribery and corruption with Bluglass at the Inquiry – two years later. Dafydd told Bluglass that of course he had not tried to bribe me, he had ‘spoken supportively’ to me as he would have to any ‘young person overcoming health problems and hoping for a career’. So which health problems was I overcoming then? Was it the  disturbed personality disorder, the paranoid schizophrenia, the manic depressive insanity or the psychopathy with homicidal capacity? Because according to Dafydd I had the lot. At different times, depending upon what suited Dafydd. Your mate Professor Richard at Liverpool must be a very understanding man Dafydd.

As the war continued and Dafydd geared up for action again in about 1993 and further ludicrous allegations were made about me, Brown and I resurrected the matter of Dafydd’s threats and bribes – which had still never been investigated. I persisted and was told to produce evidence. So Brown wrote another letter. Ian Rickard, at that time the Head of Mental Health Services and Project Manager at the Hergest Unit, told me that he had not received Brown’s letter when I asked why we hadn’t received a response. So Brown wrote another letter.

By 19 May 1995 there had still been no investigation – although I have a letter sent by Alun Davies to Dafydd regarding the matter. Davies asks Dafydd for a response to his previous letter about it of 15 Feb 1995. Davies tells Dafydd that ‘I am sending correspondence to Dr Jeffries in order that he is aware of the complaint and time lapse in not having a response’.

Dr Jeffries was the Medical Director of the Clwydian Community Health Trust and/or Clwyd Health Authority which at that time held Dafydd’s contract.

On 6 Sep 1995 Jeremy Corson, the Medical Director of Gwynedd Community Health Trust, wrote to Dafydd regarding my complaint and Brown’s letter. Corson offered to meet Dafydd to discuss it with him…

On 19 Dec 1995 John Mullen the CEO of the Gwynedd Community Health Trust wrote me a letter denying that Dafydd had threatened or tried to bribe me. Mullen stated that ‘he spoke to you at considerable length in a supportive way as he would have done to other young persons in a similar position hoping to recover from health problems and to proceed with a career’. Presumably Mullen had just looked back at Bluglass’s Report some seven or eight years before and repeated what Dafydd said to Bluglass because Dafydd had ignored all requests to respond to correspondence about the matter. Furthermore Dafydd ‘totally refutes the allegations’ which had been investigated by Bluglass in 1989 anyway. When Brown’s letter was ignored and Dafydd was allowed to trot out horseshit about speaking supportively to me…Silent copies of Mullen’s letter had been sent to a number of people including a Dr J Gilbonthavis or a Dr J Gilboravis of the MDU.

I did remember Dafydd speaking to me at ‘considerable length’. He was on the phone for at least half an hour trying to bribe me. I can remember exactly what Dafydd said before he made the offer of a place at Liverpool Medical School – ‘some of my colleagues would rap me on the knuckles for saying this’. No they wouldn’t Dafydd, you were involved in serious organised crime and every one of them colluded with you after I complained. As for speaking to me at length – when I next spoke to Dafydd after failing to accept the bribe, he went absolutely bananas because I had not withdrawn my complaint. He yelled at me ‘I spent a whole thirty minutes speaking to you the other night’ and then he slammed the phone down.

I wrote back to Mullen saying that there had obviously been no investigation.

On 17 Jan 1996 I received a letter from John Mullen stating that ‘The Trust has done its best to investigate the allegations about the telephone conversation with Dr DA Jones and I don’t feel we can do any more or could add anything to my previous reply’.

There is a copy of one of Brown’s letters about the phone calls – to Ian Rickard, dated 6 Feb 1995 –  in my files. A handwritten unsigned note accompanies it asking ‘What shall we do about Dr Brown’s letter?’ An unsigned handwritten message next to that one says ‘do not reply’.

 

Jeremy Corson is now listed as a Public Health Specialist in Cardiff and also as a partner in Corson Diaz Consulting Ltd, a company on Parc Menai, Bangor. The following testimonial appears on the website of Joseph Lawrence, Chartered Tax Advisors – Accountants:

 ‘I established my business as a Freelance Public Health Consultant in 2001, having completed a 22 year career in the NHS. Peter and Anthony had also decided to establish their own accountancy business in 2001 after a number of years working in North West Wales. I was therefore one of their first new clients. My self employment has involved a range of work within Wales/UK and overseas, particularly in the Caribbean, and Joseph Lawrence have been able to guide me through the requirements for VAT returns and annual accounts. In 2004 I ‘refreshed’ my GP training, and since then have spent half my time as a GP locum, mostly for the Royal Air Force, across the UK and in places like Germany, Cyprus and Naples. This brought further accounting issues that Peter and Anthony have been able to advise on. 5 years ago I moved from Bangor back to Cardiff, but having established our initial professional relationship, we have been able to conduct all our business, such as the annual self assessment tax return, by email and occasional telephone call. This has been especially useful when I have been working overseas when these deadlines have had to be met.”  Dr Jeremy Corson, MBChB FFPHM MRCGP DRCOG Freelance Public Health Consultant & General Practitioner

 

I wonder if Dafydd would like to write a recommendation for his tax advisors and accountants?

 

Another person who knew about the criminality of Dafydd et al was Dr Lyn Williams, the Chief Administrative Medical Officer of the Clwydian Community NHS Trustand/or Clwyd Health Authority. Lyn Williams ‘discussed’ Dafydd’s conduct with Dafydd after Owen and Bluglass’s cover-up. Bluglass’s Report was sent to the Chairman of Clwyd Health Authority – whoever that was, they will have been mates with Mrs Mars-Jones and the rest of the paedophiles’ friends who sat on that Health Authority.

A true insider was Dafydd’s secretary in 1989, Sharon Fraser.

 

Well Lawrence Conway and indeed everybody else – what have you got to say about all this?

 

There will be more accounts of the idiocy and dishonesty of Dafydd, the paedophiles and their friends with reference to my collection of documents after Easter when I return from holiday. I will also explain what happened when the Director of Nursing Services for Gwynedd Community Health Trust, Nerys Owen, did dare challenge one of the paedophiles’ friends regarding his abuse of patients.

I haven’t finished yet paedophiles’ friends…

I saw a newspaper headline a few days ago – ‘Do you know anyone as stupid as Trump?’ Definitely. He’s called Alun Davies. There might have been another one going under the name of Rhodri Morgan as well.

 

For readers’ entertainment, here’s a reminder of the timetable of the Friday Seminars for staff at the Psych Dept at Ysbyty Gwynedd for summer 1988:

24 June – Dr DA Jones was talking about the Assessment and Management of Drugs and Alcohol Abuse.

1 July – Mrs Caroline Bertalot was talking about The Effectiveness of Sex Therapy.

8 July – two videos by ‘Squibb’ were being shown courtesy of Mr Cecil Slater, ‘Observing Tardive Dyskinesia’ and ‘Sharing, Caring’.

15 July – Mr Dave McGhee was giving a talk called ‘Don’t Be Shy, Aspects of Social Anxiety’.

And that lot wondered why the patients took the piss out of them.

 

On 25 Oct 1989 Alun Davies wrote a letter to Mr Don Campbell (Deputy Director of Nursing Services (Arfon) telling Don that Dr Chris Hunter, Director of Forensic Services at Whitchurch Hospital, had agreed to provide a second opinion about me. Hunter is dead now – I never met him. I did not know until a few years ago that he had even provided a second opinion about me or that he had held a whole conference about me at which he took evidence from a number of other paedophiles’ friends who had never met me either. I was living and working in London when Hunter held his conference about me at Garth Angharad, the paedophiles’ prison in north Wales. Hunter concluded that I was ‘extremely dangerous’ and offered to provide a court report on me. I was not facing any charges at the time. But I was arrested within a few months…

Davies’s letter tells Don that Hunter’s meeting about me will take place 8 Nov 1989. On the same letter someone has scrawled an unsigned handwritten extra message to Davies – which suggests that the letter to Don had been sent around the houses and not sent directly from Davies to Don. The message says ‘Alun, John Alcock [or Akok?] WNB education officer is here for our approval (we hope) visit. It is appropriate that Jeff is involved’.

 

The WNB I think is the Welsh National Board. Jeff will have been Jeff Crowther, the psychiatric nursing officer who wasn’t as thick or as mad as his colleagues, but he did know how bloody awful they all were. Jeff was honest enough to admit to me that Dafydd was a ‘corrupt old bastard’. I suspect that Ysbyty Gwynedd was up for a visit to see of it could be deemed suitable to be used as a training centre for psych Angels. Angels were subsequently trained there. Yes, the WNB approved this bunch of lying, perjuring bastards who arrested patients if they complained and forged documents en masse.

‘As a trained mental health nurse I know how to use de-escalation techniques with paranoid patients.’ I kick the shit out of them and then my mates perjure themselves and secure a conviction of assault against them.

 

Cottaging At Castle Gate

Previous posts have discussed Ron Davies – the former Labour MP for Caerphilly, 1983-01, Labour AM for Caerphilly, 1999-03 and Secretary of State for Wales, 1997-98 – and how Blair was just about to confirm that Ron would be First Secretary (First Minister) in the soon to be established National Assembly for Wales when Ron was caught with his trousers down on Clapham Common with a male prostitute called Boogie and had to resign as Secretary of State (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). No-one ever quite got to the bottom of what had happened between Ron and Boogie because Alastair Campbell and Blair micromanaged what was made public about the incident. A number of versions of events were in circulation, including claims that Ron had been discovered starkers, or wearing women’s clothes. It was said that Ron had been mugged – yet Boogie the alleged mugger was interviewed by the police and not charged with any offence.

Rhodri Morgan’s autobiography has quite a lot to say about Ron – Rhodri was a good mate of his. Rhodri claims that Boogie ‘forced’ Ron to go to a cash machine, but kept Ron’s car because Ron forgot his PIN. Rhodri claims that the Boogie business came as a complete shock to him and questioned whether Ron really was someone who would ‘strike up a conversation with a total stranger from the margins of society on the grass verge on the edge of Clapham Common and then agree to go for a meal later that night with the man and his friends’.

Although Rhodri claimed to be completely surprised regarding the Boogie incident, he makes a number of other comments which suggest that he should not have been in the least bit surprised by it.

Rhodri admits that he had heard rumours concerning Ron’s ‘other life’, including information that Ron was frequenting a Turkish bath in Newport. There was rather very much more than a vague rumour about a Turkish bath.

Rhodri tells us that Brian Radford, a journo for ‘The People’, had heard rumours that Ron had driven in a private car up the A 470 and stopped at a public bogs known as a gay meeting place. Furthermore, ‘gay Welsh Tories’ had told Neil Wooding – ‘a prominent gay Welsh Labour figure’ – that Ron was ‘cottaging at Castle Gate’. In the same way that Dafydd Wigley claimed not to know what a paedophile was whilst spending decades as the MP for a constituency in which a paedophile gang operated which was assisted by some members of Wigley’s own party – including Ioan Bowen Rees, one of Wigley’s advisors – who occupied offices just around the corner from Wigley’s constituency office (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’), Rhodri explained in his memoir that he didn’t know what cottaging was when he was first told that Ron was cottaging at Castle Gate.

So how did Rhodri discover what cottaging involved? A ‘Labour activist in Wrexham’ who worked as a medical secretary in Wrexham Maelor Hospital ‘where related issues’ were dealt with, one Lesley Griffiths, enlightened Rhodri. Lesley explained to Rhodri that cottaging was a term for casual sexual encounters between ‘predatory men’ which took place in public bogs. Lesley certainly knew all about it. Accordingly to Lesley, because the police regularly patrolled the bogs which were known to be used for cottaging purposes and shone torches under the doors in order to see if they could count two pairs of feet in a cubicle rather than just one, cottaging men busy in the cubicles would ensure that one of them stood in shopping bags placed on the floor. Thus the police would only spot two feet and some bags of shopping rather than four incriminating feet.

I am certainly impressed with Lesley Griffiths’ knowledge of cottaging. I didn’t know that about the shopping bags until I read Rhodri’s book. Neither did I realise that Lesley Griffiths’ work at Wrexham Maelor involved matters relating to cottaging men – I presumed that she just typed up letters concerning abdominal surgery or some such matter. In 2007, nearly ten years after Ron resigned over his liaison with Boogie, Lesley Griffiths was elected as the AM for Wrexham.

In 2011 Griffiths was promoted to the position of Health Minister and what a bloody wet blanket she was. My post ‘History Repeats Itself, First As Tragedy, Second As Farce’ describes how dismal Griffiths’ performance was and how she ignored correspondence from me regarding the harassment and threats that I was receiving from the paedophiles’ friends employed in the north Wales NHS. Griffiths was in post when I had to flee north west Wales after I received a midnight visitor – who was seen off by my dog – and after cars were driven carelessly in my direction at a high speed on a number of occasions. Then there was the incident when someone who had provided a statement about the harassment of me by senior managers of the NW Wales NHS Trust was threatened by a policeman with a gun. A few days later I was trailed through Cricieth and beyond by the same policeman with a gun…

None of this should surprise us. Whilst Lesley was busy being ‘a Labour activist’ she was a Wrexham Councillor. The Wrexham Councillors – with the noble exception of Malcolm King – completely ignored the activities of the paedophile gang on their doorstep. The victims of that paedophile gang were being taken to local GPs and Wrexham Maelor Hospital with non-accidental injuries that were never investigated. One boy with anal injuries was told that he had ‘piles’.

Lesley – if you knew about the intricacies of cottaging and you worked in a dept in the Maelor which dealt with ‘related matters’, presumably you would have been fully aware that teenaged boys don’t tend to have piles and that piles don’t result in anal injury. Although serious sexual assault does. How was it that you knew about the shopping bags but not about the paedophile ring, whereas I – who have never worked in Wrexham Maelor dealing with cottaging-related matters – knew about the paedophile gang on your patch, but not the shopping bags?

Lesley Griffith grew up near Wrexham and has spent her whole life there. How she missed that paedophile gang or the criminal Top Doctors and social workers who have surrounded her for her entire existence I do not know.

I’m not an aficionado like Lesley, but I knew back in 1984 that cottaging was going on in Bangor and furthermore that the particular brand of cottaging happening in the notorious Garth Road public conveniences did not involve consenting adult Ron Davies’s, but rather the propositioning of boys as young as eight by older men. The problem was so bad that a lady magistrate – I can’t remember her name – spoke about it to the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’. She observed that it was outrageous that this was going on and she even gave a description of ‘the man in a flashy car’ who had been seen loitering around the bogs in question. The lady magistrate was particularly critical of the police whom she maintained were wilfully ignoring what was happening.

The reason why the business of the molesters in Garth Road public toilets being allowed to go about their business unhindered caused such uproar in Bangor was that Garth Road public toilets were situated directly opposite Bangor Police Station (the Police Station in Bangor relocated more recently). The police could have just looked out of their front window if they wanted to keep an eye on Garth Road public toilets.

Considering how serious the problem was, the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ paid remarkably little attention to it – they reported the concerns of that magistrate and then never returned to the subject. But then the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ had an interesting choice of articles. There was a vicious paedophile ring associated with serious organised crime operating in the Ty’r Felin children’s home in Bangor but never a word was published about it. There was bugger all coverage of the matter even when the Waterhouse Inquiry was taking place.

What the Bangor and Anglesey did publish however was articles in praise of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones – particularly in 1993-95 when Dafydd had become too embarrassing even for the NHS in north Wales and there was pressure on him to retire, pressure that he was doing all that he could to resist (see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’). The ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ entertained the patients of the Hergest Unit by repeatedly describing Dafydd as ‘Europe’s leading forensic psychiatrist’. Dafydd was not even a forensic psychiatrist let alone Europe’s leading. The Mail also waxed lyrical about the excellent forward thinking North Wales Hospital Denbigh, which according to Dafydd’s interviews with the journos was ‘unique’. Which I suppose was true, mental health care was and still is near-universally appalling in the UK but as far as I know Denbigh was the only institution with a dungeon for the unlawful imprisonment of the victims of a sex trafficking gang.

When I perused my medical files I discovered that the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ had an even cosier relationship with Dafydd than I realised. In 1988 a friend of mine who had experienced the joys of Dafydd’s idiocy and pomposity thought that it would be entertaining if we sent a completely mad letter to the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ under Dafydd’s name, repeating his expressions and his crazy ideas to see if they would publish it. Our letter was remarkably similar to the nonsense that Dafydd came out with when he addressed the Welsh Baptist Union in 1971 and told them that learning Bible verses in Welsh when one is a child can protect against a ‘serious moral collapse’ (see post ‘A Serious Moral Collapse’). We sent the letter off to the Editor but to our disappointment it was not published.

Many years later I found a photocopy of our letter in my medical files. It was attached to a compliments slip from the ‘North Wales Weekly News’ (the larger sister paper of the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’) along with a note saying ‘The attached letter was sent to the Bangor and Anglesey Mail purporting to come from Dr DA Jones. He has asked me to pass it onto you.’ The note was signed ‘Penny Bosworth, reporter’ and Penny had helpfully provided everyone with her phone number – 362747 – should any of the paedophiles’ friends wish to get in touch.

As the comedian Mrs Merton would say, ‘so Penny Bosworth, how did you become so friendly with a man who was running a sex trafficking ring?’

Someone at the Mail obviously did believe that the letter was from Dafydd because it had been prepared for publication – the photocopy showed up the marks that newspaper editors make on pieces before the edition goes off to be printed. I have no idea who on the Mail realised that the letter was too crazy to even be from Dafydd and called in Dafydd’s mate Penny Bosworth.

Our spoof letter was not the only extract from the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ that turned up in my medical records. In 1996 the mental health services manager for north west Wales, Alun Davies, in collaboration with the paedophiles’ friends at even higher levels in the NHS than him, was well on the way to closing down the day centre at the Hergest Unit. The day centre was the only bit of the mental health services in north west Wales which actually worked and was very popular with the patients. The Arfon Community Mental Health Team were abusive and threatened to assault patients in their own homes, the Top Doctors were all mad and constantly had patients arrested for bizarre and trivial reasons, most of the best staff had left the wards as the Unit had gone further and further downhill at the hands of Alun Davies, but the day centre had a number of friendly, more competent staff and was also a place where a lot of patients who were isolated and living in poverty could meet their friends and socialise.

In true ‘service user involvement’ style, the patients were told that the day centre was ‘under review’ and that they were to be ‘consulted’ about the closure. The patients were horrified to hear of the plans to close the day centre and all voted to keep it open. Because the patients had voted the wrong way, more votes and focus groups were held and the patients were told that the day centre was very bad for them and furthermore that it was ‘old fashioned’. The patients continued to vote in favour of the day centre. Then an auditor was sent in – that was a real scream, because the auditor also came up with the wrong answer. He concluded that the day centre was providing an excellent service.

Then individual interviews were held and patients were directly asked why they insisted upon attending the day centre instead of making appointments to see the Arfon Community Mental Health Team. Patients responded with comments such as ‘because one of them said that he would hit me’ but that wasn’t recorded. Instead it was recorded that patients were ‘misusing’ the NHS by visiting the day centre in order to access the coffee facilities and lunches. That was true for some patients, but what wasn’t recorded was that numerous patients were living in such poverty that they couldn’t afford sufficient food. This was because the Arfon Team and Top Doctors had not told most patients about their entitlement to disability benefits, so many patients were living at sub-benefit levels. The day centre staff knew about this, as did the occupational therapy team – but they were told that helping with benefits advice was not their remit.

It is worth noting here on what grounds the Arfon Team and Top Docs refused to help patients with benefit claims or indeed housing. People were refused help if they ‘had upset people’. I and other patients noticed that the patients who were said to have ‘upset people’ were those who had complained about Dafydd and the paedophiles. As one patient said to me more recently ‘so I upset a gang of paedophiles 20 years ago and now I can’t get the help to which I am legally entitled’.

That was the sum of it. The day centre staff had a policy of supplying biscuits and milk and coffee for the patients because they knew that many of them didn’t have those things at home and I know at least two of the occupational therapists brought in old clothes and bits and pieces from their homes in order to supply patients with basics. Patients were also having their teeth extracted when they had toothache because extractions were cheaper than fillings.

‘Oooh it’s never been this bad in the NHS, it’s Carwyn’s cuts’. No it’s not, it’s the bloody paedophile gang wreaking havoc. Retired nurses from Denbigh had yachts moored off Anglesey and second homes in Florida (see post ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’), Dafydd was reputed to be a millionaire but the patients couldn’t afford food and toothpaste.

Then Alun Davies announced that the free bus travel which most of the patients relied upon to get to the day centre would be withdrawn. So only the four or five financially well off patients with cars and those within walking distance of the day centre could actually get there. Attendance dropped from over 200 during the week to less than 30.

Alun Davies announced that after ‘extensive consultation with the service users’ it was clear that the day centre was ‘under used’ and that it would therefore be closing. Davies then tried to sack one of the occupational therapists who had been bringing old clothes in to help the patients who couldn’t afford clothes.

Before the day centre closed its doors – the day centre was turned into offices, which is what hospitals should be used for of course – I and other patients wrote letters to newspapers, MPs etc.

In my medical records, the copies of the letters that I wrote to the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ in defence of the day centre are lovingly preserved.

 

After the day centre closed down a number of patients became destitute and others were found dead. So many people died that one of my friends started referring to the National Holocaust Service. Other patients just went off the radar and disappeared.

The attack on the day centre began in about 1995. Just as the demands for an investigation into the possibility that a paedophile ring was at work in north Wales could no longer be ignored. By the time that the Waterhouse Inquiry was underway, support – and indeed basic medical care – was being withdrawn from many mental health patients. Before Ronnie Waterhouse had completed that Report the day centre had closed and en masse destitution and deaths had begun.

After the old fashioned day centre was shut down, there was an increased investment in ‘other community services more appropriate to patients needs’. The Arfon Community Mental Health Team blossomed and there were even more of them employed to threaten patients, have them arrested and refuse to provide any services to patients who had upset people. A room above a disused pub in Caernarfon was opened on a Tuesday as a ‘community facility’ for patients in Gwynedd. The room wasn’t heated and there was no coffee provided, so a farmer’s wife from near Caernarfon – who was appalled at what was happening to patients – volunteered to go in every Tuesday and cook a communal meal.  She provided the ingredients herself. There was transport provided though – a minibus did a journey through the hill villages and picked up the few people who fancied spending a Tuesday in a freezing cold room above the disused pub.

The farmer’s wife told me that one week an old man from Penygroes who was in a very bad way was loaded onto the minibus by the driver. The old man had just put his clothes on over his pyjamas, he hadn’t eaten, washed, shaved etc for days and once he got to the room above the disused pub, he just sat there all day unmoving and also wet himself. The farmer’s wife observed that if that had been one of your relatives you’d have taken them straight to A&E. But no-one did, the minibus driver loaded the old man back onto the bus at the end of the day and took him back to Penygroes. The old man wasn’t at the disused pub the next week – he had been found dead in his house.

When I told Brown about this, Brown observed that the North West Wales NHS Trust operated on the same principle as the Nazis did when they transported people to the concentration camps – they counted the bodies onto the trains and counted them again at the other end but didn’t bother to note if anyone had died during the journey.

Alun Davies might as well have installed a gas chamber for the Hergest patients. Davies told so many bloody lies that no-one would have noticed if he had invited people to go into the showers but something other than water was coming out.

 

It was repeatedly alleged that the North Wales Police colluded with the paedophile gang operating in north Wales. The Chief Constable of North Wales, 1982-94 – David Owen  – flatly refused to co-operate with the first major investigation into the possible existence of a paedophile gang in the region. I have mentioned previously that one of the police officers who was constantly ordered by the mental health services to arrest me was Sgt Tim Evans. I was told by a third party that Sgt Evans made it clear that he thought that the whole situation was farcical and was asking why a hospital full of highly paid consultants were summoning the police on an almost daily basis to ‘deal with’ patients who had simply complained – I was one of the highest profile people in this position. At one point Sgt Evans refused to arrest me and I understand that he told the paedophiles’ friends that I had rights too and he just couldn’t arrest me when I had broken absolutely no law.

In response to Tim Evans refusing to wrongfully arrest me, Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) wrote to Chief Constable David Owen and complained about Tim Evans. Francis stressed that Tim Evans and his colleagues were merely a bunch of uneducated plods but that the Top Doctors were Experts and knew how dangerous I was. Tim subsequently turned up at my place on every occasion after a ludicrous complaint was made about me to haul me off to the police station, although he did apologise for this, explaining that if he did not do it he was going to be disciplined and could be sacked.

Tim Evans undoubtedly knew what the paedophiles’ friends were up to – he had lived opposite Mary Wynch in Caernarfon for a start and he knew what had happened there (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). I presume that he was one of the many police officers who knew how bad the criminality was but it was prevalent at such a high level in the North Wales Police that he was unable to challenge it.

Sgt Evans may well have been right to have been worried. In the summer of 1987 Sgt Morgan of Bangor Police Station stuck his neck out to protect me in the face of the grand plan of Dafydd et al to frame and imprison me for ‘trying to stab a doctor’ (see post ‘Workers Play Time’). Alun Davies bellowed at me that ‘we’ll be making a complaint about him’. A few months later Sgt Morgan was prosecuted for indecently assaulting a teenaged girl in Bangor Police Station and was sacked. That must have been the first time in the history of north Wales that the word of a 14 year old girl under arrest had been taken above that of a police officer. The indecent assault constituted Sgt Morgan putting his hand in the back pocket of the girl’s jeans whilst searching her – interestingly enough Sgt Morgan claimed to be searching for condoms.

Now Sgt Morgan may well have done what he was accused of doing. Sgt Morgan was famously obsessed with sex and did enjoy discussing it with people under arrest. However, Sgt Morgan’s ‘indecent assault’ on the girl occurred at a time when Dafydd was unlawfully imprisoning people who had suffered serious sexual assault in the dungeon at the North Wales Hospital. Why was Sgt Morgan held to account in a way in which no-one else was? Furthermore victims of the paedophile gang were regularly fitted up for serious offences. Interestingly enough, Jeff Crowther, a psychiatric nursing officer at Ysbyty Gwynedd, seemed to know that Sgt Morgan was going to be found guilty before Sgt Morgan’s trial had taken place.

Sgt Morgan seems to be in the same category as John Grant Jones, the former Clerk to the Magistrates in Bangor, who after a career at the heart of the paedophiles and their friends, was prosecuted for fiddling his pension entitlements and was sacked in 2005 and stripped of his OBE. By the time that the Dept of Constitutional Affairs sacked John Grant Jones, he had become the Justices’ Committee Chief Executive.

I remember John Grant Jones very well, he was rather nicer to the defendants in Bangor Magistrates Court than many other people were and he knew that people were being framed by Dafydd et al. Even if he did fiddle his pension, fiddling the pension really does pale into insignificance in comparison to what else was happening in the criminal justice system in north Wales. John Grant Jones was the first person to be stripped of his OBE in north Wales. All the corrupt senior police officers, NHS managers and Top Docs are still in possession of their gongs, even Elfed Roberts who decided that he was going to leave the North Wales Police when it was noticed that he seemed to be very wealthy and leading a gold-plated existence for a policeman. The Elfed whom I was told was known to be ‘corrupt’ back in the 1970s when he was still just a sergeant in Llangefni.

So who was Lord Chancellor – the person who presided over the Dept for Constitutional Affairs – when Jones Grant Jones was stuffed over yet the paedophiles’ friends were allowed to hang onto their jobs and gongs? It was Charlie Falconer.

Spit it out Charlie – what did John Grant Jones know about who that resulted in him being shot at dawn?

 

Chief Constable David Owen was President of the ACPO in 1990. He came from Gwynedd – he was the son of a police sergeant himself – but served with the Metropolitan Police, Lincolnshire Police, the Merseyside and Dorset forces before returning to North Wales.

Michael Argent succeeded David Owen as Chief Constable of North Wales. Argent didn’t refuse to investigate the organised abuse of children in north Wales, but he refused to allow another Chief Constable to oversee the investigation, although by then part of the remit was to investigate the North Wales Police themselves after allegations had been made that police officers were abusing children.

Former Superintendent Gordon Anglesea received the full support of the Police Federation throughout the years that he was accused of abusing children in care and even after he was convicted and imprisoned in 2016. Anglesea died in prison and at the time of his death was planning an appeal. The Police Federation were supporting him and there had been offers from barristers to represent Anglesea free of charge. The Police Federation turned up in force at Anglesea’s funeral to give him a good send off.

There are quite a few references in my medical records to police who were very obviously colluding with wrongdoing on the part of the paedophiles’ friends. There are of course the references to Superintendent Roberts from Bangor Police Station and the ‘deal’ that he had with Dafydd to wrongfully arrest me, unlawfully deliver me to Bryn Golau – the locked ward – at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh where the nurses were instructed not to let me out by Dr Neil Davies. The nurses told Neil Davies that they were very unhappy at being involved with this ‘deal’ because it was illegal, but Neil Davies explained to them that they weren’t guilty because the deal was between Superintendent Roberts and the Top Doctors – all the nurses had to do was to refuse to let me go (see post ‘How I Arrived At Denbigh’).

There are a number of references to a Chief Inspector Parry of Bangor Police Station who seems to have been very accommodating with regard to the paedophiles’ friends in 1988. In 1988 I was living in Surrey and working at the University of Surrey as a member of the cancer research team led by Professor Vincent Marks, who’s brother John Marks was Chairman of the BMA at the time. The shenanigans behind the scenes – including the plagiarism of my work which was then published by Professor Nicola Curtin of Newcastle-Upon-Tyne University Medical School of whom I had never heard until the other day and the involvement of a colleague of Dr Tony Francis’s in a scandal which resulted in a member of a related cancer research team being found dead – are described in my posts ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’, ‘Reports Of Death Were Greatly Exaggerated’ and ‘Apocalypse Now’.

I was continuing to write to the NHS in north Wales requesting that my complaints should be investigated. I received no replies other than threats to prosecute me on the grounds that I was ‘harassing’ people by my letters and demands that I stop writing to them.

A letter dated 24 Aug 1988 from Dr AH Chadwick of the BMA’s Welsh Office in Cardiff to Dr DJC Davies, the Chief Medical Administrative Officer for Gwynedd Health Authority, refers to their meeting in DJC Davies’s office on 8 July 1988 and expresses ‘extreme concern’ about my ‘antics’. My antics being those letters of complaint which detailed the serious criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends. Chadwick wrote that ‘today I have been requested by the four BMA consultant psychiatrists for urgent assistance’ and that he has now received ‘further alarming reports’ about me. The ‘four BMA consultant psychiatrists’ are the paedophiles’ friends Tony Francis, his wife Sadie Francis, Dr M. Devakumar and Dafydd.

On 2 Sep 1988 PM Rees, an administrator for Gwynedd Health Authority, wrote to Chadwick, referring to Chadwick’s letter of 24 Aug 1988 to Dr DJC Davies, regarding plans to arrange a meeting between the psychiatrists, the corrupt Welsh Office lawyer Andrew Park, ‘solicitor to the Welsh Health Authorities’ and a representative of the North Wales Police.

On 14 Sept 1988 a letter from PM Rees to Devakumar explained that ‘as requested through the BMA’, a meeting had been arranged with Chief Inspector Parry to discuss me.

A document dated 21/9/88 constitutes the notes made after a meeting at Ysbyty Gwynedd held on 16 Sept 1988 ‘to discuss the action to be taken’ regarding the ‘problems’ posed by me. The usual suspects attended the meeting – a collection of Top Docs, senior Angels and managers who have featured previously on this blog – as did Chief Inspector Parry. Parry confirmed at the meeting that at Bangor Magistrates Court in Nov 1987 I was given a conditional discharge and bound over for a year. That was the result of an attempt by Dafydd to have me prosecuted for assaulting a doctor. It subsequently became clear that I hadn’t assaulted anyone – I had however shouted at a doctor. The doctor concerned had been involved in threatening me and illegally detaining me at Ysbyty Gwynedd earlier that year (see post ‘The Night Of The (Dr Chris) Hunter’) and of course my requests for an investigation had been ignored.  After the assault case collapsed, the paedophiles’ friends had me prosecuted for breach of the peace. Parry explained to the meeting that ‘any threatening behaviour during this period could result in her retrial for the original offence’.

Obviously there had been no ‘threatening behaviour’ from me because I had not been retried.

Another document in my medical records simply entitled ‘Gwynedd Health Authority’ records that Chief Inspector Geoff Lloyd of the North Wales Police attended a meeting about me on 14 Oct 1988 with Andrew Park and usual suspects. A new name joined the usual suspects – Mr G. Palmer, Chief Administrative Nursing Officer. At this meeting Tony Francis informed everyone about the injunction that he had taken out against me, on the basis of him perjuring himself and giving an account of all those assaults which it was later admitted by Andrew Park and Francis’s own lawyers Hempsons that I had not committed. Dafydd told the meeting that he was not prepared to take out an injunction against me. In 1994 Dafydd changed his mind and obtained an injunction in the High Court in Liverpool after discussing his anus in court and the threats made by another person to stick a hand-grenade up his bum, which according to Dafydd was all my fault (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’). I will be blogging more about Dafydd and his injunction soon.

Chief Inspector Geoff Lloyd told the meeting that my conditional discharge imposed by Bangor Magistrates would run out on 10 Nov 1988. The note stated that the ‘Malicious Communications Act was coming into force on 29 Sept 1989’ and it was agreed to refer any mail sent by me to after that date to members of staff which contained ‘malicious communications’ to the police with a view to prosecuting me under this legislation.

There was never any attempt to prosecute me under the Malicious Communications Act so presumably my communications weren’t malicious enough. However I am curious about the use of the tense in the letter ie. that the Act ‘was coming into force’. This suggests that the document was written before the Act came into force – but the note claims to be an account of a meeting held AFTER the Act had come into force. There are no signatures on this document and I am wondering if it is yet another document which was not compiled when, or recording what, it claimed. I have a number of such documents in my possession – many of them dated during 1988 or 1989. I believe that they were forged or at the very least were backdated and written long after the date would suggest (see post ‘Possible Discovery Of More Forged Or Amended Documents’). Many of these documents were allegedly written by Alun Davies and were letters to the Welsh Office regarding my complaints. The dates are inconsistent, none of the letters are signed and there are other errors in the letters which suggest that they were written by someone at a much later date to cover the arse of the north Wales NHS. I will be blogging more about them soon.

My medical records contain an internal memo dated 8 Nov 1988 to Alun Davies from Tony Francis complaining that my letters have not been forwarded to the police. Francis demands that this is done and also says that he’s made a statement to the police and forwarded a letter to the administrators to give to the police. The memo states that it was dictated but not signed by Tony Francis.

There is an undated letter from Alun Davies to Chief Inspector Parry saying that Davies is sending Parry a letter that I had written to Dafydd.

My suspicions that there was a great deal of forgery going on are confirmed by a note dated 24 Nov 1988  explaining that Andrew Park has amended an account of a meeting ‘as arranged’. This was not Park redrafting a lawyer’s letter – this was Park making up what happened in a meeting in which the homicidal maniac that was me was being discussed. A meeting attended by a senior police officer. What ever would be wrong with providing a fictitious account of that meeting?

It will have been very clear to Chief Inspectors Parry and Lloyd that in spite of the florid allegations that were made about my ‘antics’ constantly, there was no evidence that I was doing anything other than writing very angry letters detailing criminal activity and asking for an investigation. Furthermore there had been a number of incidents in which the paedophiles’ friends had been demonstrated to have perjured themselves in their attempts to have me charged yet no questions had been asked about them lying to the police. By the time that Parry and Lloyd were attending these meetings about me, Dafydd had been sued by Mary Wynch and the case had been reported in the London-based press and Alison Taylor had blown the whistle on the abuse of children in care in Gwynedd and had been sacked from her job by Dafydd’s mistress Lucille Hughes.

Whilst the Chief Inspectors attended meetings with the paedophiles’ friends, Alun Davies had recorded a conversation with me without my knowledge in which the fat idiot had tried to entrap me, without success. There is a transcript of the call in my files, with Davies asking me ‘ooh what are you planning to do to us then’, obviously hoping I was going to fly off the handle and explain how I would be decapitating and dismembering them all in the near future.

There  are other references to other obliging police officers in my files.

On 13 Oct 1990, Mr D. Hinchcliffe, the general administrator of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, wrote to the policeman at Denbigh Police Station, Mr Bob Rowlands, about my ‘harassment’ of them all. Mr Hinchcliffe was obviously on good terms with Mr Rowlands because the letter begins ‘Dear Bob’. Mr Hinchliffe mentions a previous letter of his about me which he sent to Bob on 25 Sept 1995, but my files don’t have a copy of that one. I wonder why? Hinchliffe’s letter to Bob was CC’d to Dafydd, D. Griffiths and Janice Davies. D. Griffiths was a general administrator at Clwyd Health Authority who had a solid track record of refusing to reply to my letters detailing the criminal activities of Janice Davies – Dafydd’s Nurse Ratched on Bryn Golau Ward.

 

On 11 Oct 1994 Dafydd wrote to the MDU, 192 Altrincham Road, Sharston, Manchester about me. His refers to his previous letters about me behaving an a ‘menacing and intrusive way’. He accuses me of throwing a rock through a glass door at his house on Anglesey. Not that Dafydd had any evidence at all that I did this. Indeed Dafydd isn’t quite sure when the rock was thrown because he wasn’t actually in his house when it happened. Dafydd explains that he ‘was away’ but ‘two person were sleeping in the house and found the rock and broken glass door in the morning’. Dafydd thinks that the rock was thrown through the door ‘at probably about 3 am’. How the hell did he managed to time if if he wasn’t there and the only two people who were, were slumbering – did one of them at least not wake up when the rock came flying through the door????. Oh – Dafydd had a dog as well, a drug dealer’s dog, a Doberman who tried to attack the police on one occasion. Didn’t the dog bark? As for knowing that it was me who threw the rock – of course he knew that it was, because as Dafydd tells the MDU lawyers Hempsons ‘I can conceive of no other person likely to have done this’.

Dafydd was running a sex trafficking ring who dealt in drugs and child porn, I can conceive of a great many people who might have chucked the rock. If indeed a rock had ever been chucked. Dafydd noticeably provides no evidence whatever – no photos, no statements from the two persons who were sleeping in the house, not a sausage. He did tell the MDU that I was charged with assault on a junior doctor but he forgot to add that the charges were dropped when the junior doctor admitted that I hadn’t assaulted him after all.

Dafydd also says in his letter that a psychiatrist ‘whose name escapes me at the moment but which can be retrieved’ stated that I would ‘very likely end in a secure ward for the criminally insane’.

Yes Dafydd, because you, Tony Francis, Dr Chris Hunter and the rest of the paedophiles’ friends were constantly trying to fit me up after carrying out secret assessments on me which concluded with recommendations that I should be sent to a high security hospital because I was criminally insane…

Dafydd mentions one such incident – ‘I can recall an occasion when forensic psychiatrists attended a conference discussing the possible risks and possible management’. Would that have been the conference held by Dafydd’s mate Dr Chris Hunter – of whom I had never even heard at the time – who held a conference about me after Tony Francis and Dafydd asked him to? A conference that was held without my knowledge in north Wales – whilst I was working in a London medical school. A conference which was attended solely by paedophiles’ friends, many of whom had never met me (see post ‘The Night Of The (Dr Chris) Hunter’).

There is no solid evidence amongst any of this garbage – if the name of the person who made the splendid comments about me ending in a ward for the criminally insane ‘can be retrieved’, why wasn’t it retrieved before Dafydd wrote this letter? Or indeed since?

The name of that particular person wasn’t retrieved, but a whole list of other names was. Dafydd had back up! He told the MDU that they had his permission to approach: Avril Davies, the Mental Health Act Administrator at the Hergest Unit; Alun Davies; Tony and Sadie Francis; Hugh Thomas Pierce; Mrs Janice Glass; DC S.A. Owen ‘who has now become extensively involved in this matter’.

Avril Davies and the Francis’s were paedophiles’ friends. I have no idea who Hugh Thomas Pierce is. Janice Glass was one of Dafydd’s servants at his house, but I’ve never met her. And I did not even know of the existence of DC Owen, although he/she had become ‘extensively involved in this matter’.

I only heard about me throwing a rock through Dafydd’s door at 3 am some time after I’d done it, when a nurse at the Hergest Unit told me what I’d done. Which is just as well – DC Owen or indeed any other police officer hadn’t interviewed me about my crime, so if that helpful nurse hadn’t have let me known that I’d been over at Dafydd’s in the small hours chucking rocks through his door, I’d have been blissfully unaware of my crimes.

Dafydd worked as an expert medical witness. This is a man who had people banged up in Ashworth and Broadmoor for the rest of their lives on the basis of his ‘evidence’.

Much more recently in 2009 DC Steve Power was involved in yet another attempt to frame me on the part of the North West Wales NHS Trust – after a previous attempt had fallen apart (see post ‘After The Attempt To Frame Me…’). When my lawyer had Steve bang to rights in the police station, Steve announced that he would be taking this matter no further because he was retiring in a matter of days. I recognised Steve Power when he interviewed me in 2009. I had met him about four years previously, after I made a complaint to the police about being assaulted by staff in the Hergest Unit. I was locked in a room and prevented from reporting the assault when it happened, so after I got out of the Hergest Unit I wrote to the North Wales Police. I received a letter back with an appointment to discuss the matter at Caernafon Police Station. I turned up for the appointment only to be told by the police officer on duty that ‘another matter’ had arisen, so he was unable to see me. He told me that he would send me another appointment. I never heard another word. The officer was DC Steve Power.

 

Alison Taylor the social worker who blew the whistle on the abuse of the children in care in north Wales had a great deal of trouble with the North Wales Police. The two North Wales Police officers who’s names are usually heard in relation to the investigations into the abuse of children in care after Alison blew the whistle are Detective Superintendent Peter Ackerley and Detective Chief Superintendent Gwynne Owen. Alison’s concerns were rubbished and she was accused of fabricating multiple abuse allegations, including allegations against former Superintendent Gordon Anglesea and manipulating children into making false accusations.

I too was accused of ‘manipulating’ and ‘encouraging’ people to complain about Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends. It never seemed to occur to the paedophiles’ friends that their conduct was so dreadful that when it was witnessed by people other than kids in care or psych patients – who had become very used to being routinely abused – people were horrified. They didn’t need to be ‘encouraged’ or ‘manipulated’ by me to complain.

The conduct of the North Wales Police over many years left a great deal to be desired.

I have found out that former Detective Constable Jo Bott was interviewed during the 1991-93 investigation into child abuse in north Wales. Bott repeatedly took refuge by answering ‘no comment’. Well there’s a turn up for the books – because when I witnessed Jo in action in 1993 when she was a key mover and shaker in false accusations that a new father was a danger to his baby whilst two people who had sexually and physically abused children were afforded full protection by Bott, Bott had a great deal to say. In fact Jo was ever so friendly and chatty as she extracted information from a new parent who trusted her. When Jo returned to see that man a few weeks later, having used the information that he provided about the abuse of at least FOUR children to protect the abusers and frame an innocent person, Jo still had a bit more to say – only this time, what she had to say was rather unpleasant and threatening as opposed to friendly and chatty (see post ‘It’s All About Protecting Children’).

Come on Jo, tell us what you know about who had it in for the other completely innocent and good father involved in it all as well, Martin – who was found dead at a most convenient time for you and the paedophiles’ friends…

The 1991-93 North Wales Police investigation into child abuse recommended that Gordon Anglesea should be prosecuted. Not only was he not prosecuted until many, many years later, but this information was concealed. It only became public in 1997 when Gerard Elias QC revealed it at the Waterhouse Inquiry.

It is thought that the Police Federation backed Gordon Anglesea’s libel case against HTV Wales, Private Eye, The Indie on Sunday and The Observer, which Anglesea won in 1994 (see posts ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd’ and ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd – A Few Additional Comments’). North Wales Police officers attended Anglesea’s libel hearing and they knew that information was being witheld ie. that there had been a recommendation that Anglesea should be prosecuted.

 

In 2005 the ‘investigative journalist’ Richard Webster published a book called ‘The Secret of Bryn Estyn’. Webster’s book was principally a vehicle for trashing the reputation of Alison Taylor. His theory was that the secret of Bryn Estyn was that there was no serious abuse there, that it was just another bog standard mediocre children’s home.

I cannot understand why Webster ever took an interest in Bryn Estyn. He had no connections with Wales and when he planned and wrote the book he was based in Suffolk. He contacted people in north Wales telling them that he was writing a book on institutional child abuse in 1996 but BEFORE the Waterhouse Inquiry was announced.

Webster’s volume is substantial, but it is clear to anyone from north Wales that Webster either had no idea of what was going on or that for some reason he had been sent to assist the paedophiles’ friends. No-one could have lived in north Wales for any length of time over the last few decades and not have noticed that the health and welfare services were and still are truly dreadful. This escaped Webster. He also concluded that Lucille Hughes paying a special visit in person to interview a kid who had alleged that he had been abused was a sign of Lucille’s concern and conscientiousness. This was Lucille bloody Hughes – she probably went out to see the boy to threaten him at gun point, Lucille was not a nice person.

No-one seems to know who funded Webster whilst he ‘researched’ and wrote his book. He made many visits to north Wales and stayed there for substantial lengths of time. Furthermore Webster enjoyed a very cosy relationship with certain people in the North Wales Police.

Some two weeks after the publication of the Waterhouse Report in 2000, Richard Webster wrote an article for the ‘New Statesman’ entitled ‘Can A Whistleblower Be Wrong?’. This was an attack on Alison Taylor where she was accused again of making it all up and getting the kids to make it all up as well. In order to write the article, Webster had gained possession of confidential police documents, including witness statements. He had interviewed Peter Ackerley at length on at least one occasion, although this was denied by Diane Kaiser, the solicitor for the North Wales Police – documentation subsequently demonstrated that Webster had interviewed Ackerley. Webster also used the statements that Gwynne Owen – another person who trashed Alison – made to the CPS for the NS article.

The ‘New Statesman’ had a shock when in 2001 Alison sued them for defamation. I think that Alison represented herself. The NS admitted in court that they published Webster’s article on the assumption that Alison could not afford to sue them. The publisher of the NS at the time of the article was Peter Wilby and it was owned by Geoffrey Robinson. The NS instructed Bindman and Partners to act for them and Adam Speker QC was Counsel. Bindman and Partners had represented Peter Howarth at the Waterhouse Inquiry. Howarth was one of the prime organisers of the paedophile ring in north Wales and was jailed for numerous sex offences against the boys in Bryn Estyn.

In 2002 the NS and Webster fell out. The NS severed his representation on the grounds of the irreconcilable differences between them and Webster because of his refusal to settle the case. The NS subsequently settled with Alison in Dec 2002 and she withdrew her case against Webster. Webster protested about the publication of a settlement notice – he was represented (it was suspected pro bono) by Adrienne Page QC. Page is the cohabitee of Adam Speker and a colleague of Cherie Booth. Justice David Eady presided over the hearing, despite Eady having had previous dealings with Webster.

Page and Speker continued their links with Webster and they provided legal advice for ‘The Secret of Bryn Estyn’. The book was launched at a party in the Commons organised by Claire Curtis-Thomas, the then Labour MP for Crosby. Curtis-Thomas is associated with Dr Death’s mate Shirley Williams and she also has close links to the Westminster Paedophile Ring hot spots of south Wales and Cheshire. Webster published the book himself – and later self-published a paperback version.

Webster died in 2011 but his website – which is yet another vehicle for trashing Alison Taylor – is still online and is obviously being maintained by someone.

Someone must have been behind Webster. He seems to have had only one principle aim – to discredit Alison Taylor in any way that he could. His was an expensive project and somebody footed the bill.

Geoffrey Robinson, the owner of the ‘New Statesman’ when it launched Webster’s attack on Alison, has been the Labour MP for Coventry North West since 1976. Robinson was Blair’s Paymaster General, 1997-98 – he resigned after lending all that dosh to Mandy…Robinson’s personal fortune is estimated at approx £30 million. Robinson owns a number of homes even grander than the one that Mandy purchased with the dosh that was lent to him by Robinson, including one in Tuscany at which the Blairs took one of their famous holidays courtesy of their very rich friends.

 

To return to Ron Davies.

Rhodri Morgan explains that Neil Wooding passed the warning about Ron cottaging at the Castle Gate to Val Feld, ‘a big cheese in the Swansea Labour movement’ and a close friend of Julie, Rhodri’s wife. So Val Feld told Julie.

Val Feld was a woman from a privileged family in Caernarfon who knew all about the abuse of vulnerable people in Wales and I bet that she knew about Ron before Neil Wooding said anything to her. Val founded Shelter Cymru and was the Director of the EOC (Equal Opportunities Commission) for Wales, 1989-99. She was the AM for Swansea East, 1999-01. Val was a mate of paedophiles’ friend Jane Hutt and just a few weeks ago Hutt had a plaque placed on the wall of the Senedd in tribute to Val who kept quiet about so much. For details of what Val ignored, see post ‘Reports Of Death Were Greatly Exaggerated’.

 

Neil Wooding, the man who sent up the flare regarding Ron Davies, is Director of Strategic Planning Performance and Capability at the Office for National Statistics. Neil is an old lag from the Welsh Gov’t. He was Director, Pubic Service Management Wales, 

Not only did Rhodri claim not to know what cottaging was, but Rhodri also experienced confusion over Castle Gate, the site of Ron’s cottaging. Rhodri explains in his book that he presumed that ‘Castle Gate’ was the name of some dive of a pub where Ron had been entertaining himself. Then someone told Rhodri that Ron had been cottaging at Castle Gate in Cardiff – the entrance to Cardiff Castle. Which was approx 100 yards from Rhodri’s constituency office in Transport House.

Rhodri was nearly as close to Ron’s preferred cottaging territory as the Bangor Police were to Garth Road public toilets.

Rhodri wonders in his book whether Blair ‘knew about’ Ron. It is highly probable that he did because Blair specialised in promoting paedophiles’ friends to high office, particularly the Lords. However Rhodri does confirm that ‘MI5 didn’t know’ because of Ron’s ‘astonishing ability to cover his tracks’.

Cottaging at the entrance to Cardiff Castle hardly demonstrates an astonishing ability to cover one’s tracks. Rather it demonstrates complete confidence that everyone knows what you are doing and that no-one is going to blow the gaffe. Of course MI5 knew, they were probably the strangers who were meeting Ron at the Castle Gate for sex. Why does Ron think that the encounter with Boogie ended in disaster just as Blair was about to ensure that Ron became Wales’s FM?

Rhodri notes that Ron was good mates with Nick Brown. Nick Brown has been the Labour MP for Newcastle-Upon-Tyne East since 1983. Nick’s CV ticks numerous boxes which suggests that he has known about the paedophiles and their friends for decades (see post ‘News From Sicily’).

Shortly after Ron Davies had his moment of madness with Boogie, Nick – who was the Minister of Agriculture at the time – became embroiled in some sort of scandal involving a rent boy. Blair’s autobiography ‘A Journey’ admits that Alastair Campbell successfully re-packaged the incident as a good-news story about Brown coming out as gay because Blair was crapping himself at the idea of the Gov’t being hit by two sex scandals in such close succession.

According to journalist Tom Bower, Nick Brown ‘was accused of paying £100 to rent boys to be kicked around a room, and admitted his sexuality’.

‘Private Eye’ recently reported that Nick Brown is suing Bower over a particular sentence in Bower’s book ‘Broken Vows’ -not even a sentence that I would have thought was particularly incriminating. Brown’s barrister is Adrienne Paige QC! Paige was one of the junior barristers who worked with the crooked barrister George Carman on libel cases (No Ordinary Methods’). Carman knew about the north Wales/Cheshire paedophile gang and its link to the Westminster Paedophile Ring. Blair was a junior barrister in Carman’s team and Carman was also the head of Cherie’s chambers.

 

Although Ron was a Master of Disguise with a Cunning Plan who excelled in covering his tracks by having casual sex with male strangers in central Cardiff at one of the city’s most popular tourist attractions, Ron was gregarious and socialised with many people who of course all had no idea at all of his ‘other life’. The other life that was a constant source of gossip.

Rhodri was such a good mate of Ron that Rhodri was the campaign manager behind Ron’s efforts to become what Rhodri called ‘Top Taff’ in the Shadow Cabinet. Ron became Top Taff in 21 Oct 1993 when John Smith appointed him Shadow Secretary of State for Wales. Ron remained as Top Taff after John Smith’s death, throughout Margaret Beckett’s position as Acting Leader of the Labour Party and continued in the role once Blair ascended the throne.

Whilst Rhodri was busy negotiating Ron’s future as Top Taff, I was subjected to constant attempts by the paedophiles’ friends in north Wales to construct me as a dangerous offender and imprison me. Attempts which continued with increased vigour after Ron had become Top Taff because by then people just would not stop alleging that a paedophile ring was in operation in north Wales which was being concealed at the highest levels of society because of its links to Westminster and Whitehall and its connections to paedophile rings in other parts of the UK.

Ron’s Chief Political Advisor and spin doctor was Rhodri’s next door neighbour, Huw. Huw was married to Julia, who had been Rhodri’s secretary since shortly after he was first elected to the Commons in 1987. After Ron resigned as Secretary of State in Oct 1998, he hid from the media by staying at Huw and Julia’s place. Nick Horton, the chief political reporter of the ‘Western Mail’, turned up at Rhodri’s house in search of Ron because he’d been told that Ron was there. Rhodri was so relieved that Horton never guessed that Ron was next door – no-one knew that Ron was in there because Huw and Julia drew the curtains for the whole weeks whilst Ron laid low. House of Ron’s adviser and spin doctor goes into lock-down for a week with all curtains drawn whilst Ron is rumoured to be kipping at Rhodri’s next door? Of course no-one guessed – the fact that no-one published Ron’s whereabouts was completely unrelated to everyone having egg on their faces after keeping schtum about Ron for years.

Something went a bit sour after Ron’s resignation though. Rhodri makes reference to strained relationships and Julia resigning as Rhodri’s secretary…

 

In previous happier times, at Welsh night during the 1996 Labour Party Conference, the Welsh Affairs team all dined together – Rhodri, Ron and Win Griffiths.

Win Griffiths is a former teacher who was Labour MEP for South Wales,  1979-89 and Labour MP for Bridgend 1987-05. Griffiths was a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, 1997-98 reshuffle. After leaving Gov’t Griffiths Chaired the Welsh Grand Committee. He retired from Parliament in 2005.

After retiring Griffiths was Chair of Bro Morgannwg NHS Trust for eight years, a Trust which was in the usual troubled dysfunctional state for an NHS body. In 2012 Lesley Griffiths praised Win for his ‘dedication’ to Bro Morgannwg. Not sure that is much of an endorsement Win. Lesley also named Win’s successor as Chairman – it was Andrew Davies, the former AM for Swansea West and bedfellow of Meri Huws, who previously faced allegations that his Ugandan discussions with Meri had been responsible for Meri landing the job as Chair of the Welsh Language Board (see post ‘People With Energy’).

As for Win, he then moved on to become Chair of WCVA – so he’s the one who is overseeing the waste of public funds and the activities of the paedophiles’ friends that is the Third sector in Wales.

 

Pre-devolution, Ron was big pals – and dined regularly – with Dafydd Wigley and Richard Livsey, as a group of ‘pro-devolution leaders’. Rhodri comments that Ron provided ‘really good leadership’ to this group.

Richard Livsey was the Lib Dem MP for Brecon and Radnorshire, 1985-92 and 1997-01 and was Leader of the Welsh Lib Dems, 1997-01. Livsey was an agriculturalist who after his death was described by everyone as a ‘gentleman’. His time in the Liberal Party stretched back to 1960 and he tried for a seat in the Commons in 1970 and in 1979. Livsey will have known about Jeremy Thorpe and Cyril Smith.

Livsey was close friends with Geraint Howells – Howells was his mentor. Geraint Howells was one of those who signed the Early Day Motion in 1992 demanding an investigation into the case of Mary Wynch. Like everybody else who signed that EDM – except for David Bellotti – Howells then never mentioned Mary again and received a peerage. The only one of those who’s name was on the EDM who did not bag a peerage was David Bellotti who tabled the EDM. David Bellotti lost his seat soon after tabling the EDM and was never returned to Parliament. Geraint lost his seat too, unexpectedly, as a result of a very dirty deal on the part of Plaid and the Green Party, but he escaped to the Upper House (see post ‘A Few Of The Relevant Politicians Re Mary Wynch’s Case’).

When Livsey stood down as Leader of the Welsh Lib Dems in 2001 – after the Waterhouse Report had been published and difficult questions had been, temporarily at least, silenced, Livsey was given a peerage.

 

Ron Davies also had an ‘excellent working relationship’ with Rachel Lomax, the Permanent Secretary at the Welsh Office, 1996-99. Rachel Lomax oversaw the setting up of the Welsh Assembly. She arrived in the Welsh Office just in time for the establishment of the Waterhouse Inquiry as well.

William Hague – the Secretary of State for Wales at the time – must have really wanted Rachel because she was an economist who was recalled to the Welsh Office from the World Bank, where she was a Vice-President and Chief of Staff to President of the World Bank.

Lomax went to Cheltenham Ladies College, then Girton College, Cambridge and then to the LSE. After she left the LSE in 1968 she joined the Treasury. She was Principal Private Secretary to Nigel Lawson, 1985-86, whilst Lawson was Chancellor, then a Deputy Secretary at the Treasury, then Deputy Chief Economic Advisor, 1990-94. In 1994-95 Lomax was head of the Economic and Domestic Secretariat at the Cabinet Office.

Rachel has certain been where the action is. Sir Peter Morrison was Lord Commissioner of the Treasury, 1979-81, so she’ll have known him and like everyone else who worked with him will have heard about him molesting children in care in north Wales, Cheshire and London. It was while Sir Peter Morrison was Lord Commissioner of the Treasury that Dafydd unlawfully had Mary Wynch arrested, imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and then unlawfully imprisoned for a year in Denbigh. Rachel Lomax touched Mary Wynch’s life again in 1994. In 1994 it was the Treasury solicitor who finally ruined Mary (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’).

Mary was far too old for Peter Morrison to have been interested in her and she was female anyway, but as well as knowing that at least one person had almost certainly been murdered whilst in the care of one of Dafydd’s nursing homes and that a group of local lawyers were collaborating together to fleece their clients, Mary also witnessed the preparation of young patients in the North Wales Hospital for their futures in the sex industry. Dafydd had given instructions that the patients on the young people’s ward should be encouraged to have sex with each other and the Angels would gather around to watch the show.

By the time that Rachel Lomax had arrived at the Welsh Office to organise the cover-up, Peter Morrison was safely dead and buried.

 

Rhodri’s book explains a rather dodgy deal that Rachel facilitated for Ron in 1998. The HQ of the interim Assembly was located at Crickhowell House in Cardiff. The rent on Crickhowell House was kept low provided that the future Assembly committed to a new HQ on the adjoining site. The landlord of the whole area was the ABP (Associated British Ports) property subsidiary Grosvenor Waterside. The ABP could then recover their loss on the low rent through the enhanced capital values on the land surrounding the new Assembly building. Rhodri thought that it was most unsavoury that such a corrupt deal underpinned the building housing the Assembly from the very beginning. For details of the other massive scams involving ABP and the development of Cardiff Bay, see post ‘Corruption Bay Special’).

Honest Rhodri never wanted the Assembly to be located in Cardiff Bay anyway – he wanted it to be in Cardiff City Hall, next to Cathays Park where the civil servants worked. The corrupt civil servants, who had spent decades concealing the criminality involving Dafydd and the paedophiles. Numerous documents among those detailing the criminality and cover-ups in my possession have the Cathays Park Welsh Office address on them, including some of those that I am fairly sure are forged (see post ‘Possible Discovery Of More Forged Or Amended Documents’). I will be blogging more about those documents soon.

Rhodri himself had an office in Cathays Park as well and it was the traditional home of the Secretary of State for Wales. Rhodri explains that it was really great working in Cathays Park because everybody was there and you could just pop along to see whoever you needed to. That’s right Rhodri, the office of the corrupt Medical Ombudsman was there, as was the office of the corrupt Welsh Office lawyer Andrew Park, then in later years the corrupt Public Services Ombudsman and of course the corrupt Social Services Inspectorate was there as well. Just to tie everything up nicely, the office of the corrupt Mental Health Tribunal was also situated in Cathays Park. Everything conveniently located on one site!

 

Not only did the corrupt Secretaries of State have an office in Cathays Park, but they even had an apartment there, so they could live on campus among the crooks. The apartment was originally created from a few offices for the use of Nicholas Edwards and his wife Ankaret. Old Nick and his wife made good use of the flat between 1979-87, as did Peter Walker (1987-90) and David Hunt (1990-93) and (1995). However John Redwood (1993-95) didn’t use the flat, he insisted on returning to his place in Wokingham to sleep.

No wonder there was havoc in Wales whilst Redwood was Secretary of State and everyone was desperate to see the back of him – him not living above the shop must have profoundly disrupted the smooth operation of the corrupt machine. On the other hand I’m sure that David Hunt, the man who assisted with so much of the most serious wrongdoing of the paedophiles’ friends during his long and glorious career (see post ‘The Paedophiles’ Friend Of Cardiff North’) found that flat very useful for the days between 26 June 1995-5 July 1995, when Hunt returned to his old job as Secretary of State for Wales in what must have been for the shortest length of time that anyone has ever occupied a senior Gov’t position. It was during those heady risk-laden days when the knotty problem of the ‘retirement’ of Dafydd – a retirement which never was – and the ‘closure’ of the North Wales Hospital took place. Not that the North Wales Hospital did close, although everyone was told that it did. Part of it stayed open in secret.

Get digging out there at Denbigh, I know that old Hunt will have pushed the boat out in the summer of 1995 and probably got hardly any sleep at all what with all those civil servants running in and out of his flat screaming ‘but how are we going to explain the human remains if we close the bloody place down and someone turns it into luxury apartments???’, but Hunt deserves to be exposed before he joins the rest of the paedophiles’ friends who are dropping dead on an almost daily basis…

 

Rachel Lomax was one of those who scarpered after Ron’s downfall at the hands of Boogie – she resigned from her post as the Welsh Office and in Dec 1998 took up the role of Permanent Secretary at the DHSS. Rhodri observed that just before Ron hit disaster Rachel Lomax had purchased a new house for herself in the Vale of Glamorgan and such was Lomax’s loyalty to her home nation that she kept her home in the Vale of Glamorgan.

Lomax left the DHSS/DWP in 2002 and then served as Permanent Secretary at the  Dept of Transport, having moved there with her Secretary of State Alistair Darling when Blair reshuffled his Cabinet following the resignation of the Secretary of State for Transport Stephen Byers, he who subsequently described himself as a ‘cab for hire’ in a lobbying scandal and was banned from Parliament for two years (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part IV’).

From 2003-08 Lomax was a Deputy Governor at the Bank of England, serving on its Monetary Policy Committee. She left just before the collapse of Lehman Brothers in 2008 to ‘pursue other interests’. In Dec 2008, Lomax became an independent non-executive Director of HSBC Holdings, where she was also a member of the audit and risk committees. In Dec 2010 Lomax joined BAA (now Heathrow Airport Holdings) as a non-executive Director. Rachel is also a non-executive director of Serco and a trustee of Imperial College London (see post ‘I Don’t Believe It!’ for the details of the research fraud and misconduct on the part of those who have worked or are still working at Imperial) and has served as President of the Institute of Fiscal Studies.

 

There is another person who could tell us all a great deal about Ron and a lot of other people as well but he seems to have kept a very discreet silence – a man called Les who is a former Cardiff taxi driver. After ferrying the general public around Cardiff, Les worked as the official driver for that very good friend of the paedophiles of north Wales Lord Wyn Roberts, then as the official driver for Ron and then as the official driver for Rhodri. Les could give us the best anecdote ever in terms of who he had in the back of the cab…

Lest anyone think that I have a problem with Ron and others mentioned on this blog because they are gay and I am conflating gay men with child abusers, I don’t and I’m not. The problem that I have tried to highlight on this blog is that a number of the people discussed have used prostitutes – male and female – who were coerced into that business whilst they were kids in care and to coerce them into sex work those kids were subjected to very great cruelty at the hands of serious criminals. If sex workers are consenting adults who have not been coerced into that work I don’t consider what they are doing or who their customers are to be anyone else’s business. Despite some of the scare stories, the best research into sex work has shown that there is a contingent of prostitutes who are adults with agency, fully in control and who conduct business discreetly and safely. Many of them have actually worked as nurses and furthermore prostitution among nurses is a good deal more common than anyone likes to admit. Sadly there are also people who have been forced into prostitution – ironically by the sort of nurses who worked for Dafydd – and who most definitely need protecting and rescuing.

The people discussed on this blog do not have track records of being honest and transparent and they all try to portray themselves as having only ever conducted relationships with consenting adults, even when that most definitely is not true. Ron may have become notorious for cottaging at the Castle Gate or for picking up Boogie on Clapham Common, but before he became an MP Ron was an advisor for Mid-Glamorgan Education Authority whilst everybody in Mid-Glamorgan Education Authority ignored serious complaints about drama teacher John Owen sexually abusing his pupils (see post ‘Yet More Inglorious Bastards’).

In north Wales there was a Mafia code of silence regarding the activities of the paedophile gang – partly because some people were terrified of them but partly because everybody was covering the arses of their friends and relatives and that technique was also used to secure themselves jobs, promotions and, in later life, pensions.

Consider just this alone. Ron worked as a tutor-organiser for the WEA, taking over from Neil Kinnock in 1970 when the Windbag was elected to Parliament. Rhodri Morgan also worked for the WEA in south Wales, 1963-65. When they were young, Rhodri and the Windbag shared a house. Rhodri and the Windbag spent many enjoyable years campaigning together. Wayne David, who succeeded Ron as Labour MP for Caerphilly, also worked for the WEA in south Wales, starting in that role in 1985. Like Ron, Wayne was a teacher who trained at Cardiff University. I could continue…

Were any of this lot, a bunch of not very bright people who scraped their way into universities – usually in south Wales – and somewhere along the way developed a massive sense of entitlement and fancied themselves as Cabinet Ministers or even PMs, ever going to grass each other up? They saw the way that many other people in Wales lived and that was certainly not for them. No matter how many of them banged on about the forefathers going down the pit, most of them had never got their hands dirty themselves. Glenys Kinnock has never been near a pit in her life, she lives a millionaire’s life between London and Europe and her daughter-in-law is PM of Denmark. Pretty good for a school teacher from Holyhead whose home town suffers from severe disadvantage and was host to a paedophile gang. Never mind the Castle Gate, Ron Davies could probably have gone cottaging in the middle of John Lewis’s in Cardiff on a Saturday afternoon and no-one would have said a word.

Alun Davies, the corrupt NHS manager in north Wales who constantly tried to have me imprisoned, didn’t come from north Wales. Davies was from the Rhondda…

Ron’s wife – now ex-wife – Christina Rees, the Labour MP for Neath, is a barrister. Her wiki entry is incredibly brief and talks about her school days and love of sport.

‘We didn’t know.’

After Ron fell from grace on Clapham Common a few people from south Wales who didn’t have ambitions to become PM but who didn’t dare identify themselves in the press, admitted that they did know, that indeed ‘everyone knew’ about Ron and furthermore that he was a vindictive aggressive bastard whom a lot of people didn’t dare cross.

Ron resigned as Secretary of State for Wales after Boogie, but he didn’t resign as an MP. In fact Ron put up quite a fight. His first strategy was to make a speech in the House about the violence that he had suffered at the hands of his father as a child. Which is sad but Ron is by no means alone in having had that happen to him. This was followed by Ron coming out as bisexual. Then Ron claimed to have some interesting psychiatric problem which involved him seeking out ‘risky situations’ – for which he was of course ‘receiving help’.

If Ron was paying good money to attend Dafydd’s sex therapy clinic it wasn’t very effective because in 2003 Ron was caught in another risky situation in a well known cruising and dogging spot. Ron’s story was that he was looking for badgers.

At no point did Ron simply say ‘I’m gay, now sod off because it’s no-one else’s business but mine’.

It was after he was photographed looking for badgers that Ron stepped down as MP for Caerphilly. However, Rhodri’s book explains that Ron did not go quietly.

It was the Chairman of the Party, Brian Curtis, who was left to ensure that the Labour Party divested itself of Ron by persuading Ron to pull out of the candidacy for Caerphilly before the 2003 General Election election. Ron had recently bought an expensive house on a mortgage and he refused to stand down unless his PPI to cover his mortgage payments could be activated. Rhodri states that  Jessica Morden, the General Secretary of the Labour Party, was ‘unhappy’ about providing the letter of cover to Ron’s bank – Ron needed a letter saying that he’d been forced to resign his candidacy to prevent accusations from the bank that he’d voluntarily left his job. Ron only stood down once he knew that the insurance on his mortgage was secured.

Rhodri tells us that ‘Jessica did what she had to do because it was absolutely necessary in the reputational interest of the Labour Party’.

Rhodri believing that this was sufficient to save the reputation of the Labour Party reminds me of a document that the former Chair of the North West Wales NHS Trust Elfed Roberts wrote when he got wind of Edwina Hart’s plan to abolish the Trust. Elfed memorably wrote that ‘the Trust must be seen to be beyond reproach at this crucial time’. How did Elfed and his colleague Martin Jones the CEO of the Trust ensure that the Trust was seen to be ‘beyond reproach’ at that crucial time? Well in the face of the rising toll of patient and staff suicides, Elfed and Martin refused to investigate any patient complaints, sent an extract from my medical records to a senior member of staff in Bangor University, rang various other colleagues of mine and told them that I was dangerous, intimidated a number of people who had witnessed what was happening to me and who had made statements about it and then had me arrested on the grounds that I had pink hair and had laughed at Elfed’s car and called it a penismobile.

Elfed and Martin seemed unaware that they had become famous as a result of their attempts to be seen to be beyond reproach at a crucial time. No wonder that Edwina carried out her plan to abolish them. Then Edwina stood for the leadership of the Labour Party in Wales and during the leadership debates the topic of anti-social behaviour was discussed. A lady in the audience asked how the candidates were going to tackle anti-social behaviour among young people. Edwina responded by saying that it wasn’t only young people who were capable of anti-social behaviour. I and the person whom I was watching this with were howling with laughter because we suspected that Edwina might have well have been thinking of two particularly unhinged NHS senior managers in north west Wales…

 

What Rhodri doesn’t explain is what Ron Davies was doing buying an expensive house on a mortgage when he knew that everyone was trying to get rid of him – and why did Ron bother to buy PPI, everyone knew by then that the buggers never pay up. Was Ron expecting perhaps to not only be in need of PPI but confident that he would be able to get them to cough up?

What happened to Jessica, who just did what she had to do? (Dafydd used to say that on the rare occasions that he was actually put on the spot and asked why he had broken the law. ‘I just did what I had to do’ would always be accompanied with Dafydd’s claim that ‘I found myself in this bizarre situation’. Yes, with a load of abducted victims of a paedophile ring imprisoned in a dungeon at the North Wales Hospital…)

Jessica Morden was well rewarded for doing what she had to do to save the reputation of the Labour Party ie. ensure that Ron bagged an expensive house in return for not standing again as the Labour MP for Caerphilly. Jessica was accepted as the Labour candidate for Newport East and became the MP for that constituency in 2005. Jessica was selected by the use of an all woman shortlist. No-one could accuse Blair of parachuting Jessica into south Wales though. Not only had Jessica been the General Secretary of Welsh Labour, but in 1991 she worked for Huw Edwards, Labour MP for Monmouth and she then worked for Llew Smith, Labour MP for Blaenau Gwent, 1992-95.

So Jessica had been around quite long enough to not know about Ron cottaging at the Castle Gate.

Llew Smith was also elected as the MEP for South Wales East in 1984. He stood down in 1994 – and made way for one Glenys Kinnock!

Huw Edwards succeeded the Monmouth seat from the Tory MP Sir John Stradling Thomas after Sir John was found dead in his Dolphin Square flat. Readers who follow the comments section of my blog will remember how often Richard Card has commented on the death of Sir John. Sir John had been expressing concern about the allegations of Westminster figures being involved in child abuse and was believed to be about to speak publicly and possibly name some of those alleged to be involved. He was found dead hours before he was due to speak.

Children trafficked for sex from the Ty’r Felin children’s home in Bangor were taken to Dolphin Square (see post ‘Are You Local?’). One of the community social workers employed on the Maesgeirchan estate on which Ty’r Felin was located was Meri Huws – Meri is alleged to be a former bedfellow of Rhodri Morgan (see post ‘People With Energy’).

Jessica got her chance at Newport East after Alan Howarth, the sitting MP, was elevated to the Lords by Blair. Howarth became famous when he crossed the floor. He was the Tory MP for Stratford-upon-Avon, after being elected in 1983. In 1995 he defected to Labour, was selected for Newport East and subsequently became a Minister in Blair’s Gov’t. Howarth was dropped from the Gov’t in 2001, after the Waterhouse Report had been published and the claims that it was a massive cover-up had been silenced, at least temporarily.

Howarth was an unlikely defector to New Labour. He had been a hard right Tory, a founder member of the Thatcherite No Turning Back group. Early in his career, Howarth had worked in the Conservative Party Chairman’s office under Willie Whitelaw – who spent many years in many capacities concealing the abuse of children and mental health patients in north Wales. Then Howarth became Director of the Conservative Research Department and Party Vice-Chairman. Matthew Parris used to work in the Conservative Research Department and claimed that there was a senior member of staff there who used to go cruising for young men on London buses. Parris also maintained that every summer, a group of male staff from that Dept would take a holiday at a place in Italy known as the ‘Villa of Shame’ where they were supplied with ‘boys who were always willing’.

What possible use could Blair have made of Howarth in 1995 when Howarth defected – whilst demands for a public inquiry into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal had been followed by Nicola Davies QC reviewing the paperwork to see whether a public inquiry should be held? Nicola found that the paperwork of the North Wales Police relating to the abuse of children was missing from 1989 onwards. There’s a surprise.

Howarth crossed the floor on 8 Oct 1995. Peter Morrison had been conveniently found dead three months before and now Nicola Davies QC and Secretary of State for Wales William Hague just had to work out how to rig the Public Inquiry into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal that people were demanding.

On the eve of the 1997 General Election the Labour MP for Ogmore, 1979-01, Sir Ray Powell told an interesting tale about two of his Blairite colleagues. He alleged that Mandelson and Ron Davies offered him a peerage if he gave up his seat in the Commons for Alan Howarth, the Conservative who had crossed the floor to join the Labour Party (see post ‘News From Sicily’)…

 

The political career of Ron Davies didn’t finish once he’d secured his upmarket house.  In 2004 he resigned from the Labour Party claiming that they were all a bit incompetent in the Welsh Labour Party. Ron then joined the new Forward Wales Party and stood for election as an MEP. In 2007 he stood for election to the Assembly – as an Independent – for Caerphilly. In 2008 Ron was back on Caerphilly County Borough Council – where he had begun his career decades previously. He held the Economic Development and Urban Regeneration portfolio, originally as an Independent but later actively supported the ruling Plaid group on the Council. In recent years there has been an ongoing scandal at Caerphilly County Borough Council involving financial mismanagement on a huge scale. There has been a criminal investigation which found serious wrongdoing but it was decided to proceed no further with the investigation because of the cost of the investigation. So it rather looks as though some of Ron’s colleagues have made off with hundreds of thousands of pounds of public money and they will not be held to account.

Ron joined Plaid in 2010 and has since stood as a Plaid candidate in three elections.

 

Rhodri explained in his memoir that he was sympathetic to politicians who stood accused of involvement in sex scandals as a result of his own experience. At one time a ‘Top Welsh Tory’ put it around that Rhodri had been cautioned for picking up prostitutes in the Cardiff docks area. A full apology to Rhodri was issued and a donation to charity was made after Rhodri approached the Tory Party Chairman at the time for help. That Chairman was Dr Brian Mawhinney, now Lord Mawhinney.

Mawhinney was a Tory MP, 1979-05 and concealed the wrongdoing of Dafydd and the paedophiles whilst he was Minister of State for Health, 1992-94. Mawhinney was PPS to Tom King, 1984-86, whilst King was Secretary of State for NI and then held Ministerial positions in the N Ireland Office between 1986-92. So Mawhinney knows all about Kincora.

Mawhinney’s brother Richard is a lawyer who is married to Patricia Scotland QC. Patsy’s big break was representing the Welsh Office at the Waterhouse Inquiry – she was given a peerage during the Inquiry. Patsy never looked back, she has gone from high office to high office, despite being embroiled in scandal and dogged by allegations of improper conduct wherever she goes. When Patsy was given the brief for the Waterhouse Inquiry her brother-in-law Brian was a member of the Cabinet.

Details of Patsy’s network of paedophiles’ friends can be read in posts ‘Baroness Patricia Scotland QC Was On Board As Well!’, ‘More On Baroness Patricia Scotland QC – And Her Very Sleazy Friends’ and ‘Even More About Baroness Patricia Scotland QC’.

Brian Mawhinney was Chair of the Tory Party, 1995-97. Which was just when everyone was dealing with the very tricky problem of Dafydd, the paedophile gang, the demands for a public inquiry and then the setting up of the rigged Waterhouse Inquiry. Mawhinney became Chairman of the Party on the last day of David Hunt’s tenure as Secretary of State for Wales. Peter Morrison was found dead eight days later.

I would imagine that the Tories were in such deep shit during Mawhinney’s time as Chairman of the Party that they would be very vulnerable indeed to approaches by angry Labour politicians who claimed to have been the subject of baseless rumours circulated by the Tory Party. Mawhinney might have been so worried that he could have even resorted to apologising to Labour MPs who perhaps really had been cautioned for kerb crawling around Cardiff docks.

Rhodri stood accused at some point between 5 July 1995 – 11 June 1997. Which was when the patients in north Wales were being left destitute and dead after their day centre had been closed down and when such strenuous efforts were being made to have me banged up in a secure unit.

 

As for other news recently. Professor Nick Hardwick, the Chairman of the Parole Board (see post ‘Inside Information About A Hergest Unit Death’), has stated that if details are released about Top Doctors who serve on the Parole Board, the Top Doctors would be at risk of coming under attack on social media. Did Nick perhaps have in mind recent blog posts of mine in which I mentioned that Professor Robert Bluglass and Drs Colin Berry and David Mawson all served on the Parole Board after Bluglass and Berry actively concealed the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles and David Mawson just politely failed to mention it when faced with the evidence?

Southern Health have been fined £2 million after the HSE mounted a prosecution against them in the wake of the deaths of Connor Sparrowhawk and another patient. This is substantially the result of the efforts of Connor’s mum Dr Sara Ryan who has worked very hard since Connor’s death to expose massive failures at Southern as well as the deaths of hundreds of patients which were never investigated. Sara has been subjected to the usual that anyone complaining about serious failings in the NHS can expect – she was described as ‘toxic’ by the Top Doctor whose negligence and dishonesty resulted in Connor’s death, she received an anonymous insulting call from a member of staff at Southern, the son of a senior NHS manager sent out a tweet describing her as a ‘fucking pest’ and then she was insulted all over again when she gave evidence at a GMC fitness to practice hearing.

Sara feels a sense of satisfaction now. I am not underestimating what Sara has achieved, but no-one involved in Connor’s death – or indeed in the deaths of the hundreds of other patients who were slaughtered by Southern – have lost their jobs. They are all still practising. The £2 million fine will be paid by Southern from its vast budget of public money. It will be given to the British state’s coffers. It was the British state who allowed Southern to kill patients. I would not be surprised if as a result of being fined £2 million, Southern now put in a plea for some special source of extra money from the Gov’t on the grounds that they are short of cash. They’ll get it as well.

The statements made by Southern yesterday were cut n pasted from the usual NHS template. ‘We’ve failed’. ‘This will be a catalyst for change.’ Just like all the other deaths were going to be a catalyst for change. As indeed was the conviction of the mass murderer Harold Shipman. So that’s why no-one been struck off in the wake of the genocide at Southern.

There is only one thing that will be a catalyst for change in the NHS – people who have abused or killed their patients being escorted out of their offices in handcuffs and then put on trial.

 

 

Additional Security Measures

The last couple of days has seen a flurry of excitement after the release of some Gov’t papers from the National Archives. Being a nerd I really enjoy such things, so I caught up with as many of the stories as I could.

It was revealed that in 1992  Sir Richard Lloyd-Jones, the Permanent Secretary in the Welsh Office, wanted John Major to hold a Cabinet meeting in Wales and wrote a letter suggesting this to Andrew Turnbull, Principal Private Secretary to Major, explaining that there were two buildings in Cardiff which were grand enough to host the Cabinet.  Andrew – now Lord – Turnbull told Richard Lloyd-Jones to speak to Sir Robin Butler, the Cabinet Secretary. The request was refused.

Sir Richard Lloyd-Jones was Permanent Secretary at the Welsh Office, 1985-93. So Sir Richard was the most senior civil servant there whilst children in care in north Wales were raped, buggered, beaten, starved, forced to labour in local businesses for no pay, trafficked to London and Brighton as well as to locations in Europe to work in the porn and sex trade and were found dead in questionable circumstances. Sir Richard was in post whilst care workers from north Wales were appearing in Court charged with physical and sexual assaults on children yet whilst the Welsh Office’s Social Services Inspectorate failed to inspect some of the children’s homes at all over a period of years and only undertook the most cursory inspections of others. Sir Richard was at the helm when serious complaints about the social services and mental health services in north Wales were either ignored or dismissed out of hand. He was in post when I – as well as other people – were unlawfully arrested and incarcerated in the psychiatric wards of Ysbyty Gwynedd and the North Wales Hospital Denbigh by Dr Dafydd Alun Jones, Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) and the staff of Gwynedd Social Services. Sir Richard ran the Welsh Office whilst it employed the corrupt lawyer Andrew Park, who held in-depth discussions with and advised the mental health services as to how to gain a High Court injunction against me and then subsequently prosecute me for allegedly breaching that injunction, although Park himself acknowledged that they were perjuring themselves because I had not committed the offences as accused. Sir Richard ran the Welsh Office when it employed Professor Robert Owen as its Medical Ombudsman. Robert Owen was appointed to investigate my complaints about the mental health services and then collaborated and colluded with Alun Davies (the manager of the Gwynedd mental health services), Dr D.G.E. Wood (the corrupt GP who had initially referred me to the mental health services) and others from Gwynedd Health Authority without my knowledge – some of the phone calls and correspondence were taken at and sent to Owen’s home at Colwyn Bay. Owen then asked Professor Robert Bluglass and Dr Colin Berry to investigate my complaint – every part of my complaint involving Tony Francis and Gwynedd Social Services went uninvestigated, Dafydd went unchallenged despite telling bare-faced lies at the inquiry and Bluglass could not bring himself to admit that Dafydd had broken the law repeatedly, although Bluglass received oral and written evidence from staff at the North Wales Hospital testifying that he had (see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’). No action of any sort was taken against Dafydd although a ‘discussion’ was held with him. I later found out that Bluglass had worked and co-authored with close colleagues of Francis and Dafydd.

At the time that I complained about Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities, the Welsh Office – under Sir Richard – had sent in a management team to Gwynedd Health Authority as a result of the serious mismanagement and dire financial situation that prevailed. The chaos was such that it was discussed in the Commons (see post ‘A Visit To Gwynedd Archives’).

Lloyd-Jones ran the Welsh Office whilst Alison Taylor repeatedly blew the whistle on the abuse of children in care in north Wales and was dismissed from her job as a social worker by Gwynedd County Council. He ran the Welsh Office when Mary Wynch won leave to sue Dafydd, Clwyd Health Authority and Risley Remand Centre and was in post when they fessed up and agreed to pay Mary compensation (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). Sir Richard was still in post when they all then refused to stump up the compensation as agreed.

This civil service mandarin spent years concealing the most serious criminality. He stepped down the year after five witnesss to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed in a firebomb attack (see post ‘The Silence of the Welsh Lambs’) and after allegations of a paedophile ring operating in the north Wales children’s homes involving politicians, civil servants, members of the security services, police officers, doctors, lawyers and others had appeared in the London-based media. In the year that Sir Richard stepped down, the North Wales Police – who conducted the investigation into the abuse despite allegations that some of their own officers had been involved – concluded that there was no evidence of a paedophile ring in north Wales/Cheshire. In the same year the demands for a Public Inquiry into events in north Wales grew and in the following year the Jillings Investigation into the abuse of children in care -but only in Clwyd – since 1974 began.

Lloyd-Jones had been concealing crime at Welsh Office level long before he became Permanent Secretary. He joined the Welsh Office as Under-Secretary in 1974 and remained in that role until 1978. He was then Deputy Secretary until 1985. So Sir Richard was in one of the most senior positions at the Welsh Office when Mary Wynch was unlawfully arrested, imprisoned and fleeced of her property by Dafydd and his partners in crime at Risley Remand Centre. He will have been involved in the earlier cover-ups regarding the abuse of children in care and patients at the North Wales Hospital under the Secretary of State in Wilson’s and Callaghan’s Govt’s ie. John Morris. Lloyd-Jones then continued the cover-up under Thatcher’s Secretaries of State ie. Nicholas Edwardes, Peter Walker and David Hunt.

Sir Richard, like Dafydd, is now elderly but he is still with us. Sir Richard – can you tell us anything about the lobotomies, the deaths, the abductions and the underground chamber where patients were confined at the North Wales Hospital? Like me, you will have known about it all.

Richard Lloyd-Jones began his career in the civil service in 1957 when he entered the Admiralty. He was Assistant Private Secretary to the First Lord of the Admiralty, 1959-62 -Lord Carrington. Richard Lloyd-Jones will therefore have known Admiral Sir Alec Bingley.

Sir Alec had a long and distinguished career in the Royal Navy. During World War II he was Commander-In-Chief of the home fleet. Subsequently Bingley was appointed Fifth Sea Lord and in 1954 Deputy Chief of Naval Staff (Air). In 1958 he became Flag Officer, Aircraft Carriers and in 1959 was appointed Commander-In-Chief, Mediterranean Fleet and Naval Commander of the Allied Forces in the Mediterranean in 1959. In 1961 Bingley became the Commander-In-Chief of Portsmouth and Allied Commander-In-Chief. He retired in 1963. Sir Alec’s wife Lady Juliet was the daughter of a Top Doctor and became a medical social worker. In 1972 Lady Juliet became involved with the National Association of Mental Health (MIND) and was appointed Chair in 1979. Sir Alec and Lady Juliet’s son William concealed the criminal activities of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones et al in north Wales as well as the serious abuse of patients in Moss Side/Park Lane/Ashworth Hospitals for many years from the early 1980s onwards whilst he was legal officer and then legal director of MIND and continued to conceal the criminality when he was Chief Executive of the Mental Health Act Commission (see post ‘Security, Security’).

Dr T. Gwynne Williams, the lobotomist at the North Wales Hospital and Dafydd’s partner in crime, spent years as a surgeon in the Royal Navy whilst Sir Alec occupied very senior roles in the service. Jim Callaghan, whose Gov’t concealed the wrongdoing of Dafydd and Gwynne by utilising the talents of Sir Richard Lloyd-Jones, also liked to flag up his Royal Navy credentials. Callaghan joined the Royal Navy in 1942 but in 1944 was hospitalised with TB in the Royal Naval Hospital Haslar, near Portsmouth. He was discharged from the Navy and assigned to duties in the Admiralty in Whitehall no less. Whilst he was on leave, Callaghan was selected as the Parliamentary candidate for the Labour Party for Cardiff South – Callaghan beat the future Speaker of the House child molester George Thomas aka Lord Tonypandy to win the nomination. In 1945 Callaghan then did a brief stint with the East Indies Fleet and after VE day returned to the UK and won a landslide victory in Cardiff South in the 1945 General Election.

Callaghan’s wiki entry states that he was the last Prime Minister to be an armed forces veteran and the only PM ever to have served in the Navy. Although it sounds as though Callaghan didn’t actually see much active service – he was in hospital or in Whitehall ingratiating himself to influential folk in the Admiralty for much of the time and when he did see active service he seems to have carefully kept himself out of danger. Which is exactly what he did throughout his political career. Could it possibly have been the case that old Callaghan was one of those with connections to MI5 or MI6 who was under suspicion of using those connections to conceal the paedophile ring in north Wales/Chester and the links to the Westminster Paedophile Ring?

Between 1969-70 Richard Lloyd-Jones was Private Secretary to Harold Wilson’s Cabinet Secretary, Burke Trend. Burke was an alumnus of Merton College, Oxford and after graduation joined the civil service. For most of his career Burke served in the Treasury, but he was Cabinet Secretary under Harold Wilson and then Ted Heath, 1963-73. Burke received a peerage in 1974 and also became Rector of Lincoln College, Oxford.

In the 1970s Burke led an investigation into allegations of penetration into the British security services from before World War II to the 1960s. Burke concluded that there was insufficient evidence to support the allegations. Thank goodness for that, it’s not as if we would ever want irresponsible people concealing criminal behaviour or even the murders of the victims of a paedophile gang working in the security services.

Burke’s son Michael Trend was educated at Westminster School and Oriel College, Oxford. He worked as a journalist for the Times Literary Supplement, History Today, the Spectator and was the chief leader writer for the Daily Telegraph, 1990-92.

Trend was Tory MP for Maidstone and Windsor, 1992-97 and then for Windsor (after the constituency was renamed and reconfigured), 1997-2005. Michael was elected in the General Election of 1992 – which saw the retirement of Sir Peter Morrison who had been the Tory MP for Chester and who was abusing kids in care from north Wales as well as elsewhere. 1992 saw the distributing of peerages to many who had concealed organised child abuse. Just days after Michael was elected, the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were murdered by that firebomb.

Michael Trend was Deputy Chairman and Chief Executive of the Conservative Party until 2000. He was Chair of the party’s International Office until Sept 2005. Trend is said to have participated in ‘extensive democracy building work with in the former Soviet Union and in Africa’.

In Dec 2002 Michael Trend agreed to repay £90k to the Commons after wrongfully claiming. In Feb 2003 he was found guilty of abusing the allowances system. Trend was briefly suspended from Parliament and did not stand for election again.

Lloyd-Jones was Assistant Secretary at the Ministry of Defence, 1970-74. The Secretary of State for Defence was one Lord Carrington. At the time, the British Army had been sent into N Ireland and the troubles were well underway – as was the concealing of the abuse of children in the Kincora Boys Home in Belfast, allegedly by Whitehall civil servants, Army Officers and others. The Secretaries of State for N Ireland during those years were Willie Whitelaw and Francis Pym. Whitelaw concealed the paedophile gang in north Wales for years in his capacity as Deputy Leader of the Conservative Party and as Chair of the Tory Party as well as in numerous other roles and he concealed the abuse of children at the Kincora Boys Home in Belfast. In July 1972 Whitelaw met an IRA leader in Minister of State Paul Channon’s house in Chelsea for discussions (see post ‘Is The Party Over Yet?’).

Richard Lloyd-Jones was Chairman of the Civil Service Benevolent Fund, 1987-93 and a Trustee between 1993-2000. He sat on the Advisory Committee on Local Gov’t Staff Transfers (Wales), 1993-94 and on the Local Gov’t Staff Committee for Wales, 1994-97. Lloyd-Jones was a member of the BBC General Advisory Council, 1994-96 and of the Commission for Local Democracy, 1994-95. He was Chairman of Age Concern Cymru, 1999-05 and President, 1996-99. Lloyd-Jones was involved with Age Concern England from 2000 until either the present day or very recently.

Margaret Hanson, the Vice-Chairman of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board was Chief Executive of Age Concern for North East Wales, 2004-14. Hanson previously worked as a social worker for children and families in Cheshire, whilst the paedophile gang that also operated in north Wales was active in Cheshire. Hanson was also a Councillor in Cheshire and Mayor of a Cheshire town. Hanson’s husband David Hanson is MP for Delyn and was also a Councillor in Cheshire whilst the paedophile gang was busy. David Hanson was PPS to Tony Blair from 2001 whilst the surviving witnesses to the wrongdoing in north Wales were threatened, harasssed and prosecuted on the basis of the paedophiles’ friends perjuring themselves (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part II’).

Richard Lloyd-Jones was Vice-Chairman of the Prince of Wales Committee, 1993-96 and was a member of the Prince’s Trust, 1996-99. He was a member of the Court of the University of Wales, 1995-2000 and the National Museum of Wales, 1996-99. Lloyd-Jones was appointed a member of the Court and Council of Cardiff University in 2004 and is either still there or was until very recently and was Vice-President of the University of Wales Cardiff, 1993-04.

Lloyd-Jones was a member of Groundworks Methyr and Rhondda Cynon Taff, 1996-present day (or until very recently) and has been President of Welsh Council of the Ramblers Association, 1993-2011. Sir Richard’s wife Helen is Chair of the Ramblers Association and was previously a member of the Countryside Council for Wales.

Between 1999-2005 Sir Richard was Chairman of the Fishguard International Music Festival. At one point Lloyd-Jones made a formal complaint to the Press Complaints Commission when The Times erroneously stated that ‘Folk at the Fish’ was part of the Fishguard Festival. The Times amended its records accordingly after Sir Richard made representation. What a pity that Sir Richard did not show as much concern about a vicious paedophile gang with links to organised crime which imprisoned and murdered its victims whilst it operated within the services for which he was responsible.

Sir Richard was Chairman of the Arts Council of Wales, 1994-97.

Richard Lloyd-Jones went to Balliol College, Oxford. As did a few others who have been outed on this blog.

 

The man to whom Sir Richard wrote to suggest a Cabinet meeting in Wales was Andrew Turnbull, who in 1992 was Principal Private Secretary to John Major. Turnbull was appointed Principal Private Secretary to the PM in 1988 and initially served under Thatcher. Turnbull will have known about Sir Peter Morrison’s activities and a great deal else. He was in post when Morrison was Deputy Chair of the Conservative Party and whilst Morrison organised Thatcher’s failed leadership campaign before she resigned in Nov 1990.

Turnbull was educated at Enfield Grammar and Christ’s College, Cambridge. After working as Principal Private Secretary to the PM Turnbull was appointed Permanent Secretary at DEFRA. He then occupied the second highest ranking civil service post in Gov’t, Permanent Secretary to the Treasury, 1998-02. Turnbull was then appointed Cabinet Secretary and Head of the Home Civil Service, a post which he held until 2005, whilst Blair was PM.

In recent decades the two most senior civil service posts in Gov’t – Cabinet Secretary and head of the Home Civil Service – have been filled by the same person. Turnbull filled both roles, as did his successor Gus O’Donnell. The role of Cabinet Secretary was created in 1916 by David Lloyd George and it was a controversial move at the time. The Cabinet Secretary is responsible for the organisation of the Cabinet Office and for providing support to the PM and Gov’t as a whole. When Turnbull succeeded to the dual role in Sept 2002 Blair asked him to focus on the management of the civil service. Tom Bower’s book ‘Broken Vows’ discusses Blair’s lack of understanding of the machinery of Gov’t and his desire to basically exclude the civil service from the process of Gov’t in some detail.

In Feb 2004 Turnbull wrote to ex-Minister Clare Short admonishing her for her media statements alleging that British intelligence had intercepted communications from others, including the Secretary General of the UN Kofi Annan. Short made Turnbull’s confidential letter public and rebuked Turnbull for allegedly allowing the Gov’t decision-making machinery to crumble during the run-up to the 2003 Iraq War. Short suggested that the Attorney General Lord Goldsmith had been ‘leant on’ to provide advice that the war would be legal. Short also alleged that Turnbull was responsible for the inadequate Cabinet scrutiny of Goldsmith’s legal advice. In March 2005 Turnbull revealed that Goldsmith’s opinion re the legality or otherwise of the Iraq War was one page long.

Turnbull received a peerage in 2005.

Turnbull gave evidence to the Iraq Inquiry in Jan 2010.

In 2006 Turnbull was appointed Chair of Zambia Orphans Aid UK and in 2007 he became a Senior Executive Advisor with Booz Allen Hamilton. Turnbull is a Trustee of the Global Warming Policy Foundation. In 2011 the Foundation issued a report in Turnbull’s name claiming that global temperatures were ‘on a plateau’ and which called for more scepticism on global warming.

Turnbull is a Governor of Dulwich College and has been Chair of the Board of Governors since 2009.

Turnbull was succeeded  at the Treasury and then as Cabinet Secretary and head of the Home Civil Service by Sir Gus O’Donnell.

When Lloyd-Jones wrote to Turnbull suggesting a Cabinet meeting in Wales, Andrew Turnbull suggested that he should speak to Sir Robin Butler, the Cabinet Secretary.

Robin Butler was the Mr Big of the mandarins who concealed serious crime. Butler went to Harrow School, spent a year teaching at St Dunstan’s in Burnham-on-Sea and then went to University College, Oxford. Butler joined the Treasury in 1961 and remained there until 1969. He held a succession of senior roles and in 1969 was seconded to the Bank of England and several City institutions.

Butler was Private Secretary to Heath (1972-74) and Wilson (1974-75), Principal Private Secretary to Thatcher (1982-85) and Private Secretary to Major and Blair. He does not seem to have been Private Secretary to Callaghan – there will have been a reason for that but I haven’t yet found out what it was. Butler was Cabinet Secretary and head of the Home Civil Service, 1988-98, whilst both Major and Blair were PM. It is obvious from Butler’s CV that he will have known all about Sir Peter Morrison – Morrison was a Minister whilst Butler was Principal Private Secretary to Thatcher – and the associated chaos in north Wales. Documents also show that Butler and Margaret Thatcher knew about the allegations that Cyril Smith was sexually abusing children. Butler knew about Jimmy Savile as well because Thatcher was warned by civil servants that giving Jimmy Savile a knighthood could backfire very badly as a result of aspects of his ‘private life’ – Thatch continued to lobby vigorously for Savile to be knighted and in 1990 it happened.

Whilst Butler was Cabinet Secretary and head of the Civil Service, the constant cover-ups into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal took place, including the Waterhouse Inquiry, as well as the murders of the five witnesses days after the 1992 General Election. Butler presided over the civil service whilst the Department of Health allowed chaos and criminality to reign in the NHS in order to conceal organised child abuse as well as the associated abuse of mental health patients and whilst the DoH also ignored endemic research fraud and misconduct. No-one has ever admitted what was going on in the NHS whilst Butler was at the top of the Civil Service, but the rotten culture which Butler was clearly part of became evident as a result of other matters.

An article in the Independent in July 2004 written by Paul Vallely discussed a few of Butler’s high points. Vallely reminded readers that during the Scott Inquiry into the covert sales of arms to Iraq by the British Gov’t, Butler had confirmed that he found it acceptable for Ministers to be ‘selective about the facts’ and to give ‘an answer that is not the whole truth’. In 1994 Robin Butler was appointed to investigate Neil Hamilton and others regarding the business of the cash in brown envelopes from Al Fayed – Butler cleared Hamilton. Hamilton was then foolish enough to sue the Guardian over the allegations that he’d accepted cash in return for questions – Hamilton lost the case, he was declared bankrupt and subsequently lost his seat. Hamilton was the Tory MP for Tatton, the neighbouring constituency to Sir Peter Morrison’s and Neil and Christine Hamilton attended social events with Morrison and members of his constituency association. Morrison’s abuse of under-aged boys was openly discussed by members of the association and by constituents (see post ‘I Want Serious Money Now Please’), so it is very unlikely that the Hamiltons had not heard about it. Neil Hamilton was not the only Tory MP caught up in the cash for questions scandal. The others involved were Tim Smith (who resigned after admitting that he had been bribed), Sir Michael Grylls, Michael Brown – and Sir Peter Morrison.

Robin Butler was given the task of investigating the allegations that Jonathan Aitken had received a bribe in the form of payment for his stay at the Paris Ritz by the Saudis whilst he held secret meetings with Saudi arms dealers regarding commissions. Butler cleared Aitken and Aitken returned to the Commons boasting that Butler had cleared him. Aitken then launched an ill-judged libel action against the Guardian which resulted in Aitken being jailed for perjury – because he had lied about funding of his stay at the Ritz. His bills had indeed been paid for by someone else. People who were Saudis.

Butler himself described the Scott Inquiry 1992-96 as a ‘long nightmare’ but explained that as a civil servant ‘you just do not give the full information…It was half an answer. Half the picture can be true’. It was obviously such rationale that allowed Butler to fail to admit that a vicious paedophile ring was on the loose in north Wales, that witnesses were being framed and imprisoned by Top Doctors and in some cases murdered by persons unknown and that the whole machinery of Gov’t was utilised to keep a lid on this.

Butler was so close to Harold Wilson that Marcia Williams aka Lady Falkender – who famously had an unfathomably complex relationship with Wilson that was subject to much speculation – tried to have him sacked. Butler was also very close to John Major, particularly in the last few months of his premiership – when Major’s Secretary of State for Wales William Hague was setting up the Waterhouse Inquiry. Sir Peter Morrison had been found safely dead in his house having ‘fallen down the stairs’ some months previously.

Robin Butler guided Blair into Number 10 regarding Whitehall protocol and initially was a big mate of key figures in New Labour. Butler was such good mates with Mandelson that in the summer following the May that Blair was elected Butler gave Mandy a bottle of peach champagne. The honeymoon didn’t last long – which was hardly surprising with the marriage being between Grade A bastards who had all put their heads together to conceal corruption in high places, serious sex offending and murder – and within eighteen months Blair had fallen out with the civil service.

Butler told his friends that his key mistake in the first year of Blair’s Gov’t was to sign Orders in Council allowing Jonathan Powell (Blair’s Chief of Staff) and Alastair Campbell (Blair’s Press Secretary) to give orders to civil servants despite being political appointees. This violated the line between elected politicians and impartial civil service – as much as one can be called impartial when a key priority is to conceal the deaths of people whom if they had lived and been listened to could have put a lot of people (including a few politicians) in prison for a long time. Butler’s Orders in Council permitted Alastair Campbell to Chair a planning meeting with civil servants and intelligence chiefs over the ’45 minute’ dossier – famously sexed up by Alastair – which led Britain into the war with Iraq.

After Butler retired in 1998 he was given a peerage – he sits as a cross bencher.

Butler was the Master of University College, Oxford, 1998-08.  He was a non-executive director of the HSBC Group, 1998-08 and Chair of the HSBC Global Education Trust.

In 2004 Butler Chaired the Review of Intelligence on Weapons of Mass Destruction, the Butler Review – the review of the use of intelligence in the lead up to the 2003 Iraq War. Butler concluded that some of the intelligence re WMD was ‘seriously flawed’.

As befits someone who has done so many favours for so many scumbags in high office, Robin Butler clocked up a great many gongs. The one that I noticed first was Knight Commander of the Order of the Bath (KCB), awarded in the New Years Honours of 1988. Gwynedd social worker Alison Taylor contacted Thatcher herself on 17 Jan 1987 and told her of the abuse of children in north Wales. Alison was suspended later on in that year and on 3 Nov 1987 was sacked by Gwynedd County Council. Butler was in line for another prize before too long. He was awarded the Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath (GCB) in the 1992 Birthday Honours. The lucky winners of the  1992 Birthday Honours were announced on 13 June 1992. By that time my career had been destroyed, as had the media careers of two close friends who knew what had happened to me in north Wales, my housemate had been killed in a car crash which had left her boyfriend – another one of my friends Who Knew brain damaged and paralysed – but most importantly of all from the point of the paedophile gang those five other pesky witnesses had been murdered by the firebomb. In April, which will have been just about when the list of those to be honoured was set in concrete. Unfortunately for the paedophiles’ friends, one of those in the building which was firebombed survived the blaze and voiced his belief that witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were being murdered. He was found dead in suspicious circumstances some time later after having given evidence against John Allen, the sex offender who owned and managed the Bryn Alyn Community, days before he was due to receive a payment from the Criminal Injuries Compensation Board.

Butler picked up his peerage in Feb 1998 – Sir Ronald Waterhouse had heard evidence from the few survivors of the north Wales children’s homes by then and had trashed all of them. Some people had collapsed whilst giving evidence, others had developed mental health problems and yet others had been unable to walk out of the hearing unaided. No wonder Ronnie maintained that they couldn’t be believed.

On 23 April 2003 Robin Butler was awarded the Knight Companion of the Order of the Garter (KG) and in 2004 he became a member of the Privy Council. By April 2003 the mental health services in north Wales were at an advanced stage in their plans to fit me up for ‘threatening to kill’ Alun Davies, the manager of the Hergest Unit. Numerous Angels had lied in statements to the police and the corrupt judge Huw Daniel was ready with the planned hefty prison sentence – I’d been warned by the police and solicitors to expect seven years. When I returned for the next hearing the charge of threatening to kill was withdrawn – Huw Daniel obviously wasn’t expecting this and became very irate indeed. I was instead charged with a Public Order Offence for telling Alun Davies’s secretary that he was a fat idiot – which I did do and had always been happy to admit to having done. I was later told that the charge of threats to kill had been withdrawn after a member of staff at the Hergest Unit had contacted someone – presumably the police or the Court – and told them that they had witnessed the discussions held at Ysbyty Gwynedd amongst the Top Doctors, nurses and managers ie. the fat idiots, re the plan to frame me and had stated that they would go public on the abuses taking place in that hospital if I was charged. See post ‘Interesting Happenings In The Legal System’ for the details of the bizarre sequence of events and happenings in Court.

Last summer I discovered that just after the date in 2004 on which I was pleaded guilty and was sentenced under the Public Order Act for telling Alun Davies’s secretary that he was a fat idiot, someone had illegally amended the PNC so that it showed a conviction for ‘violent disorder’ on my record and somebody in Chester Court had forged a certificate of indictment stating that I had been convicted of ‘violent disorder’. I contacted the legal division of the North Wales Police about this matter months ago but I have heard nothing. See posts ‘Even More Confusion Regarding Those Legal Conundrums’ and ‘An Update On Those Legal Conundrums’ for details.

Oh well, what does it matter – perjury, perverting the course of justice, misconduct in public office, mass murder, what does it matter as long as Lord Butler of Serious Crime in High Places has bagged his place on the Privy Council.

A Feb 2004 article in the Guardian stated that Butler ‘consistently showed deference to those in power’. And to a gang of paedophiles as well.

I’ll leave the last quote about Robin Butler to Lord Peter Hennessey, the ‘constitutional expert’: ‘Robin Butler is a crown servant who knows the importance of keeping a proper demarcation between ministers, career civil servants and special advisors’.

Robin Butler is a member of the Anglo-Belgian Club, of Brooks, of Beefsteak and of the Athenaeum, a club popular with Top Doctors. Jimmy Savile was a member of the Athenaeum, he was introduced to the club by Cardinal Basil Hume.

Butler’s boss John Major knew a great deal about the wrongdoing in north Wales and organised child abuse. Major had been a Councillor in Lambeth before becoming an MP, whilst Lambeth had a huge problem with the abuse of children in care and Major had also been a junior minister in the Department of Health.

 

Robin Butler was succeeded as Cabinet Secretary and head of the Civil Service by Sir Richard Wilson – his name is not widely known among laypeople, unlike Cabinet Secretaries Robert Armstrong (see post’Lord Robert Armstrong’), Butler and Gus O’Donnell. Richard Wilson was Secretary to the Cabinet and head of the Home Civil Service from Jan 1998-2000.

Richard Wilson was born in Glamorgan, attended Radley College, 1956-60 (he is now head of the Governors at Radley) and then read law at Clare College, Cambridge, 1961-65. Wilson was called to the Bar but entered the civil service rather than practice as a barrister. His first post in the civil service was Assistant Principal in the Board of Trade in 1966. Wilson served in a number of departments, spending 12 years in the Dept of Energy where his responsibilities included nuclear power, the privatisation of Britoil, personnel and finance. He headed the Economic Secretariat in the Cabinet Office under Thatcher, 1987-90 and after two years in the Treasury was appointed Permanent Secretary in the Department of Environment in 1992.

Wilson was Permanent Secretary at the Home Office, 1994-97. So he was in post when the attempt by the mental health services to fit me up on the basis of the perjury of an Angel – Bridget Lloyd – occurred and he was also in post when Michael Howard ruined Mary Wynch.

Richard Wilson received a peerage in 2002.

In Sept 2002 Wilson became Master of Emmanuel College, Cambridge. He has been a non-executive director of the British Sky Broadcasting Group plc, was or still is Chair of C. Hoare and Co, was or still is a non-executive director of Xansa plc and was or still is Chair of the Board of Patrons of the Wilberforce Society.

As well as a peerage, like all the most effective concealers of the wrongdoing of the paedophiles’ friends, Sir Richard Wilson has clocked up the requisite gongs. He received: a CB (Companion of the Order of the Bath) in the New Years Honours of 1991 – by which time I had been charged with serious offences on the basis of the perjury of the Top Doctors and was well on the way to being hounded out of my job as was my friend who worked at the Royal Television Society and who had wanted to make a documentary about matters in north Wales; a KCB (Knight Commander) in the New Years Honours of 1997 – the cover-up which was Waterhouse had been orchestrated and was underway; and a GCB (Knight Grand Cross) in the New Years Honours of 2001 – the Waterhouse Report had been published and the protesting voices yelling ‘massive cover-up’ had been ignored.

 

Richard Wilson concealed considerable wrongdoing whilst he was Permanent Secretary at the Home Office, but the Permanent Secretary at the Home Office who preceded him and who was in post between 1988-94, Sir Clive Whitmore, has even more explaining to do.

Before Whitmore was Permanent Secretary at the Home Office he had served as Thatcher’s Principal Private Secretary, 1979-82. So he too would have known about Jimmy Savile and about Peter Morrison – who was Lord Commissioner of the Treasury whilst Whitmore was Principal Private Secretary to Thatcher.

Whitmore was Thatcher’s Principal Private Secretary whilst Thatcher was bullying and falling out with her Cabinet – as detailed in Charles Moore’s  account in his biography of Thatcher concerning the Argentinian invasion of the Falklands. Charles Moore maintained in his book that on one occasion Lord Carrington turned to Sir Clive Whitmore and said ‘if I have any more trouble with this fucking stupid petit bourgeois woman I’m going to go’. Which was probably a most accurate summary of the essence of Thatcher. Carrington did of course resign from Thatcher’s Cabinet after the invasion of the Falklands in 1982. Although Thatcher made enough political capital out of the war with Argentina to win the next election, it was acknowledged at the time that the Argentinians had given a number of warnings that they were going to invade the Falklands but the Gov’t failed to respond. In 1980 Nicholas Ridley, the Minister of State for the Foreign and Commonwealth Office with responsibility for the Falkland Islands, had told Commodore Cavandoli that Britain had little interest in the Falkland Islands because they were not a wine-growing region like Bordeaux. Ridley did have a reputation for putting his foot in his mouth – after the sinking of the Herald of Free Enterprise, he made a comment in the Commons about implementing policy with its bow doors open (the Herald of Free Enterprise sunk which resulted in loss of life because it set sail with its bow doors open). Ridley had to resign from his position as Secretary of State for Trade and Industry in 1990 after he made comments about the EU being a ‘German racket designed to take over the whole of Europe’ and followed this up with a reference to Hitler.

Whitmore was then the Permanent Secretary at the Ministry of Defence until 1988.

Whilst Whitmore led the Home Office he presided over a great many dreadful things. In north Wales the framing and wrongful imprisonment of the former children in care and mental health patients – including me – as a result of corruption on the part of the police, Risley Remand Centre, the north Wales mental health services and the high security hospitals as described in my post ‘Security, Security’ was happening. Former kids in care were being found dead on a regular basis and complaints of abuse usually went uninvestigated.

On 15 March 1992 the North Wales Police carried out dawn raids in and around Wrexham. Sixteen men and one woman were held – all but one person had worked at Bryn Estyn. The police stated that no child porn was found and no evidence of a paedophile ring. By the end of the day the police had released 12 of the 16 people who had been held. They were all released without charge. Of the four others, only one person made any admissions. This triumph happened three weeks or so before the General Election.

In other regions of the the UK, things were going badly wrong as well. The allegations of the serious abuse of children in care by the Leicestershire social worker Frank Beck had finally been investigated (Beck was imprisoned) but somehow the allegations against Greville Janner went nowhere, although Janner was interviewed by the police in the early 1990s and a file was sent to the DPP. Janner was interviewed in the presence of his solicitor Sir David Napley and Napley was so certain that Janner would be charged that he had already retained George Carman QC. After the imprisonment of Frank Beck it was admitted that the response of the police to the complaints against Beck had been negligent and wholly inadequate. I will be writing more about the Frank Beck case in another post soon.

One thing that the Home Office had to handle whilst Whitmore was Permanent Secretary was the Hillsborough Disaster on the 15 April 1989 and the aftermath. It has finally recently been admitted that at Hillsborough it was the police who were largely responsible for the deaths of many people, that the police systematically lied about the behaviour of the football fans, that lies were told to the media in order to smear the fans – including those who had died – and that the media faithfully published those lies (most famously Kelvin McKenzie at the Sun). Just to ensure that everyone got the right message the police then fabricated witness statements and perjured themselves. It has taken nearly 30 years for the truth to be admitted regarding events at Hillsborough.

So I was most interested to find in the archive of the Hillsborough Independent Panel – Disclosed Material and Report, a copy of a note written by Sir Clive Whitmore dated 7 July 1989. The file states that this note was sent to the Secretary of State – which at the time was Douglas Hurd – regarding the progress of the [Lord Justice Peter] Taylor Inquiry [on Hillsborough] and when it was expected to be completed. The file records that Lord Justice Taylor’s Interim Report was published in Aug 1989.

In the note Whitmore documented that he had spoken to Lord Justice Taylor and a Mr Whalley on 4 July about the progress on the Inquiry and that Taylor had told him that the Report might not be ready until early August.  Whitmore went on to note that Taylor had confirmed that the Report wasn’t going to say anything concerning the arguments for or against identity cards for football supporters. He reported that he was fairly certain that none of Taylor’s recommendations will be of a kind which would require physical work at grounds before the start of the next football season. Whitmore stated that Taylor expects the interim findings to deal with matters such as crowd control and the content of safety certificates. Sir Clive observes that there is no pressing need for a statement to the House and that there may be an advantage in a low key reception involving simply a press statement. Whitmore noted that Taylor did warn him that the interim report is likely to be critical of the South Yorkshire Police and to a lesser extent the football club. Whitmore ends by saying ‘we will need to consider carefully what we should say on this aspect once we have the text of the report’.

The following words/phrases were underlined: ‘early August’, ‘identity cards’, ‘crowd control’, ‘critical of South Yorkshire Police’ and ‘to a lesser extent’.

Although the note is dated 7 July 1989, the official stamp showing receipt of the letter is dated 10 July 1989. The note was sent to: Lord Ferrers, Mr Chilcot [this name is highlighted], Mr Moriarty, Mr Boys Smith, Mr Turney, HMCIFS, Mr Mower, Mr Goddard, Mr Watts, Mr Lidington.

There is a copy of Lord Justice Taylor’s Interim Report in the archived file. It is addressed to Douglas Hurd who was Home Secretary at the time. The Report is dated 1 August 1989 and it has Peter Taylor’s name on it – but not Peter Taylor’s signature. There is just ‘Peter Taylor’ typed next to the date. Every Inquiry that I have seen has the signature of the Chair and the Panel on it next to the date.

It is crystal clear from Whitmore’s note that Peter Taylor didn’t expect to have his report written until early August – so it would not have been ready for submission on 1 Aug 1989. It is also clear from Whitmore’s note and the phrases that were underlined that Taylor was going to mention a few things in that report that Whitmore seemed rather sensitive about – so senstive that people were going to have to consider their public response once they had the text of the Report.

I think that the reason why Peter Taylor didn’t sign that Report in the archive was that Peter Taylor hadn’t actually written it. It seems to me that the Home Office under Douglas Hurd were conducting business the Gwynedd Health Authority and expert medical witness way – they had commissioned a report and publicised that, they knew what they wanted in the Report so before Peter Taylor had submitted it they wrote one of their own. Perhaps they amended it once Taylor had sent them his Report – who knows, because there is no signature on the Report there is no certainly as to who wrote which bits or when.

There are people who can tell us what went on, even if Douglas maintains that he knows nuzzing – Sir Clive Whitmore obviously. But one of the people to whom Sir Clive sent his note will know who drafted Taylor’s Report for him – Mr Lidington.

Mr Lidington is David Lidington, who is currently sitting in Theresa May’s Gov’t as the Justice Secretary and Lord Chancellor. Between 1987-89 Lidington was a special advisor to Douglas Hurd in the Home Office and when Hurd became Foreign Secretary in 1989 Lidington moved with him to the Foreign and Commonwealth Office.

So David Lidington was the gofer at the Home Office when Dafydd, Tony Francis, two junior doctors at Ysbyty Gwynedd, someone at Risley Remand Centre and the Mental Health Act Commission all had a little plan to frame me for attempting to stab a doctor – which unravelled because a nurse who was sitting in the room as I carried out this murderous attack made a statement to the police admitting that I hadn’t tried to stab anyone. Risley Remand Centre was under the domain of Douglas Hurd. There were constant allegations of brutality towards inmates and even inmates dying because no-one had answered bells when they had rung for assistance. The Waterhouse Report details how the Waterhouse Inquiry had sight of a letter sent from Risley Remand Centre in support of Nefyn and June Dodd, the managers of Ty’r Felin children’s home in Bangor – who were under investigation for child abuse – allegedly written by a former resident of Ty’r Felin which had been sent to Lucille Hughes, Dafydd’s mistress and the Director of Gwynedd Social Services. Sir Ronald Waterhouse confirmed that the letter had not been written or sent by the former resident of Ty’r Felin as purported.

So as well as beating up the inmates and leaving them to die by witholding medical attention, someone in Risley Remand Centre – under the control of the Home Office – was forging documents and colluding in elaborate plans with Top Doctors to frame people who had complained about them. And someone in the Home Office was forging Reports from Lord Chief Justices. And David Lidington knows something about it.

You are the Secretary of State for Justice Lidington. You do know how illegal these matters are. Furthermore, Nefyn Dodd was not only abusing the kids in Ty’r Felin himself but he was trafficking them down to London to be used for prostitution – one boy from Ty’r Felin turned up in the now infamous Dolphin Square (see post ‘Are You Local?’).

David Lidington is the Tory MP for Aylesbury – he was elected at the 1992 General Election. Days before the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed by that firebomb.

In 1994 Lidington was appointed PPS to Michael Howard. Just as Howard stuffed over Mary Wynch leaving her ruined. In 1994 there was yet another attempt to fit me up and imprison me – Bridget Lloyd, an Angel with the Arfon Community Mental Health Team, alleged that I had made threatening phone calls to her and made a statement claiming to be so frightened of me that the Health Authority had given her a personal alarm to carry with her at all times lest I murder her in cold blood. The Court was also told that I was a danger to her young children. I didn’t know that Bridget Lloyd had young children. Bridget knew that I didn’t know that as well – just before making the statement to police that she was in fear of her life from me, Lloyd sent a memo to the Top Doctors and managers at Ysbyty Gwynedd stating that she’d only ever met me once, many years ago and that I wouldn’t recognise her if I saw her.

Tony Francis wrote a report for the Court – for their consideration for WHEN I was found guilty, stating that I should be transferred to a forensic team with a view to being placed in a secure unit.

I was acquitted. There were no apologies and no investigation into the perjury.

In June 1997 Lidington was appointed PPS to William Hague, the leader of the Opposition. Months previously William Hague had organised the whitewash that was the Waterhouse Inquiry.

In June 1999 Lidington became the Shadow Home Affairs Minister, Deputy to Ann Widdecombe. Widdecombe has connections to the Tory Party in Wales, in particular the Anglesey Constituency Conservative Party – which contains a number of Top Doctors (see post ‘Doris Karloff – Honest About Her Expenses But Not Much Else’). In Sept 2001 Lidington was appointed Shadow Finance Secretary to the Treasury and in May 2002 Shadow Minister at MAFF. When Michael Howard became leader of the Tory Party Lidington was appointed Shadow Secretary of State for N Ireland. Lidington didn’t thrive under Cameron at first and in July 2007 was demoted. However after the General Election of 2010 Lidington became Minister for Europe. In Aug 2016 Lidington was awarded a CBE in Cameron’s resignation honours – for his services ‘to Europe’. Well the paedophile gang in north Wales were trafficking the kids to Amsterdam and the south of France as well…

When Honest Vicar’s Daughter Theresa became leader she made Lidington Leader of the Commons and on 11 June appointed him Justice Secretary and Lord Chancellor. Well with a track record like David Lidington’s in what other post could he possibly be more useful in the face of all these allegations of paedophiles in high places and the Independent Inquiry Into Child Sexual Abuse falling apart?

David’s a greedy sod as well. In May 2009 the Daily Telegraph revealed that Lidington claimed nearly £1,300 for his dry cleaning and claimed for toothpaste, shower gel, body spray and vitamin supplements on his second home allowance.

On one occasion Lidington’s local paper the Bucks Herald criticised him for claiming £115,891 in expenses – approx double his salary.

Lidington’s shameful CV starts from the very beginning. He went to Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge and whilst there was Chair of the Cambridge University Conservative Association which, in the previous generation, had supplied Thatcher with her Cabinet – who concealed Peter Morrison’s abuse of children in care in north Wales – including Ken Clarke, John Selwyn Gummer, Michael Howard and Norman Lamont. So Lidington was following in the footsteps of the Greats. Did you perhaps get to know some of them whilst you were at Cambridge David? I’m sure that the corrupt old bastards who were prepared to ignore suspicious deaths for the sake of Peter Morrison’s continued participation in sex parties with kids in care were invited back to their Alma Mater to dispense their wisdom and recruit the next generation of complete scumbags. Lidington was Deputy President of the Cambridge University Students Union and before doing some very dirty deeds at the Home Office for Douglas Hurd, he worked for BP and Rio Tinto.

Douglas Hurd was Tory MP for Mid-Oxfordshire, 1974-83, then for the same constituency when it was revamped as Witney (Cameron’s future constituency), 1983-97. He was a key member of Thatcher’s and Major’s Cabinet and is Patron of the Tory Reform Group.

Hurd’s father Lord Anthony Hurd was the Tory MP for Newbury, 1945-64. His grandather, Sir Percy Hurd, was the Coalition Conservative MP for Frome, 1918-23 (part of Lloyd George’s Lib-Con Gov’t) and then Tory MP for Devizes, 1923-45). Hurd’s son Nick has been Tory MP for Ruislip-Northwood and Pinner since 2005 and in 2010 became Minister for Civil Society. Another son Thomas works in the Diplomatic Service.

Hurd went to Eton and then Trinity College, Cambridge where he was President of the Cambridge Union Society.

In 1952 Hurd entered the Diplomatic Service and in 1966 began his political career. He became Principal Private Secretary to Edward Heath – a civil service position rather than a political appointment.

In 1979 after Thatcher won the General Election Hurd was appointed Minister of State in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. Following the 1983 General Election Hurd was moved to the Home Office, where Willie Whitelaw was Home Secretary until June 1983 and then Leon Brittan succeeded  him. Between 1984 and 1985 Hurd was Secretary of State for N Ireland. We are told that Hurd’s diplomatic skills paved the way for the signing of the Anglo-Irish agreement, although Hurd left the post one month before the agreement was signed. In the light of what was going on at the Home Office when Hurd was Home Secretary and Lidington was his minion – forged documents, the fitting up of innocent people who had dared raise concerns about the movers and shakers behind the Westminster Paedophile Ring – one can only imagine how Hurd used his ‘diplomatic skills’ in N Ireland. There’ll have been all those murders that Hurd will have used in his bargaining and the kids in the Kincora Boys Home as well who were being abused by Whitehall figures and members of the British Army. Peace in our time then Douglas?

After ensuring that the truth about various murders and terrorist atrocities as well as the child abuse at Kincora was never to be told, Hurd was appointed Home Secretary in Sep 1985 in the wake of Leon Brittan’s demotion to the DTI. Meanwhile the Birmingham Six, Guildford Four and Macguire Seven and God knows how many other innocent people sat in prisons because Douggie and his mates didn’t dare let on what they had all been up to at the Home Office for many years. In 1987 a Home Office memo acknowledged that the Guildford Four were unlikely to have been terrorists but stated that was not sufficient grounds for an appeal.

Hurd was seen as a ‘safe pair of hands’ at the Home Office and his tenure there was considered ‘uncontroversial’. That judgement might change if anyone takes a close look at the paperwork concerning Peter Taylor’s Interim Report which was written by someone who wasn’t Peter Taylor. Hurd himself expressed concerns that the Prison Service wasn’t working effectively – well somewhere along the line the plan to have me banged up in Risley went pear-shaped and that forged letter which was sent to Lucille Hughes was identified as a forgery, so someone at Risley wasn’t carrying out their duties to the standards required by Douglas. As for those attempts to set fire to my house Douglas, I can only echo the words of Peter Cook in his ‘biased judge’ post-Jeremy Thorpe trial satire – they couldn’t even carry out the simplest murder plot without cocking the whole thing up…

Note to David Lidington: David – Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends were definitely nasty enough for you to have played ball with, but they weren’t very bright and Dafydd was barking mad. If you are serious about silencing/killing absolutely everyone who were witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, you need to commission some rather more competent criminals – because Brown, me and two of our friends have managed to survive.

In 1988 Hurd set up Crime Concern, an organisation that aimed to reduce crime and anti-social behaviour by offering training opportunities to young people. The young person who received the best training opportunity from Douglas Hurd was David Lidington, other young people went to prison or had all opportunities removed. Crime Concern merged with the charity Rainer in 2008 to form an organisation called Catch22. Er – was someone having a joke at Douglas’s expense?

As a sideline Douglas writes spy thrillers. I think that this blog is rapidly evolving into one, but without the ‘fiction’ element. Or indeed the ‘thrilling’ bit – it’s not quite so thrilling when it’s you that is being targeted by a bunch of Top Doctors and their associates who are running a paedophile ring for the benefit of Douglas’s colleagues…

In Oct 1989 Douglas replaced John Major as Foreign Secretary. When Thatch was ousted in Nov 1990 Douglas ran for the Tory Party leadership – his campaign was predicated on his reputation as a ‘safe pair of hands’ ‘law n order’ Home Secretary. Major won the leadership and Hurd returned to his post as Foreign Secretary, where he remained until 1995.

Hurd was Foreign Secretary whilst Yugoslavia imploded. Hurd argued against sending military aid to the Bosniaks – in opposition to US policy – and he resisted pressure to allow Bosnian refugees into Britain. Hurd described his policy as ‘realist’. Just like letting a paedophile gang run a reign of terror in north Wales. The poor relations between European and US leaders delayed a co-ordinated response to the horrors taking place in Yugoslavia so rather a lot of people ended up being brutally murdered thanks to the diplomatic skills of that safe pair of hands Douglas and others.

After his withdrawal from front line politics, Douglas went to Serbia to visit Slobodan Milosevic, on behalf of the NatWest Bank no less, of which Hurd was Chairman, 1995-99. The Bosnian Gov’t threatened to charge Hurd as an accomplice to genocide, but nothing came of that. People like Douglas don’t go to prison, the cells are reserved for the victims of paedophile gangs who supply kids to politicians or for junior academics who work out that something very nasty is going on which seems to be propped up by the highest echelons of the medical establishment…

Whilst Hurd was Foreign Secretary he allocated £234 million pounds in aid towards the funding of the hydroelectric dam on the Pergan River in Malaysia – building started in 1991 and concurrently the Malaysian Gov’t just happened to decide to purchase £1 bilion worth of British made arms. In March 1994 a UK Gov’t Inquiry was launched regarding this and in Nov 1994 the High Court of Justice ruled the actions of Hurd unlawful, because all that dosh that he liberated for the building of the dam was not for the economic or humanitarian benefit of the Malaysians.

In 1997 Douglas was given a peerage. The Waterhouse Inquiry had been arranged by then, Peter Morrison and God knows how many witnesses were dead, Dafydd had retired from the NHS with the contract to provide substance abuse services for north Wales in his paws alongside an agreement that none of the very serious complaints against him would ever be followed up (see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’), so I don’t expect that Douglas ever expected to hear the words ‘north Wales paedophile ring covered up by people at the highest levels of Gov’t with connections to the security services’ ever again.

In 1997 Douglas became Chair of British Invisibles (now ‘International Financial Services London’) and in 1998 he was Chair of the judges for the Booker Prize.

In Sept 1999 Hurd was appointed High Sheriff of Westminster Abbey. Douglas has been a long-standing and active member of the Church of England. Which of course now takes the safeguarding of children very seriously, things have changed/not like the 70s/couldn’t happen now, we’ve got Douglas Hurd and Elizabeth Butler-Sloss on board.

Douglas Chaired the Hurd Commission, which reviewed the roles and functions of the Archbishop of Canterbury.

Hurd was Chair of the Advisory Council of something called FIRST, an ‘international affairs organisation’. I cannot find out anything about it, so it is probably incredibly sordid, even by Douglas’s standards.

Douglas is Patron of the Burford School-Uganda link.

Hurd has been married twice – the first time was in 1960. He and his wife separated in 1976 and divorced in 1982. His former wife Tatiana observed that ‘politics don’t mix with marriage’. The combination obviously works for some people though, because in 1982 Douglas married Judy Smart who was his former Parliamentary secretary, who was 19 years his junior. Who will have known about the appalling things in which Douglas involved himself. Judy died of leukemia some years ago.

Hurd’s son Nick is married to Clare, the daughter of Michael Ancrum aka the 13th Marquess of Lothian – Ancrum is currently the only Marquess in the Lords. When Ann Widdecombe was toadying her way up through the ranks of the Tory Party as described in her autobiography ‘Strictly Ann’, she spent a great deal of time ingratiating herself to Ancrum and his family and friends. Ann was really impressed with how posh they all were. Ancrum was called to the Scottish Bar in 1979 and worked as an advocate until 1979, when he was elected Tory MP for Edinburgh South. In 1987 Ancrum was elected Tory MP for Devizes. He took over the seat from Sir Charles Morrison, brother of Sir Peter, who was busy with the kids in care in north Wales at the time. The Morrison family seat and estates are in Wiltshire. Ancram was Chair of the Tory Party, Oct 1998-Sept 01. Which neatly covered the duration of the Waterhouse Inquiry and its aftermath.

Ancrum and his wife Jane – the daughter of the Duke of Norfolk, Widdecombe knew all about the aristocratic in-laws – are Roman Catholics and Jane is Patron of the Right To Life Trust. A right that wasn’t enjoyed by some of the witnesses to Peter Morrison’s activities Jane. Ancrum went to school at Ampleforth – the place that now lives under the shadow of more and more allegations about the conduct of the monks toward the boys there. Ancrum might not have been one of the more sensitive kids at Ampleforth though – whilst he was at Christ Church College, Oxford, he was a member of the Bullingdon Club.

Wikileaks revealed that Ancrum was Chair of Le Cercle, a rather mad and sinister ‘foreign policy think tank’ concerned with ‘international security’ which numbers some rather mad and sinister people among its membership. Jonathan Aitken was involved with it.

Hurd’s daughter-in-law Catherine (known as Sian), Thomas Hurd’s wife, died in unclear circumstances in 2012. The family were living in New York City – Thomas Hurd was coming to the end of a three year posting with the UN Security Council – when Catherine fell to her death in the early hours of the morning from the roof of their house. She had climbed up a ladder and through a hatch to reach the roof. She and Thomas had gone to bed about midnight and Thomas woke up in the early hours, found that she was not beside him so went off to look for her. He found her body in the garden between 3-4 am. The inquest heard that Catherine had suffered a ‘sudden nervous breakdown’ in 2007 from which she recovered quickly and didn’t discuss at length. Before she died she had seemed fine and no-one had any idea at all that she was at all upset about anything. Catherine did not leave a suicide note and because she fell to her death in the middle of the night no-one saw her fall, so there were no witnesses. Catherine’s father is a Top Doctor who gave evidence at the inquest that the small quantities of very mild benzodiapines that she had recently taken could have caused an ‘altered mental state’. Thomas stated that at the time of Catherine’s death they were about to move house and had packed up their belongings and that could have been distressing. Yes, one valium and my goods packed up into a few boxes and I too am prone to climbing up ladders and through hatches into roofs in the small hours and chucking myself off roofs. The coroner returned an open verdict because I don’t think that there was an option of a ‘what the hell has gone on here’ verdict.

The names of both Thomas and Douglas Hurd appeared on the internet as suspected MI6 operatives. The allegations were of course nonsense and the fact that some very improbable names appeared on the list alongside them meant that it was all the work of a ‘poorly informed amateur’, not a disgruntled MI5 or MI6 employee as some people claimed. And there’s no evidence of a paedophile ring involving Westminster figures which was concealed by people who worked in the Home Office either.

Thomas’s brother Nick – the Tory MP – previously worked as an advisor to Tim Yeo who was Tory MP for Suffolk South, 1983-2015. Tim Yeo was PPS to one Douglas Hurd between 1988-90, when Hurd was Home Secretary. I came across Tim’s name a few days ago when I was reading documents concerning the Leicestershire Child Abuse Scandal (there will be a post naming some more of the people involved in the Leicestershire Scandal soon). In 1992 after the shit hit the fan in the wake of Frank Beck’s conviction and imprisonment, one Tim Yeo was the junior Minister in the Department of Health who was responsible for residential children’s homes. Despite the mountains of evidence that emerged from Frank Beck’s trial that the children’s homes of Leicestershire had been rife with the serious abuse of children and the evidence pouring in from Islington, Lambeth and north Wales that the abuse of kids in care was a major problem, Tim decided not to implement a policy of reviewing children’s homes from which children were regularly running away although it was felt by many advisors that this would highlight homes where sexual abuse of children was a problem.

Between 1980-83 Tim Yeo was Chief Exec of the Spastics Society, now known as Scope. There was a problem with abuse of people in the care of Scope…David Hanson worked for Scope 1982-89. I will be returning to Tim Yeo in a future post – Tim who had to resign from John Major’s Cabinet in the wake of those revelations about his five mistresses and illegitimate children.

Douglas Hurd’s father Anthony Hurd married Stephanie Corner. Stephanie’s father was a Top Doctor, a surgeon called Edred Moss Corner. Edred Corner’s own father was a Top Doctor in Yorkshire, but Edred was born in London and went to school at Epsom College. Edred read medicine at Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge and did his clinical training at St Thomas’s Hospital Medical School. After qualifying, Edred worked at Tommy’s and Leeds General Infirmary. He established a successful Harley Street practice and was on the staff of Great Ormond Street Hospital as well as of Purley and Wood Green Hospitals. Edred was also surgeon to Epsom College. He was Vice-President of the Medical Society of London and a member of the Harveian Society, as well as a leading light in the BMA. Edred sat on the Board of Advanced Studies at the University of London.

One of Edred’s esteemed works was the volume ‘Diseases of the Male Generative Organs’.

Edred had a touch of the Sir Charles Evans about him. Like Sir Charles, Edred was a Top Doctor who was a keen mountaineer. Like Sir Charles, Edred was clobbered by a neurodegenerative disease mid-career which stopped him from continuing to practice as a surgeon. Whereas Sir Charles Evans was given Bangor University to play with as a booby prize when he retired from surgery, Edred was given a job as superintendent of a convalescent home. Edred had three children, two daughters and a son. One of Edred’s daughters married Douglas Hurd’s dad, but my antennae certainly started twitching when I found out who Edred’s son – Hurd’s uncle – was. He was Edred Henry Corner, a very well known tropical botanist who was Professor of Tropical Botany at Cambridge, 1965-73 and a Fellow of Sidney Sussex College from 1959.

So Prof Edred Henry Corner will have known Prof Greig-Smith, the plant ecologist who was a Professor in the School of Plant Biology at Bangor University – where I did my first degree! When I complained about Gwynne the lobotomist and his highly inappropriate conduct. The man who referred me to Gwynne the lobotomist, the corrupt GP Dr D.G.E. Wood, ran the Student Health Centre and was the first person to subject me to a barrage of threats when Brown and I complained about the lobotomist. Wood was married to Dr Chris Wood – she was a lecturer in the School of Plant Biology! My housemate, who was killed in a car crash shortly after I started discussing with her what was happening to me at the hands of Wood and his colleagues, was a PhD student in the School of Zoology. Ann’s former boyfriend Geoff was left brain damaged and paralysed in the crash – Geoff had been in the front passenger seat. Geoff was one of Greig-Smith’s Masters students! Some weeks before Ann was killed, D.G.E. Wood told me that he always recognised Ann’s car because it was a white VW Beetle which had big pictures of choughs on it.

No-one actually liked Prof Greig-Smith, but they were all very frightened of him. He was the biggest name in plant ecology in the UK and effectively invented quantitative ecology. Grieg-Smith trained at Cambridge and still had many mates there. It was the presence of Greig-Smith in the School of Plant Biology which was entirely responsible for Bangor having such a good reputation for botany in those days. There was much bad feeling in the year that I graduated because a mature female student who was a personal friend of Greig-Smith was given a First – some of the lecturers let it slip that no-one felt that her work was worthy of a First but she was a friend of Grieg-Smith. She was then offered a place to do a PhD with D.G.E. Wood’s wife! This lady was married to a man whom Wood et al considered worth getting to know – he was Ian Kennaway, the Director of Regions for the National Trust. In 1990 Ian Kennaway founded and was the first Chairman of The Friends of Czech Heritage. A Patron of The Friends of Czech Heritage is Greg Hands, who has been the Tory MP for Chelsea and Fulham since 2010. Greg Hands was Chief Secretary to the Treasury and then became Minister of State for International Trade, working with Secretary of State Dr Liam Fox. Fox is of course a Top Doctor and a member of the Royal College of General Practitioners. Fox has been the Tory MP for North Somerset since 1992. D.G.E. Wood’s family are from the north Somerset area and Wood went to medical school at Bristol University. Wood has held many senior offices in the Royal College of General Practitioners. Liam Fox was elected to Parliament days before the five witnesses to the wrongdoing of Wood and his colleagues were killed by the firebomb. Between 1993-94 Fox was PPS to Home Secretary Michael Howard – who at the time was finishing off Mary Wynch…

Greg Hands is now Minister for London.

As for Gay Kennaway, the recipient of the ill-deserved First in Marine Botany all those years ago – I was going to put out an appeal for her to tell us what she knows, but Burke’s peerage states that she died earlier this year.

A paedophile ring and a prostitution racket exposed – you never thought that it would get this embarrassing did you Wood?

Prof Greig-Smith died in 2002. He had a son, Peter. Peter Grieg-Smith was a Top Doctor in Liverpool.

Douglas Hurd is the Patron of the pro-EU European Movement. Now there’s a bit of ammo for the Brexiteers…

 

Back to Sir Clive Whitmore of the Dept for Encouraging Forged Documentation. Sir Clive did well for himself on the gongs front. He was awarded a CVO in the new Years Honours of 1983, a KCB in the 1983 Birthday Honours and a GCB in the 1988 Birthday Honours.

In 1995 Sir Clive turned up as Chancellor of De Montfort University. In 1995 Brown was hounded out of his job at Aston University but managed to get another job – at De Montfort University.

Before I fled north Wales, when my lawyers were collecting witness statements from the people who were brave enough to testify to what they had seen happening to me at the hands of the NHS and social services, all the people involved were subsequently threatened or harassed. Brown provided one of the statements. A letter subsequently arrived at De Montfort University, informing the senior managers that Brown was a ‘known paedophile’ and had committed many offences when he worked at Aston University but hadn’t been caught (see post ‘A Nasty Ludicrous Poison Pen Letter’). (So he could hardly have been a ‘known’ paedophile then could he?) The letter was signed Sylvia Grenalda. Brown and co did they all could to trace Sylvia, all databases were searched, but there was no trace of her. Sylvia, where are you? We need you to come forward!

Obviously the wrongdoing at the Home Office didn’t start with Hurd and Whitmore – Leon Brittan was Home Secretary prior to Hurd and unlike Hurd whom many people do not realise was overseeing the forging of documents and framing of the victims of crime, Leon Brittan hasn’t got a reputation left to lose. Brittan has been the subject of allegations of the rape of a young woman as well as the sexual abuse of children. I don’t have evidence that he was guilty of any of that but by the time that Dafydd et al had started trying to fit me up with the assistance of Douglas Hurd’s bunch at the Home Office, I was fully aware that this sort of thing had been going on for a long time. This was how Dafydd et al routinely conducted business – it was why they were so affronted when I challenged them about it. Brown has always been a lot more savvy than me and when in 1987 Dafydd tried to threaten me with incarceration in Risley Remand Centre if I didn’t drop my complaints about him and then when that didn’t work tried to bribe me, I commented to Brown ‘how on earth has he got the nerve to do this?’. Brown replied ‘because he’s done it before and it’s worked’. Spot on Brown, you were quite right. But even Brown didn’t know how bad this lot were and just how high up their corruption went.

Another little anecdote. Someone else heard some of the phone conversations between Dafydd and me and knew what was going on – Brown’s brother. Brown’s brother accompanied me to the North Wales Hospital Denbigh one day to make enquiries when my letters and complaints were just ignored. A near hysterical administrator stated that Dafydd wasn’t on the premises and they didn’t know when he next would be – neither did anyone know where he was. So we went back to the car – to find Alun Davies parked immediately behind us. Davies then trailed us bumper to bumper right off the grounds and down the road. Some months later Brown’s brother had a nasty experience. He was standing outside a motorway service station late at night, by himself, in the garden bit near the motorway slip road and a car with a number of men in drove straight towards him at break-neck speed and tried to run him over. Very fortunately he was next to a hedge – he literally jumped into it. He told me what had happened days later – it was a tale of do you know someone definitely tried to kill me the other night and I don’t even know who they were….

Davies: after Brown’s brother nearly died in a motorbike crash caused by someone driving into him carelessly some months later, he and his wife left the UK. They have been abroad ever since. There will be no clue on this blog as to what names they are using or where on the planet they are you worthless piece of crap.

The Home Office under Brittan was later revealed to have been thoroughly rotten. Thatcher was using the police as her own private army and there were many high points, including he Battle of the Beanfield in June 1985 when the police beat up New Age Travellers – including women who were holding babies and young children – and smashed the windows of their vehicles for the hell of it; the dismissal of appeals from the high profile victims of miscarriages of justice; the intimidation of the Manchester University students by police officers which was so serious that one of the students fled to Europe; the stream of innocent people in south Wales who were framed by the police only to be released years later on appeal – many of the serious crimes for which they were framed remained unsolved; the violence of the police towards striking miners and the framing of some of the pickets for offences; the rampant corruption of drug squads across the UK.

Another celebrated event of the Leon Years was Geoffrey Dickens MP compiling a dossier of Westminster figures whom he claimed were involved with the serious abuse of children. Dickens maintained that the people behind this had links to organised crime and were also involved with child porn and big time drug dealing. Geoffrey Dickens was so pissed off at the lack of action that he threatened to name some of the people whom he alleged were involved in the House. Dickens was roundly mocked, denounced and accused of anti-semitism by a Greville Janner. Leon subsequently ‘lost’ the dossier, claimed that he couldn’t remember a number of crucial facts relating to the dossier, then did remember a few things. The dossier did not turn up and more recently it was discovered that quite a few files from the Home Office relating to the alleged abuse of children by Westminster and Whitehall figures had gone for a walk.

So who was the Permanent Secretary at the Home Office whilst the police beat up who they wanted, framed people when they felt like it and when files with the names of members of the Westminster Paedophile Ring – which of course had never existed – disappeared? It was Sir Brian Cubbon.

Cubbon was Permanent Secretary, 1979-88 and served three Home Secretaries – Willie Whitelaw, Leon Brittan and for a time, Douglas Hurd. In old age Cubbon joked that the Home Office must have been fit for purpose at the time because he and the three Home Secretaries were all ‘Trinity men’ (as in Trinity College, Cambridge). They all concealed a gang of paedophiles as well.

Cubbon’s CV matched that of Robin Butler in terms of always being at the scene. After Bury Grammar School and Trinity College, Cubbon joined the civil service. He joined the Home Office during the last months of the Attlee Gov’t and was then seconded to the Cabinet Office, 1961-62 when Macmillan was PM. No doubt Cubbon knew about the weekends at Cliveden where teenaged call girls, Russian spies and Gov’t Ministers enjoyed themselves. In 1968 Cubbon was appointed Private Secretary to Jim Callaghan – who most certainly when he was PM concealed child abuse in north Wales – when Callaghan was Home Secretary. Cubbon was at the centre of the action in 1969 when the balloon went up in Ulster – Cubbon was at the Home Office at the time, which was responsible for N Ireland. The Home Office was also directly responsible for the management of Approved Schools such as Bryn Estyn and Axwell Park in Gateshead. In 1969 child abuse was flourishing at Axwell Park under Matt Arnold and Peter Howarth – both of whom were transferred to work at Bryn Estyn in 1973 where they established a truly impressive regime which was one of the hubs of the paedophile gang busy in north Wales/Cheshire.

Cubbon  moved to the Cabinet Office in 1971 and in 1976 was appointed Permanent Secretary in the N Ireland Office. In July 1976 Cubbon was caught in a bomb blast in Ireland which killed the British Ambassador to Ireland Christopher  Ewart-Biggs and Cubbon’s Private Secretary Judith Cooke. Cubbon was responsible for orchestrating the maintenance of direct rule from Westminster in the absence of a political settlement, whilst Merlyn Rees was Secretary of State for N Ireland. Merlyn Rees’s next post was Home Secretary  in Jim Callaghan’s Gov’t – during which time he concealed the paedophile gang in north Wales (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’).

Prior to the 1979 General Election, it was speculated that if re-elected Callaghan would make Cubbon Cabinet Secretary. In the event Thatcher won the election and made Robert Armstrong Cabinet Secretary  – another man who knew a great deal (see post ‘Lord Robert Armstrong’). Armstrong had been Permanent Secretary at the Home Office and Thatch appointed Cubbon to take his place, to work alongside dear old Willie Whitelaw. Who had concealed the paedophile gang for years and continued to do so.

In April 1982 when the Buck House intruder Michael Fagan found himself sitting in the Queen’s bedroom having a chat with her, Cubbon suggested to the Metropolitan Police Commissioner Sir David McNee that he should resign. McNee later described this as ‘improper and impertinent behaviour’. I’ve been quite taken with the notion of impertinent behaviour since last summer when I received a copy of a completely mad letter that Dafydd had written concerning my presence in Ysbyty Gwynedd in June 1988. Dafydd had experienced the trauma of being asked by me when he was going to respond to my complaints and as a result he wrote to the Assistant Director of Nursing at Ysbyty Gwynedd demanding that I should be held on a ward, not allowed out and guarded at all times. The Assistant Director of Nursing had written a polite letter back to Dafydd, explaining that to do this would not only be unwarranted but illegal. Dafydd fired off a furious completely irrational reply, accusing this man of ‘gross impertinence’ and recommending that someone should face disciplinary action because I had actually asked him to explain himself (see post ‘The Blog Post That Was Hacked Can Now Be Read’). In the weeks following Dafydd’s crazed demands, the psychiatrists in Ysbyty Gwynedd formed themselves into a Secretariat. Tony Francis appointed himself the Secretary of the Secretariat and they spent much time and trouble writing to each other as well as to the MDU, the BMA and the senior managers of Gwynedd Health Authority, formulating a method as to how they could have me transferred to a secure unit. Even the Mental Health Act Commission were involved in the Cunning Plan. It was of course all predicated on them claiming that I had violently attacked numerous people – which their own lawyers had reminded them that they had no evidence for. Tony Francis even wrote to the Dr D.J.C. Davies, the Chief Administrative Medical Officer for Gwynedd Health Authority, demanding that they pay his travelling expenses for his visits to the MDU – the Health Authority was happy to oblige.

In 1986 Cubbon had to handle the fall-out over the comments of the Chief Constable of Manchester, James Anderton, who publicly stated that people with HIV/AIDS were ‘swirling around in a cesspool of their own making’. At the time police corruption in Anderton’s force was endemic and some of that corruption was assisting Dafydd and the paedophiles (see post ‘Top Of The Cops’).

In 1979 Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon spent the night at the Crest Hotel in Wrexham with a boy in care in north Wales. The following morning Tyrell-Kenyon alleged that the boy had robbed him and called the police. The boy was sent to a detention centre. The boy’s social worker recorded on his file that he was known to be having homosexual sex with Tyrell-Kenyon. Tyrell-Kenyon was not charged with any offence. In 1993 Tyrell-Kenyon died of an AIDS related illness. Tyrell-Kenyon’s father, Lord Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon, was a member of the North Wales Police Authority, a Magistrate, a member of Clwyd Health Authority and a Flintshire County Councillor. The boy – well a man by now – gave evidence to the Waterhouse Inquiry that Tyrell-Kenyon had used him for sex on many occasions.

When Cubbon was asked in recent years about the business of Leon losing that dossier concerning organised child abuse that Geoffrey Dickens had given him, Cubbon stated that he had ‘no recollection at all’ of the Dickens dossier.

Cubbon helped start Haklynt, a company ‘supplying foreign political and commercial information to corporate clients’. He Chaired the Disaster Emergency Committee from 1989. In 1995 Cubbon served on the Press Complaints Commission and in 1996 was the PCC’s Charter Commissioner.

Cubbon was also active in the Campaign to Protect Rural England.

Thatcher’s Principal Private Secretary, 1985-88 was Sir Nigel Wicks. Sir Nigel’s main interest is the accumulation of enormous amounts of money, so he probably got on with Thatcher very well. Wicks went to Beckenham and Penge Grammar School and joined BP in 1958 when he was 18 years old. Whilst at BP he did an London University MA with Portsmouth College of Technology (now the University of Portsmouth). In 1969 Wicks joined the Treasury and was seconded to the PM’s office as Principal Private Secretary, 1975-78. He worked for Wilson, then Callaghan. Wicks then moved to the British Embassy in Washington DC where he was the UK’s Executive Director of the IMF and IBRD, 1983-85.

Wicks then worked as Thatch’s Principal Private Secretary. Whilst Sir Peter Morrison was Minister of State for Employment, Minister of State for Trade and Industry, Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party and Minister of State for Energy. Throughout this time, the Welsh Office concealed the abuse of children in care and the abuse of mental health patients and the serious crime associated with this, which involved the Home Office. I doubt that Nigel was that concerned – not when there was dosh to be made.

Nigel then returned to the Treasury as Second Permanent Secretary, responsible for International Finance, where he remained until he retired in 2000.

Following his retirement from the civil service, Nigel was Chair of CRESTCo until in 2001 it merged with Euroclear, of which Wicks was Deputy Chair, 2002-06, then Chair. He was a non-executive director of Morgan Stanley, 2004-07 and of the Edinburgh Investment Trust from 2005.

Between 2001-04 Sir Nigel was Chair of the Committee on Standards in Public Life. Who better to hold that position than a man who played a central role in concealing a paedophile gang which trafficked children to Europe for sex work and murdered people who blabbed?

In 2005 Sir Nigel Chaired the panel appointing the initial members of the newly-created Judicial Appointments Commission.

In 2007 Sir Nigel was appointed Commissioner of the Jersey Financial Services Commission and in 2012 he became the Chair of the British Bankers Association.

No wonder those kids died.

Nigel’s collection of gongs consists of: CBE in Callaghan’s Resignation Honours, 1979; CVO in the 1989 New Year’s Honours; KCB in the 1992 New Year’s Honours; GCB in the 1999 New Year’s Honours.

 

The shitbaggery found among Principal Private Secretaries to the PM has a long and fine tradition. Sir Kenneth Stowe was Principal Private Secretary to Wilson, Callaghan and for a short time Thatcher, 1975-79.

Kenneth Stowe attended Dagenham County High School and then Exeter College, Oxford. He joined the civil service as an Assistant Principal in the National Assistance Board and in 1956 became a Principal. In 1958 Stowe was seconded to the UN Secretariat in New York. Upon his return he became the Press Officer to the National Assistance Board and justified the refusal by successive Gov’t to pay pensions to the over 80s who had been excluded by the National Insurance Act of 1948. Stowe became an Assistant Secretary in 1964 and remained in the machine when the National Assistance Board merged with the Ministry of Health in 1966 and in 1968 when the DHSS was created.

In 1970 Stowe became Assistant Under-Secretary at the DHSS and then in 1973 he joined the Cabinet Office – whilst Heath was PM – at Under-Secretary level. In 1975 Wilson’s Principal Private Secretary left No 10 and Cabinet Secretary John Hunt proposed that Stowe should replace him. It was considered an unusual appointment – Principal Private Secretaries usually come from the Treasury or at least have Treasury experience. Stowe had spent virtually his whole career in the DHSS and the departments which preceded it and had no Treasury experience at all.

Sir Kenneth is described in glowing terms in his obituaries as completely  loyal and the man who kept the Gov’t running smoothly, although a few things did slip through that he was unable to stop. Such as Harold Wilson’s 1976 Resignation Honours, the ‘Lavender List’, thus called because it was alleged to have been written by Wilson’s weirdly sinister Political Secretary Marcia Williams aka Lady Falkender on the tinted notepaper that she was known to favour. The Lavender List included some very unwise choices, even by the standards of the UK honours system – such as Joe Kagan, the man who manufactured Wilson’s favourite brand of raincoat and who later went to prison for fraud and Sir Eric Miller, a property magnate who committed suicide less than a year later whilst the subject of a criminal investigation. The civil servants who saw the Lavender List were horrified and put their faith in Stowe to ensure that some of the names were removed. They weren’t. Which just confirmed many people’s suspicions that Wilson was a crook and Marcia Williams knew so much that he didn’t dare upset her.

Stowe was central to the negotiations which led to the Lib-Lab in 1977 between Callaghan and David Steel and drafted the agreement between them. Stowe attended the regular dinners that Callaghan had with Len Murray of the TUC and business leaders to discuss economic issues. As things disintegrated during the Winter of Discontent 1978-79 many insiders maintained that it was Stowe who held the Gov’t machinery together. Stowe personally conducted negotiations with Len Murray.

Whilst Stowe worked for Callaghan, Sunny Jim was chuffed to be invited to join the Athenaeum, the club favoured by Top Doctors – of which Jimmy Savile was a member, having been introduced by Cardinal Basil Hume. Callaghan accepted the invitation and was then shocked to receive a hefty bill. He paid it nonetheless and then took Stowe to the Athenaeum.

Stowe inducted his successor Sir Clive Whitmoor into the job after Margaret Thatcher took power in 1979 and then took up the post of Permanent Secretary at the N Ireland Office. In that post Stowe had to manage the Troubles and events such as the hunger strikers in the Maze Prison. In late 1980 Stowe made a list of gestures that Thatcher’s Gov’t might make to end the hunger strikes in the Maze. The list was passed to IRA contacts via an MI6 agent – the MI6 agent waited in Stowe’s official car to receive the list, such was the fear that he’d be kidnapped. Not that Thatcher’s Gov’t ever talked to the IRA of course.

In 1981 Stowe returned to the DHSS as Permanent Secretary. He remained there until his retirement in 1987 and for much of the time worked with Secretary of State Norman Fowler. So Stowe was at the very top of the DHSS when the abuse in the children’s homes in north Wales was concealed, whilst Dafydd was sued by Mary Wynch but kept his job and continued to illegally imprison other people, when psychiatric patients were being fitted up and sent to high security hospitals, whilst the London medical schools busied themselves with research fraud, whilst St George’s Hospital Medical School employed a key player in a pan-European paedophile ring as their Professor of Paediatrics – you get the picture. I have detailed the crimes often enough by now.

Stowe’s obituaries make for interesting reading. His Guardian obituary – written by Dennis Kavanagh the political analyst and Emeritus Professor of Politics at the University of Liverpool – stated that Stowe was ‘motivated by a commitment to public service’ and that there was an ‘acute sense of crisis in the British Gov’t in the 70s; at various times administrations seemed barely able to cope and some lost their heads’. Which was barely surprising really. However old Stowe was never in a flap. No of course he wasn’t – he had so much dirt on absolutely everyone that he could control the whole lot of them. Stowe had worked in social security and health for years, he knew exactly what was happening to the great British public at the hands of those who care and then he went to work in the Cabinet Office with the politicians who would do just about anything to keep the gory reality quiet.

We are told in one of Stowe’s obituaries that Stowe was ‘one of the first to identify the problems of the NHS’ – the problems included the power of the medical profession, the drug companies running rings around the NHS regarding the pricing of their drugs and the expensive generous early retirement NHS scheme which was costing the Gov’t a packet and which resulted in the beneficiaries of early retirement returning to their former jobs to double their money. Did Stowe actually remedy any of these things? No. They’re still happening today. Stowe could have stopped it virtually overnight. The arrests of Dafydd, Tony Francis, Robert Blugass, Chris Hunter and the rest of them as well as their accessories would have put the Gov’t in the driving seat of the NHS and the abuses would have come to an end. But because there were politicians and civil servants abusing some of the kids who were being trafficked for sex, Stowe the loyal public servant put himself and his colleagues first. They all remained in clover, as did the Top Doctors – the kids in care and the patients were shafted.

My suspicions about the methods that Stowe, King of the DHSS, used to wield power were confirmed when I read that Stowe was the ‘master of disclosure and discretion’. Translate as ‘blackmail and bribery’.

What is recorded as Stowe’s greatest triumph during his time as Permanent Secretary at the DHSS? It was the HIV/AIDS public education campaign of course – the success of which was attributed to Stowe and Norman Fowler. It is recorded that Stowe, with the Cabinet Secretary Robert Armstrong, arranged for Willie Whitelaw to Chair a special committee therefore spurring on the AIDS/HIV campaign. I explained in my post ‘Professor Prestigious And His Associates’ how the dreadful Sir Donald Acheson, Chief Medical Officer, had to spell out in words of one syllable to the Cabinet that their colleagues who were having sex with rent boys were now very much at risk from an infection for which there was no treatment and would kill them. That was the reason why this mad, hypocritical Gov’t which was virulently homophobic but made allowances for Peter Morrison and many others supported a public education that initially appalled them.

Stowe kept busy after he retired. He Chaired the Carnegie UK Trust’s Inquiry into the Third Age, 1989-93; he served on a commission set up by Mandela to establish a civil service in Africa; he Chaired the Thrombosis Research Institute; was Director of the Chase Children’s Hospice; and in 1997 when Blair was elected, Stowe Chaired the Working Group from the voluntary and community sector on the compact with Gov’t and the Treasury Group on funding the voluntary sector.

Sir Kenneth was also Chair of the Institute for Cancer Research at the Royal Marsden, 1987-97.

There is an Angel who has done very well indeed out of the Institute for Cancer Research. That is  Professor Dame Jessica Corner. Dame Jessica was the Institute’s first nursing academic, the first nurse appointed to a Chair at the Institute! Dame Jess  is currently PVC for Research and Knowledge Exchange at Nottingham University.

So what path did the Dame take to reach these heights? She began life as an Angel in London, worked at the Royal Marsden, then in 1990 either began or received a PhD at/from Kings College, London. The Dame spent many wonderful years at Southampton University. That’s the Southampton University that contained so many of the paedophiles’ friends in senior positions and at which I and someone from Aberystwyth University had such a bizarre experience with in the late 1980s (see post ‘Professor Prestigious And His Associates’).  In 2005 the Dame was seconded to Macmillan Cancer Support and in 2008 she returned to Southampton. Between 2010-15 the Dame was Dean of the Faculty of Health Sciences at Southampton. The Dame is described as a ‘world leading expert in cancer and palliative care’. The UK has some of the worst outcomes in Europe for cancer and UK palliative care is dreadful. The Dame is an advisor to Macmillan Cancer Support and to the NHS. In 2012 the Dame was a member of the PM’s Nursing and Care Quality Forum; she is a member of the Dept of Health’s Cancer Reform Strategy for England and Chairs the Patient Experience Working Group.

I wonder of readers might have noticed the Dame’s surname – Corner. Er – remember Douglas Hurd’s famous grandfather Edred Moss Corner, the surgeon? And the plum jobs that all members of Hurd’s extended  family seem to bag for themselves? Could the Dame possibly be one of the clan? I bet that she is – cancer research is ridden with research fraud, malpractice, nepotism and huge professional snobbery from the Top Docs towards the Angels. Angels don’t become Professors at the Royal Marsden or Dames for being excellent Angels or outstanding cancer researchers – but they’d have a bloody good chance if they were relatives of Douglas Hurd who had sat in the Home Office whilst they were still Angels and concealed a mountain of crap. Particularly as one of the offenders – David Lidington – was also rising to high office. He was Minister of State for Europe in 2014 when the Angel became a Dame.

Whilst we are on the subject of Family Fortunes, I note that the flattering obituary of the git that was Kenneth Stowe was written by a man called Kavanagh. Edred Moss Corner’s son the botanist Edred Henry Corner married a Sheila Kavanagh. I have no idea if there is a connection, but we’re not talking meritocracy here, nepotism is the order of the day. The Top Doctor  Edred Moss Corner divorced his first wife in the early 1950s yet retained custody of the children, although he was in poor health and too busy to look after them, a la Dafydd. It’s the Top Doctors up to no good again… Edred Moss then married his children’s nanny. Edred’s son the botanist Edred Henry seemed to have carried on the family tradition of being dysfunctional – Edred completely rejected his own son John K. Corner when John was 19 years old. John never saw his father again but later wrote a book about him.

So John Hunt the Cabinet Secretary who suggested that Wilson appoint Kenneth Stowe as his Principal Private Secretary played a blinder. But then John Hunt would. John Hunt was one of the most powerful Cabinet Secretaries that there has been – he was described as ‘an imperialist who relished expanding the power of his remit’ with ‘an uncanny mastery of procedure and ability to steer meetings to the conclusion he wished’.

Hunt served as Cabinet Secretary under Heath, Wilson, Callaghan and Thatcher. He went to Downside School and then to Magdalene College, Cambridge. Hunt served in the Navy during the war – just like Jim Callaghan did. He joined the Cabinet Office in 1972 as the Deputy to Burke Trend and succeeded Trend in 1973 and spent six and a half years as Cabinet Secretary before retiring. Guess what? Even John Hunt failed to stop the Lavender List, although he was described as being ‘particularly close to Wilson’.

Hunt ended up in the Lords where he was very active. He Chaired the European Communities Committee of the Lords and in 1994 was instrumental in producing a report on fraud in the EU, which he estimated cost £5 billion pa. He was highly critical of the Council of Ministers for not stopping it.

John Hunt came from Minehead – so he will have known all about Jeremy Thorpe (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). Thorpe was something to be negotiated with in the Lib Lab pact – as I’m sure were Cyril Smith, Greville Janner, George Thomas and a few other people. Hunt was a Roman Catholic – the only Cabinet Secretary to have been a Catholic. After Hunt’s first wife died he remarried – in 1973. He married Madeleine Charles – the widowed sister of Cardinal Basil Hume, to whom it is said, Hunt became a ‘discreet and valued counsellor’.

Early on in his career Hunt was given the advice by a senior civil servant to ‘go for a position in the pivotal centre of the Gov’t machine’. Hunt was such a wily operator that when he took a few days off work in the mid-70s, Harold Wilson joked that Hunt was probably arranging for Basil Hume to become the next Archbishop of Westminster. Guess who became the next Archbishop of Westminster?

John Hunt picked up his peerage in 1980. Just after Thorpe was found not guilty of attempting to murder Norman Scott.

 

In terms of the corruption that existed at the Home Office throughout all the years that the above account spans, the presence of one civil servant alone suggests that there was a massive, long-standing problem – Bing Spear, who was employed by the Home Office Drugs Branch. Bing Spear was employed as a Drugs Inspector in the Home Office from 1952 until he retired in 1986. For decades he held very senior roles at the Home Office and he was Chief Inspector of the Drugs Branch. Any reading of Spear’s conduct both in and outside of his work leads to the conclusion that he was almost certainly corrupt, involved with the supplying of Class A drugs and was probably an addict himself. Bing Spear was notorious – his behaviour stood out a mile. There is no chance that all these mandarins did not know what Bing Spear was doing. For more details of Spear and the corrupt Top Doctors that he protected, see post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’.

 

Other papers released from the National Archives the other day include papers relating to the radioactive gas cloud from Chernobyl that passed over Wales in April 1986. There was chaos because most of the Cabinet were on holiday or overseas. The Environment Secretary at the time was William Waldegrave – after this sterling performance Waldegrave was later given the job as Health Secretary. In which post he showed exactly the same level of contempt for Wales.

Papers released from the National Archives also show that Andrew Turnbull had written a memo with advice to the Kinnocks – it was widely believed that Labour would win the General Election in 1992. The advice included telling the Kinnocks that they would need to spend more on clothes. Well they’ve ended up living like kings anyway, I’m sure that the First Family of Troughing spend quite enough on clothes. I’m not sure how the Tories did win in 1992 – there will no doubt have been the most appalling catalogue of dirty tricks used and events in north Wales will have played a major part because reports of the paedophile gang had begun appearing in the London-based media. Kinnock and co knew about the paedophile ring in north Wales and Peter Morrison but they said not a word. I suspect because they’d all been keeping quiet about George Thomas down in Cardiff…

One document that was released from the archives was a letter that Paddy Hill, one of the Birmingham Six, had written in September 1987 to Senator Mooney in Ireland. Paddy had made the observation that ‘the British system don’t know how to spell the word JUSTICE never mind dispensing it’. At the time that Paddy was writing that letter, I had narrowly escaped being imprisoned for attempting to stab that doctor in Ysbyty Gwynedd. The plot went as high as the Home Office.

Radio 4 broadcast a programme yesterday in which they discussed the 1992 papers that had been released. This blog’s old favourites were interviewed, including Charlie Falconer. Falconer banged on about how in 1992 he was still working as a barrister and there was a crisis of confidence in British justice after so many people had to be released on appeal after spending years in prison for crimes that they had not committed. That’s right Charlie – and as far as concealing the abuses and miscarriages of justice associated with the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal was concerned you and Blair continued the process that caused such bad PR for the Tories. But you wrapped it up in the discourse of ‘human rights’, ‘service user involvement’ and ‘supporting the NHS’.

Interesting though the latest releases from the National Archives are, the National Archives have a habit of retaining the best stuff until we’re definitely all dead. Papers relating to the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and even the Mental Health Act Commission are closed for decades to come as are the papers on the Birmingham Six. Whilst reading about Ashworth Hospital for my post ‘Security, Security’ I found that huge quantities of papers relating to the Ashworth Inquiries – including the interviews with the Top Docs – are closed for the best part of the next 100 years.

 

 

 

 

 

 

‘The Reality Is, There Is No Problem’

My post ‘Everywoman?’ and the comments that follow it refer to the clique of utterly dreadful people who have occupied senior positions in health and social care in Wales for many years now. This bunch have spent their whole careers playing musical chairs – when they stuff up so badly that they just have to go, they pop up somewhere else in a very similar role, very often at a more senior level. The word ‘incestuous’ really is the only description applicable. Posts ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’ and ‘I Know Nuzzing…’ detailed how it was this process of recycling incompetent or downright dangerous staff and managers that led to North Wales Child Abuse Scandal of the 70s, 80s and 90s. The Waterhouse Inquiry was supposed to have been the turning point. Of course it wasn’t, because although Ronnie Waterhouse admitted that terrible abuse of children in care had happened and that a paedophile ring was at work in north Wales and Cheshire, he concealed the extent of it and the links with public figures as far away as London, as well as evidence of links to abusers of children in Europe. Waterhouse also ignored the links between the organised abuse of children in north Wales and organised crime involving child porn and hard drugs. Hardly anyone resigned or retired even after Waterhouse – a few of the senior managers simply moved to other regions of the country and continued working, everyone else was bound by a code of silence and carried on in their own sweet way, mostly in north Wales. They continue to live and work there.

So how did Wales’s health and social care sector respond after the public inquiry into the biggest child abuse scandal that there had ever been in the UK? They remained in very deep denial.

The Waterhouse Report was published in 2000. In March 2001 the ‘Guardian’ published a feature on the crisis in the social care sector in Wales. It stated that ‘low morale, poor pay’ and the fear of involvement in ‘departmental failure’ made it difficult to attract social care staff to Wales and that the Waterhouse Report and critical reviews into local authority social services departments were ‘contributing to the problem’. No, it was the presence of a paedophile gang who’s mycelia spread throughout Wales that made it difficult to attract staff. Gwynedd and Clwyd Social Services had been dogged by scandal and allegations of abuse for years. The ‘services’ were so notorious that one social worker whose comments were published who desperately  wanted to escape from the sector in north Wales was quoted as saying ‘I’ve worked for Clwyd. No-one’s going to have me’.

So what comment did Hugh Gardner, the Chair of the Association of Directors of Social Services in Wales, make to the ‘Guardian’? Hugh stated that ‘Waterhouse has not helped…a feeling that there’s a special problem surrounding the integrity of people working in residential care in Wales. The reality is, there’s no problem, but public perception is damaging for morale’.

‘The reality is, there’s no problem’. A vicious paedophile ring had been in operation in the children’s homes in north Wales for at least 30 years – children had been raped, buggered, starved, beaten, used as forced labour and the children’s homes had doubled up as brothels. When the children hit their mid-teens they were trafficked to London and Brighton for sex work. So many former residents of the children’s homes were found dead as young adults that very few are now still alive. Five were killed in one arson attack in 1992. Every agency and organisation in Wales had colluded with the abuse – those kids had tried and tried to raise the alarm but no-one responded, except for Alison Taylor the Gwynedd social worker who blew the whistle and who was then sacked.

The response of the social care establishment in Wales to the crisis in social care was to establish a task and finish group in the Assembly, with the remit to look at recruitment and retention. This group was to be Chaired by Graham Williams, the Chief Inspector of the Social Services Inspectorate of Wales. Another member of the task and finish group was Rhian Huws Williams, the head of CCETSW Cymru (Central Council for the Education and Training of Social Workers) – for the low-down on Rhian Huws Williams, see post ‘Still Lost In Care’. Dominic Macaskill from UNISON, many of whose members work in social care, contributed to the debate – Dominic thought that the main problem was the ‘serious social deprivation’ in Wales. Mario Kraft from Care Forum Wales also sat on the group – he saw the group as a ‘chance to grapple with the recruitment and retention issues’. Mario observed that the outlook for the private sector as well was ‘bleak’.

At this time the Minister for Health and Social Services in Wales was Jane Hutt – a former social worker – a ‘family friend’ of Rhodri Morgan and his wife. Rhodri Morgan was First Minister. Rhodri’s wife Julie is a former social worker. Rhodri’s special advisor was Mark Drakeford – who had worked as a social worker in Dyfed, when they had a problem with abuse in their children’s services. All these people had been involved with social care in Wales BEFORE the Waterhouse Inquiry. They had been in place whilst the abuse was happening – and abuse wasn’t just happening in north Wales. The biggest scandal occurred there, it was particularly dreadful, but there were problems in health and social care right across Wales.

BBC News Wales in 2002 reported that ‘elderly care was in crisis’ – Hugh Gardner, the Vice-Chair of the Association of Directors of Social Services Cymru, maintained that more money was needed.

In Dec 2004 BBC News Wales reported that Hugh Gardner was to be awarded an OBE. A few others did even better. Dr Michael Shooter, a psychiatrist from the Abergavenny area – who was mentioned in a comment in response to one of my blog posts recently – was to be given a CBE, as was Janet Chaplin (the Assistant Chief Probation Officer of the South Wales Probation Service), along with Richard Blair (Director of the Wales Local Gov’t Association aka WLGA), Andrew Cozens (the former President of the Association of Directors of Social Services) and Gloria Mills (the Director of Equal Opportunities at UNISON).

A nice collection of gongs in return for complete failure there.

 

Did the Assembly task and finish group of 2001 manage to improve matters? It would seem not. ‘Community Care’ in Jan 2005 reported on the dire state of health and social care services in Wales. Chris Davies, the Director of Cardiff Social Services, commented that the Welsh health and social care services were performing worse than their English counterparts but ‘no-one can quite put their finger on why’. Immediately after the publication of the damning Jillings Report in 1996 concerning the abuse of children in care in Clwyd, Clwyd County Council was abolished. John Jevons, the Director of Clwyd Social Services, left Clwyd and took up the position of Director of Social Services in Cardiff.

Our old friend Hugh Gardner also popped up in ‘Community Care’, Jan 2005. It was mentioned that Hugh was the former Director of Social Services for Swansea. Hugh did admit that there was a problem now – the problem was that the Welsh Assembly hadn’t given them enough money.

Swansea Social Services were declared to be not fit for purpose and were put into special measures after the murder of baby Aaron Gilbert in May 2005.

Jon Skone, the Secretary of the Association of Directors of Social Services Wales, was also involved in trying to suggest a remedy to the problem according to ‘Community Care’. Skone began life as a social worker in Neath in the early 80s. The boys from Bryn Estyn who complained about being molested were sent to an even worse place if they didn’t shut up – Neath Farm School. Neath Farm School got a mention in the Waterhouse Report as being so brutal that boys preferred to be beaten and abused at Bryn Estyn than risk being sent there. Skone was a a community development worker in West Glamorgan County Council in the mid-80s, principal social services officer (learning disabilities) for South Glamorgan County Council, 1987-92, Assistant Director, Policy, Planning and Strategic Development for Dyfed County Council 1992-96, Head of Community Care, Pembrokeshire County Council 1996-2000 and was appointed Director of Social Care and Housing for Pembrokeshire County Council in 2000. Jon Skone climbed yet higher. In 2010 Skone received much publicity when he was appointed Director of Social Services in Pembrokeshire AND Director of Hywel Dda Health Board, responsible for the management of Withybush Hospital, the first person in the UK to hold such a double appointment. Skone worked with Trevor Purt at Hywel Dda. Purt left Hywel Dda after public protests regarding the state of the health services and became CEO of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board – where he subsequently resigned after the Tawel Fan scandal which involved the ‘institutional abuse’ of mental health patients.

Skone’s own honeymoon didn’t last long. Skone resigned in 2012 when a child abuse scandal blew up in Pembrokeshire. Not the scandal which involved the paedophile ring in Dyfed/Pembrokeshire, that was another scandal. Skone resigned after children’s care services were described as ‘Victorian’ in a highly critical report which followed an investigation after children were found to be kept in ‘padded time-out rooms’ aka padded cells. Skone then set himself up as a management consultant, advising on social care, health and housing. In 2013 Jon Skone was appointed to the Board of the Care Council for Wales. Skone is also a member of Alder Advice, a collective of advisors to the social care, housing and healthcare sectors.

‘Community Care’ reported that Meryl Gravell, lead member for Social Services at WLGA (Wales Local Gov’t Association) maintained that most services were good but that there was a lack of money. Meryl Gravell is famous on the blogsphere in Wales, the blog Jac O The North is particularly keen on following her adventures and alleged conflicts of interest. Meryl hit the nation’s mainstream media in Feb 2012 after she described staff of Carmarthenshire Council – of which she was leader – and protesters campaigning to stop the proposed closure of the A&E Dept of the Prince Philip Hospital in Llanelli as ‘rabble’. She also implied that the Council’s staff were a bunch of lazy gits. Meryl stood down as leader in 2013 after a coalition of Labour and Independent Councillors got together and achieved domination on the Council.

Dear old Graham Williams – who was still the Chief Inspector of the Welsh Social  Services Inspectorate – mentioned the importance of the ‘dissemination of best practice’.

‘Community Care’ commented that this was ‘perhaps the last chance for Wales’s much maligned care sector to begin to recover its reputation’.

 

By 2005, health and social care services in Wales were supposed to be ‘working together’. Jane Hutt was removed from the role of Minister of Health and Social Services in 2005 in the face of the NHS continuing to sink like a stone and a row about excessively long waiting lists. (Hutt popped up again in 2007 as Minister for Children.) Somebody just as bad, a GP, Dr Brian Gibbons, was now in the role. See post ‘Politicians – And Their Responses’ for the background on the lethal Gibbons, who wrote me a letter simply stating ‘this correspondence is closed’ when I told him that I had evidence of serious criminal conduct on the part of staff and managers in the north Wales NHS and social services.

I have discovered a 2005 document, a ‘Concordant Between Bodies Inspecting, Regulating and Auditing Health and Social Care Services in Wales’. The signatures on this concordant are instructive. They include:

Dr Peter Higson of Health Inspectorate Wales (HIW); Graham Williams of Social Services Inspectorate Wales; Rob Pickford of Care Standards Inspectorate Wales; Gren Kershaw of the Welsh Risk Pool; Terry Rose of HSE; Anna Walker of the Healthcare Commission; Chris Heginbotham of the Mental Health Act Commission; Michael Ponton of NHS Confederation Wales; Peter Jones of the CHCs; Steve Thomas of WLGA. The signatures on the foreword of the Concordant are those of the then two biggest wigs in Wales’s Health and Social Care system, dear old Dr Brian Gibbons and Ann Lloyd, the Head of the Health and Social Care Dept, Chief Exec NHS Wales.

Ann Lloyd CBE has not featured on this blog until now, but she certainly has much to answer for. Lloyd was Chief Exec of NHS Wales 2001-09. So all those deaths and assaults at the Hergest Unit happened on her watch, as did the framing of patients by the staff for crimes that they had not committed – as well as the failure to investigate patients complaints. Ann Lloyd stated that ‘we must never have a mid-Staffs here’ [in Wales]. So that’s what the huge cover-up and harassment and wrongful imprisonment of patients was all about then – Ann didn’t want a mid-Staffs. You had one Ann, by anyone’s standards there was a mid-Staffs in north Wales and now you’ve got this blog to deal with. Ann served under successive Health Ministers Hutt, Gibbons and Edwina Hart. I have detailed previously how Edwina Hart really did try and sort out the NHS in north Wales but was hounded out of her post by the BMA and the paedophiles’ friends. I was also told that the civil service were being as obstructive to Edwina as possible – I wonder if one of those doing the obstructing was Ann Lloyd?

When Ann ‘retired’, she stated that ‘mental health [services] need a good going over’. She also believed that ‘services are more accountable and transparent’. The services need a police investigation Ann but you and Gibbons didn’t even respond to patients complaints. At this time the Chief Exec of the Gwynedd CHC was Glanville Owen, who didn’t investigate patients complaints either. Glanville was the Deputy Director of Gwynedd Social Services responsible for children’s homes when the paedophile gang were busy in those homes.

Ann didn’t completely disappear when she left the Welsh NHS full of criminals abusing patients. She became a Commissioner for Health and Social Services in London and spent two days a week there. I suspect that the dead hand of Ann Lloyd is still touching NHS Wales though. I have found a document dated May 2017 which was the minutes of the Welsh Health Specialised Services Committee. The Chair was an Ann Lloyd and the Vice-Chair was Lyn Meadows. Meadows is a member of the Betsi Board and the former corrupt dishonest Director of HR at Bangor University. Before that she was a senior manager of the Welsh Ambulance Service, which was a catastrophe. She was described to me as an ‘evil cow’, a manipulative bully who promoted someone to a managerial post who later ended up in prison for a savage attack on his wife. In a previous life Lyn Meadows was a non-executive director of an NHS organisation on the Wirral. She was named in Hansard and on Frank Field’s blog as having colluded with a fraud with some Top Doctors. More info about Meadows can be found by using the search facility on this blog, I’ve mentioned her often.

In the financial year 2003-04 Ann Lloyd’s salary was given as £125-130k.

When Ann retired, Sir Paul Williams became the Chief Exec of NHS Wales. Paul had been the Chief Exec of Abertawe Bro Morgannwg University NHS Trust – which was somewhat scandal ridden itself. Williams had started his career as a clerk in the Welsh NHS and worked his way up over the next 40 years. Details of Paul’s career can be found among the comments that follow my post ‘Wheels Within Wheels Or Flies Drawn To The Same Incestuously Corrupt Shithouse?’ Upon Ann’s retirement, Paul stated that NHS Wales now had opportunities which ‘will be the envy of other healthcare systems’.

OK Paul, that must be why eight years later we have some of the worst health outcomes in Europe and more than one NHS Board in Wales is technically bankrupt.

What about the others who signed the Concordat? Well Peter Higson who was Chief Exec of HIW is well-known to readers of this blog – he concealed the paedophile ring whilst he was the manager of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, ignored abuse of patients and criminal misconduct and he’s now the Chair of the Betsi. Which is in special measures because of institutional abuse in its mental health services.

Graham Williams was still Graham in denial. Rob Pickford of Care Standards Inspectorate Wales started out as a social worker in the Rhondda. He became a child protection officer for Mid-Glamorgan Social Services and then occupied management positions in social services in the Rhondda. Following this he was Assistant Director for Adult Services for Bridgend County Borough Council. Rob just rocketed upwards – he became Director of Social Services for Bridgend and at some point took over Graham Williams’ former remit of Chief Inspector of Care and Social Services. Dear old Graham became Director of NHS, Mid and West Wales Region and then retired. Rob went on to become Director of Social Services, Children and Families in the Welsh Gov’t. In 2013 he was appointed visiting Professor at the University of South Wales and an honorary research fellow at Cardiff University. Rob maintains that his career has been spent ‘supporting people to deliver citizen centred services’. (Higson used to claim on his profile on the HIW website that his career had been dedicated to making life better for the citizen.) Latterly Rob Pickford could be found on the website of the Big Lottery Fund – he is listed as a Wales Committee member, alongside other equally duplicitous people. Rob is also Chair of the Wildlife Trust for south and west Wales.

Gren Kershaw of the Welsh Risk Pool is known to readers of this blog (see post ‘How Much Do Staff Surveys Really Tell Us?’). He was the senior manager of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh in its final days and the CEO of the Conwy and Denbighshire NHS Trust, 1991-2008. He then took control at the Welsh Risk Pool, where he worked with John Bowles and Patricia Gaskell. Bowles was risk manager at Ysbyty Gwynedd whilst patients were assaulted by staff and died and Gaskell was the hospital solicitor who covered up for and failed to take action against Hergest staff who assaulted patients. Whilst Gren was CEO of Conwy and Denbighshire NHS Trust he was responsible for Ysbyty Glan Clwyd. There was cover-up after cover-up following serious complaints and the elderly wards were so bad that staff at Glan Clwyd warned their friends not to let their relatives be admitted there. In 2005, Peter Higson in his capacity as CEO of HIW wrote a report on Gren’s mental health services – which included the infamous elderly mentally ill wards – describing them as ‘good and still improving’. Higson and Gren were old mates from their days concealing the paedophile gang at the North Wales Hospital. Gren isn’t Welsh – until the 80s he was an NHS manager in Jimmy Savile’s stomping ground in Yorkshire. After ‘retiring’ from the NHS, Gren set up a management consultancy.

Gren co-authored an article with an Annette Bartley for ‘Asian Hospital and Healthcare Management’ entitled ‘Effective Leadership For Patient Safety – Lessons From Safer Patient Initiative’. Bartley was described as Head of Modernisation, North Wales NHS (Central Division) – which was the later name of the Conwy and Denbighshire NHS Trust; it gained such a dreadful reputation that a rebranding exercise was undertaken. Annette Bartley was an Angel – presumably one who had spent all or most of her career in north Wales. Bartley became a fellow of the Institute for Healthcare Improvement and even spent a year in Boston which was funded by them. She then returned to Gren and north Wales. She did of course set up her own management consultancy. Bartley died in 2016 and a tribute was written to her by the Point of Care Foundation on The Health Foundation’s website. It stated that Annette was a nurse until 2007, but then became a quality advisor, that she had a ‘passion for excellence’ and was ‘an experienced nurse and capable service improver in north Wales’. She was also obviously a very good liar. We are told that Annette had a little anecdote – ‘when the organisation hit a barrier to progress, it brought inspiration and new energy to enable change’.

I can understand that the goons in north Wales all swallowed Annette’s nonsense because like her they’d never dare admit what was happening in their organisation which had hit a barrier to progress, but how did she manage to convince anyone in BOSTON that she was a ‘an experienced improver’?? They’d only needed to have paid a visit to the shambles that was Ysbyty Glan Clwyd…

 

Anna Walker was the Chief Exec of the Healthcare Commission, 2004-09, until it was subsumed by the CQC after one scandal too many. Walker was a Whitehall civil servant who had worked for the DTI, DEFRA and had been the Director-General at Oftel. Anna was supposed to be all about being a hard taskmaster and inspecting/regulating the NHS in order to effect improvement (she should have just asked the Great Improver Annette for advice) – she didn’t have much joy with the NHS in north Wales. Anna was the daughter of Lord Butterworth, the first Vice-Chancellor of Warwick University and was in the same class as Princess Ann at Benenden. Anna’s husband is Tim Walker, who was the Director-General of the HSE. The HSE that only very, very rarely took the NHS to task, no matter how many times they killed patients. One of Tim’s underlings at the HSE co-signed the Concordat with Anna. Between 2009-16, Anna was the Chair of Young Epilepsy. At about the time that Anna became Chief Exec of the Healthcare Commission, a young woman with epilepsy ended up in a vegetative state after being admitted to Ysbyty Gwynedd. It was a bank holiday and there was no senior doctor on call because Keith Thomson, the CEO of the North West Wales NHS Trust, had refused to pay for senior doctors to cover at weekends and bank holidays. No-one on duty knew how much medication to give her and they got it wrong. She ended up severely brain damaged. Thomson wasn’t sacked and no-one was prosecuted. Thomson did resign in 2005 – hours after my lawyers had him summoned before a High Court judge in Cardiff and ordered him to hand over my medical records which he had been refusing to. Not that Thomson actually retired, although he told the local paper this – Thomson went off quietly to Pembrokeshire and joined the senior management of the NHS Trust down there! He stood down from that post suddenly for unexplained reasons, but was kind enough to tell them all that he’d remain as an advisor to the Board.

Chris Heginbotham of the Mental Health Act Commission – the MHA Commission that failed to investigate abuses of patients in north Wales, lied to patients and had a very chummy relationship over a period of many years with NHS senior managers in north Wales – was formerly Chief Exec at MIND. Heginbotham worked closely with William Bingley, the legal director of MIND whilst Heginbotham was Chief Exec – who also went on to lead the MHA Commission – who admitted to me that he knew the extent of the criminal activities of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones. For more details of Heginbotham’s activities, see post ‘MIND Are Out For Mental Health – But Never For Themselves Of Course’.

Michael Ponton was appointed as Director of the NHS Confederation Wales in 2004. He began working for the NHS in Cardiff in 1962 and moved to England in 1968, where he worked at St Mary’s Hospital Paddington and Leicester General Hospital. In 1974 he returned to Wales as manager of the Morriston Hospital, Swansea. After spending 16 years in senior management roles with West Glamorgan Health Authority, Ponton returned to Morrison in 1985 to manage the revamped hospital. In 1990 he became Managing Director of East Dyfed and Pembrokeshire Health Authorities. In 1996 Ponton was appointed as Chief Exec of Health Promotion Wales. In 1999 he arrived at the newly established Welsh Assembly Gov’t as the senior civil servant supporting the Chief Medical Officer, Dr Ruth Hall, on Health Promotion and Public Health.

Dr Ruth Hall was or still is a member of NICE’s Public Health Advisory Committee, is on the Board of Governors of the Public Policy Institute for Wales and is Joint Chair of the Mid-Wales Healthcare Collaborative. Healthcare services in mid-Wales are notoriously virtually non-existent and two days ago the children’s services in Powys died a death. Ruth penned an entertaining piece for the University of South Wales’s website, entitled ‘Riding The Wave of Success’, in which she urged everyone to ‘enjoy the wave of reflected glory. This particularly applies to the NHS…’

Michael Ponton led the Assembly Strategy ‘Improving Health in Wales’ – he was Director of Health Policy and Development in the Assembly’s Health and Social Services Dept. In 2010 when he retired Ponton became a visiting Professor at the University of South Wales. He was or is a Trustee of Age Concern Cymru as well as Help the Aged in Wales.

 

A Report on the Implementation and Progress of the Concordat 2005-07 followed a few years later. The signatures on this Report were pretty much the same as the signatures on the Concordat, but there were a few new additions, including that of Dr Finlay Scott, Chief Exec of the GMC. At the time, Finlay was busy trying to explain why Harold Shipman had been allowed to continue practicing although there had been concerns expressed about him many years previously after he was convicted of a drugs offence.

Another new signature was that of Jeremy Colman, the Auditor General for Wales. Jeremy was a civil servant who had worked as the Private Secretary to successive holders of the post of head of the Home Office’s civil service and in the Treasury. Colman had played a leading role in the privatisation of British Airways and the British Airports Authority. In 1988 Colman was Director of investment bank County NatWest. He then became a partner in Price Waterhouse – he was based in Prague, as head of Corporate Finance. Colman joined the National Audit Office in 1993 and was responsible for PFIs and public-private partnerships for 12 years. Colman became head of the Wales Audit Office (WAO) in 2005. He resigned in 2010 after an internal investigation found child porn on his computer. An investigation by South Wales Police followed – Colman was later found guilty of fifteen separate offences of possessing indecent images and was jailed. The only surprise is that he hasn’t turned up on the Board of the Care Council for Wales.

After Colman resigned, Huw Vaughan Thomas was appointed as head of the WAO. Huw Vaughan Thomas was the former Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council, whilst Gwynedd Social Services was host to the paedophile ring and was subject to police investigations. Vaughan Thomas refused to meet Alison Taylor, the social worker who blew the whistle on the paedophile ring, who was subsequently sacked. Vaughan Thomas is involved with numerous worthy causes – full details of Huw’s glorious career and extensive network can be read in my post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’

If any reader knows who sat on the panel that appointed Huw Vaughan Thomas to the WAO, I’d certainly like to hear from them. Huw is still in that post.

 

In the midst of all this, in March 2005 ‘Community Care’ ran an article on Rhodri Morgan’s ‘vision’ for public services in Wales – a vision that was conjured up by his advisor Mark Drakeford. The vision involved rejecting the consumerist model of services that had been adopted in England – all part of Rhodri’s famous placing of ‘clear red water’ between Wales and England. I am completely sympathetic to such ideas – but as we have seen, they cannot be successfully implemented if the whole system is full of corrupt, abusive people who are never removed from their jobs and who are immediately given another senior role if they condescend to resign in the face of major scandal. Flattering words were said in ‘Community Care’ regarding the ‘new way’ of sharing staff and resources. A number of key figures were mentioned, including Paul Elliott, spokesperson for Wales UNISON and David Halse, head of Childcare Commissioning at Pembrokeshire. David was head of Children’s Services in Pembrokeshire, working under Jon Skone.

In Jan 2006, ‘Children and Young People Now’ carried an article on the serious problems in children’s social care services in Wales. One Graham Williams – who was still  Chief Inspector – commented that ‘improving the performance of children’s services must be given immediate priority’. Everyone chipped in as usual. A Sally Ellis was named as the Association of Directors of Social Services lead on children’s services in Wales. Sally Ellis was a Corporate Director in Denbighshire County Council, between 2001-14. The Denbighshire County Council which had problems in all of its ‘services’ and whose education service famously imploded. Sally was, among other things, Director of Social Services for Denbighshire and is described as having held ‘many posts in local gov’t’. What’s the betting that at one point Sally will have been a social worker in north Wales as the paedophile gang raged and the mental health patients were neglected and abused? Sally was also the Director for Modernisation over at Denbighshire – and was or is the local gov’t representative on the Betsi Board! She Chaired the Strategic Improvement Steering Group which dispensed advice to the Health and Social Services Minister in Wales on social care improvement. Sally is also listed on the website of the Public Services Staff Commission as a Commissioner, who provides ‘advice to Welsh Gov’t Ministers and public service organisations’. She also provided advice to the National Institute of Care and Support.

Sally Ellis is a volunteer advisor to Denbighshire CAB. Lucille Hughes, the Director of Gwynedd Social Services who was named in the Waterhouse Report as colluding with the paedophile gang who operated in north Wales, is a senior manager of CAB. Ellis is also Vice-Chair of North Wales Housing aka the North Wales Housing Association. The North Wales Housing Association began the Bangor branch of their empire by fleecing a vulnerable psychiatric patient. They are known for housing drug dealers who intimidate the more vulnerable residents – complaints from the vulnerable residents are ignored. In the 1990s, North Wales Housing used to run a homeless hostel in Bangor. I knew a young woman who was ‘housed’ there. She struck up a close friendship with a young man who was also a resident and one night went along to his room and got into bed with him. He was dead. He had died of an overdose of drugs that he’d been sold whilst he was in the hostel. They young woman who found him was taken to the Hergest Unit and sectioned. Her clothes were removed – and never returned – and she was given a police forensic jump suit to wear. She was detained in the Hergest Unit until after the funeral and the inquest of her dead friend. She was never interviewed about her friend’s death by anyone. There was no investigation into the death. The manager of the hostel on duty the night that the young man died later became Chief Exec of North Wales Housing.

In July 2007, an article appeared in Wales Online explaining that the cost of negligence in the Welsh NHS was going through the roof. Spencer Collier, a solicitor handling such claims, observed that it was ‘the same basic and simple mistakes which keep occurring….very, very simple year one medical school stuff’. Gren Kershaw’s own documents from the Welsh Risk Pool also showed that the same mistakes were being made repeatedly. A Welsh Assembly spokesperson responded by saying that ‘the NHS Redress Measure that has been published today will further encourage a learning culture in the NHS’. At about this time, one of my colleagues at Bangor University was ‘leading a project’ with dear old Gren and the Welsh Risk Pool. Brown and me used to be greatly entertained by this person’s description of the NHS as a ‘learning organisation’. Within two years the project had gone tits up in a major way due to her mismanagement, the two PhD students associated with it didn’t get PhDs, there was talk of the funding body demanding the dosh back from the University and the person who believed that the NHS was a learning organisation was sacked. She later set up a ‘coaching and mentoring business’ and was recently commissioned by the Betsi to ‘train’ their senior doctors. Some months ago, at a Betsi Board meeting whilst yet another disaster was being discussed, the Vice-Chair of the Board, Margaret Hanson, talked about ’embedding the learning’. Margaret is a former social worker who is married to David Hanson, who also worked in the care sector before he became an MP in Wales.

The learning just goes on and on – as do the deaths, the scandals and the abuse.

 

Another major player between 2006-12 was Tony Jewell, Wales’s Chief Medical Officer. Jewell always looked as though he led a very good life, he was rather tanned and seemed to be in possession of some very expensive teeth. He was a public health specialist and I never worked out whether he was a good advert for his own speciality or whether he was just wealthy enough to afford a very comfortable lifestyle. Many years ago Tony Jewell worked as a GP in inner London for 10 years and was a member of Tower Hamlets Area Health Authority for six years, specifically as the union rep. So he will have known the fuckwits that ran that borough and that they were sending their kids in care on placement to north Wales – where they were abused. Jewell was Secretary to the Support Wendy Savage campaign, so he’ll have known many of the folk mentioned in my post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’. Jewell was a Council member of the Socialist Health Organisation, but resigned when he was appointed CMO for Wales. Yorkshire Television produced a documentary on Jewell’s work in the 80s. In the late 1980s Yorkshire Television also filmed Alison Taylor for a planned documentary on child abuse in north Wales children’s homes – but it was suddenly stopped. Jewell was involved in the Inquiry into the death of David ‘Rocky’ Bennett. Rocky was a mental health patient who suffocated whilst being ‘restrained’ by an inexplicably high number of people who were paid ‘to help’. Tony Jewell was President of the UK Association of Directors of Public Health, 2002-06.

Whilst CMO, Tony Jewell created Public Health appointments in every Health Board in Wales. I knew one of the people who landed one of those appointments in the North West Wales NHS Trust. He was a capable senior doctor who had won prizes for his work whilst he was working in London. After working for the North West Wales NHS Trust for a year he began to describe the serious misconduct among his colleagues that he was witnessing. He alleged that he was being bullied in the workplace, became clinically depressed and ended up having a breakdown. He left Tony Jewell’s flagship job and moved to another part of the country to work as a GP – after a leading light in the BMA ensured that nobody got to hear about what had happened to this doctor in Gwynedd. The doctor who had the breakdown also knew about the research fraud that was mindfulness and noticed that the ‘mindfulness practitioners’ in Bangor University were behaving appallingly.

Tony Jewell established NISCHR (National Institute for Social Care and Health Research) in Wales, an organisation that dishes out funding to people who know exactly how bad the social care and mental health services are in Wales, but who never publish a word about it preferring to pursue simplistic surveys and box ticking exercises instead.

Some years ago there was a terrifyingly embarrassing cluster of suicides in Bridgend, which no-one ever managed to get to the bottom of. I always wondered about that particular mystery, but I have now discovered that Jewell ‘defused’ the problem by conjuring up the All Wales Response To Suicide Prevention. Not that it’s prevented any suicides, people are still dropping like lemmings, but at least no-one talks about it anymore, because there’s now a Strategy. The learning will have been embedded.

Tony Jewell retired in 2012, tanned, healthy and still in possession of those splendid teeth. The rest of Wales was on its arse, I’d been hounded out of Gwynedd by the paedophiles’ friends and the nation’s health outcomes were shameful. By this time Lesley Griffiths was Minister for Health and Social Services. Griffiths had been a member of Wrexham Council whilst the paedophile ring raged in the children’s services in Wrexham (see post ‘History Repeats Itself, First As Tragedy, Second As Farce’) – all the Councillors except Malcolm King refused to make a nuisance of themselves about this minor matter. Mark Drakeford was appointed as Minister for Health and Social Services after Griffiths – the Drakeford who was once a social worker in Dyfed where children in care were abused, the Drakeford who was Rhodri’s advisor a few years previously – you get the picture. Drakeford was in post when the Tawel Fan scandal blew up and covered him in crap. Tawel Fan ward provided care for EMI patients in Ysbyty Glan Clwyd – Gren Kershaw’s former empire, that beacon of ‘improvement’ that so impressed quality assessors in Boston. The EMI services in Gren’s empire also managed to receive an award for being the best team in the UK from the Royal College of Psychiatrists the year before the horrible truth hit the headlines re Tawel Fan.

After Tony Jewell retired, Dr Ruth Hussey was appointed as CMO for Wales. Ruth Hussey is Peter Higson’s sister. Ruth Hussey picked up an honorary Fellowship from Bangor University – Peter Higson is a member of the Council at Bangor University.

 

Regular readers will know that although I am very rude about the nest of corrupt vipers that have wrecked the public services in Wales, I always maintain that they have been propped up by even worse equally corrupt incestuous vipers from England. So let’s look at who oversaw this complete mess at the highest level and started the ball rolling from the earliest days of the creation of the Assembly, by simply re-employing and indeed promoting the fucking idiots who had caused so much damage previously.

It was Sir Jon Shortridge, who was Permanent Secretary in the Welsh Office from 1999 and who became Permanent Secretary of the National Assembly for Wales when it was created in May 1999. Shortridge’s predecessor was Rachel Lomax, who has a great deal of explaining to do re the cover-up that was the Waterhouse Inquiry. Further details pertaining to Rachel can be read in my post ‘So Who Was It Exactly Who Appointed The Corrupt Old Bugger?’

Shortridge joined the Welsh Office in 1984. In 1987 he became Private Secretary to Secretaries of State for Wales Nicholas Edwardes aka Lord Crickhowell and then Peter Walker. So Shortridge will have been au fait – and perhaps even organising – the Welsh Office’s cover-up of the abuse of both children in care and mental health patients as detailed in previous posts, by the use of corrupt lawyer Andrew Park and the corrupt Medical Ombudsman, Professor Robert Owen. It was also the Welsh Office’s Social Services Inspectorate that failed to carry out regular inspections of the children’s homes in north Wales, even though they were being told by Alison Taylor that abuse was rampant and some ‘care workers’ from the homes had been convicted of assaults on children. In addition, Alison and me were writing to Ministers in the Welsh Office telling them that there was criminal activity in the social services and mental health services in north Wales. Shortridge will also have been party to the development of Cardiff Bay and the way in which this was used to transfer many millions of taxpayers money to Nicholas Edwardes and his friends and business partners (see post ‘Corruption Bay Special’). In fact between 1988-92 Shortridge was head of the Welsh Office Finance Division, so he’ll have been the person who waved that particular massive scam through. There was a great deal of unhappiness with the Welsh Office in Wales, with allegations of corruption, mismanagement and decisions being taken that were anything but helpful to Wales. In 1995 a Senior Managerial Review of the Welsh Office was undertaken – by Jon Shortridge. Then in 1997, Shortridge was appointed Director of Economic Affairs, responsible for establishing the National Assembly of Wales.

After ensuring the corruption was built into the civil service and public services of Wales from the very beginning, Shortridge retired in 2008. Between 2012-15, Sir Jon Shortridge was Chancellor of the poorest performing university in the UK, that institution riddled with problems, Glyndwr University at Wrexham. My post ‘A Vampire At Glyndwr University!’ identifies and details the backgrounds of the numerous people who facilitated, concealed and colluded with those involved in the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal who have held or hold roles governing that institution. I presume that Shortridge is the biggest vampire of the lot.

I have come to expect high levels of fuckwittery from those responsible for running health and care systems – these systems are so dysfunctional that they are designed to ensure that no competent person ever achieves any degree of influence. But under Jon Shortridge, a paedophile was appointed to lead the Wales Audit Office and then after the paedophile was imprisoned, someone who facilitated a paedophile gang was appointed as his successor.

The Westminster Paedophile Ring was alleged to have involved Whitehall civil servants. Children from north Wales children’s homes were trafficked to London for prostitution. Some of the boys from north Wales found themselves visiting apartments at Dolphin Square – the location of the residences of a number of politicians and civil servants.

 

It is good to know that there is ‘no problem’ and that everyone is ‘riding the wave of success’ – and that Jon Shortridge, having presided over this shameful mess that resulted in so many ruined lives and numerous deaths, ended up with a knighthood.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Aftermath Of The Jillings Report – In Parliament

In the wake of a number of staff from children’s homes in Clwyd being convicted of offences against children and a lot of former residents of children’s homes in Clwyd being found dead, in 1994 Clwyd County Council ordered an independent external investigation into the county’s children’s homes. It was led by John Jillings, the retired Director of Derbyshire Social Services. My post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’ provides details of the Jillings Report. Of course the Jillings Report has never been published in full – it wasn’t available at all until 2013 and then only in a heavily redacted form. As I explained in ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’, Michael Beloff QC advised the Council’s insurers, Municipal Mutual, not to make the report available at all – what had happened in the children’s homes was so indefensible that this was the only way that those advising Clwyd Council could see of dealing with it. Clwyd County Council itself was dissolved days after the report was submitted, in a very convenient local government reorganisation. When it was revealed that the long awaited Report would not be available to hardly anyone – not even to most Members of the Council itself – and that this was to protect the Council from legal claims, there was outrage in Wales. Some of the nation’s politicians were incredibly vocal about the fact that there had been large scale abuse of children in north Wales and possibly a paedophile ring at work but no-one was allowed to know the results of the investigation into this, yet alone the identities of those involved.

A look at Hansard is informative. One politician whom it seems was particularly vexed was the Labour MP for Cynon Valley, Ann Clwyd. Ann Clwyd came under a lot of fire for supporting Blair over the war with Iraq, but with regard to the abuse of children in care, her record seems to be impeccable. I was at a public lecture that she gave last year on the day that Gordon Anglesea was convicted and she made a point of expressing her great relief that perhaps this was now the beginning of a degree of honesty. Sadly I doubt that it was – on the same occasion Ann mentioned that George Thomas the former Speaker of the House, aka Lord Tonypandy, was also under investigation, but I read the other day that the police investigation into him had stopped. None of my documents relate to George Thomas but I am aware that in the wake of the Ely Hospital Scandal Thomas described the methods of the ‘nurses’ involved as being ‘old fashioned’. These were ‘nurses’ whose ‘old fashioned’ ways included punching and beating elderly people, dragging them around wards whilst they were naked and turning cold hoses on them. Then lying through their teeth about all of it.

At least four of the former residents of Bryn Estyn had lived in the Cynon Valley and had spoken to Ann about their experiences there. Hansard, June 1996, records that Ann made reference to Speaker Weatherill’s ruling of 17 Feb 1992 which was used to block Early Day Motions (EDMs) that Ann had attempted to table the night before regarding the North Wales Police and child abuse. Ann asked the Speaker – who was at that time Betty Boothroyd – to reconsider the position and observed that ‘it now seems that one cannot table a motion or a question for an oral or written answer; one cannot speak in a debate or probably even introduce a Bill drawing on the experience of Clwyd. One cannot raise the issue in a Select Committee or a Standing Committee either. A wall of silence will surround the passage of the Government Motion later tonight’. [I assume that the motion that Ann is referring to here is the Motion regarding the establishing of a public inquiry into the abuse of children whilst in the care of Gwynedd and Clwyd County Councils.]

Ann makes the point that some of her constituents were involved in the Clwyd abuse ‘and there are things that should be done before that Motion is passed. We should have had a debate in the House on child abuse and the Secretary of State for Health should have made a statement on the Utting Review. This morning a Welsh Office Minister tried to convince me that the Jillings Report was defamatory…I want to expose the fact that 25 years ago there was a Report on Bryn Estyn….it was never published because the Home Office suppressed it…’

Madam Speaker then responds with ‘I have looked at the two proposed Motions that she has attempted to table. I am satisfied that one of her Motions breaks the campaign rule…I am content that the other Motion be tabled…however that this Motion, along with the three other EDMs that she tabled on Monday, will be withdrawn automatically as a result of the application of the House’s sub-judice rule… if and when the Motion setting up the Tribunal of Inquiry is agreed to by the House. If she is seeking a statement by a Minister or a debate on the matters before that Motion is passed, she should ask questions of the leader of the House tomorrow. She should deal with her front bench team about having the subject placed on the Order Paper…She will be aware…that in raising her voice in objection to the Motion, which is now on the Order Paper, the setting up of the Tribunal will be delayed.’

The Madam Speaker concerned, Betty Boothroyd, was generally considered to be an all round good egg – yet it does look here as if there are machinations at work to prevent Ann Clwyd from raising questions and eliciting debate regarding the matter of the serious abuse of children in care in north Wales.

After this exchange between Ann Clwyd and the Speaker, Hansard records that Alice Mahon, the Labour MP for Halifax, said that ‘the Commons Select Committee on Health is undertaking an extensive inquiry into all aspects of children’s health and well-being. Will you clarify whether the ruling that you have made means that the Select Committee cannot take evidence on Clwyd?’ Following this, Nicholas Winterton, the Conservative MP for Macclesfield, said ‘Yesterday the Government announced that here would be a review of the care and abuse of children and children’s homes and residential accommodation throughout England and Wales. I am particularly concerned about problems that have been encountered in Cheshire…will you confirm that there are no restrictions on Members who want to take matters forward in respect of England and Wales, but especially in respect of Cheshire?’ Madam Speaker replies ‘There will be no restrictions’.

I’m not sure what to make of this – that Ann Clwyd was the only person on whom restrictions were placed? Or is the Speaker just wriggling here, reassuring people that of course there are no restrictions on anyone, when there were very obviously restrictions placed on Ann Clwyd?

Some months prior to this, in the wake of the suppression of the Jillings Report, three EDMs had been tabled concerning the North Wales Abuse Scandal.

On 27/3/96, Martyn Jones (Labour, Clwyd South) was the primary sponsor of an Early Day Motion: ‘That this House deplores the actions of the insurance company providing cover for Clwyd County Council which is attempting to suppress by process of law a report produced for that council, at some cost to the taxpayer called Child Abuse, An Independent Investigation commissioned by Clwyd County Council 1974 to 1995, the Jillings Report, simply because it may lay the council open to claims against itself and further considers that putting the interest of the finances of an insurance company above the rights of even one abused child is an outrage’.

http://www.parliament.uk/edm/1995-96/673

It was sponsored by Win Griffiths, David Hanson, John Marek, Rhodri Morgan and Don Touhig. It was signed by Diane Abbott, Janet Anderson, Tony Banks, Harry Barnes, D.N. Campbell Savours, Michael Clapham, Eric Clarke, Ann Clywd, Michael Connarty, Jeremy Corbyn, Jean Corston, John Cummings, Terry Davis, Bill Etherington, John Evans, Win Griffiths, John Gunnell, Mike Hall, David Hanson, Eric Illsley, Barry Jones, Martyn Jones, Ken Livingstone, Elfyn Llwyd, Alice Mahon, John Marek, Ian McCartney, Kevin McNamara, Alan Meale, Bill Michie, Rhodri Morgan, Paul Murphy, Paddy Tipping, Don Touhig, Robert N. Wareing, Dafydd Wigley.

The next day, 28/3/96, saw another EDM, whose primary sponsor was Rhodri Morgan: ‘That this House calls on the directors of Municipal Mutual Insurance Co., it’s affiliate Zurich Mutual Insurance Co and Municipal Mutual Insurance’s solicitors Browne Jacobson, to desist from all further anti-democratic actions in relation to Clwyd County Council and the report by John Jillings retired Director of Social Services of Derbyshire County Council into child sex abuse at children’s homes in Clwyd, and in particular to desist from their request to the county council to remove from office the Chair of the Social Services Committee, and further calls on the Secretary of State for Wales to consider whether it’s proper for an insurance company specialising in local government insurance to conduct itself in a manner which threatened the primacy of the duty of the local authority in child protection to put the welfare of children first, attempts to set the duty of looking after the councils finances and the insurance company’s own claims liabilities above child protection, and uses the threat of voiding the council’s insurance cover and the transfer of finance liability from the insurance company to individual councillors as a means of suppressing the truth, and to amend regulations governing local government insurance if necessary.’

http://www.parliament.uk/edm/1995-96/685

It was signed by Janet Anderson, Tony Banks, Harry Barnes, Clive Betts, D.N. Campbell Savours, Michael Clapham, Eric Clarke, Michael Connarty, Jean Corston, John Cummings, Denzil Davies, Terry Davis, John Evans, Paul Flynn, Norman A. Godman, Win Griffiths, John Gunnell, Mike Hall, David Hanson, Martyn Jones, Ken Livingstone, Elfyn Llwyd, John Marek, Ian McCartney, Kevin McNamara, Alan Meale, Bill Michie, Rhodri Morgan, Ken Purchase, Ernie Ross, Dennis Skinner, Don Touhig, Dafydd Wigley.

 

All those signing these EDMs were Labour MPs, apart from Dafydd Wigley (Plaid), Elfyn Llwyd (Plaid) and Ken Livingstone (not affiliated to any party).

I find it difficult to believe that many of those who signed these EDMs did not previously know that children were being abused in care in north Wales. Many of them were MPs from north Wales themselves – and the whistleblowing social worker Alison Taylor had gone public on the child abuse years previously. Furthermore, ‘children’s care workers’ had been appearing in the local Courts on trial for offences against children for a very long time. My posts ‘Further Information On Garth Angharad Hospital’ and ‘More On Those Who Signed That Early Day Motion’ describe how in 1992 a number of MPs signed an EDM in response to plans to close Garth Angharad, a facility for ‘mentally abnormal criminals’. People who had been abused whilst in care in north Wales tended to end up in there. The notoriously unscrupulous psychiatrists in north Wales who were involved with criminal activities as well as with discrediting and imprisoning people who had been abused whilst in care had connections with this ‘hospital’. Furthermore it was a very odd ‘hospital’. It was not an NHS facility, it was owned and managed by Paul Hett, who also owned a number of schools and children’s homes in north Wales that had been the subject of allegations of sexual and physical abuse. Later in his career Paul Hett became a solicitor but ended up being struck off for embezzling clients money. Paul Flynn, Dafydd Wigley, Elfyn Llwyd and Ken Livingstone were all among those expressing outrage that Garth Angharad might close it’s doors. Ken had previously been instrumental in running Lambeth Borough Council – who sent children in their care to Paul Hett’s establishments. Lambeth Borough Council is now the centre of a huge scandal regarding the sexual abuse of children in care between the late 1950s and 1980s – millions have been paid out in compensation and more is expected to be paid after it was admitted that the Council’s homes had been infiltrated by paedophiles, that this was known, yet nothing was done to protect children. Dafydd Wigley definitely knew about the criminal practices in the north Wales mental health services because I wrote to him about them. He initially sent me a very supportive letter but when I wrote again some two years later I did not receive a reply. Dafydd Wigley was MP for Caernarfon, where the HQ of Gwynedd County Council was. There was serious corruption in that Council among its legal advisors and social services dept. Gwynedd’s Director of Social Services, Lucille Hughes, was named in the Waterhouse Report as knowing that a paedophile ring was operating in the social services but failed to act. If I knew about the very serious problems in that Council, particularly in the Dept of Social Services, then I’m sure that Dafydd Wigley did. Previous posts have described how the children’s services and mental health services in Gwynedd were notorious. Dafydd Wigley must have been told of people’s concerns and he almost certainly received correspondence from people other than me. Elfyn Llwyd was also a Gwynedd MP, he will have heard. Furthermore, Elfyn Llwyd was President of Gwynedd Law Society in 1990-91, so he’ll have known all those dodgy lawyers who were concealing abuse in the children’s and mental health services and indeed trying to imprison people whom they knew were innocent. Paul Flynn had stood as the Labour candidate for Denbigh in 1974. Denbigh was a town in which nearly every resident worked at – or had a relative or friend who worked at – the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, where people who had been abused in care were imprisoned. Denbigh had a dreadful reputation but those who worked at that institution had votes, those imprisoned did not. Which is why Paul Flynn was never going to campaign on behalf of the people being abused in there. Martyn Jones was MP for Clwyd South between 1987-2010 and was Wrexham born and bred. He lived on the doorstep of the children’s homes with the worst reputations for abuse – but he too signed the EDM opposing the closure of Garth Angharad.

John Marek was a Wrexham MP between 1983-2001, albeit a rather strange one. He eventually defected from Labour and set up his own party consisting of himself and he is now a member of the Conservative Party. He too was right on the doorstep of Bryn Estyn, the home where serious abuse had gone on for decades. David Hanson has been the MP for Delyn in north east Wales since 1992. He had known the region before that, having been in pursuit of a seat in the Cheshire and north east Wales region. The paedophile ring that was active in north Wales was operating in Cheshire as well. Surely Hanson will have heard something about the problems in the region even if he didn’t know the full picture? I suspect that the same situation prevailed with Win Griffiths, Rhodri Morgan, Paul Murphy and Don Touhig, all MPs from south Wales. Don Touhig had worked as a journalist in Wales including as an editor – journalists tend to receive leaks from allsorts of people, including the police. Win Griffiths has for a long time been involved with what is now called the Third sector – people working in that sector knew that children were being abused.

 

On the same day, 28/3/96, Rhodri Morgan sponsored another EDM: ‘That this House calls on the Secretary of State for Wales to fulfil the promise made on 7th September 1992 to hold a public inquiry into child abuse in North Wales children’s homes by the honourable member for Cardiff North, the Parliamentary Under Secretary then responsible for health and social services in Wales and reported in Welsh Office press release W92359 of the same date, and which was reported by him as going to start as soon as the criminal proceedings were completed; believes that the Chief Constable of North Wales was also correct to call for such a public inquiry when criminal proceedings were over on 4th September 1992 and reaffirmed on 13th August 1993; and further believes that the need for the promised public inquiry is now more urgent with the imminent danger of the shredding of all copies of the independent but non-judicial inquiry into Clwyd County Council child care homes and policies carried out by John Jillings, the retired Director of Social Services of Derbyshire, which drew attention to the deaths of 12 young people who were victims of child sexual abuse who had been in the care of Clwyd and the failure of the Welsh Office Social Services Inspectorate and the North Wales Police to detect the failures in the child care system in North Wales and which also called for a public inquiry.’

http://www.parliament.uk/edm/1995-96/686

It was signed by Diane Abbott, Janet Anderson, Tony Banks, Harry Barnes, Roy Beggs, Michael Clapham, Eric Clarke, Ann Clwyd, Michael Connarty, Jeremy Corbyn, Jean Corston, John Cummings, Terry Davis, John Evans, Paul Flynn, Norman A. Godman, Win Griffiths, John Gunnell, Mike             Hall, David Hanson, Barry Jones, Lynne Jones, Martyn Jones, Ken Livingstone, Elfyn Llwyd, John Marek, Ian McCartney, Kevin McNamara, Alan Meale, Bill Michie, Rhodri Morgan, Ken Purchase, Ernie Ross, Dennis Skinner, Paddy Tipping, Don Touhig, Robert N. Wareing, Dafydd Wigley.

Again, all the signatories were from the Labour Party, except for Dafydd Wigley (Plaid), Elfyn Llwyd (Plaid), Ken Livingstone (not affiliated to any party) and Roy Beggs (Ulster Unionist). I am wondering whether Roy Beggs might have taken an interest in child abuse matters as a result of the Kincora Boys Home Scandal in Belfast. Some of the MPs outside of Wales who signed this EDM were representing constituencies and had even been councillors in areas where the children’s services had also been infiltrated by paedophiles.

Years later, in the wake of the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal rearing it’s head again, on 8/11/12, Ann Clwyd was the primary sponsor of an EDM: ‘That this House notes EDM 1003 tabled June 1996 stating ‘That this House notes that the honourable Member for Cynon Valley has been personally approached by a young man who has been abused while in care; regrets that at least four people from the Cynon Valley were in care in Bryn Estyn during the period covered by the Jillings Report; notes that the child abuse affair in Clwyd ranks as one of the worst and most shocking scandals to come to light in Britain, in that the Report exposes unimaginable horrors such as buggery, rape, bestiality, violent assaults and torture; in the light of disclosures, is appalled by the conduct and failure of public authorities with the responsibility to protect children; in this regard notes that Clwyd County Council has failed to publish the report; further notes moves to block the publication of this report by the insurance companies Zurich Municipal and Municipal Mutual, presumably simply to avoid their liabilities; further notes that in this regard the police have lost the confidence of the public by their apparent failure properly to investigate the full extent of the paedophile activity in North Wales; and similarly that the Crown Prosecution Service has inexplicably failed to prosecute on a number of occasions despite clear evidence and a large number of allegations, and in some cases statements of admission of guilt by paedophiles of sexual offences against children; and notes the failure to prosecute all concerned.’

It’s sponsors were Paul Flynn (Labour, Newport) and Linda Riordan (Labour, Halifax). I presume that the original EDM was one of the EDMs that Ann Clwyd referred to as I quoted earlier ie. one of the EDMs that the Speaker told her would be ‘withdrawn automatically’. So it was Ann mentioning this sort of thing that caused so much upset in Parliament…

So what became of those MPs in Wales who seemed to have kept quiet about the activities of a paedophile ring until they were forced into action by public concern accompanied by UK wide coverage? Most of them have done quite nicely for themselves. Dafydd Wigley, Don Touhig and Paul Murphy have ended up in the Lords. David Hanson was appointed PPS to Tony Blair in 2001 and ended up as Minister of State for Security, Counter-Terrorism, Crime and Policing at the Home Office until Labour lost the election in 2010. Win Griffiths became the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Wales in 1997, with responsibility for Health and Social Services. He has retired from politics now but was (and maybe still is) Chair of WCVA (Wales Council for Voluntary Action), a body that acts as an umbrella organisation for many charities that have concealed child abuse and  until 2012 was Chair of Abertawe Morgannwg University Health Board. In 2010 he was appointed as Chair of the Welsh NHS Confederation. Wales’s NHS is somewhat troubled and in north Wales has just about collapsed, mainly as a result of the legacy of the paedophile ring and the corruption that accompanied it. As for Rhodri – well he became First Minister of Wales after the National Assembly for Wales came into being. Whilst he was First Minister I wrote and wrote and wrote about the harassment and threats that I was receiving at the hands of the mental health services – the services which had concealed and colluded with the paedophile ring. Rhodri’s Health Minister Brian Gibbons responded by writing to me to tell me that ‘this correspondence is at an end’ when I told him that I had evidence of criminal activity in the NHS in north Wales. Rhodri is no longer with us but the mess that was left behind after no-one tackled the organised criminals that ran that paedophile ring is all over north Wales. Martyn Jones has retired from politics but he was very critical of the former Chief Constable of North Wales Richard Brunstrom, for being so zealous regarding traffic offences. As compared to the previous Chief Constable Michael Argent who refused to co-operate with an investigation into a paedophile ring.

I suspect that Ann Clwyd really did want to blow the lid off the cover-ups of the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. I’m not convinced that the others did. Some of them must have had some indication of what was going on yet none of them raised their heads until the public outcry over the suppression of the Jillings Report, when they just couldn’t continue to ignore what was happening. I note that by 2012, only three people were sufficiently interested to sign the EDM. As for the situation at the present time – it is clear that there now are so many in politics, the civil service, the police, the law, medicine and the social services who have in some way been involved in concealing or colluding with abuses in the children’s care services or the mental health services across the UK, that I think there are far more of them who don’t want an expose than those who do. Previous posts have named scores of institutions including the Garrick Club, the Law Society, the BMA, the MDU and the GMC who hosted the people who concealed and colluded with child abuse in north Wales. People still trip over themselves to join the Garrick (I think it’s one of those clubs with a waiting list literally years long) and the Top Doctors believe that a position on a BMA committee is worth having. And being involved with the GMC or MDU does wonders for one’s career.

Unlike so many named on this blog, Ann Clwyd has not been elevated to the House of Lords. If anyone ever did give her a seat in there she’d probably have great difficulty finding anyone worth sitting next to.

 

It’s A Piece Of Cake…

Recently I listened to an interview on the ‘Today’ programme with a very angry Rabbi Laura Janner-Klausner, daughter of the late Lord Greville Janner. Laura was fuming over what she alleged was the smearing of her late father, a Labour politician, whom she described as ‘great and good’. Janner of course has been the centre of a number of allegations that he sexually abused children in Leicestershire and was linked with Frank Beck, a Leicestershire social worker who in 1991 was imprisoned for abusing children in care. Janner and his other daughter Marion, as well as Marion’s ’emotional support dog’ who has also starred on Radio 4, featured in my previous post ‘Sisters Are Indeed Doing It For Themselves…’. Although Laura robustly defended her father maintaining that he was an innocent man targeted by malicious liars, she failed to mention that the reasons why her father wasn’t prosecuted for sexually molesting children were the serial failures of the CPS. Laura maintained that the allegations against Janner caused a deterioration in his Alzheimers and his doctor had confirmed that. Before Janner died there was of course going to be a ‘trial of the facts’ in his case because medical evidence had deemed him unfit to stand trial. Some of that medical evidence was contested in Court. Although Laura fumed away, she also displayed a triumphalist note, stating that her father’s accusers had now dropped their civil cases against his estate. That Laura is just as likely to be down to the fact that your brother is a barrister who made an awful lot of noise about challenging your father’s accusers, than to your father’s accusers being a bunch of liars. Laura is now fighting to have all references to the allegations against her father erased from the Independent Inquiry Into Child Sexual Abuse and she may well be successful, as that Inquiry is falling apart anyway. During her interview Laura expressed some very interesting ideas about the ease of securing a conviction against someone and/or suing them for historical child abuse. According to Laura it’s a pushover – one just makes serious unfounded allegations, one doesn’t even have to appear in Court and hey presto, job done. An innocent peer convicted! She of course made reference to ‘compensation culture’ and assured the listeners that there are lawyers throughout the nation encouraging such claims. I’ve got news for Laura – for most of my adult life I lived in north Wales, the region which saw the worst child abuse scandal in the UK and I never once saw a lawyer begging people to come forward with allegations of abuse. What I did witness though was some of the former residents of the homes where abuse had happened unlawfully detained and discredited by the mental health services, denied care for their very serious distress, repeatedly arrested for ludicrous ‘offences’ and smeared and harassed by the welfare services. A number of people among that group known to me are dead, as are even more people not personally known to me. Some of them were found dead in very suspicious circumstances. The managers of the ‘services’ hosting this abuse were never prosecuted and did not even lose their jobs. Neither did the scores of public servants who knew what was happening but failed to act. Most of the politicians charged with ultimately overseeing those public servants ended up in the House of Lords and may very well have been mates with Greville himself. The one politician whom it is acknowledged was having sex with underage boys and visiting children’s homes in north Wales, Peter Morrison MP, ended up as Sir Peter Morrison and obtained roles as Margaret Thatcher’s Parliamentary Private Secretary and Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party. The children who were abused in those homes, if they managed to stay alive and out of prison, usually ended up living in not very salubrious accommodation on low incomes. They certainly led very different lives to Laura, who went to Cambridge University and is now a regular on the BBC, which gives her a voice denied to people who have been abused whilst in ‘care’. Laura is now writing a book about ‘resilience’ – I wonder who is more resilient, the Cambridge educated daughter of a member of the House of Lords, or someone who spent their childhood being molested by those paid to care for them, denied mental health care for the distress that this caused and was then kicked out into the world at 16 or 17 into substandard accommodation to live on benefits. Now Laura, who do you think has come out of all of this smiling then? Oh and it’s highly unlikely that the kids growing up in care happen to have a barrister in the family to fight their corner either.

The enormities of Laura’s fantasies were impressed upon me in the hours after she gave that interview, when I read the Jillings Report in detail. I have mentioned the Jillings Report previously – it was the first external investigation into child abuse in children’s homes managed by Clwyd County Council and covered the period 1974-1995. The findings of the Report were so damning that the Council’s insurers, Municipal Mutual, on the advice of their lawyers, Browne Jacobson, ordered it never to be made public on the grounds that what had happened was indefensible and everyone involved would be at risk of being sued to such an extent that they would be personally bankrupted. Limited extracts from the Report were made available to a small number of people in 1996 and nearly all copies of the Report were pulped. However, years later, in the wake of constant allegations that the subsequent Waterhouse Report had been a cover-up and that public figures had been involved in a paedophile ring operating in children’s homes in north Wales, someone managed to locate a copy of the Report and it was eventually released, although very heavily redacted, in 2013. Lest Laura Janner-Klauser has actually convinced anyone that it’s a piece of cake for people who have once been in care to make themselves heard when they make allegations that they were sexually abused, I will provide a review of the Jillings Report here – of course I only have a copy of the redacted version, which removed the names of the people most culpable. The version is very heavily redacted at that, pages and pages are blacked out. Nonetheless, what remains is very incriminating indeed.

The Jillings Report was commissioned by Clwyd County Council after a number of their staff had been imprisoned for serious sexual assaults on children in care and it was realised that twelve young people who were former residents of children’s homes in Clwyd had been found dead. The London-based media had started to take an interest in what was happening and allegations of a paedophile ring involving senior public figures were being made. Clwyd County Council could no longer keep a lid on it all, so they commissioned an independent panel led by John Jillings, the former Director of Derbyshire Social Services, to investigate. The other members of the panel consisted of Gerrilyn Smith, a clinical psychologist with much experience in working with survivors of child sexual abuse and Professor Jane Tunstill, a social work academic who had been employed by the University of East Anglia and was then appointed to a Chair at Keele. The panel carried out their investigation between March 1994 and December 1995 – their report was completed in February 1996.

The panel were constrained from the outset. Municipal Mutual refused to allow them to issue a public notice in advance of their investigation lest too many witnesses turned up. The newly appointed Chief Constable of the North Wales Police, Michael Argent, refused to co-operate with them and the police withheld 130 boxes of evidence. The non-co-operation of the police was seen to be significant because there were constant allegations that not only had the police known about the scale of the abuse and failed to act but that some officers themselves had been involved. Gordon Anglesea, a senior officer with the North Wales Police, had famously won a libel case against Private Eye and the Independent in December 1994, after they accused him of abusing children in care. The man who gave evidence that Anglesea had abused him, Mark Humphreys, was found dead on 2 February 1995, after the trial. Anglesea was eventually convicted of child abuse and imprisoned last year, but died a few months after beginning his sentence. Some staff representing other organisations and former staff of Clwyd refused to meet the Jillings panel. The documentation that they received from Clwyd Social Services was incomplete, muddled and frequently unsigned and undated. The panel were obstructed to such a degree that they considered resigning, but persevered because they knew that due to the forthcoming local government re-organisation Clwyd County Council would cease to exist beyond March 1996 and there may well have been no further possibility of an investigation. What they did not know was that Municipal Mutual were going to suppress their report anyway. Municipal Mutual did try and place a number of other constraints upon the panel from the outset, but they fought back against this.

The problems in Clwyd had been attributed to Clwyd providing large residential care facilities that were difficult to manage, that took children from within the county as well as from across Wales and England. There were very serious problems at Bryn Estyn, a former Home Office run approved school in Wrexham, where members of staff had been imprisoned for child abuse. It was said that staff existed who used ‘old methods’ of discipline and ‘found it difficult to adapt to new Department of Health regulations’. Translated this meant that some staff violently assaulted children, punching them in the face, stomach and groin, ordering other older or bigger/tougher children to assault them, ordering children to urinate and defaecate on each other or forcing them to carry out arduous tasks. As well as raping them, sodomising them, groping them and forcing them to perform oral sex with staff. Even if the ‘old fashioned’ staff hadn’t been doing all this, by the 1990s it was accepted that aggregating deprived and troubled young people into large residential establishments, often located in remote rural areas, was inappropriate. Furthermore in many of the homes sexual abuse between the children was endemic, as many of them were victims who had evolved into perpetrators. There were no programmes in existence in Clwyd to address sexual offending by juveniles.

There had been numerous convictions of child care workers in Clwyd. William Mars-Jones had presided over the trial of Jackie Thomas in 1986 (she was convicted of indecent assault on a boy in care) – when in Jan 1987 David Gillison, a former member of staff at Bryn Estyn, was convicted of gross indecency, Mars-Jones requested an inquiry by Clwyd County Council, because it was noted that Thomas and Gillison were linked. Frederick Rutter had worked at Bryn Estyn between 1982 and 1983 and afterwards at other establishments managed by Clwyd Social Services, as well as at the privately owned Bryn Alyn Community (whose owner John Allen was also imprisoned for the sexual abuse of children in care). In 1988 Frederick Rutter was appointed as the warden at Pen-y-Llan hostel, managed by the Clwyd and Alyn Housing Association. In July 1991 he was convicted of rape and indecent assault on young women. It came to light that not only had he been given a reference to obtain the job at the Housing Association despite concerns about him and that there were ‘irregularities’ in that reference, but he had formerly been a probationary police officer but had chosen to resign at the end of his probationary period rather than be dismissed.

On 17 July 1991 a letter from Roger Davies in his capacity as Clwyd County Secretary and Solicitor was sent to the Chief Constable of North Wales Police – I think at the time that would have been David Owen – expressing deep concern at the abuse that had taken place and raising the possibility that a paedophile ring was in operation. An investigation was undertaken by a specially established police team, led by Detective Superintendent Ackerly, which lasted over three years. In March 1992, 17 people were arrested and detained for questioning. Jillings states that former social services staff were charged with physical and sexual offences regarding Bryn Estyn. The names Stephen Norris, Peter Howarth and Paul Bicker Wilson are given, but the fourth name is redacted – however other information available suggests that it was probably David Birch (who was later acquitted of offences against children). Although there was also very serious concern concerning the Bryn Alyn Community and the activities of its proprietor John Allen, who was alleged to have been running a porn and gay prostitution empire, this was considered to be outside the scope of the panel. However although Bryn Alyn was privately owned, many links existed between Bryn Alyn and the statutory sector. Clwyd County Council maintained that they were in favour of the Welsh Office holding a major public inquiry because of the possibility of a paedophile ring.

Alison Taylor, the former Gwynedd County Council social worker who had been the first person to blow the whistle on the paedophile ring that was operating in north Wales, submitted her 1991 dossier of concerns to the Jillings panel. They wrote to Lucille Hughes, Director of Gwynedd Social Services and on 1 May 1995 the Deputy Director of Gwynedd Social Services wrote back to the panel stating that Alison Taylor’s allegations were made known to the police and the Welsh Office, had been fully investigated and that no charges had been brought. (The name of the Deputy Director of Social Services is not given, but I suspect that it might have been the dreadful Rob Evans, who in his capacity as Deputy Director, was also concealing abuse in the mental health services in Gwynedd.) In 2000 the Waterhouse Report named Lucille Hughes as knowing that a paedophile ring had been in operation in the social services but had failed to respond. There were cross county placements of children between Gwynedd and Clwyd.

In their report, the panel refer to the Hughes Report of 1985, concerning the abuse of children in N Ireland, the Staffordshire Social Services Dept ‘Pin-Down’ Report of 1991 and the Report following the major inquiry into Frank Beck’s activities in Leicestershire in 1992. They mention that there are currently extensive police enquiries underway in five local authorities in England and that the Department of Health have admitted that there is a ‘significant problem’. The panel note that since 1977, 10 people working in children’s establishments in Clwyd had been charged with offences against children in care, including five past or present members of staff at Bryn Estyn. The panel make reference to the adolescent unit run by the NHS, the Gwynfa Unit. I seem to remember that it was the Gwynfa Unit that was located at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. Presumably this is the ‘young persons unit’ that Mary Wynch told me about, where Dr Dafydd Alun Jones (the one time partner of Lucille Hughes) encouraged the young people to have sex with each other as staff watched the live sex show. The panel conclude that there was widespread and extensive abuse in children’s homes in Clwyd but that they were unable to address the question of whether public figures were involved. They discovered that there had been ten previous internal investigations into abuse in the children’s homes and an investigation into Bryn Estyn in 1971.

Some of the key managers involved in running the ‘services’ during the period of time under investigation were:

Emlyn Evans, Director of Social Services 1974-1980, Gledwyn Jones, Director of Social Services 1980-1991, John Jevons, Director of Social Services 1991-1995. (Upon the receipt of this devastating report and the dissolving of Clwyd County Council days later, John Jevons then took up the appointment of Director of Social Services for Cardiff. Perish the thought that anyone should actually resign.) Emlyn Evans, Gledwyn Jones and John Jevons had all worked within the system for years and had achieved their position as a result of internal promotions so presumably had something to do with the mess. Before the formation of Clwyd County Council in 1974, Both Emlyn Evans and Gledwyn Jones had been senior managers with Denbighshire Social Services. So they’ll have known Dafydd and T. Gwynne Williams the lobotomist then! Emlyn will have known Dafydd and the lobotomist very well indeed, mental health was his remit. Leta Jones, a former children’s officer for Denbighshire was retained in a senior post in Clwyd, responsible for children’s services. At the time of the panel’s investigation, the Chief Exec of Clwyd County Council was Roger Davies – he had previously been the County Secretary and Solicitor.

Some of the previous internal investigations into child abuse that the panel discovered were an investigation into the employment of David Gillison and Jackie Thomas in Jan 1987 and the establishment of a panel in Dec 1988 by Gledwyn Jones to investigate the sexual assault of a girl at Park House, Prestatyn. This panel included Andrew Loveridge (Assistant County Secretary, Clwyd) and Keith MacKenzie (Assistant Director UK West, National Children’s Homes). They also stumbled across the Cartrefle Report, which alone gave an insight into just how bad the problems in Clwyd were. Cartrefle was a home that was closed in 1993, which employed Stephen Norris as its officer in charge. Norris was convicted in October 1990 and subsequently imprisoned. In July 1990, Norris appeared in Court charged with sexual offences. In August 1990, the Chief Inspector of the Welsh Office Social Services Inspectorate (SSIW), David Evans, wrote to the Director of Social Services, Gledwyn Jones, requesting details. Yet on 18 Oct 1990, Evans declined a request from Clwyd themselves requesting a Welsh Office inspection, after Norris’s conviction. Instead, a review by the Area Child Protection Committee (ACPC) was ordered. So reports were commissioned from John Banham (who had formerly worked with Cheshire Social Services), Dr Kathleen Dalzell from the District Health Authority and David Lund from Clwyd County Council Education Dept. Their reports formed individual sections of an overarching report from the Cartrefle Panel of Inquiry, which was appointed in June 1991. The members of this panel were: Hywel Ellis Hughes (former County Secretary and Solicitor for Gwynedd County Council and Secretary to North Wales Probation Committee), Susan Mead (Chief Inspector to Social Services Inspection Division of Birmingham City Council), Dr David Roberts (Consultant in Public Health Medicine in Gwynedd Health Authority), Gareth Jones (Head of Ysgol John Bright, Llandudno) and Christopher Allen (Divisional Officer, Dyfed Social Services Dept). Some of these names and the areas from which they hailed rang bells for me. Kathleen Delzell from Clwyd Health Authority – the Health Authority that covered up for Dafydd Alun Jones as he illegally imprisoned people in the North Wales Hospital where they were then abused and sexually exploited. Hywel Ellis Hughes – the crooked solicitor previously featured on this blog (please see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’) who had a hotline to Lucille Hughes and who was prepared to assist people whom he knew were perjuring themselves in Court in order to imprison people who had complained about Gwynedd Social Services and the mental health services. Susan Mead from Birmingham – well there were a few corrupt people in Birmingham doing a few corrupt people in north Wales favours (please see posts ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’ and ‘Amber Rudd, The Miners Strike And A Memory Jogged’). Dr David Roberts – his name crops up in my own medical records as someone providing advice regarding the numerous attempts to conceal the wrongdoing in the mental health services and have me imprisoned for crimes that everyone knew that I had not committed. What an excellent choice of people to conduct an investigation into a violent sexual offender who was employed in a children’s home! I wonder how a man like that ever ended up there with those paragons of virtue on hand to proffer advice. As for Gareth Jones – as a headmaster he would I assume know how unacceptable sexually molesting children in your care is. Gareth later became the Plaid AM for Aberconwy – his successful campaign was attributed to him running on an ‘I love the NHS’ ticket – and very recently was appointed as leader of Conwy County Council! Is it not time for you to go public on some of what you knew to be going on in the NHS and social care services Gareth? The Jillings Report mentions that the ACPC itself was ‘marginalised’ – but they were as utterly hopeless and as compromised as everyone else. It is mentioned that the Chair of the ACPC was a Mrs Train, who doubled up as the Director of Public Health Nursing in Clwyd Health Authority – someone else who will have been concealing the activities of Dafydd and his chums in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh! And guess who the Vice-Chair of the ACPC was? None other than the Director of Social Services himself, John Jevons! How marginalised was he? I am wondering whether the Jillings panel’s notion that the ACPC was ‘marginalised’ might have had something to do with the fact that John Banham acted as an advisor to the Jillings panel – John Banham had of course been involved in the ACPC’s report regarding Cartrefle. At the time of the Cartrefle outrages, the ACPC thought that perhaps health and education personnel ‘might have failed to identify abuse’. Er, yes – along with an awful lot of other people, including the ACPC. However I’m glad to note that the ACPC did show at least a bit of nouse on one occasion – Jevons had been Chair of the ACPC and Mrs Train had been the Vice-Chair, but after the shit hit the fan at Cartrefle, Jevons suggested to Mrs Train that perhaps she might like to be Chair for a while because it might look dodgy if the Director of Social Services was Chair of the ACPC. So he was just the Vice-Chair instead.

Clwyd obviously went for the belt and braces approach where Cartrefle and Stephen Norris were concerned – not only did they employ some well-known spineless colluders (or worse) to compile the Carterfle Report, but they then ensured that it wasn’t published or presented in its entirety. The Jillings panel wrote to the Director of Social Services as well as to the County Secretary and Solicitor about this. They received a letter from the County Solicitor and Secretary dated 11 May 1995 explaining that a copy of the Cartrefle Report had been sent to the Council’s insurers (them again!) and that comments were invited pre-publication. The letter states that ‘needless to say this was done with the full knowledge of leading politicians’. So some ‘leading politicians’ knew that children were being sexually assaulted in Clwyd children’s homes in 1990 then. I wonder who those politicians might have been? The County Secretary and Solicitor however maintained that the report wasn’t published lest it prejudice the trial of Stephen Norris. That doesn’t explain why they continued to keep it quiet after Norris was convicted – or why the same insurers did prevent Jillings’s own report from being made public.

The Jillings Report mentions another name that I recognised. It is mentioned that after Norris was convicted, in a meeting of the ACPC in Dec 1990, Superintendent Roberts said that ‘a review of police procedures was difficult to envisage in view of the late stage at which the police were brought in’. Could this be the same Superintendent Roberts that the nurses at the North Wales Hospital documented had cooked up a ‘deal’ with Dr Dafydd Alun Jones to illegally detain me? And I’ve heard the phrase ‘at this late stage’ before as well. As everyone flatly refused to investigate the most serious aspects of my complaint against Dafydd, as witness statements from Brown were ‘lost’ (although the letter from Brown that I was told had been lost turned up in my medical records years later with two handwritten unsigned comments on it, namely ‘what shall we do about Dr Brown’s letter?’, ‘do not reply’), I was eventually sent a letter from the dreadful Alun Davies, manager of the Hergest Unit, saying that they really couldn’t investigate my complaint ‘at this late stage’. So that’s how its done – complaints about the most serious criminal activity are ignored for years and then are deemed uninvestigable ‘at this late stage’.

It seems that the toothless, spineless colluders who compiled the Cartrefle Report nonetheless recommended the creation of a senior specialist post at Clwyd HQ leading up children’s services. John Jevons ignored the recommendation. The Jillings team described the existence of the Cartrefle Report as an ‘open secret’ within Clwyd Social Services. A few staff even had a copy, but didn’t even know if they should admit to this. It was unclear which officers of the Social Services, Health and Education Depts had a copy of the full report. Jillings commented on the ‘chaotic management systems’ within the Social Services and noted that although the Health and Education Depts had conducted a review, the North Wales Police hadn’t. Furthermore there was nothing to suggest that the Social Services Committee or the Welsh Office had sought an explanation of why there had been no police input into the Cartrefle Report. A copy of the Cartefle Report was sent to David Evans, the Chief Inspector at the Welsh Office’s SSIW, by the Director of Social Services, along with a covering letter explaining that ‘no-one but yourself’ had a full copy of the Report and that there is no intention to circulate the report to members of the ACPC or members of Clwyd County Council. The Director of Social Services also observed that ‘the sanctions available to the CPS to cover ‘leakage’ and any other form of publication…are really dire for Clwyd County Council and for any individual concerned’. Now there’s a hint! Jillings observes that no direct consultation seems to have taken place between the Inspectorate and the CPS concerning the report or the accompanying letter. Indeed the Welsh Office Inspectorate did not attend the special meeting of the Social Services Committee on 27 Oct 1992 or the ACPC meeting of 10 Sept 1992, at which the synopsis of the Cartrefle recommendations was presented and furthermore the Inspectorate were given virtually no notice of the meeting – but the Welsh Office showed remarkably little concern anyway, which surprised Jillings.

I have previously mentioned Frederick Rutter, who was imprisoned for rape and indecent assaults on a number of young women. Not only was Rutter a former Clwyd employee but he was a foster parent too. In October 1992 John Jevons reported to the Social Services sub-committee on the investigation that had been conducted by Geoff Wyatt, Assistant Director of Social Services, in the wake of Rutter’s conviction. It transpired that there had been an ‘incident’ in 1985 involving Rutter at a holiday camp with children from Park House, the home where Rutter had been ‘officer in charge’. Andrew Loveridge, Assistant County Secretary and Solicitor and a member of the Park House Inquiry Panel, told Wyatt that he was unaware of this incident. Once again this investigation shows how lacklustre and clueless people were. Wyatt had questioned exactly what they do if people make comments such as ‘he gives me the creeps’ and seemed uncertain as to how allegations against staff are recorded on their files. However my experiences with the north Wales mental health services suggest that this sort of confusion has proved to be very useful to them. When I complained repeatedly about Dafydd’s inappropriate attitude and conduct towards me and other female patients, I was consistently told by one Hergest nurse that she too found Dafydd ‘unpleasant and creepy’, but being ‘unpleasant and creepy’ wasn’t a foundation for disciplinary action and that because Dafydd hadn’t ‘touched me’ there was nothing anyone could do. There was a good reason as to why Dafydd hadn’t touched me – I didn’t give him the chance. He had however illegally detained me, threatened me, tried to bribe me and had told Dr Robin Jacobson, a psychiatrist at St Georges Hospital Medical School, that I was ‘attractive and seductive’, causing Jacobson to observe that Dafydd ‘lacked boundaries’. Furthermore Dafydd had cohabited with two female patients at once, constantly sexually harassed the female staff and five female patients had provided statements to MIND saying that they’d had sexual relationships with him. How much evidence did anyone need? Meanwhile over in Clwyd – Dafydd’s powerbase! – Rutter was raping people and he too was framed as being a bit creepy. But Geoff Wyatt had a track record of not dealing with creepy people who were carrying out serious sexual assaults on children – he previously had management oversight of Bryn Estyn, where boys who had run away after being molested by the notorious Peter Howarth were returned by the police, even those boys who had needed hospital treatment. The regime that Wyatt ‘oversaw’ at Bryn Estyn was certainly extraordinary and involved physical brutality resulting in injury and late night pyjama parties in Howarth’s accommodation, where boys were shown porn and molested. It transpired that there were connections between the police and the staff at Bryn Estyn in terms of socialising through the golf and rugby clubs. Bryn Estyn also had some interesting recruitment procedures – at one point that was being done via the rugby club as well. Jillings observed that the police investigation into Bryn Estyn in 1991 should have been a joint one with the Social Services, rather than a police only investigation. I doubt that it would have made any difference – both social services staff and the police knew exactly what was happening to those boys and some of them were joining in with the fun themselves.

Jillings observes that Welsh Office guidance states that the local authority is required to report to the Secretary of State the suffering of serious harm by children accommodated in homes, but that this wasn’t done. But the Secretary of State must have been sound asleep anyway, because there were criminal trials of ‘care workers’ happening resulting in prison sentences for serious sexual offences. And of course Alison Taylor was constantly telling Ministers that a paedophile ring was operating in the children’s homes of north Wales. But the Secretary of State remained in a deep slumber. In fact a number of Secretaries of State did, because this happened over a period of years. Not that it did them any harm, they ended up in the House of Lords… In March 1995, someone finally stirred at the Welsh Office and serious concerns were raised to Clwyd over the case of a girl who had been physically assaulted and raped whilst in their care. Other bizarre things had happened to her as well, like being tied to a mop handle and dumped in a cold bath. The Welsh Office managed to actually attend a meeting about this.

Jillings commented that the role of the Welsh Office in the Cartrefle inquiry merited careful consideration by the Dept of Health, the Welsh Office Social Services Inspectorate and the CPS. Who was Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the Cartrefle inquiry? David Hunt, now Lord Hunt. Presumably Lord Hunt of I Couldn’t Give a Fuck If Children Are Being Raped – the Welsh Office obviously really came under scrutiny there.

The Welsh Office was described by former Director of Social Services Emlyn Evans as to be rather remote and not fulfilling their roles of examining malpractice or impropriety. Although I very much doubt that Emlyn was too keen for them to do this considering what was happening on his patch. Jillings provides yet more evidence of just how incestuous the system was and how long some of these managers had been around. The names Ray Powell and Janet Handley are supplied as senior managers with responsibility for children in residential care. Powell had previously worked in the old Flintshire Authority, Handley in Denbighshire. The aforementioned Geoff Wyatt who wasn’t very good at dealing with creepy rapists had previously worked for Denbighshire as the Court and Liaison Officer. Wyatt was even the representative on the Children’s Regional Planning Committee, established by the Welsh Office to plan residential child care across Wales, comprising of Directors of Social Services and the Welsh Office Social Work Service. A John Coley was appointed Deputy Director of Social Services in 1980 but in 1984 took up a post with Tayside Social Services. A John Llewellyn-Thomas, a senior children’s service manager, took up a post as Assistant Director in Mid-Glamorgan Social Services Dept.

Geoff Wyatt told the Jillings panel that during the 1980s, the number of people dismissed by Clwyd County Council through it’s disciplinary process was ‘very few and far between’ – those that were dismissed were those who had been prosecuted and imprisoned. The picture that emerges is deeply depressing – a bunch of moribund old farts all scratching each others backs, who had occupied various positions in the region for decades, who had knowingly ignored the violence and serious sexual abuse meted out to children and hadn’t got a clue what to do now that it had all become very public. Above them a Welsh Office who just didn’t give a toss what the sheepshaggers below were doing to each other. What’s even more frightening was that a few of those turning a blind eye to all this serious crime escaped with their poison to other parts of the UK, presumably to stuff up there.

The Jillings Report supplies much other information that confirms just how dysfunctional and clueless Clwyd Social Services were. As the police investigation in the early 1990s into child abuse in Clwyd began, an NSPCC Helpline was established, supposedly to support those former residents of children’s homes – who were now adults – who were giving evidence to the police and in Court. A previous post ‘News Updates, Additional Comments And Observations’ has featured the woman – who is now the Deputy Police and Crime Commissioner for North Wales and has stood as a Plain candidate in two elections – who established this Helpline. She is Ann Griffiths, who was a mental health social worker with one of the teams that was abusing clients and then worked as a manager for Gwynedd Social Services, which had also been host to the paedophile ring and whose Director, Lucille Hughes, was later named in the Waterhouse Report as knowing about the paedophile ring but not taking any action. Gwynedd sent children on placement to Clwyd and vice versa. So this Helpline was questionable from the outset. The Helpline was funded by Clwyd Social Services and opened on 1 December 1991. The Helpline seemed to be compromised in every way. There was liaison between the NSPCC project leader – who was also a counsellor on the Helpline – and Social Services Officers. The project leader was also the Helpline complaints receiving officer. Supervision was unclear and there was no protocol for confidentiality. Some clients were referred to other agencies but there were no further information regarding this. Gender was taken into consideration – the ex-residents were offered a woman counsellor. I know that gender considerations should be made in such circumstances but the issue of gender where the abuses in north Wales were concerned was tricky. Again and again I saw examples where women were used – with their knowledge – to assist in perpetuating or concealing abuses. A tried and tested technique of the mental health services was to use some female stooge to maintain that they had been assaulted or threatened by a patient – the ‘services’ knew damn well that if they wanted to frame a patient or maintain that a patient was threatening or dangerous, it was far more effective coming from a woman. Particularly one in a stereotypically ‘caring’ role, such as a nurse or a social worker. Furthermore, many of those ‘caring women’ were in relationships with the abusing men or men in senior roles who were concealing the abuses. I note that the Jillings Report mentioned that most of the ‘housemothers’ in the children’s homes were married to the men who were sexually molesting the boys – how could those boys ever have told the housemothers what was happening? Although the housemothers almost certainly knew anyway, everyone else did. Women in such roles knew damn well that they were being used in this way – some were every bit as abusive as their male colleagues and joined in enthusiastically with the lies and perjury, others were bullied into it. Another favourite ploy was indeed to provide a female ‘counsellor’ – who would then pass on the knowledge that they had extracted from the patient in the counselling sessions to the abusive colleagues who would then use that knowledge against the patient. I think it entirely probable that the information gained from the people using this Helpline was fed straight back to the managers of the service – who were only interested in protecting themselves – or even to the abusers themselves, so they would have known exactly who was prepared to give evidence against them, what their allegations were and how near to breaking point they were. Jillings mentions that the counsellor employed on the Helpline had previous experience of mental health work, was a qualified social worker but only had limited experience of working in Court and giving evidence. Which is what the people using the Helpline really needed – they were all giving evidence in Court. This person was not given a job specification or was even interviewed – but it was mentioned that she’d previously worked for Gwynedd County Council, so Clwyd had knowledge of her ‘experience and skills’. I bet they did – she had probably been hand-picked by Lucille Hughes to go next door to Clwyd, work on that Helpline and grass up who was brave enough to give evidence. Although Jillings stated that supervision for the Helpline was unclear, Clwyd  stated that supervision was provided by David Hugh Davies, Child Protection Co-Ordinator – obviously a man who had protected no children at all. It transpired that the only contact that Davies had with the counsellor whom he was alleged to be supervising was regular informal contact through their mutual involvement with Stepping Stones, a Wrexham based charity for females who had been sexually abused. (Jillings noted that there was no service in Clwyd for males who had been sexually abused. Of course there wasn’t, a paedophile ring targeting mostly boys had operated in the area for years, no-one was going to provide help for the victims of that ring.) The North Wales Police – who had very obviously colluded with the abuse for years – helpfully supplied officers to support and transport witnesses to and from Court. Jillings noted that one former resident who had given evidence in Court and who had been ‘supported’ by the Helpline had recently been found hanged. But at least it was stressed that the person who ‘supported’ the dead man was an employee of Clwyd County Council so was covered by the authority’s insurance. Thank goodness for that! It was noted that the involvement of the NHS was unclear, especially with regard to the mental health services and that no special service had been set up. I can tell the Jillings team what the role of the mental health services was. It was to find out from patients what they knew about the abuse and malpractice, who they were telling about it, whether they might be believed and if so to label them ‘deluded’, section them and if possible secure a conviction against them so that everyone could be told that they were a criminal and couldn’t be believed. (And in my case it was also to find out which jobs I was applying for and whether I was going to publish what I knew.) Then if they developed any illness such as depression, to ensure that they did not receive effective treatment. Jillings notes that the former residents of the children’s homes using the Helpline were now adults, so having a Helpline run by a children’s charity was inappropriate. As was having a Helpline set up and run by the abusers themselves. The Jillings Report noted that the Helpline didn’t encourage people to use local resources for mental health problems although those former residents were so traumatised that they were in need of long term mental healthcare. This was no coincidence – they were undoubtedly being left to kill themselves or end up in such a bad way that they wouldn’t make good witnesses in Court. Which, if one now looks back at this history of the north Wales child abuse scandal, is exactly what happened. Jillings remarked that the Home Office and Department of Health were ‘looking at the issue of psychiatric treatment prior to criminal proceedings’ in the case of child sexual abuse – they obviously didn’t look too hard…

The Jillings Report had some an insightful remarks regarding an aggressive male-dominated hierarchy in Clwyd with very few female managers, female staff being sexually harassed and having to seek ‘help’ from male colleagues – or even friends – of the harassers – and female staff being ‘harried and over-ridden’ by a powerful male hierarchy. Now as I have previously mentioned, I noticed exactly the same model in the mental health system – but those women DID have agency and they had a lot more power than the children or mental health patients who were being horribly abused. They were doing the dirty work of patriarchy and they bloody well knew it – they did not HAVE to do it. The ‘services’ in north Wales these days do have women in senior management positions – they are the women who for years colluded with the abuses and they have been well-rewarded. The services are still shite because there are now clueless abusive women running them as well as clueless abusive men. This is no feminist triumph.

Jillings also discovered further evidence of the high levels of protection that abusive staff enjoyed. Not only would no representative from UNISON agree to meet with Jillings and his panel, but there is a reference to a letter dated July 91 to John Jevons from John Cooke of NALGO, requesting that Stephen Norris be granted retirement on the grounds of ill health, enclosing a psychiatrist’s letter of support. Norris was a prolific sex offender who was eventually imprisoned and had been charged by the time that this letter was written. The people who had been abused received no such support from NALGO or a psychiatrist. (I wonder who the psychiatrist who was so helpful to a child abuser was?) But some of the abusers were union reps themselves – in February 1984 Paul Bicker Wilson was appointed a senior steward for NALGO. In August 1987, Clwyd personnel recommended that Wilson retire on the grounds of ill health – Clwyd had previously tried to resolve the problem that was Wilson by transferring him to the ‘mental handicap’ team, but they didn’t want him and he didn’t want them, so he was transferred back to children’s work. In December 1987 the Director of Social Services recommended that Wilson retire on the grounds of ill health – throughout all this Wilson himself had managed to make a complaint that was dealt with by the County Secretary and Solicitor. Wilson, who had worked at Bryn Estyn, was finally convicted of violent assaults on children at Knutsford Crown Court in 1994 (but only after Chester Crown Court had acquitted him of a few other assaults a few months previously). Wilson had previously work at children’s homes in Leicester and Southwark (please see posts ‘An Expert From England’ and ‘The London Connection’). Sounds like a network to me… Again I witnessed this protection of abusive staff by ‘democratic’ bodies such as unions or professional organisations repeatedly in the mental health services. They have access to unlimited free legal advice in the way that those being abused do not. Jillings mentions that the rights of staff should be equally balanced against the rights of children – the report also mentions that in Clwyd, the rights and needs of the staff were constantly prioritised above those of the children. Like the mental health services, the children’s services were run for the benefit of the staff. Indeed the former Bryn Estyn staff were given a support service and individual counselling was offered to all former Bryn Estyn staff still working for Clwyd. A previous ‘self-help group’ set up by former Bryn Estyn staff met with senior officers and selected Members during the course of the police investigation and trials. So the people who had spent years brutalising and raping children had their emotional needs well attended to… The staff also knew how bad the ‘care’ that they delivered was – the Jillings panel were constantly told by staff that they would never be able to get jobs elsewhere, so toxic was the reputation of Clwyd. Jillings notes that children in Clwyd were sexually exploited under the guise of ‘homosexual equality’. (This was also a problem in the child abuse scandals in inner London – please see post ‘The London Connection’). Jillings notes that there was no effective complaints procedure for children in Clwyd.

So exactly how much interest did the Welsh Office take in this lethal service for which their Social Services Inspectorate were ultimately responsible?  There were no inspections of any residential facilities caring for adults or children in 1991 or 1992 – although the biggest police investigation into child abuse in the UK was taking place in Clwyd at this time. During the years between 1986 and 1992, there were no general inspections of Clwyd at all. Between 1984 and 1990 there were no inspections of Cartrefle and between 1984 and 1993 there was no Welsh Office SSIW inspection of any Clwyd Social Services residential children’s home. There was no evidence of any inspection of Bryn Estyn throughout the period that it was managed by Clwyd. However, following the publication of the Staffordshire ‘Pin Down’ Report and allegations of the widespread abuse of children in Wales, the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Nicholas Bennett, instructed the Inspectorate to undertake a ‘review’ because it was ‘important to receive an assurance that children’s homes in Wales were providing a high standard of service to the children in them’. This review involved a postal questionnaire sent to the service providers, interviews with managers and staff, interviews with three small groups of children, as well as interviews with staff representatives, the voluntary sector, unions and professional associations. No information was available regarding how those who were interviewed were selected. After this very robust review, published in January 1992, the Welsh Office were able to state that the review did not reveal examples of causes for concern. But they remained on the ball as ever – in Sept 1992 the Secretary of State for Wales – David Hunt – expressed deep concern about the allegations of child abuse in north Wales and it was concluded that a Public Inquiry was needed in view of ‘public disquiet’. However it was stated that this couldn’t happen until the police investigation was complete. The Chair of the Council’s Social Services Committee, Councillor Malcolm King, had constantly raised objections to the North Wales Police being allowed to investigate very serious matters involving their own officers. In the wake of continued concerns being expressed that the North Wales Police were investigating themselves, a letter dated 17 May 1993 from a Mr Lockyer, the Private Secretary to the Home Office, was sent to the County Secretary and Solicitor, stating that Ministers couldn’t intervene in police operational matters and had no powers to direct the Chief Constable to appoint an officer from outside of the force to take over or supervise and that the Chief Constable of North Wales resisted the suggestion of bringing in an outside officer. (The Chief Constable is not named, but it will have been either David Owen or Michael Argent – I note that there is very little information publicly available about the higher echelons of the North Wales Police during this period of time.)Furthermore, it was stated that the proposed public inquiry would take place after the completion of any criminal proceedings and would be concerned with the action of the local authority and would not include a review of the way in which the police conducted their investigation. So the North Wales Police investigated themselves, refused to co-operate with the Jillings inquiry, refused to hand over an enormous quantity of evidence and their conduct during the criminal investigation was never scrutinised. Nicola Davies QC was appointed by the Welsh Office in May 1995 to review the documentation relating to child abuse in north Wales. On 11 December 1995, William Hague, the Secretary of State for Wales, announced that on the basis of the evidence seen by Nicola Davies a public inquiry could not be justified. (There was of course a change of plan and a public inquiry, Chaired by Sir Ronald Waterhouse, was subsequently held.)

I have previously mentioned that the extensive and very damning report compiled by Jillings and his team was suppressed for years by Clwyd’s insurers, Municipal Mutual (which was subsequently taken over by Zurich Insurance), on the advice of their solicitors, Browne Jacobson. Not only that, but it was recommended that if that troublesome bugger Councillor Malcolm King, the Chair of the Social Services Committee who had raised so many objections to the North Wales Police investigating themselves, insisting on blurting out any of the contents of the Jillings Report that everyone else would rather remained unknown, he should be sacked. Municipal Mutual were also the insurers of the North Wales Police. Immediately after Jillings compiled the report, there was a reorganisation of the local authorities in Wales and Clwyd disappeared. Because the report wasn’t seen by anybody, new arrivals in the wake of the reorganisation had no knowledge at all about what had gone on in Clwyd. So they remained in the dark – but those from the old corrupt regime who were still in place had been afforded protection. When Jillings et al discovered that their report was not going to see the light of day, they made some very pertinent comments. They noted that ‘those advising the insurers’ are raising issues that ‘impinge on the established democratic and constitutional arrangements of England and Wales’. I have obtained the name of one of those who advised the insurers to suppress information regarding the way in which hundreds of children were subjected to horrific cruelty and sexual assault over years and who subverted democracy. It was one Michael Beloff QC. Beloff practices at Blackstone Chambers and like so many others featuring on this blog who have colluded with or concealed the most appalling abuses of vulnerable people, Beloff is a specialist in human rights! But here’s the clincher – Beloff is a friend of Tony and Cherie Blair and was among their guests at Chequers. Researching for this blog has certainly been an Education, Education, Education…

As with other posts, I’ll briefly remind readers of what was happening to me whilst the biggest UK police investigation into child abuse was happening in Clwyd, whilst social care professionals were sentenced to lengthy spells in prison for serious sexual offences against children and whilst the Welsh Office completely ignored what ‘public servants’ in north Wales were concealing. I was being repeatedly dragged through the Courts for very serious offences although there was no evidence at all that I’d ever committed such offences and eminent ‘expert witnesses’ from London such as Professor Nigel Eastman and Dr Paul Bowden, backed up by lesser names such as Dr Robin Jacobson, were declaring me ‘extremely dangerous’ on the basis of conversations that they had held with those closely associated with the services under criminal investigation in north Wales. Oh and Sir Robert Francis QC tried to have me imprisoned – because I wouldn’t stop writing letters maintaining that mental health professionals in north Wales were involved in criminal activity.

So just to remind everyone who was fast asleep in the Welsh Office whilst ‘services’ employing people raping children and terrorising witnesses were left uninspected – despite the regular appearance of some of those employees in Courts charged with serious offences and the deaths of witnesses – and the one external independent investigation into all this was completely suppressed:

Nicholas Edwards, Secretary of State for Wales, 5 May 1979-13 June 1987; Peter Walker, Secretary of State for Wales 13 June 1987 -4 May 1990; David Hunt, Secretary of State for Wales 4 May 1990- 27 May 1993; John Redwood, Secretary of State for Wales 27 May 1993-26 June 1995; David Hunt (again!), Secretary of State for Wales 26 June 1995-5 July 1995; William Hague, Secretary of State for Wales 5 July 1995-3 May 1997. All of these but Redwood ended up in the House of Lords.

What about the Home Secretaries – who watched as the North Wales Police investigated themselves, refused to allow an officer from another force to oversee them and then refused to co-operate with the Jillings team, withholding evidence? They were:

Kenneth Baker, Home Secretary 28 November 1990-10 April 1992; Ken Clarke, Home Secretary 10 April 1992-27 May 1993, Michael Howard, Home Secretary 27 May 1993-2 May 1997. Baker and Howard are now in the House of Lords.

Many of these names cropped up in my previous posts when I detailed the Ministers who ignored the abuses taking place in the north Wales mental health services…

Of course, at the time when I was outraging Sir Robert Francis and St Georges Hospital Medical School I only had evidence relating to the dreadful conduct of the mental health services. However in 1993 I witnessed the child protection services in Gwynedd in action. That will be the subject of a future post.

I began this post with reference to Laura Janner-Klausner, who believes that making allegations of historical child sexual abuse against public figures in order to extract dosh is a pushover. I can’t recommend that Laura accesses the full details of the horror that prevailed in Clwyd children’s homes because even today, there is no version of the Jillings Report that is not heavily redacted available – and even if she was prepared to listen to witness accounts, Laura still wouldn’t hear the full story because most of the witnesses are dead. However Jillings did make a point of commenting that the former residents of Clwyd children’s homes were not motivated by financial recompense or malice, they just wanted to ensure that what happened to them never happened to anyone else. Recent events demonstrate that large scale sexual abuse of children in care is still happening. One reason why still no-one is learning from their experience is that people like Laura use their considerable influence to tell everyone that they’re a load of gold-digging liars. By the way, Laura’s sister Marion styles herself as a ‘mental health campaigner’. She is a regular on the utterly lame Radio 4 ‘All In The Mind’ programme which serves primarily as a PR vehicle for the mental health services. Marion visited the mental health services in north east Wales and remarked on their excellence. The Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board that runs those services is now in special measures – because of institutional abuse in the mental health services. I think the sooner the Janners shut their collective mouths and stop making appearances on the BBC the better – Marion is of course such a delicate flower that she makes a point of insisting that her ’emotional support dog’ accompanies her everywhere. You didn’t get one of them if you were raped in a children’s home in Clwyd, probably because the cost of the breeding and training programme that would have been needed to produce sufficient numbers of Labradors would have been prohibitive. So it’s only Marion who’s secured one. Of course if Laura does ever trouble herself to read about what happened in children’s homes in north Wales over decades, she will notice that despite the huge police investigation, confusion continued to reign and a lot of witness statements somehow never found their way into the hands of the CPS anyway. Despite an acknowledgement that there was child abuse on a massive scale occurring and a paedophile ring in operation, with the exception of Gordon Anglesea, only a small number of social care workers at the bottom of the food chain were ever convicted and imprisoned. Because it’s just so fucking easy isn’t it Laura.