I have recently read Alan Watkins’s book ‘A Slight Case Of Libel: Meacher v Trelford and Others’, about the 1988 libel trial that resulted when Michael Meacher sued ‘The Observer’ over an article that they had published about Meacher in October 1983. Meacher sued ‘The Observer’ because they published a piece written by Alan Watkins which questioned Meacher’s claim to be the son of a farm labourer and told the readers that Meacher’s father was an accountant. It transpired that Meacher’s father had been an accountant, but had at one point indeed worked on a farm, but that farm was a farmed owned by famille Meacher. Meacher lost the libel case, appealed, but subsequently dropped the appeal.
Michael Meacher has featured on this blog before (see post ‘A Vintage Crop’). In the 1980s he was the darling of much of the left of the Labour Party and was perceived to be a potential credible leader from the left. Tony Benn had been savaged so badly and for so long by the media that he had been quite damaged in the process, although he did have a following. Meacher was framed as being a Sensible Rational MP on the left ie. not mad with staring eyes like Wedgie Benn.
Meacher’s special interest was in welfare and he was a most enthusiastic griller of Tory Ministers in this area. I explained in my post ‘A Vintage Crop’ that Meacher knew about Dafydd and the associated gangs, he knew about the serious criminality in north Wales and he never uttered a word. Meacher was a graduate of New College, Oxford, a favourite recruiting ground for the British security services and an institution that has produced many people on the left in political life who concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al and the Westminster Paedophile Ring (see post ‘A Study In Tyranny’), as well as the LSE. Scores of people who colluded with Dafydd et al and who were even directly involved in the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal or who concealed it, were themselves LSE graduates.
Before being elected as MP for Oldham West in 1970, Meacher lectured in Social Administration at York University and then at the LSE. He also served as the Chairman of the Hull branch of the ASTMS, the union led by Clive Jenkins. ASTMS represented many professional and managerial staff in the NHS who were not Top Doctors and it evolved into MSF. See eg. post ‘A Very COHSE Relationship With Some Very Nasty People’. It was a deeply corrupt union and I witnessed at first hand when I worked at St George’s Hospital Medical School how the MSF reps concealed and colluded with criminality and patient harm and used their knowledge of this for personal benefit, even their knowledge of the trafficking gang linked to Dafydd et al in north Wales which was facilitated by St George’s. See previous posts. Jenkins was hated by many for being the ultimate in trade union baron hypocrisy; when I was growing up among Tories in Somerset and hearing all about the sins of trade union leaders with their snouts in the trough it was Clive Jenkins who was usually being discussed. Jenkins wasn’t very popular on the left either, but he was very successful in mobilising middle class people. Jenkins boasted that one of his hobbies was organising the middle classes and I suspect that the reason why the union movement today represents the oppressed Top Doctors, Angels, social workers, teachers, lecturers and public service managers rather than people on zero hours contracts or those cleaning offices at 2 am is at least partly a result of the efforts of Lord Clive Jenkins. He was a smug twat, a smug twat from south Wales and furthermore he was the smug twat who was substantially responsible for the Windbag becoming Leader of the Labour Party. Jenkins knew all about the victims of Dafydd et al and he knew about those who were really dispossessed but he wasn’t interested in them. See previous posts eg. ‘I Warn You…’ for more information on Clive Jenkins.
Hull was on the patch of a trafficking ring with links to Dafydd’s gang in north Wales, so with Meacher being Chairman of Clive Jenkins’s Hull outpost, Meacher was a man who could have expected to go far.
In 1969 Meacher wrote a pamphlet for the Fabian Society, ‘The Care Of Old People’. The institutional care of the elderly at the time was a disgrace and indeed the brutal, dehumanising abuse of the elderly at Ely Hospital, Cardiff erupted in a national scandal in 1969. In its defence Ely Hospital stated that things were even worse at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh but no-one was complaining about that… See previous posts eg. ‘All The Ingredients Of A Scandal…’.
After writing that Fabian Society pamphlet, Meacher never returned to the subject of the care of the elderly again, because he knew just how grim the situation was throughout the entire UK and he did not dare blow the lid off. Michael Meacher certainly wasn’t going to expose Dafydd or let anybody else expose Dafydd either. Meacher had plenty of opportunities to take a shot at Dafydd and the gang, particularly as he was a junior Minister in the DHSS under Barbara Castle, 1975-76, Shadow Secretary of State for Health and Social Security, 1983-87 and Shadow Secretary of State for Social Services, 1989-92. Instead Meacher, like those other Health Ministers under Castle, David Ennals and Dr Death and indeed Castle herself, colluded with Dafydd et al. See previous posts. Dr Death personally knew some of Dafydd’s Top Doc pals in north Wales and elsewhere.
When the Windbag became Leader of the Labour Party in Oct 1983, Meacher ran as a candidate for the Deputy Leadership. The others who ran for the Deputy Leadership were also all concealing Dafydd’s criminality: Fattersley (see post ‘I Warn You…’), Denzil Davies (see post ‘How Much Greater Is A Man than A Sheep?’) and Gwyneth Dunwoody (see previous posts). Dafydd’s colleague Dr Tony Francis knew the Windbag from their time as students in Cardiff and of course the Windbag’s wife had grown up in Holyhead, where her parents and parents’ friend the Labour MP for Anglesey, 1951-79, Lord Cledwyn, had kept the lid on Dafydd and Dafydd’s predecessor Gwynne the lobotomist since the Dark Ages. See previous posts eg. ‘The Cradle Of Filth’ and ‘How Much Greater Is A Man Than a Sheep?’. The abusive social workers of Gwynedd and Clwyd must have been delighted at the prospect of their old mucker Meacher from the LSE being Deputy Leader of the Labour Party with the Windbag as Leader. No wonder they constantly explained the dangers of The Cuts to everyone, while delivering kids in care to provide sexual services to Fatcher’s friends and Gov’t Ministers in Fatcher’s Britain.
The union NUPE, which represented many social workers and and other staff involved with the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal and other child abuse scandals, supported the Windbag for the leadership and Meacher for the deputy leadership. One social worker whom NUPE refused to support although she was a paid-up member was Alison Taylor. Jeremy Corbyn had worked for NUPE before he was elected as the MP for Islington North in 1983 and Jezza remained on excellent terms with NUPE after he became an MP; Jezza sat as a member of Haringey Council, 1974-83. Dafydd’s gang had links to the trafficking gang that was operating in Haringey Council as well as in Islington’s children’s homes at the time.
In 1983 Mary Wynch had begun suing Dafydd et al and Brown began receiving murder threats from the gang. When I told my tutor at UCNW and Dr D.G.E. Wood, the GP in the Student Health Centre at UCNW – who was facilitating Dafydd’s gang but I didn’t know that then – about the threats to Brown I was ignored. I knew of other students who were being targeted by the gang who told tutors at UCNW as well as Wood and they were ignored too.
Previous posts eg. ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’ and ‘A Local Boy Made Good’ described how Brown and I had bizarre and distressing experiences with people whom Brown had met through the small ads in ‘New Statesman’, to which Brown had responded when he was in search of a bit of extra work. I have been told that these people were members of the security services who had targeted us, the security services having placed us under surveillance. The ‘New Statesman’ at the time was required reading for people interested in Labour politics and it was the butt of ‘Private Eye’ spoof articles with titles like ‘Whither The Town Halls?’ and ‘Town Halls In Crisis’. I never bothered with the ‘Whither The Town Halls?’ articles in the ‘New Statesman’ because I thought that they were mind-numbingly boring, but had I realised that the Town Halls were in crisis because so many local politicians were partners in a people trafficking business with those from whom we were receiving so much grief in north Wales, I’d have taken rather more notice of them.
Brown, I and our friends did try getting involved with leftist politics when we were young, but we all gave up because the whole field seemed to be dominated by such unpleasant mad people who were doing anything but working on behalf of those having a hard time. They were of course being led by those whom I have named on this blog…
‘New Statesman’ was dominated politically by people like Meacher – indeed when Richard Crossman was Editor, he grumbled about being assailed with unsolicited articles from Michael Meacher and his wife Molly. People like the sociologist Peter Townshend were on the Board of ‘New Statesman’ in those days; Townsend and Brian Abel-Smith had followed in the footsteps of Richard Titmuss at the LSE as left-leaning academics researching disadvantage and poverty (see previous posts). They all knew about the organised abuse and neglect of people at the very bottom of the heap by the welfare state but they refused to ever publish a word about it, even when gangs of organised criminals preying on kids in care and vulnerable patients became a huge problem in the 1970s. One was not allowed to level one word of criticism at the NHS and social services, even if one was a witness to the most serious wrongdoing.
The other group of people who wielded great influence over the ‘New Statesman’ was the cultural arm of the left, whom Brown had much contact with because of his academic interests. Since I began this blog, I have been given information that even the most Revered and Right-On of those cultural critics – and the most powerful – Professor Stuart Hall, worked very hard to shaft Brown because Brown was frighteningly able, was a witness to what was happening in north Wales and wouldn’t abandon Empowered Service Users. See post ‘Life In Cold Blood’.
It was the ‘New Statesman’ who in 1996 published Richard Webster’s libellous article about Alison Taylor, ‘Can A Whistle-blower Be Wrong?’ At the time, the ‘New Statesman’ was owned by Geoffrey Robinson, who has been the Labour MP for Coventry West since 1976. It was Robinson who in 1998 had to resign from his Gov’t post, along with Mandy, over the business of that loan for Mandy’s mortgage. Dafydd’s gang had links in Coventry and Dr Colin Berry, a Top Doctor from Walsgrave Hospital, Coventry was involved in covering up Dafydd’s criminality in 1989. Alison Taylor successfully sued the ‘New Statesman’ – she represented herself – and it was admitted that they had published Webster’s article after assuming that Alison would not be able to afford to sue them for libel. See previous posts.
In spite of all his efforts, Michael Meacher didn’t become Deputy Leader of the Labour Party. Fattersley triumphed instead and thus the nation was offered the chance of voting for the Dream Ticket in the next General Election. Which was in June 1987. This was the result:
In June 1983, a barrister called Tony Blair was elected as the Labour MP for Sedgefield. Miranda had been a pupil barrister of George Carman QC, who knew about Dafydd et al and the Westminster Paedophile Ring. Carman had defended Jeremy Thorpe when Thorpe stood trial for incitement to kill and conspiracy in 1979. Miranda’s wife Cherie was a barrister who worked in Carman’s Chambers until 1988. Cherie grew up in Crosby in Liverpool, an area with a sizeable Catholic population where many of the corrupt professional people who colluded with Dafydd’s empire in Liverpool lived. See post ‘We’ve Been Expecting You…’. Cherie and her family were/are faithful Catholics. There was a major problem in Liverpool with organised abuse in children’s homes and other institutions, including those run by Liverpool Catholic Social Services. Many of those involved in the abuse had links to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. See previous posts eg. ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’.
Cherie’s dad was the actor Tony Booth, the Scouse Git who hung out with the famous faces of stage and screen of the 60s and 70s and eventually married Elsie Tanner of ‘Coronation Street’ fame. Tony Booth was active in the Labour Party and was also notorious as a shagger. Dafydd’s gang had links to the circle that Tony Booth hung out with. See previous posts eg. ‘Workers’ Play Time’ and ‘My Arse – It’s Tatifilarious’. Cherie’s friend and colleague Michael Beloff QC was the son of Lord Max Beloff, who was mates with Ioan Bowen Rees, the County Secretary of Gwynedd County Council, 1974-81 and Gwynedd’s Chief Executive, 1981-91, while the paedophile gang made merry in the children’s homes in Gwynedd. In 1996, Michael Beloff was the legal adviser for Municipal Mutual, the insurers of both Clwyd County Council and the North Wales Police and it was Beloff who ensured that no-one except lawyers and insurers saw the Jillings Report into the abuse of children in care in Clwyd when the Report was completed in 1996. See post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’
One of the Directors of Municipal Mutual at the time was Lord Merlyn-Rees. See post ‘I Predict A Riot’. Merlyn Rees was born in Pontypridd, south Wales, was elected as the Labour MP for Leeds South, 1963-83 and then Morley and Leeds South, 1983-92. At the heart of the land of Savile, a corrupt police force and a huge paedophile gang with links to the gangs in Wales. Merlyn Rees was Secretary of State for N Ireland, 1974-76, under Wilson and then Callaghan, in which post Merlyn Rees concealed the VIP paedophile ring which was based at Kincora Boys’ Home, which, it has been repeatedly alleged, included Sir Anthony Blunt and Lord Louis Mountbatten. Rees was Home Secretary, 1977-79, under the Windbag’s mate PM Jim Callaghan. In which capacity Merlyn Rees concealed all that serious crime caused by Dafydd and the gang.
Michael Meacher’s first wife Molly – they divorced in 1987 and Michael Meacher married again in 1988 – was educated at York and London Universities and qualified as a social worker in 1980. She then worked as a social worker in north London. Molly Meacher was Director of Information for the National Association of Citizens Advice Bureaux; Lucille Hughes has been involved with the senior management of the CAB for years and Ronnie Waterhouse was also involved with the CAB (see previous posts). Molly Meacher subsequently married Lord Richard Layard, the LSE Professor who was behind the ‘happiness nation’ idiocy, which goes neatly in hand with Professor Mark Williams’s Mindfulness, which was invented by Williams when he worked with Dafydd’s gang in Bangor in the 1980s (see previous posts).
Destitute and suicidal? It’s your own fault suckers, you’re not thinking in the right way and furthermore you are responsible for your own happiness!!! No, there is no key worker available this week, they’re all at a Mindfulness retreat doing their Training, at the agreeable Trigonos Centre in Cwm Nantlle, at the edge of the lake, eating healthy nutritious meals of organic veg, followed by a lovely glass of wine in the evening. So it’s your choice if you kill yourself in your hard-to-let flat on the council estate in Caernarfon or Bangor, you must Take Responsibility. When the key workers have finished their Mindfulness Training at Trigonos, they’ll be off to Dr David Crossley’s All Wales Psychotherapy Network Training Session, held at a nice hotel someone where in mid-Wales, where they will receive lectures and seminars on Compassionate Therapy.
Want to know why the outrageous scam that was David Crossley’s Training Sessions came to an end??? Because when Merfyn Jones was Chairman of the Betsi, he and his CEO Mary Burrows stopped the NHS funding for those troughing bastards’ jollies, so the freebies in hotels for the associates of a gang of paedophiles ended. Crossley et al told everyone that Merfyn and Mary had placed Clients In Danger by Cutting Essential Training.
Baroness Molly Meacher has been/is: Board member, Deputy Chair and then Acting Chair of the ineffective Police Complaints Authority, 1994-2002; Chair of the East London and City Mental Health Trust from 2004; Chair of the Clinical Ethics Committee of the Central and North West London NHS Trust, 2002-08; Chair of East London NHS Foundation Trust, 2007-12; President of the Haemophilia Society; Chair of Dignity in Dying; Chair of the All Party Parliamentary Group for Drug Reform Policy. Molly Meacher has also worked for the Mental Health Foundation. So Molly has spent many years in the bosom of the abuse and neglect of Empowered Service Users. But Molly was off to a flying start early in her career. In 1979 Molly authored ‘New Methods of Mental Health Care’. Well those new methods worked a treat didn’t they. Most appropriately in 1991 Molly authored ‘The Mentally Disordered Offender’ – presumably when she noticed all those mentally ill people in prison for bizarre and trivial offences. Or having simply been framed. It was in 1991 that Tony Francis and Dafydd and the gang worked so hard to try and have me jailed; I even had to go all the way down to the Royal Courts of Justice at The Strand from Bethesda (see previous posts). Documents now in my possession show that the MDU and Tony Francis’s lawyers knew that Francis et al had perjured themselves.
Meet the gangsters’ Moll:
|The Baroness Meacher aka Lady Layard|
After Michael Meacher and the Moll divorced in 1987, Michael Meacher married again in 1988, during the libel trial, to Lucianne Sawyer, a physiotherapist. The Meachers have certainly done well out of the NHS.
Alan Watkins’s book concentrates on the intricacies of Meacher’s attempt to sue ‘The Observer’ for libel, but there is much interesting information in Watkins’s book about Meacher and others. By the time of the libel trial, Meacher had ended up in hot water as a result of a questionnaire that Meacher had sent out to all the Labour members of District and Regional Health Authorities in the UK in Aug 1984, when Meacher was Shadow Secretary of State for Health and Social Services, ie. the Labour Party’s chief spokesman for health and social services.
By Aug 1984 Brown and I had raised our deepest concerns with regard to the conduct of Gwynne the lobotomist and I had written to the GMC and Professor Eric Sunderland, the Principal of UCNW. The Chair of the GMC at the time was the Bastard of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Lord John Walton, who was fully on board with Gwynne and Dafydd’s gang (see previous posts) and Eric Sunderland was a well-camouflaged paedophiles’ friend who was also a fully paid-up umbrella of Dafydd et al, but I didn’t realise that until recently. See previous posts. By Aug 1984, Mary Wynch was on her way to the Master of the Rolls re her legal case against Dafydd and the gang. Alison Taylor had blown the whistle on the abuse of kids in care in Gwynedd and had already appeared before one formal disciplinary hearing.
Meacher had written to all the Labour members of Health Authorities regarding the ‘blatant political bias’ within the membership of some District Health Authorities and Regional Health Authorities – Meacher maintained that the Tories were packing Health Authorities with their mates – and he also complained about the Top Doctors lobbying. Top Doctors do indeed lobby, they ruthlessly dictate to Gov’ts of all hues what that Gov’t will do and make it clear that if orders aren’t followed, Fings Break. The Top Docs were busy fighting Thatch and Ken Clarke (Minister of Health under Secretary of State Norman Fowler at the time) and how the Windbag wanted the support of the Top Doctors!!! The Windbag knew as well as I did that although a few Top Doctors are a pale shade of pink – as long as they remain highly paid that is – a great many of those at the top of the profession are True Blues and very, very greedy. They were not going to vote for the Windbag and furthermore many of them were/are the most ferocious social and intellectual snobs. Thick Windbag, the boyo from the Valleys? No, they weren’t going to go for that, no matter how far the Windbag pushed the boat out to help Tony Francis et al.
It was around the time that Meacher sent those questionnaires out and in the following months that much of the ‘evidence’ of the degenerate Stormy Daniels-style life led by me, Brown and my friends was collected by Dafydd’s gang, as detailed in previous posts and the comments following posts eg. ‘Meet The Gwerin!’ and ‘On The Occasion Of The 70th Birthday Of HRH Carlo’. The orgies, the drugs, etc. One wonders how we had time to do well in our finals and pursue postgrad work.
By Aug 1984 I had been referred to Dr Tony Francis who, while doing everything possible to reassure me that he was supportive, was actually in on everything that Dafydd’s gang were doing and had only relocated to north Wales in the early 1980s from the team of Dafydd’s associates at Manchester University in response to the distress flares being sent up by Dafydd and the north Wales contingent in the wake of Mary Wynch’s litigation. Francis too was collecting ‘evidence’ to demonstrate that I – as well as other witnesses – could not be believed.
Does the Windbag know anything about the smear campaign that was conducted by his mate Tony Francis against complainants re the criminality in north Wales?
Michael Meacher, despite being of the left, voted for the Windbag in the Labour leadership election of 1983, not for Eric Heffer, the left wing candidate. Although Heffer and his wife Doris were doing Dafydd’s gang a great many favours themselves over in their constituency of Walton, Liverpool (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’).
Meacher’s questionnaire and accompanying letter asked the recipients to liaise with other Labour supporters on the Health Authority; perform an analysis of how The Cuts had affected the NHS in their area; gather politically useful case histories – how about the case history of that young woman and her mates in north Wales who’d complained about a lobotomist who was running a paedophile gang then Meacher??? – and to provide the contact details of one Labour member of the authority with whom Michael Meacher could liaise regularly. Meacher urged Labour Health Authority members to ‘develop socialist principles for health care’.
I have provided many examples on this blog of the paedophiles’ friends being at each others throats in spite of having the capacity to unite in the face of the enemy ie. the Empowered Service Users. One such paedophiles’ friend who hit the roof when he received what he considered to be the highly intrusive and inappropriate questionnaire from Michael Meacher was the Chairman of Islington Health Authority, Eric Moonman, who had previously been a Labour MP.
Eric Moonman (29 April 1929 – 22 December 2017) was the Labour MP for Billericay, 1966–70 and Basildon, 1974–79. Moonman was educated at Liverpool and Manchester Universities and became a senior research fellow in the Department of Management Science at Manchester University. He was a Councillor on Stepney Borough Council, serving as Council Leader until 1965 and then on the London Borough of Tower Hamlets from 1964.
There was organised abuse of children in Stepney as long ago as the 1960s and when Dafydd went into business big time, kids from Tower Hamlets were sent to children’s homes in north Wales. This was concealed by numerous politicians and others in public life, including Ian Mikardo, Peter Shore, Sir Robin Wales and Lord Elwyn-Jones See previous posts.
Moonman contested Chigwell in 1964 without success and was elected for Billericay in the 1966 General Election, losing the seat four years later. He then was elected for Basildon at the February 1974 election, but again lost his seat in 1979. After his second electoral defeat, Moonman pursued an academic career and became Professor of Management at City University, London and a visiting Professor at the University of Liverpool.
Dafydd trained at Liverpool Medical School and Liverpool University was heaving with members of Dafydd’s network who were fully on board with him, particularly those people working in medicine, law and the social sciences.
Moonman was Chair of Poale Zion (Great Britain) and President of the Zionist Federation of Great Britain and Ireland.
Eric Moonman was born in Liverpool in 1929. He attended Rathbone School in Liverpool, leaving at the age of 13 to begin a seven-year apprenticeship at WJ Pugh Printers and then the ‘Liverpool Echo’. After WW II, Moonman undertook his national service in the King’s Liverpool Regiment, 1951-53, during which he took courses in military studies as well as evening classes in subjects such as public speaking. In 1954 he gained a place at the University of Liverpool to study for a Diploma in Social Science which he was awarded in 1955.
Dafydd and Lucille were students at Liverpool University in the mid-1950s. Lucille did her social work training at Liverpool University.
At Liverpool, Moonman edited the University magazine and became Chairman of the Labour Society.
In June 1967, the Foreign Secretary George Brown made a speech to the UN General Assembly on the Israel-Arab Conflict. Moonman was one of a number of Labour MPs to accuse Brown of “taking sides” against Israel. At a Jewish ex-servicemen’s rally in Southend, Moonman called Brown’s speech a “serious embarrassment” and said he had “aggressively departed” from the Gov’t’s neutral policy, giving “harsh and arrogant advice” to the Israelis.
In 1972 Moonman was at the World Jewish Congress in Switzerland. He approached Stephen Roth, then Director of the European Jewish Congress and told him that changes had to be made in the way that Israel represented itself abroad. Roth accordingly gave him permission to start up a commission on Israel. In 1974, Moonman convened the first gathering of Jewish professionals to work out propaganda strategies.
Stephen John Roth (April 21, 1908 – July 11, 1974) was a US District Judge of the US District Court for the Eastern District of Michigan. Roth studied at the University of Notre Dame and the University of Michigan Law School. He entered private practice in Michigan, 1935 -37 and would subsequently return to private practice in Michigan, 1939-41, in 1943, from 1945-48 and from 1950-52. He was an Assistant Prosecutor in Genesee County, Michigan, 1937-38. Roth was the Prosecutor for Genesee County, 1941-42. He served as a second lieutenant in the US Army, 1942-45. He was the Attorney General of Michigan, 1949-50. He was a Judge of the Michigan Circuit Court, 1952-62.
Roth was nominated by President John F. Kennedy on April 19, 1962, to a seat on the US District Court for the Eastern District of Michigan. He was confirmed by the US Senate on May 1, 1962, and received his commission on May 7, 1962. His service terminated on July 11, 1974, due to his death.
Milliken v. Bradley (1974) was a significant case heard by Roth. A suit by the NAACP charging that the Detroit, Michigan public school system was racially segregated as a result of official policies was filed against Michigan Governor William Milliken. After reviewing the case and concluding the system was segregated, Roth ordered the adoption of a desegregation plan that encompassed eighty-five outlying school districts. The US Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit affirmed the metropolitan plan.
I note that Stephen Roth was born in Hungary in the early years of the 20th century. I am fairly sure that he is a relative of the psychiatrist Sir Martin Roth – a brother perhaps? – who was born in Hungary in 1917. Martin Roth ended his career as Professor – and then Emeritus Prof – of Psychiatry at Cambridge University, but Roth had previously enjoyed many other roles in which he proffered lifelong protection to Dafydd and the gang. Martin Roth, in the early 1970s, single-handedly raised the funds for the newly created Royal College of Psychiatrists to acquire a grandiose building in Belgravia as their home, when the Royal College had barely two pennies to rub together. It is known that Roth raised the dosh by somehow persuading Marks and Spencer to give them a huge loan on very favourable terms. The Royal College quietly moved out of the palatial Belgravia residence some years later, having encountered serious financial problems. I have not found out why M&S were so generous to a man and his colleagues who were facilitating the Westminster Paedophile Ring, but the fact that Roth et al were concealing wrongdoing in high places was undoubtedly the explanation for the generosity of M&S. A possible candidate being the key to this is Woy Jenkins, who not only concealed Dafydd et al and the Westminster Paedophile Ring but was Chancellor of the Exchequer, Home Secretary (twice), President of the European Commission and Chancellor of Oxford University. He was Home Secretary when Bryn Estyn was run by the Home Office. Woy was from south Wales and known to be a bisexual swinger who admitted this in interviews but refused to name those with whom he was having affairs. Had Woy been an honest man, I would argue that his privacy should have been respected, but Woy was concealing serious organised crime and a pan-European trafficking ring which targeted children and murdered witnesses. One doesn’t really want that in a Home Secretary. See post ‘We’ve Been Expecting You…’ for more info about Woy.
Miranda always maintained that Woy was his mentor.
See post ‘The Newcastle-upon-Tyne Connection’ for further details re Martin Roth.
Here’s the man to whom they were all so indebted:
The group of Jewish professionals convened by Moonman subsequently met twice every year, once in Europe in the summer and once in Jerusalem in the autumn. Moonman was “the founder and guiding light” of the organisation which became the West European Public Relations Group for Information on Behalf of Israel. The group was initially funded by the World Jewish Congress which later withdrew its funding. From 1980 it was funded instead by the World Zionist Organisation and from 1985 also by the Israel Foreign Ministry. The Register of Members’ Interests 1975/6 records that Moonman visited a conference in Brussels in February 1976, which was probably the winter meeting of the West European Public Relations Group for Information on Behalf of Israel. The register records that Moonman was there as a representative of the Parliamentary Committee for the release of Soviet Jewry.
By 1975, Moonman was Chairman of the Zionist Federation of Great Britain. In August that year Moonman met with the Home Secretary Woy Jenkins to protest against the planned visit to London by two members of the Palestinian National Council (the political wing of the PLO). Moonman criticised the visit as “an attempt to become respectable”. He added “we demean ourselves as human beings if at a convenient point of time we overlook the track record of these people”.
Anyone for looking at the track record of Dafydd and Woy? Or indeed of Islington Health Authority, the members of whom knew what was happening to the kids in children’s homes in Islington.
Jeremy Corbyn was a member of a District Health Authority before he became an MP, but I don’t know which one.
In June 1977, ‘The Sunday Times’ published a front-page story and a four-page ‘Insight’ investigation reporting the alleged torture of Palestinian prisoners in the occupied territories. The Israeli Embassy in London called the assertions a “vicious slander as it is insulting to the only democracy and free judiciary in the area”. Moonman made three complaints about the reports to the Press Council, complaining that unproved accusations were reported as facts, that the paper misled readers with unsubstantiated quotes and headlines and that Israel was denied the opportunity to comment before publication. His complaints were rejected.
In 1981, a broadcast by the Israeli Radio Peace and Progress (summarised by the BBC) referred to Moonman as one of several “leaders of the Zionist organizations in Britain”; although it is not clear if this referred to the West European Public Relations Group for Information on Behalf of Israel or another organisation. The broadcast reported that Moonman had “explained his” opposition to Menachem Begin in an article in The Jewish Chronicle, wherein Moonman argued that: “We must support Israel, but we must give consideration to the image of the Israel which we support. It is clear that Israel’s Western allies are less and less interested in supporting Begin’s Israel”.
In 1985, Moonman forced the Editor of the ‘Jewish Quarterly’ to resign. According to his successor Colin Shindler: “The offence had been caused by a ‘Jewish Quarterly‘ editorial which questioned the actual dangers of anti-Semitism today as popularly viewed by Jewish leadership”.
A 1986 report in ‘The Guardian’ refers to Moonman as “chairman of the research committee of the Board of Deputies of British Jews” and Moonman’s profile in Debrett’s People of Today states that that year he was appointed senior Vice-President. At this stage, Moonman was also a board member of the British-Israel Public Affairs Committee (BIPAC) where he worked on a publication called EEC Monitor. In 1987, however Moonman was forced to resign from BIPAC after a financial scandal which he considered the result of a campaign against him. Below is an extract from The Guardian explaining the circumstances of Moonman’s departure from BIPAC:
An unusual advert has just appeared in ‘The Jewish Chronicle’, asking anyone who knows about a campaign of malice against the former Labour MP Eric Moonman to send the information to a box number. It has been placed, of course, by Moonman himself, who is senior vice-president of the Board of Deputies of British Jews, and chairman of the Islington Area Health Authority in London. Until recently he was also a board member of the British-Israel Public Affairs Committee (BIPAC), but he resigned at the last meeting following what might be called the Alexander Keddie Affair. Keddie doesn’t actually exist, although he was once described as a recluse in Essex who didn’t like taking phone calls; the name was simply used over a period of about four years to steer payments to a variety of people, including Moonman, who worked on a BIPAC publication called EEC Monitor. An accountant’s report into the affair was prompted by Monty Summary, a prominent Jewish businessman and fundraiser, and it concluded that Moonman had left people confused about the Keddie arrangement. Moonman denies this, and is now intent on unmasking his putative tormentors. ‘I do think there is a campaign against me,’ he said this week. ‘There have been anonymous letters and phone calls as well.’”
By 2001, Moonman had joined the Zionist Federation of Great Britain and Ireland. In mid January 2002, the ‘New Statesman’ reported that he headed the Zionist Federation’s Media Response Unit, organising email and letter writing campaigns against journalists perceived to be antisemitic or critical of Israel. A week after the publishing of that article, Moonman had reportedly become President of the organisation.
Moonman’s emergence as a terrorism expert seems to have stemmed from his involvement in an organisation called the Centre for Contemporary Studies, a think-tank which published material on football hooliganism and race relations, as well as terrorism. The Centre appears to have been founded by Moonman who ‘seems to have been affected by the Brixton riots and anxious about the possibility of societal breakdown’. The Public Inquiry into the 1981 Brixton riots was Chaired by Lord Scarman, who was a personal friend of John Tilley, the Labour MP for Lambeth Central, 1978-83. Tilley was one of the key organisers of the trafficking gangs in Wandsworth and Lambeth which were linked to Dafydd’s gang in north Wales (see post ‘Lord Snooty The Third’). Kids from these areas of south London were being sent to children’s homes in north Wales and were then trafficked back down to London to work in the sex industry. Brixton is located in the area covered by Lambeth Borough Council. Scarman knew about Dafydd’s gang and the associated gang working in Lambeth and concealed their crimes. See post ‘Only One Died’.
In May 1981, the Centre for Contemporary Studies published a report called “The Nazis are in the Playground”. According to the BBC’s Nationwide programme, it “claims extreme right-wing groups are recruiting school children and authorities are unable to control the situation”. The BBC interviewed Moonman on this on Nationwide. BBC archive records state that he “discusses young racism increasing 50% in 2 yrs; subtle strategies used; importance of process for future of the National Front; accuses the NUT of indifference and gives Centre’s proposals”. Later in 1981, a further report on the role of neo-fascist groups in music led to an interview with Joan Bakewell on ‘Newsnight’.
Joan Bakewell had a long-running affair with Harold Pinter. Harold knew about Dafydd et al from several sources, including from his wife Lady Antonia Fraser, who was the daughter of Lord Longford. Lord Longford did a truly splendid job of allowing himself to be seen as a national joke during a lifetime of visiting offenders in a whole variety of institutions who were the victims of, or witnesses to, the Westminster Paedophile Ring and gathering info from them. Lord Longford knew exactly who had the evidence on whom and in which institution they were banged up. See post ‘Comedies Of Menace’. Harriet Harman is a member of Lord Longford’s extended family…
According to the BBC’s archives Eric Moonman welcomed a “declaration” by the pop group ‘Madness’ that they had nothing to do with the NF and the British Movement, because the extreme right saw pop concerts as a potential market for their magazines.
In 1985, ‘Madness’ was part of a collective of musicians who formed Red Wedge, a rather lame attempt to raise support for the Windbag among the Yoof of Britain. It failed dismally. The only person involved with Red Wedge who was politically literate was Billy Bragg, but he came across in the media as being rather Dave Spart and he alienated a lot of the people to whom Red Wedge were trying to Reach Out. Billy Bragg stood up on stage strumming and singing his song ‘Between the Wars’, which just caused many an alternative comedian to include a bit in their gig in which they adopted a Cockney accent and yelled ‘I was a miner’.
The leader of Red Wedge was Tom Robinson, who was quite a bit older than the Yoof and was most well-known for his gay rights activism. I only found out a few days ago that for six years when he was an adolescent, Tom Robinson lived in the therapeutic community of Finchden Manor. Finchden was a therapeutic community which was established by George Lyward. It housed young people who had not coped at all well at school. The teens at Finchden were not brutalised like the kids in Bryn Estyn were because a lot of the Finchden residents were from privileged families; there were ex-public school boys there and Tom Robinson himself was from a middle-class family in Cambridge. Tom Robinson maintains that George Lyward saved his life after a terrible time as a boy when Robinson realised that he was gay. I am in no position to tell Tom Robinson that this isn’t true, Tom was there and I wasn’t, but Lyward was networked into all those other people like Dafydd and Dafydd’s mate Dr Bob Hobson (see post ‘The Mentor’) who also claimed to be running ‘therapeutic communities’ and who were sexually abusing/exploiting young people.
Can the Windbag tell us if his pal Tony Francis had anything to do with someone in the Labour Party finding a rock star who was grateful to one of Dafydd’s network to launch Red Wedge, at a time when a group of leftie young people working in academia and the media had such damning evidence about Dafydd’s and Tony Francis’s gang?
When the General Election was called in 1987, Red Wedge also organised a comedy tour featuring Lenny Henry, Ben Elton and Phil Jupitus among others. Lenny Henry was married to Dawn French who went to Holyhead School – as did the Windbag’s wife – and was happy to have her name used as PR for that very troubled institution which ignored the abuse of children. Ben Elton’s dad Lewis Elton was a Prof at Surrey University and knew Prof Vincent Marks, the brother of Dr John Marks who as President of the BMA concealed the serious criminality in north Wales and on the turf of linked gangs. Lewis and Ben also had numerous other links with those who colluded with Dafydd (see post ‘The Rakes’ Progress’) and Lewis Elton was also a big mate of Professor Daphne Jackson, someone else who ignored the wrongdoing of people associated with Dafydd (see post ‘Jennifer’s Diary’). Phil Jupitus more recently performed at a fund-raising gig ‘The Giddy Goat’ organised by and for the benefit of St David’s Hospice in Llandudno, an establishment founded and run by Dafydd’s gang. See previous posts.
The comedians of Red Wedge also published an election pamphlet, Move On Up, with a foreword by the Windbag. After the 1987 election produced a third consecutive Conservative victory, many of the musical collective drifted away. Yes Indeedy, because Mrs Thatch won yet again, in spite of Ben’s best efforts at assisting the associates of a paedophile gang.
In his writings, Eric Moonman focused in particular on the influence of media and television. He published a report in October 1981 on the riots that summer called “Copycat Hooligans”, which argued that: “Youths imitated television film of violence in Northern Ireland when they rioted in more than 20 British cities last summer… Eric Moonman, the Centre’s director and author of the report entitled Copy Cat Hooligans, said the rioters knew what to do because they had seen it on television.
There was much research carried out at the time – including by some of the academics who later did everything possible to shaft Brown – with regard to Copy Cat Violence. Most of the more robust research suggested that there was no such problem, but the researchers who claimed that there was enjoyed much higher media coverage. One such man was the Rev Brian Brown who just spouted nonsense. The Rev Brian Brown was the reason why Brown published some of his early work under his middle name of John, because being confused with the Rev caused great difficulties. Actually, I need to ask Brown a few things – it has just occurred to me that the Rev Brian Brown appeared on the scene publishing in exactly the same area as Brown when the security services were in hot pursuit of us…
Brown would have made a better Rev than so many who were ordained by the Anglican Church if only he were not an atheist, because he did manage to keep his hands off of underaged kids and other people’s bank accounts… A few more people should try it.
In 1987, Moonman published a book called The Violent Society which included contributions from prominent terrorologists Paul Wilkinson and Richard Clutterbuck. Paul Wilkinson was identified in the contributors notes as a member of the Advisory Board of the Centre for Contemporary Studies. Insight, the Alumni magazine for Liverpool University, wrote that The Violent Society ‘was well received and, surprisingly for Eric, marked another chapter in his life’. The article states that after the publication of The Violent Society Moonman ‘began to take on consultancy work for ITN as an expert in counter-terrorism’.
Paul Wilkinson (9 May 1937 – 11 August 2011) was Emeritus Professor of International Relations and Director of the University of St Andrews Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence (CSTPV). Dubbed “Britain’s leading academic specialist in the study of terrorism”, Wilkinson was a frequent commentator in the British media and an advisor to the UK Gov’t.
Born in Harrow in 1937, Wilkinson was educated at John Lyon School in Harrow. Wilkinson studied for a BA in Modern History and Politics at University College Swansea, followed by an MA.
Swansea University was pretty much run by Rhodri Morgan’s family; Rhodri’s brother Prys was an historian who spent his career at Swansea University. Swansea was the home town of Lord Brian Flowers, a nuclear physicist who was a big wig at Imperial College and then in the wider University of London. Flowers concealed and colluded with the crimes of Dafydd et al in Wales as well as with Dafydd’s Big Mates in the London Medical Schools, who were facilitating abuse and perpetrating research fraud like there was no tomorrow. Just to ensure that he had all angles covered, Brian Flowers also served as VC of Manchester University. See previous posts.
After serving six years as an education officer in the RAF, Wilkinson began his academic career at the University of Wales, Cardiff as an Assistant Lecturer in Politics in 1966. He became Senior Lecturer and then Reader in Politics at Cardiff before moving to the University of Aberdeen, where he was appointed as the first Chair in International Relations in 1979.
Cardiff University, particularly the Welsh National School of Medicine, was Command and Control HQ in Wales in relation to concealing Dafydd et al and of course the child molesting of George Thomas. Aberdeen University supplied the dreadful Professor J.B. Owen to the Agriculture Dept at UCNW after Mary Wynch began her litigation and reinforcements were required (see post ‘Not Seen Since The 80s – Carwyn’). Aberdeen had a few other interesting people as well, such as Sir Dugald Baird, a Prof of Obs and Gynae who pioneered aborting babies for ‘socio-economic reasons’. Not only did Dugald manage to abort babies if he judged that the women gestating the foetuses were too short of money for his liking – Dugald had a big family himself, he didn’t have a problem with wealthy people having a lot of children, it was just the plebs who had to be ordered to have abortions – but Dugald did this on a very big scale and before the 1967 Abortion Act. All Top Doctors in British Obs and Gynae knew what Dugald was up to, but not only was he left to get on and do it in peace, but Top Doctors at Tommy’s who were performing illegal abortions looked to Dugald as their role model and constructed him as a Wimmin’s Champ (see post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’). Dr Death was working at Tommy’s while his colleagues were modelling themselves on Dugald.
Dugald Baird also set up the Aberdeen MRC Sociology Unit led by Raymond Illsley, which was linked to his extermination of low-income foetuses Dept. Raymond Illsley’s Unit was commissioned by the Home Office Research Unit which, under various Home Secretaries, including Woy, conducted some questionable research while studiously ensuring that no-one noticed the en masse physical and sexual abuse of people living in units and institutions which the Home Office was running. See post ‘Rab, High Table and the Founding Fathers’. Of course Dugald Baird had links with Dafydd’s network, how could Dugald not have heard of his fellow travellers in north Wales???
Two Wimmin’s Rights Champs:
Testament Of Fuckwittery:
Aberdeen has hosted more fuckwittery since Dugald’s death in 1986, in the form of Sir Ian Diamond, Principal and VC of Aberdeen University, 2010-18. Sir Ian David Diamond is a Policy Network Chair of Universities UK. His previous appointments include Chief Executive of the ESRC – it was Sir Ian who was CEO when Professor Fergus Lowe and a few others with knowledge of Dafydd’s wrongdoing were given a great deal of money to set up an ESCR Centre into Bilingualism at Bangor University; Chair of the Research Councils UK Executive Group and Deputy Vice-Chancellor of the University of Southampton, another institution which housed some of Dafydd’s umbrellas, eg. Sir Donald Acheson (see post ‘Professor Prestigious And His Associates’); Chair of Lloyds Banking Group Foundation for England and Wales; Visiting Fellow at Nuffield College, Oxford; Chair of British Universities and Colleges Sport, Chair (Ex Officio) of the Mitchell Hospital Trust; Deputy Chair of UCAS and Interim Deputy Chair of the Department for International Development Research Advisory Group, 2017.
Sir Ian is also Trustee of the Iona Cathedral Trust and the Population Investigation Committee.
Sir Ian received his K in the 2013 New Year Honours for services to social science and higher education. Tony Francis was safely dead then and the cover-up of the cover-up that was the Waterhouse Inquiry which was the Macur Review was safely in hand.
Sir Ian is also a qualified football referee and was appointed a Deputy Lieutenant of Aberdeen in 2013.
In 2016 Sir Ian led a review of University finance in Wales which was commissioned by the Welsh Assembly Government, which recommended that grants towards tuition fees should be replaced with support for living costs instead. Sir Ian’s advice was followed by the Welsh Gov’t, who’s previous system of student funding had been designed by Professor Merfyn Jones.
Miranda and Sir Ian: I do hope that you’ve noticed the mess since Sir Ian announced that Merfyn’s model of student finance had to be ditched, because students in Wales certainly have.
The Diamond Geezer was born in Kingkerswell, Devon. He obtained his Bachelors degree from the LSE in 1975 and his Masters degree from the LSE in 1976. In 1981 the Diamond Geezer received his PhD from the institution dominated by the most elite of Top Docs, St Andrews University. Why are we not surprised? See previous posts for further gen re the Diamond Geezer.
In 1989 Paul Wilkinson was appointed to the first Chair in International Relations at the University of St Andrews and served as the Director of the Research Institute for the Study of Conflict and Terrorism, 1989-94. In 1994 Wilkinson co-founded Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence (CSTPV) with its first Director, Bruce Hoffman.
Bruce Hoffman is a tenured Professor at Georgetown University’s Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service, where between 2010 and 2017 he was the Director of the Center for Security Studies and Director of the Security Studies programme. Hoffman is the second longest-serving Director in the Center. He is also visiting Professor of Terrorism Studies at St Andrews University, Scotland.
Hoffman received a BA in Government and History from Connecticut College in 1976. He studied international relations at Oxford University, where he earned a B.Phil. in 1978 and a D.Phil. in 1986. Hoffman is a political analyst who specialises in the study of terrorism, counter-terrorism, insurgency and counter-insurgency.
In 1981, Hoffman joined the RAND Corporation in Santa Monica, California. He left RAND in 1994 to relocate to St Andrew’s, where he co-founded (with Wilkinson) and was the first Director of the CSTPV at St Andrews; Hoffman was also Chairman of the Department of International Relations, 1994–1998. Hoffman left St Andrews at the end of 1998 to return RAND as Director of RAND’s Washington Office, 1998–2006, Vice President for external affairs at RAND, 2001–2004, and Acting Director of the Center for Middle East Public Policy , 2004. He also held the RAND Corporate Chair in Counter-terrorism and Counter-insurgency, 2006–2006. Hoffman served as a Commissioner on the 9/11 Review Commission, which examined the FBI’s ability to counter terrorism, radicalization and cyber crime. The Commission’s report was released on March 25, 2015. He was scholar-in-residence for Counter-terrorism at the Central Intelligence Agency, 2004-06; an Adviser on counter-terrorism to the Office of National Security Affairs, Coalition Provisional Authority, Baghdad, Iraq in 2004 and from 2004 to 2005, an Adviser on counter-insurgency to the Strategy, Plans, and Analysis Office at Multi-National Forces-Iraq Headquarters, Baghdad. Hoffman was also an adviser to the Iraq Study Group (2006).
Hoffman is currently Shelby Cullom and Kathryn W. Davis Senior Visiting Fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations and was a Visiting Fellow at All Souls College, Oxford University in 2009. Hoffman has been a public policy fellow and a distinguished scholar at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, D.C. and is currently a Global Wilson Fellow. He was also a visiting Professor at Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Singapore, where he was the S. Rajaratnam Professor of Strategic Studies for 2009 and the William F. Podlich Distinguished Fellow and visiting Professor of Gov’t at Claremont McKenna College in 2016. Hoffman has been teaching at the International Institute for Counter-terrorism at the Interdisciplinary Center in Herzliya, Israel, since 2006.
Dr. Bruce Hoffman, Director, RAND Washington Office at Washington Foreign Press Center briefing on “The Status of the War on Terrorism.”
Someone who held meetings with Irish Republican activists to learn about violent resistance (see post ‘A Network Stretching Back Decades…’):
Hoffman’s mate Paul Wilkinson was a Visiting Fellow at Trinity College, Cambridge, 1997-98. He is co-founder and was co-editor of the academic journal Terrorism and Political Violence, 1989–2006 and was Director of a research project funded by the ESRC on the UK’s preparedness for terrorist attacks. Wilkinson also served as Advisor to Lord Lloyd of Berwick’s “Inquiry into Legislation Against Terrorism” and authored its second volume, “Research Report for the Inquiry”, published in October 1996.
In 2004 Dafydd gave evidence to the Independent Inquiry on Gulf War Illnesses conducted by Lord Lloyd of Berwick. Dafydd’s nonsense which was submitted as evidence can be read in my post ‘Feet In Chains’.
Lord Lloyd of Berwick aka Anthony Lloyd is a retired judge. He was educated at Eton, served in the army and then read law at Trinity College, Cambridge. In 1955 Lord Lloyd was admitted to the Inner Temple as a barrister. Lloyd was Attorney General to Prince Charles, 1969-77. Oh well Charles was mates with Jimmy Savile… Lord Lloyd was a High Court judge, a Law Lord and a Privy Councillor and in 1996 he reviewed anti- terrorist legislation using Paul Wilkinson as an advisor. Then in 2004 Lord Lloyd relied upon the word of Dafydd…
Lord Lloyd is still alive. Can he explain what he was doing exactly?
In August 2007, Wilkinson was appointed Emeritus Professor of International Relations and retired from serving as the Chairman of CSTPV’s Advisory Board, but remained active in academia and policy circles.
Throughout Wilkinson’s career, which spanned the five decades that saw the rise of the IRA bombings to the September 11 2001 attacks, Wilkinson was a strong opponent of terrorism but adamant that democratic responses to it always be guided by the rule of law. For example, he publicly opposed attempts to increase the period permitted to detain terrorism suspects without trial in the UK and condemned the George Dubya Bush administration’s approach to counter-terrorism, such as Guantanamo, which he criticized as flouting “international law and criminal justice”.
Indeed, Wilkinson said that liberal democracy was what sparked his interest in his subject, stating that he had become “interested initially in the mid-1960s in why terrorism had been effective in some conflicts and not others. Then, with the burgeoning of modern international terrorism in the 1970s, I became interested in the politics of democratic and international response”. Wilkinson appreciated it as a multi-disciplinary and “ever-changing” research topic that was especially rewarding because he was a part of “a small band of pioneers in this almost totally neglected field” in his early career.
As Dafydd has been so often. Dafydd with a history of hobnobbing with terrorists.
Richard Clutterbuck (22 November 1917 – 6 January 1998) was a pioneer in the study of political violence. In his lifetime he was both a professional soldier and academic.
Clutterbuck was commissioned into the Royal Engineers in 1937 after graduating in mechanical sciences from Cambridge. After Dunkirk, he went through both the Western Desert and Italian campaigns. The Army sent Clutterbuck to different hotspots, including Palestine (1947) during the Irgun Zvei Leumi’s terrorist campaign. In 1956, up against Chinese communists, Lt. Col Clutterbuck shed his rank badges to go on patrol as an ordinary soldier. As Chief Engineer Far East, 1966–68, Brigadier Clutterbuck put into practice in northeast Thailand the counter-terrorist philosophy he was gradually evolving. His next job after Thailand was the top one, as Engineer-in-Chief, 1968–70 at the Ministry of Defence. While in the Far East, however, Clutterbuck had started to read for a PhD in politics. In 1968, Clutterbuck enrolled at London University.
Clutterbuck looks like the sort of mad old bugger who worked for the security services who was ready to organise a military coup if Tony Benn became PM…
Clutterbuck’s last Army post was back in the specialisation that he had created for himself, as Chief Army Instructor of the Royal College of Defence Studies, devoted to peacekeeping or “low-intensity Operations” as they were now termed. On retirement in 1972 he became Dr Clutterbuck, and marched straight into the post of lecturer in political conflict at Exeter University.
One thing that Clutterbuck will have known much about is the elite paedophile ring which was based at Kincora Boys’ Home which was alleged to include Sir Anthony Blunt and Lord Louis Mountbatten and the links between that ring and Dafydd’s gang in north Wales/Cheshire.
In 1978, Richard Clutterbuck published a volume entitled ‘Britain in Agony’. It certainly was by 1978, Parliament contained a proportion of active paedophiles who became so worried that they were all about to be exposed what with Jeremy Thorpe being charged, that the whole establishment went collectively mad. More agony was to follow as a great many innocent people in north Wales lost their lives.
Despite the overblown claims of Eric Moonman being the go-to man when the media wanted expertise on terrorism for decades, Eric Moonman’s media presence as a terrorism expert does not seem to have taken off until after the millennium. The television archive contains only one item in the 1990s listing Moonman as a terrorism expert and the note does not contain an exact date. With the exception of that item, Moonman’s first appearance seems to have been on a Channel Five Lunchtime Bulletin on 18 July 2002, after which he appeared dozens of times on UK television.
In 1998, Moonman was appointed as a member of the Advisory Board of the Centre for Counter Terrorism Studies at the Potomic Institute for Policy Studies. He appeared at an ‘Executive Luncheon’ hosted by the group on 26 November 2001. The panel was chaired by Yonah Alexander, the Director of the International Center for Terrorism Studies and a fellow Zionist and seminal terrorism expert; and Michael Swetnam, CEO and chairman of the Potomac Institute. Moonman said he thought the media had been, “highly responsible and supportive of U.S. and international efforts to root out terrorism”. Of the critics of the War on Terror, Moonman said: “Many are Muslim, though most Muslims are friendly, good citizens who favour peace. Still, Taliban supporters are currently protesting and causing unrest in both England and the whole of Europe. Many of these dissidents are merely taking advantage of the situation, rather than genuinely pursuing the ideals of peace. Legitimate peace movement leaders, in fact, have actually spoken out against these protesters.” Moonman warned that “Usama bin Laden’s slick operation shows the extent to which public opinion can be bought with marketing and public relations expenditures,” and argued that, “we must fight terrorists on their own terms. We can’t afford to abide by the Queensbury rules of war in the face of such a dangerous and unscrupulous threat.”
It was after his parliamentary career ended that Moonman became involved in health policy and was Chairman of Islington Health Authority, 1980–90. He created controversy within the Labour Party because of his support for privatisation within the NHS. Moonman was able to win a vote in favour of privatisation by reintroducing the matter on a much-criticised pretext at a meeting at which his supporters were in the majority. In 1987, at the Annual conference of the SDP with whom Moonman was by then involved, Moonman argued for a greater role for the private sector in the NHS. According to BBC Archives: “Eric MOONMAN, Islington, must look at alternative funding for the NHS & consider working with private sector”.
Eric Moonman’s obituary appeared in ‘The Times’ after he died in Dec 2017:
…His interests inside and outside parliament were varied, ranging from mental health, computer technology and the decline of the newspaper industry, to management reform, children in care and the plight of Soviet Jews. In the 1970s he wrote columns on these and many other subjects for ‘The Times’.
Eric Moonman being interested in mental health and children in care is every bit as worrying as Molly Meacher Helping The Unfortunate.
The EEC, precursor of the European Union, was another area of interest. “If those who see the Treaty of Rome as a papal plot were to succeed in taking us out of the EEC, they should at least provide us with a forwarding address,” he wrote at the time of the 1975 in-out referendum, adding that a directly elected European parliament would make it more democratic and accountable. MEPs were first elected in 1979.
Jeremy Thorpe also campaigned for a directly elected European Parliament (see post ‘On The Occasion Of The 70th Birthday Of HRH Carlo’).
Constituency matters were perhaps not his forte, and at times he despaired of the unrealistic expectations of those he represented. He once used his Times column to produce a “consumer guide to members of parliament”, but he later wrote: “I have now ceased to be amazed at how little even apparently well educated people understand about the power structure in our society.”
Eric Moonman understood that power structure very well and it was just as well for him that most other people didn’t, or no-one would have let him remain as the Chairman of a Health Authority on the territory of a huge paedophile ring with links to mainland Europe, or indeed hold any of the many other positions that Eric enjoyed.
….He followed Everton FC and enjoyed watching films, but his parents were not thrilled by his cinema-going and enrolled him in the choir at Princes Road Synagogue. When he learnt that another singer was being paid three times his rate of sixpence a month, Moonman tried to organise a strike, but found that he could not rely on solidarity from the other singers. Instead he quit. “It was my first industrial dispute,” he said proudly. The other singer was Frankie Vaughan.
In 1940 the family home was bombed and Moonman and his sisters had to be dug out of the cellar…The family moved into a small flat in Southport, where one of his sisters was living, and he continued his education at Christ Church School until the age of 13. He began a seven-year apprenticeship with WJ Pugh Printers and later the Liverpool Echo, joining Labour in his teens…
He left the Labour Party for a period in 1984, alleging ‘Stalinist’ tactics
In 1984, after the Meacher questionnaire, Moonman did indeed resign from Labour, alleging “Stalinist” tactics on the part of Meacher. However, Moonman returned to the fold after a few months and the questionnaire (allegedly) wasn’t implemented. At a later point Moonman joined the SDP.
In 1962 Moonman married Jane Dillon, who had been his research assistant at the BIM. They had three children: Daniel, a social worker; Natasha, a website moderator living in Austin, Texas; and Josh, an undertaker in Dublin. The marriage was dissolved in 1991 and ten years later he married Gillian Mayer, an optometrist he met while speaking at the Southport Jewish Representative Council in 2000…
Daniel Moonman is to be found on the website of the University of Sheffield, listed as a member of staff in the Dept of Sociological Studies. His job title is given as ‘Consultant Social Worker (Adults). Daniel’s first degree is from Oxford, his MA and social work qualification are from Leicester and his MSc is from Birmingham. All three of those universities have social work academics who colluded with organised abuse and in Leicester the abusers effectively ran the University. Rob Evans, the senior manager responsible for children in care in Gwynedd Social Services when the gang were busy, trained at Leicester. After Rob had exposed the kids in care to extreme danger, he was given responsibility for community mental health services. Then the corpses of mental health patients began to turn up everywhere. Rob was then given the community services on Anglesey to play with. Soon there were no community services on Anglesey. See previous posts eg. ‘I Know Nuzzing…’
…[Moonman’s] post-parliamentary career was as varied as anything he had done. He was professor of management at City University and a visiting professor at the University of Liverpool. He was also a member of the Board of Deputies of British Jews, chairman of Poale Zion (now the Jewish Labour Movement), president of the Zionist Federation, a broadcaster on Talkradio and claimed some expertise in counterterrorism.
Moonman’s Torygraph obituary told us that:
Among his many interests he Chaired the Zionist Federation, Islington Health Authority and Toynbee Hall’s finance committee, was Northern manager of the Daily Mirror, leader of Stepney Council and a governor of the British Film Institute and Chaired the London branch of Everton supporters’ club.
He read Social Sciences at Liverpool University and took an industrial relations course at Manchester University before joining the British Institute of Management in 1956 as its human relations adviser. Moonman represented the BIM on the Thompson committee on the employment of ex-prisoners and in 1961 published ‘The Manager and the Organisation’, an acclaimed handbook emphasising the need for communication.
In 1962 he became senior lecturer in industrial relations at South-West Essex Technical College, returning to Manchester University as senior Fellow in Management Relations after his defeat at Chigwell.
Moonman advised the Mirror on HR aspects of its activities in Manchester, making contacts which led him as an MP to campaign for checks on press mergers. Yet his political roots were in East London, serving from 1961 as a Stepney councillor and becoming council leader in 1964. When Stepney was absorbed into Tower Hamlets, Moonman won a seat on the new council.
With Wilson in Downing Street and George Brown (whom Moonman greatly admired) preparing his National Plan, he was selected for Billericay, then the first constituency to declare its result on election night, despite having more than 100,000 voters. In 1966 he ousted the Conservative Sir Edward Gardiner by 1,642 votes.
In the House, Moonman became a less enthusiastic cheerleader for the Labour government and Brown’s approach in particular. Having campaigned for a prices and incomes policy, he concluded that it had turned into a wage freeze.
He applied his managerial skills to his new milieu, urging time limits on speeches; he also chaired Labour’s Science and Technology Group and the all-party committee on mental health, in which he took a lifetime interest.
Of course he did…
During all-night sittings he wrote his MSc thesis
One presumes that either that MSc was not up to much or Moonman was completely inactive in the Commons. Moonman received his MSc in 1967.
At the start of 1967 he became PPS to Patrick Gordon-Walker, Minister Without Portfolio, moving with him to Education. He still took an independent line, opposing the Common Market and the Vietnam War…
When Gordon-Walker lost his job late in 1968, Moonman’s involvement with government ended. The next summer he was threatened by the chief whip, Bob Mellish, for opposing (as a member of the National Graphical Association) penal provisions in Barbara Castle’s abortive trade union reforms…
Bob Mellish was the London Labour Party’s Own True Cockney, the Voice Of The Common Man, who nonetheless managed to ensure that numerous kids from Southwark were sent to children’s homes in north Wales and continued to be sent there even after one of them was sexually assaulted at gunpoint. Mellish also helped Thatch and Heseltine out by accepting an appointment as Vice-Chairman of the London Docklands Development Corporation, when no other member of the Labour Party would. See post ‘The Battle For the Labour Party’s Soul’ for the background on the entrenched corruption of Bob Mellish and his mates in the Bermondsey Labour Party.
Out of the House [Moonman] chaired the Centre for Research and Education, tackling “computer fright” among British management. Chairing the Labour Newspaper Group, he campaigned to maintain diversity in Fleet Street, warning that just two national dailies might survive and urging the adoption of new technology subject to safeguards for NGA members.
In February 1974 Moonman took Basildon, again part of his old constituency, by 10,667 votes. His efforts to moderate Tony Benn’s plans for more nationalisation led to his being ousted as chairman of Labour’s Industry Committee.
Chairing the Labour Parliamentary Association, representing candidates, he urged pro- and anti- (Common) Marketeers to keep their cool in the 1975 referendum, and complained that ministerial chauffeurs, with overtime, were paid more than backbenchers. He also launched a fund to fight the government’s Scottish and Welsh devolution proposals.
Moonman did not take a high profile on the Middle East until the early 1970s, when he became chairman of Poale Zion, the Labour Zionist organisation, then in 1975 chairman (later president) of the Zionist Federation of Great Britain and Ireland. He tried to prevent Palestinian representatives receiving visas to enter Britain, and lobbied ministers to protect British business against the Arab boycott of Israel…
In 1983 Moonman came a poor second to Peter Tatchell for the by-election nomination at Bermondsey, a choice Labour came to rue as the seat was dramatically lost – taking 32 years to recover.
Peter Tatchell was the man who opposed Bob Mellish’s naked corruption in Bermondsey and found himself subjected to the most appalling hate campaign and physical violence on the part of Honest Bob and his mates as a result. See post ‘The Battle For The Labour Party’s Soul’.
Despite his exasperation at what he saw as the provocative stance of Israel’s Likud governments, Moonman was twice elected senior vice president of the Board of Deputies of British Jews. He pressed for action against desecrators of Jewish graves, and voiced scepticism over claims that Britain housed hundreds of unpunished Nazi war criminals, putting the likely maximum at 15. He also backed the creation of a volunteer force, registered as a charity, to protect Jews against racial attacks.
In 1990 Moonman went to work for the charitable foundation of Gerald Ronson, jailed for his part in the Guinness share-dealing affair. His subsequent appointment as temporary director of the National History Museum’s development trust, after the foundation had given it £500,000, aroused protests from museum staff.
He became chairman of Essex Radio in 1991, visiting Professor of Systems Science at City University in 1992, consultant on Africa to the International Red Cross and chairman of Liverpool’s continuing healthcare review.
All aspects of the NHS in Liverpool were dominated entirely by Dafydd and his mates. Eric Moonman must have been Of Them or he would never have been given that position.
He edited essays on The Violent Society (1987)…
It was a very violent society for targets of Dafydd’s gang.
Moonman and his pals who were experts on terrorism will all have known about the links between terrorists and organised crime and that some of the murders carried out in N Ireland were thought to have been a result of the targeting of child abusers rather than British Oppressors.
Michael Meacher’s questionnaire demonstrated the degree of detail of the information that the Labour Party had/has on the NHS and the various Health Authorities. Other political parties also kept tabs on the NHS, because at every election there is an enormous scrap over the NHS. All parties of all hues knew about the serious crime that pervaded some parts of the NHS as described on this blog. The I Know Nuzzing bit on the part of any politician with regard to matters like the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal or any of the other big abuse scandals is farcical. Politicians and the NHS know when something like that is happening on their doorstep. No politician will confront any Top Doctor, no matter how dangerous he/she is, because they know that they will have the BMA after their blood. Somebody will have known about Harold Shipman in the way that everyone knew about Dafydd. Health Authorities like those in north Wales had dreadful mortality rates and were effectively bankrupt as well, of course the politicians knew what was going on. The Windbag made friends with Tony Francis rather than his victims because the Windbag feared Tony Francis’s professional group far more than he feared the distraught relatives of the kids in care or the Empowered Service Users. Kids in care and Empowered Service Users are there to have a photo call with in an election campaign which is then published in the local paper with a patronising comment about how they are being Helped. The Top Doctors are there to meet with in private and take orders from.
Whereas Labour politicians would never admit that the Top Doctors were killing the patients because the NHS must be supported at all costs, the Tories were concerned only with ‘profligate’ Health Authorities and didn’t really care that they were the dysfunctional organisations managed by criminals who were killing the patients at the same time. In his autobiography, Ken Clarke freely admits that there were a great many Health Authorities which were in a dreadful state with Chairmen and members who were not fit for those positions. Ken banged on at them about their spending, the importance of reform and the principles of good business, he introduced another layer of management and the trafficking, embezzling, drug dealing and serious organised crime continued. See post ‘Running The Country And All That Jazz’.
Moonman contacted the Windbag’s office in Sept 1984, after receiving Meacher’s questionnaire, but the Windbag maintained that he knew nuzzing and then distanced himself from Meacher. In an affidavit sworn just before the libel trial, the Windbag again claimed to have no knowledge of the questionnaire. The Windbag’s affidavit was sworn under the auspices of Lewis Silkin solicitors. The Silkins were a high profile family of Labour lawyers and politicians. Sam Silkin was Attorney General for England and Wales and AG for N Ireland, 1974-79 and at one point Sam’s brother John Silkin aimed to be Leader of the Labour Party. The Silkins all knew about Dafydd et al. See previous posts. In Sept 1984, Moonman also wrote to Jim Mortimer, the Labour Party’s General Secretary.
No Labour MP gave evidence in support of Michael Meacher at the trial, he was very much on his own. Everyone scarpered.
Ivor Walker was a fellow member of Islington Health Authority. When Moonman resigned as Chairman of Islington Health Authority in Nov 1984 over the business of Meacher’s questionnaire, Ivor Walker too complained to the Windbag about the questionnaire. The Windbag did not reply to Walker. Ivor Walker died in Feb 2009 and the Camden New Journal published a tribute to Ivor’s time on earth:
Thompsons are a firm of solicitors who act for trade unions and have assisted many an abusive health and social care worker in the face of complaints from Empowered Service Users. A number of AMs in Wales who’s heads have remained firmly in the sand with regard to abuse and criminality in the NHS and social services, including the current Welsh Gov’t Health Minister Vaughan Gething, have been solicitors who worked for Thompsons.
Camden was the manor of so many of those who later became the big beasts of New Labour eg. Dobbo, Tessa Jowell, David Mills, John Mills, Dame Barbara Mills the corrupt DPP, they were all in Camden and cluttered up Camden Borough Council. All of them knew about the Westminster Paedophile Ring and the links between the trafficking gang in Camden and the gang in north Wales. Camden was also the location of the offices and Chambers of some of the dodgy lawyers who concealed the Westminster Paedophile Ring. Please see previous posts for the details of the Camden crowd.
Anne Rouse was a member of Islington Health Authority, 1982-86, who gave evidence at the libel trial. Anne was a member of Islington North Constituency Labour Party, as opposed to Eric Moonman being a member of Islington South Constituency Labour Party. Rouse was a project worker at Islington MIND. From its very establishment, MIND colluded with organised abuse and at one point was giving platforms to paedophiles’ rights activists at its conferences. Dafydd was a leading light in MIND while MIND told people that they were standing up to Dafydd’s abuses. People who held senior roles in MIND usually did very well in their future careers in public life and that was simply because MIND was concealing serious crime in very high places. See previous posts.
Another player in the drama was Barbara Shepherd, Meacher’s researcher who was the person who constructed the questionnaires, sent them out and analysed them. Michael Meacher’s political adviser at the time of the controversial questionnaire was Alan Meale.
Sir Joseph Alan Meale was the Labour MP for Mansfield, 1987-2017. Meale attended St Joseph RC School in Bishop Auckland, studied at Ruskin College and Durham University. His CV also mentions Sheffield Hallam University. Meale’s website lists his previous occupations as author, editor, development officer, trade union official, researcher, political adviser and journalist.
Meale made his maiden speech in the Commons on 3 July 1987 in the Tourism debate where he commented on the poverty, lack of provision, opportunity and services in the Mansfield community.
Two members of the Mansfield community who are on their uppers:
Meale was a Whip, 1992-94, then he became PPS to Prezza in Prezza’s different portfolios until 1998. Meale served as Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Dept of the Environment, Transport and the Regions under Prezza , Jan 1998-Jan 1999. The Prezza who was at Ruskin College at the same time as Peter Howarth and Matt Arnold, who were employed at Axwell Park Approved School in Gateshead where boys were abused as part of a wider paedophile ring and who then relocated to Bryn Estyn, where boys were abused as part of a wider paedophile ring with direct links to er, the North East of England as well as to Hull, where Prezza held his seat for so long.
‘This Labour Gov’t will increase ‘omelessness’. You were dead right Prezza, they did. I lost my own house in 2002, as a result of the criminal activities of Dafydd’s gang whom you and your buddies protected.
Meale became a Gov’t Whip in the Council of Europe Delegation in 2007 and was acting Leader of the UK Delegation in 2010. He has been the Chair of the British Section of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association Cyprus Group since 2007.
In 1998, Michael Ancram accused Meale of “cronyism” following allegations in ‘The Sunday Times’ that he had lobbied on behalf of Anthony Kleanthous, the millionaire Greek-Cypriot chairman of Barnet football club. Kleanthous wanted to build a £14 million stadium on green belt land, 140 miles from Meale’s constituency. ‘The Sunday Times’ article said that Britain’s Greek-Cypriot lobbying groups had paid for Meale and his wife to go to Cyprus and donated thousands of pounds to Labour. Meale denied cronyism, whilst Kleanthous insisted he had not donated to the Labour party and said it was “a bit racist” to link his business interests to Greek-Cypriot political lobbying efforts based on his ethnicity.
Meale was Vice Chair of the APPG for Cyprus and was regarded by Greek Cypriot groups as one of their “oldest and closest friends in Parliament”. According to Meale, he first became interested in the political situation in Cyprus back in 1987 when Wedgie Benn advised him to “pick a political issue and stick with it”.
Where was I living in 1987, when the security services and Dafydd’s gang were trailing me across the the UK and doing as much harm as possible? In Chesterfield Gardens in Harringay, at the heart of London’s Greek Cypriot community. You should have popped over to my place for coffee Sir Alan, you all knew where I lived, my mail was being intercepted and MI5 sent people over to live with me disguised as young people who were looking for a house share! Diane from Cornwall, Theresa from Ireland, David from Cardiff. I did like them, they were very nice actually, but I really do wish that their bosses had put a stop to Dafydd…
Diana was a real laugh, our landlord’s elderly dad wanted to have an affair with her and turned up at our house with some truly terrible dresses that he had acquired from somewhere and said ‘would you like a 45 year old boyfriend, I can be your sugar daddy’. Hilarious, particularly as the landlord’s dad was very obviously in his 60s, no way was he 45. Our landlord was Mr Iannou, a Greek accountant who’s wife worked in one of the London hospitals… Diane knew all about Dafydd, we discussed him at length when we compared notes on Elderly Men Trying Their Luck.
‘We didn’t know.’
In the run-up to the UK referendum on membership of the EU, Meale campaigned to remain in the EU.
Meale was mentioned in the Parliamentary expenses scandal, having claimed £13,000 over 4 years for gardening. The limit set retrospectively by Sir Thomas Legg was £1,000/year. The Legg Report showed that Meale repaid £11,859.
Meale was one of sixteen MPs to sign an Early Day Motion tabled by Conservative MP David Tredinnick regretting the BMA’s opposition to further NHS funding of homeopathy. I hate the BMA as much as the next person, but neither do I believe that ineffective remedies should be funded by the NHS just because the Royal Family believe that they work. Although the BMA should have asked themselves why so many people who didn’t understand that homeopathy cannot work or at least not in the way that it is claimed were running into the embrace of alternative practitioners. It had something to do with their terrible experiences at the hands of the Top Doctors…
Meale married Diana Gilhespy on 10 March 1983, his second wife; he has a son and daughter from his first marriage in 1970. Meale was knighted by Carlo officiating at the ceremony in January, 2012, after the 2011 Birthday Honours list was announced, chosen for his “public and political service”, Meale having assisted a gang of paedophiles and put his name to an EDM in support of a bit of quackery close to Carlo’s heart.
Michael Meacher’s solicitors were Seifert Sedley Williams, who were also Arthur Scargill’s solicitors. Seifert Sedley Williams are yet more members of the poverty stricken Mansfield community. See previous posts.
|Sir Stephen Sedley|
When Meacher lost the libel case, he appealed – although he later dropped his appeal – and changed solicitors to Bindman and Partners. Professor Sir Geoffrey Lionel Bindman is closely linked with the Mansfield community and specialises in human rights law. Well what else would a satellite of the Mansfield community be doing? Bindman has been Chair of the British Institute of Human Rights since 2005. He received a K in 2006 for services to human rights. Bindman is a Patron of Humanists UK (formerly the British Humanist Association), along with a number of other paedophiles’ friends mentioned previously on this blog.
Bindman was born and brought up in Newcastle-upon-Tyne to a family descended from Jewish immigrants. His father Gerald (1904–1974) was a Top Doctor – a GP. Bindman attended the Royal Grammar School, Newcastle and then graduated from Oriel College, Oxford in 1956. He became a legal advisor to the Race Relations Board in 1966, a job he retained for 17 years. He also served as a legal advisor to Amnesty International and represented ‘Private Eye’.
In the late 1980s, Geoffrey Bindman visited South Africa as part of an International Commission of Jurists delegation sent to investigate apartheid and subsequently became editor of a book on the topic, South Africa and the Rule of Law. Geoffrey has a second cousin who owns another law firm, Bindman Solicitors LLP trading as Bindman & Co, in Whickham, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. His brother is Professor David Bindman (born 1940), emeritus Durning-Lawrence Professor of the History of Art at UCL and research fellow at the Hutchins Center for African & African American Research at Harvard.
In 1974, Bindman established Bindmans LLP as a firm with the aim of “protecting the rights and freedoms of ordinary people.” Such as Michael Meacher. Other ordinary people who’s rights and freedoms that Geoffrey Bindman has protected include Jack Straw and Keith Vaz. Well they don’t come more ordinary than Keith Vaz, everyone knows that he’s really just a washing machine salesman, not a crooked MP who procures rent boys.
Keith Vaz was the Labour MP for the constituency in which Brown and I lived after I moved from Harringay in May 1987! Brown was already living there when Keith rocked up in Leicester and was selected as the candidate for Brown’s constituency. There was a paedophile gang operating in Leicester at the time with links to Dafydd’s gang in north Wales and when Dafydd had me unlawfully arrested on a visit to Wales, I was referred to Dr James Earp, a Top Doctor from Leicester, for him to write a report for the Court case. Earp concealed the criminality of the gang in north Wales. But then he would wouldn’t he.
|The Lord Janner of Braunstone QC|
James Earp was later involved in a scandal centring upon a convicted murderer who had ‘escaped’ from Earp’s secure unit. It was clear that the murderer had help from the inside with regard to that escape and as more information was revealed it seemed likely that the murderer had received a great deal of assistance from a number of Top Doctors and lawyers to ensure that he ended up in the care of Earp rather than in prison. See previous posts including ‘An Expert From England’ for more information on our adventures when we lived in Vaz’s constituency and on James Earp.
Bindman continued his international human rights work when he acted as a United Nations observer at the first democratic election in South Africa and representing Amnesty International’s interests in the British litigation regarding Augusto Pinochet in the late 1990s. The Pinochet who was assisted considerably by the Top Doctors when an international warrant for his arrest was issued. See previous posts.
In 2001, Bindman was fined £12,000 by the Solicitors Disciplinary Tribunal for acting despite having a conflict of interest, as well as for breach of confidentiality. It was remarked at the time that he was the “most eminent” lawyer ever to be brought before such a tribunal.
In 2012, Andrew Hopper QC, who was a leading prosecutor before the Tribunal until 2002, reviewed Bindman’s case. He found the main charge was at worst “a ‘bare conflict’ having no adverse consequence” and said the Tribunal’s verdict on its seriousness was “incomprehensible”. He also suggested the decision to prosecute and the level of the fine were reactions to Bindman’s “robust” defence to the charges against him. Hopper sympathised with the view that Bindman was treated “disproportionately because of his stature in the profession”.
In September 2012, Bindman told BBC Radio 4 that he agreed with Desmond Tutu that Miranda should be prosecuted on the grounds that starting the Iraq War was a “crime of aggression” in breach of the UN Charter.
Perhaps Geoffrey Bindman could say a few words about the activities of Miranda’s wife, a fellow Human Rights lawyer and a neighbour of the Mansfield community herself as well as her mate Michael Beloff QC, who was most helpful to Dafydd’s gang in 1996? See previous posts eg. ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’
Sir Alan Meale, a member of the Mansfield community:
After Michael Meacher lost the libel case, Lord Arnold Goodman – a friend of Donald Trelford and a former Director of ‘The Observer’ – intervened on behalf of Meacher and asked Trelford of ‘The Observer’ if he would waive the costs which had been awarded against Meacher. Arnold Goodman was Harold Wilson’s solicitor and is widely believed to have been as corrupt as Wilson. Goodman worked with Nye Bevan’s widow Jennie Lee on the establishment of the OU (see previous posts ) and acted for Thorpe after Thorpe was charged with incitement to murder and conspiracy. See previous posts for information of Arnold Goodman.
Alan Watkins’s book devotes some time to Ken Clarke, who explained that as Minister of Health, he was responsible for appointing all the members of Regional Health Authorities and the Chairmen of District Health Authorities. It was the Regional Health Authorities who appointed the other members of the District Health Authorities. The appointments were officially appointments made by Norman Fowler, the Secretary of State, but in practice it was Clarke who made them. When explaining how he did not just pack Health Authorities with Tories, Clarke mentioned that he had reappointed the Chairman of Anglia Regional Health Authority, ‘a local man’, the Chairman of Norwich City Football Club, who had been a very active member of the Labour Party, indeed ‘one of the right-hand men’ of Lord David Ennals in the Norwich Labour Party.
David Ennals served as the Labour MP for Norwich North. He was also a Minister in the Home Office, in the DHSS under Barbara Castle and then Secretary of State for the DHSS under Jim Callaghan. In all of those positions Ennals concealed organised abuse and the associated crime, including that of Dafydd et al. Neither did Ennals just bump into Dafydd in his roles in Gov’t. Ennals worked for MIND in the early 1970s when Dafydd was a leading light in MIND and when MIND had close links to paedophiles’ rights activists. After he retired from politics, Ennals served as Chairman of MIND for years. He was in post when MIND told people that they knew of Dafydd’s offending and were supporting people who were complaining about him, but in reality were protecting Dafydd and continuing to work with him. For decades, David Ennals systematically ensured that he held roles which enabled him to protect people facilitating organised paedophile and trafficking rings. See previous posts for further gen on David Ennals, his brother Martin who was Secretary General of Amnesty and his son Sir Paul Ennals, who was involved with children’s charidees and sat on numerous Safeguarding Boards.
When Ken Clarke has explained why he reappointed a personal friend of a man with a track record like David Ennals as Chairman of a Regional Health Authority, Ken might like to explain why every member of the North Wales Health Authority was a friend of Dafydd’s and why Ken was happy to allow Noreen Edwards to remain as Chairman of Gwynedd Health Authority. Noreen was a former Angel who colluded with a trafficking gang and was very obviously unable to run a Health Authority. She bankrupted it repeatedly and such was the chaos that there were questions in the House, a bail-out from the Welsh Office was required and a hit squad of management consultants from the Welsh Office were sent in. See post ‘A Visit To Gwynedd Archives’. Was the people trafficking ex-Angel prosecuted or removed from public life? Of course not.
The people whom Meacher sued knew about the criminality and chaos in the NHS as well as about Dafydd’s gang. Donald Trelford knew about Dafydd and the Westminster Trafficking Ring years before Meacher’s libel trial. See previous posts. Alan Watkins was an experienced journalist who was himself a barrister and a member of the Garrick. Leading lights in the Garrick were Ronnie Waterhouse, Waterhouse’s friend and Dafydd’s big mate and umbrella Sir William Mars-Jones and Robin Day, Waterhouse’s closest friend. Dr Death’s mate Shirl was also a friend of Robin Day, having become pals with him when they were at Oxford University.
Throughout the saga of Meacher’s libel trial and the questions over whether his dad was a farm worker or an accountant and who did or didn’t know about those questionnaires, everyone in this collection of utterly worthless journos, lawyers and politicians knew about Dafydd and the Westminster Paedophile Ring. None of them were as concerned about the murders of innocent victims and witnesses in north Wales as they were as to whether Michael Meacher’s dad was a true farm labourer who’s bath was downstairs in the room next to the kitchen. For the information of the Windbag, who was in this up to his eye-balls, for a few years when I little, I lived in a farm labourer’s cottage which had the bath in a little room next to the kitchen. I really don’t see why it would be in the least bit relevant if I was an MP who was colluding with a gang of vicious criminals.