My post ‘Slaves, Perfect Slaves’ mentioned the plight of the quarrymen who worked at the Penrhyn Quarry, Bethesda in the late 19th century and the way in which they were obliged to give their political support to their employer who’s politics were not consistent with their own welfare. The way in which the quarrymen were held over a barrel caused them to be described by one commentator in the press as ‘Slaves, Perfect Slaves’.
The Bethesda quarrymen, despite living and working in dreadful conditions, were famous for their caban (a sort of canteen) in which intellectual pursuits such as Bible study, the writing of verse and quizzes were followed that surprise many people today when they find out about them. On one occasion in the caban at the Penrhyn Quarry, the men discussed the question of ‘How much greater is a man than a sheep?’
That the answer might not be as obvious as presumed is illustrated by an exploration of some more of those who sat in Parliament, or aspired to, while No-One Knew about the criminal activity in north Wales carried out by Dafyd et al.
Denzil Davies, the former Labour MP for Llanelli, died on 10 October, but I was too busy blogging about other matters to write the obituary that Denzil so richly deserved. There were of course tributes to Denzil in the press, memories of this man who, like all recently deceased politicians, was known for his fine qualities, including his integrity and service to the community. It was mentioned that poor old Denzil never obtained the Cabinet position that he richly deserved but of course it was not mentioned that Denzil’s constituency hosted the west Wales paedophile/trafficking ring which had links to Dafydd et al in north Wales. The gang in west Wales have received much less publicity than the gang in north Wales – the gang in north Wales were the main production line for fresh meat, particularly in terms of under-aged boys – but there was certainly activity in west Wales and the two gangs scratched each other’s backs and helped each other out when reinforcements were needed.
Propriety would have required Windbag that you should have blown the whistle on a bunch of gangsters who were running an international trafficking gang and killing witnesses, but because some of the key movers and shakers were mates with you, Glenys and had even been mates with Glenys’s parents, you tried to use their crimes for your own ends, as did Michael Foot before you.
In June 1988, the Windbag’s mate Dr Tony Francis was in hot pursuit of me, along with the BMA and because I was by then working for the Cancer Research Campaign, Francis was even using his network to infiltrate the Cancer Research Campaign. It blew up in his face when Francis’s mate Dr Peter Macguire chose to involve himself in a research fraud which became public in 1990 and sadly led to the presumed suicide of one of the other cancer researchers involved, Prof Tim McElwain (see posts ‘Reports Of Death Were Greatly Exaggerated’ and ‘Apocalypse Now’).
In June 1988, Alison Taylor, Mary and I were refusing to shut up about Dafydd’s gang and there was trouble in store for Dafydd’s associates in Cleveland as well, because Elizabeth Butler-Sloss was near to completing her Report on the chaos that they had caused up there (see post ‘Twas The Night Before Christmas And The Culprits Were Named’).
The Windbag’s gross incompetence re a defence policy would have been neither here nor there in the face of what would have happened to the whole lot of them in Parliament had anyone had listened to Alison, Mary and me.
Denzil would have good reason to fear an expose himself. Not only was his constituency on the territory of the gang which was linked with Dafydd’s gang, but Ioan Bowen Rees, the Chief Executive of Gwynedd County Council, 1980-91, who allowed Dafydd’s gang free reign in the children’s homes of Gwynedd, had served as County Secretary of Dyfed County Council, 1973/4-80 and the staff of Dyfed County Council were facilitating the gang in Denzil’s neck of the woods. Prior to that Ioan had worked as a solicitor for Cardiff Council and Pembrokeshire Council, while organised abuse prevailed in those areas. Wherever there was Ioan, there was abuse; he got off to a good start by beginning his career as a solicitor’s clerk in Denbighshire County Council back at the dawn of time.
There were so many complaints about the happenings at the children’s home in Llanfairpwll on Anglesey, that in the early 1980s Ioan was obliged to hold an investigation into the abuse of children in homes run by Gwynedd County Council. Who did Ioan commission to investigate? ‘Senior officers from Dyfed County Council’ – his old mates who were facilitating the gang operating on Denzil’s patch. Ioan’s mates from Dyfed reassured everyone that there was nothing to worry about. One of the children’s homes run by Gwynedd County Council was in Holyhead, the home town of Baroness Windbag, who’s parents had been Holyhead Councillors for years and who were also mates with Lord Cledwyn, Labour MP for Anglesey, 1951-79. Lord Cledwyn had served as Secretary of State for Wales, 1966-68, under Harold Wilson, when a Minister called George Thomas served under Cledwyn. Lord Cledwyn’s abilities were called upon when Paedophiles In Distress flares were sent up in 1995; Lord Cledwyn was appointed President of UCNW in that year when Sir William Mars-Jones stepped down and Cledwyn remained in the role until 2000, spanning the period of time covering the row over the suppression of the Jillings Report and then the duration of the Waterhouse Inquiry. See post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’.
See post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’ for more details of the Ioan-related fun.
Denzil was inducted into the art of colluding with organised abuse as soon as he began his journey up the ladder in the Commons. In 1974 Denzil was appointed PPS to the Welsh Secretary, barrister Lord John Morris, who has been a loyal paedophiles’ friend throughout his long life. As Welsh Secretary, 1974-79, under Wilson and then Callaghan, John Morris oversaw some real horrors, including: the massive expansion of Dafydd’s gang and John Allen becoming a millionaire as more and more children in care were sent to north Wales children’s homes; kids in care and psych patients being found dead in Risley Remand Centre; chaos at UCNW (Bangor University); Mary Wynch fleeced of her property, unlawfully arrested and imprisoned and the most appalling abuses at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. That gang were out of hand pre-1974, but as a result of John Morris, they ended up running north Wales.
Audrey and Jim – just an ordinary couple!
Lord John Morris, legal adviser to the abusive state:
John Morris was brought out of mothballs by Miranda to serve as Attorney General for England and Wales as well as AG for N Ireland, 1997-99. Miranda obviously needed a particularly safe pair of hands at the time, what with the Waterhouse Inquiry underway and the horrors of Kincora needing to be kept under wraps because dear old Mo Mowlam with her Wimmin’s Compassion was steering everyone through the Peace Process.
Brave Mo, All Heart, Both Before And After:
Mo did of course lie about the extent to which that brain tumour was affecting her health and her Top Doctor knew this. For much of her time in the N Ireland Office, Mo was too ill to perform properly. There were a number of incidents which Miranda has kept quiet about. But then Miranda kept quiet about the trafficking gang in the north east of England with links to Dafydd that Mo also remained silent about and of course Miranda kept quiet about Kincora.
To continue with tradition, Denzil succeeded the Parliamentary seat of Jim Griffiths, the first ever Welsh Secretary, who presided over the corruption that had been built into the Welsh Office from its very creation.
See post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’ for further info on John Morris and Jim Griffiths.
Denzil Davies made an unsuccessful bid against Fattersley for the Labour Party Deputy Leadership in 1983. Dear old Denzil fell flat on his face and the Labour Party ended up with the ‘dream ticket’ of the Windbag and Fattersley, who were known to hate each other and provided much entertainment for the readers of ‘Private Eye’.
Denzil was one of the few Labour MPs with Ministerial experience remaining after Miranda’s 1997 landslide, because Labour had been out of power for so long. However Denzil didn’t like Miranda and was described as, until Denzil stood down in 2005, ‘a thorn in Blair’s side’ and a backbench rebel re Britain’s membership of the EU. Denzil could have been a rather greater thorn in Miranda’s side had he exposed the wrongdoing of Ioan Bowen Rees, because Ioan was mates with Lord Max Beloff, the father of Cherie’s colleague Michael Beloff QC, who was a pal of Cherie and Miranda and a visitor to Chequers. But as Michael Beloff had helped to conceal the abuse and criminality in north Wales himself, Denzil didn’t dare say a word.
Denzil was described in his obituaries as having a ‘brilliant mind’ – a lot of those who concealed Dafydd’s wrongdoing were/are reputed to have ‘brilliant minds’ rather than being unscrupulous unprincipled old gits who’d do anything for the votes of Top Docs and others with vested interests – but ‘volatile’. One of his obits described in detail how Denzil’s resignation was planned to cause maximum damage to the Windbag and was part of a plot with others. Not that a great deal of planning would be needed to damage the Windbag…
Denzil Davies married Mary Ann Finlay in 1963. They had a son and daughter and divorced in 1988. In 1989, Davies married Ann Carlton, ‘the journalist and author who had previously worked as a member of Labour Party research staff’. Denzil and Ann’s marriage was described as blissfully happy and fruitful.
Ann Carlton wrote a very interesting article for ‘The Spectator’ in 2013, in the wake of the insulting media comment about Ralph Miliband and his alleged Hatred Of This Country. Carlton maintains that Ralph didn’t Hate Britain, but he did want to transform Britain into a communist state, that he would have preferred that to Harold Wilson’s Britain and that Ralph chose to ignore the abuses of the Soviet regime. So far so standard for Marxists of Ralph’s generation and circle. However, Carlton does produce a few gems. How did she know Ralph? She was his research assistant at the LSE, 1964-65 and was supposed to be using the work that she did with Ralph for her PhD. Ann describes Ralph as an unreasonable and callous boss who made her redundant after six months through no fault of her own.
The very week that Ralph made Ann redundant, the Labour Party advertised for a research assistant on housing policy – the topic of Ann’s intended PhD. She was offered the job and was asked by the Chairman of Labour’s interviewing panel: ‘You are married, so presumably you would be willing to accept the lowest pay grade?’ Ann wrote: ‘I swallowed my pride and feminism and said yes, because I needed the job. But I was learning that those who pontificate most loudly about the rights of the workers en masse are often those who, faced with an individual worker, can be less than perfect in their treatment of that worker.’
You are quite correct Ann, I’ve seen a lot of that myself. I am also acutely aware of Wimmin who are Feminists who know that other Wimmin were/are being abused and terrorised by eg. Dafydd’s gang in north Wales but who did not say a word. Ann Carlton was one of those Wimmin. Not only was Ann married to Denzil Davies who was one of those concealing the most serious crimes, but previously Ann had been a SPAD to Tony Crosland and John Silkin and was local government officer for the Labour Party, 1966-74. Tony Crosland knew about Dafydd and the related gang in the north east of England as long ago as the mid-1960s and kept it all quiet and John Silkin had all the crap on Dafydd et al as well. See previous posts.
Ann Carlton stated in her article in ‘The Spectator’ that Ralph genuinely wanted to see an end to the privileges of the bourgeoisie. So that must be why the whole extended family maxed out on their closeness to Uncle Harry Of The Privileged Top Doctors at Guy’s and Tommy’s and why Ralph’s dreadful offspring, Ed and David, both felt that they had a God-given right to a job as Leader of the Labour Party and PM. After Ed won the scrap to become Leader of the Labour Party, what did Ed use as his USP as a potential future PM? Uncle Harry’s love for and dedication to the NHS of course. I and another witness to wrongdoing in the NHS were threatened at gunpoint and by the time that Ed was advertising Uncle Harry and his service to the Poor, the NHS had wrecked my life yet again. But then in the 1970s and 80s when Denzil, Footie and the Windbag were ignoring Dafydd’s gang, kids in care in north Wales were being sexually assaulted at gunpoint.
Ann Carlton mentioned in ‘The Spectator’ that she never got her PhD. Well I got mine Ann. Because I had John Fazey as a supervisor, not Ralph fucking Miliband and the Labour Party. Although John Fazey and his wife were bullied out of their jobs at Bangor University as a punishment beating by Professor Fergus Lowe because I finished that PhD. But then the Vice-Chancellor’s wife died at the hands of the Top Doctors.
Denzil Davies was succeeded as the Labour MP for Llanelli by Nia Griffith, who did teacher training at UCNW. Who also knows about Dafydd’s gang and knew about them long before I did (see previous posts). Nia was formerly married to a social worker from Dyfed. But now she’s a lesbian, so she’ll be OK among the Wimmin.
‘We Are Wimmin, We Are Dangerous Hypocrites.’
I mentioned above that the Windbags’ longstanding friend Cledwyn Hughes aka Lord Cledwyn was the Labour MP for Anglesey, 1951-79. Lord Cledwyn was a solicitor from Holyhead who was Mr Labour Party in north Wales for years until his – and his Party’s – influence on Anglesey waned during the late 1970s and became almost non-existent during the years when the Windbag Transformed The Labour Party and spread that silly rumour around that when he and Glenys had been the stars of what became Cardiff University, they had been known to other students ‘The Power And The Glory’. It really wasn’t true was it Windbag? You were known as nothing more than a drunken wally and Glenys was a future primary school teacher, not a fucking astronaut.
In my post ‘Slaves, Perfect Slaves’ I described how some constituencies which housed the hubs of the trafficking gangs – such as Caernarfon – were for the years of the gangs’ dominance very safe seats. The gang owned everything and everyone, including the politicians and the electorate were indeed Perfect Slaves. Other constituencies on the edges of the gangs’ HQs were often highly marginal and every vote was fought for, including of course the votes of those professionals involved in serious organised crime.
Anglesey was held by Lady Megan Lloyd George for the Liberals from 1929 and until 1945 it was a safe seat for Lady Megan. In 1945 Cledwyn Hughes, as the Labour candidate, came close to taking the constituency; Cledwyn polled 11,52 and Lady Megan 12,610 votes. Cledwyn had another go in 1950; he polled 11,759 votes to Lady Megan’s 13,688.
It was in 1951 that Cledwyn won Anglesey by a narrow margin, polling 11,814 to Lady Megan’s 11,219, although I don’t know to what extent Cledwyn’s win was a result of wider national trends or whether there were over-riding local factors for Cledwyn’s gradual dominance on Anglesey. Cledwyn was a big pal of Glenys Kinnock’s parents who were both active in the Labour Party in Holyhead/Anglesey.
In 1955 Cledwyn polled 13,986 as compared to the Liberal candidate’s 9,414 votes. Lady Megan was no longer the Liberal candidate for Anglesey, that year it was John William Hughes. John William Hughes was the Known Homosexual who had tried it on with Ronnie Waterhouse when poor shocked old Ronnie was poor shocked young Ronnie. Ronnie was out campaigning with That Awful Man when Hughes propositioned Ronnie and, at least according to Ronnie’s autobiography, Ronnie Didn’t Tell His Father; Ronnie came from a well-known Liberal Nonconformist family in north Wales and Ronnie’s dad was a leading figure in the Liberal Party. Ronnie stated that Hughes became ‘well known’ for his propositioning of other men. Hughes propositioned Ronnie before Hughes stood for Anglesey, so whether Ronnie really didn’t tell his dad or not I don’t know. What is clear is that the Liberal Party fielded a candidate who certainly by 1955 was known for trying his luck with young men, while Gwynne was locking men up in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and even lobotomising some of them for being gay.
The 1955 General Election saw Plaid field a candidate on Anglesey, a J. Rowland Jones, who polled 2,183 votes, coming behind the Tory candidate.
Cledwyn was safely home and dry on Anglesey by 1959. In 1959, Cledwyn polled 13,249, his nearest rival being the Tory candidate, O. Meurig Hughes, with 7,005. The Plaid candidate was R.Tudor Jones who polled 4,121. Like Cledwyn, R. Tudor Jones was a friend of Dafydd and the gang who blighted the earth for a long time; Jones didn’t peg out until July 1998, by which time Ronnie Waterhouse was at an advanced stage with the cover-up.
Robert Tudur Jones was ‘one of the country’s leading theologians. His nationalistic stance, combined with Calvinist doctrine, created an integrated vision that was significant to the religious life of Christian Wales in the later half of the 20th century.’
So that’s why there was a network of people traffickers known to R. Tudor Jones operating across the whole of Wales throughout that time!
Jones was born at Tyddyn Gwyn, Llanystumdwy, north Wales but soon the family moved to Rhyl. Christian faith was the foundation of family life as his parents experienced the spiritual zeal of the 1904-05 Welsh Revival. The family were members of the local Welsh Congregational Church and while other children recited verses on the Sunday morning, as it is a tradition in Nonconformist churches, Jones would recite a whole chapter. In 1971 Dafydd told the Annual Meeting of the Welsh Baptist Union that learning Bible verses in Welsh as a child could protect against a ‘serious moral collapse’ in later life (see post ‘A Serious Moral Collapse’), so presumably R. Tudur Jones was armour plated against such an eventuality.
Though Jones was raised as a Christian, it is said that the turning point in his life was at an evangelistic crusade at Rhyl Pavilion where he believed he encountered God. Rhyl now has a massive heroin problem thanks to Dafydd; Rhyl is not the sort of place where one would expect to find God, although I do know that God is not supposed to be that fussy. In fact God is so unfussy regarding where he encounters people, that I know one chaplain in north Wales who used to boast of meeting God ‘on the toilet while having a good crap’.
Who is this chaplain who equated to the joke clergyman of ‘Not The Nine O Clock News’ fame, who wanted to allow Satan into the Church? It is of course the Rev Wynne Roberts, the chaplain at Ysbyty Gwynedd, who kept quiet about the abuse of patients and the suicides that he witnessed and who only got a job as the chaplain at Ysbyty Gwynedd because he was kicked out of his C of E parish when he had a fling with one of his parishioners, both Wynne and his flibbertigibbet being married to other people at the time. Wynne was subsequently given a senior manager’s job with the NHS in north Wales and in recent years he has taken to impersonating Elvis to cheer everyone up on the wards, which the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board passes off as ‘music therapy’. See post ‘Music Therapy Anyone?’. Wynne Chairs – or at least he did and he probably still does – the Ethics Committee at Ysbyty Gwynedd and Bangor University’s School of Healthcare Sciences. Wynne’s son was a student nurse at Bangor while Wynne Chaired the Ethics Committee.
R. Tudur Jones’ interest in ecclesiastical history began when he was a pupil at Rhyl Grammar School. His history teacher there, S.M. Houghton, taught Jones about the Puritans and he read New Testament Greek with the Headmaster.
S.M. – Sidney Maurice – Houghton was a prolific writer on theological matters, but certainly an interesting inspirational figure for a teenaged boy:
Sidney Maurice Houghton (1899-1987) was born in Salford, Manchester to Joseph and Edith (née Edge) Houghton. Both his parents were ardent Methodists, and at one time it was thought their son would enter the ministry of that denomination. He had an early interest in books, inherited from his father.
He served in the Army for the last year of the First World War, involved in administrative and clerical duties in a Searchlight Unit on the Somme in France. Returning to England, he was much influenced by the lives of his wife-to-be’s parents (Strict & Particular Baptists) and family life, and came to love the ‘doctrines of grace’. After completing degrees at Manchester University, in 1925 he obtained a post teaching History in Rhyl Grammar School, where he was to remain for the next 35 years.
From 1960 until his death in 1987 he was the chief literary and editorial advisor to the Banner of Truth Trust. His ‘Reminiscences’ are published by the Trust in My Life and Books. S. M. Houghton is also the author of the Trust’s ‘Sketches From Church History’.
After Rhyl Grammar School, R. Tudur Jones won a Scholarship to Jesus College, Oxford, but his father insisted that he attend the University of Wales instead. Jones therefore went to UCNW, graduating in philosophy in 1942 and afterwards completed a Bachelor’s degree in Divinity at Bangor. Jones then left Bangor for Mansfield College, Oxford to do his PhD.
Returning from Oxford in 1948 and now married, Jones was ordained as minister of the Seion Welsh Congregationalist Chapel, Aberystwyth. After only two years he left Seion to pursue an academic career. In 1950 Jones was appointed as tutor in Church History at the Bala-Bangor Theological Seminary, Bangor, north Wales and by 1965 he had risen to be the Principal of Bala-Bangor, a post he held until the Welsh Congregationalists merged their two colleges, Bala-Bangor and the Memorial College, Aberystwyth in 1988.
J.E. Daniel, the father of the corrupt judge Huw Daniel, was a fellow and then Professor at the Bala-Bangor Theological College. J.E. Daniel was President of Plaid, 1939-43 and knew Dafydd when Dafydd was a young Plaid activist and standing as a Plaid Parliamentary candidate himself. The father of Dafydd Iwan, the one time Leader of Gwynedd County Council and Alun Ffred, who was also Leader of Gwynedd County Council and the Plaid AM for Arfon, 2007-16, also either trained or worked at the Bala-Bangor Theological College. See post ‘Tan yn Llyn’. J.E. Daniel died in a road accident in 1962. R. Tudur Jones was Vice-President of Plaid, 1957-62 and he knew Dafydd through Plaid if not through other ways as well.
After his semi-retirement in 1988 R. Tudur Jones accepted a post as an honorary lecturer in the Theology Department of the UCNW, a post he held until 1997. The Theology Dept at UCNW was famously mad and carried out vindictive attacks on students. Theology at Bangor attracted some very able students because theology was a highly esteemed subject in the eyes of certain circles in Wales, but some of the best students would change course to escape the crazed theologians, although they would only admit to their friends that this was why they were changing course. It was even more confusing because on the surface the theologians often had the appearance of friendly old boys.
When Brown lived with my friends and I on Anglesey in 1984, he used to spend a lot of time in the library in UCNW and he told me about a lovely old chap who would always stop and chat. All that Brown knew about him was that he was someone from Theology and that he always wore his academic gown which had dog turds on it. Years later I mentioned the elderly theologian who had dog turds on his gown to some friends and I was greeted by ‘oh that’ll have been the old Professor of Bible Studies, he was a real bastard’ and it was explained to me that ALL the theologians were real bastards, they hated each other and they hated the students. Then I became close friends with a number of theology students who confirmed that yes, they were all real bastards up there…
The Bangor tradition of Bastards In The Theology Dept continued until just a few years ago, when two of the Bastards, Densil Morgan and Catrin Haf Williams, relocated to the University of Trinity St David. Their arrival precipitated an exodus from Trinity St David. See previous posts.
Densil and Catrin Haf’s colleague from Bangor, Robert Pope, who wasn’t a Bastard, also relocated with them. Robert Pope wrote the 2003 volume ‘A Giant of Welsh Protestantism – R. Tudur Jones 1921–1998′.
The dysfunction which characterised the theologians in Bangor may have been related to the major role that some of them past and present played in concealing Dafydd’s gang.
Most of R. Tudur Jones’ publications were of an historical nature. Nevertheless, his theology and his opinions on doctrine would surface regularly in his work. Jones was a firm Calvinist and although it is tempting to classify him as evangelical (see also his fellow Welsh Christian scholars Bobi Jones and R. Geraint Gruffydd), Jones distanced himself from the evangelicalism that rose from the ashes of the 1904–1905 Welsh Religious Revival.
R. Tudur Jones opposed liberal theology and feared humanism’s effect on the people of Wales. He didn’t have had anything to worry about, previous posts have named loads of people who were/are leading lights in the British Humanists who also concealed the wrongdoing of Dafydd and the gang. Wales remains safely in the iron grip of Dafydd and the paedophiles, despite those pesky humanists who didn’t learn their verses in Welsh when they were children.
Jones was also involved in Cymdeithas yr Iaith (the Welsh Language Society). Many of whom were associates of or even worked with Dafydd and the gang eg. Meri Huws, formerly of Gwynedd Social Services.
In the 1955 General Election, the Liberal candidate for Anglesey, Rhys Lloyd, polled 3,796, rather better than R. Tudor Jones. Rhys Gerran Lloyd, Baron Lloyd of Kilgerran was the son of James G. Lloyd of Kilgerran, Pembrokeshire and he studied at Sloane School and Selwyn College, Cambridge, before taking a teaching post at Bembridge School on the Isle of Wight, where he involved himself in the trusteeship of various organisations relating to John Ruskin. He became a barrister at Gray’s Inn in 1939, specialising in patent law. During WWII, Lloyd served as a Gov’t scientific researcher.
Rhys Lloyd was made a JP for the county of Surrey (by 1983 he lived at Esher) in 1953.
Geoffrey Howe was a barrister from south Wales who practised in Wales along with Ronnie Waterhouse et al while they all concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang. Howe continued concealing the gang when he served as the Tory MP for Bebington (on the Wirral), 1964-65, for Reigate, 1970-74 and then for East Surrey, 1974-92 and of course in his numerous Gov’t posts. Howe’s wife Elspeth also concealed the activities of Dafydd et al. The Howes were lifelong close friends of Ronnie Waterhouse and his wife. See previous posts for further information on the Howes.
Rhys Lloyd was President of the Welsh Liberal Party, 1971-74 and of the British Liberal Party, 1973–74. In 1973 he was given a peerage. So Lloyd was in the Lords by the time that Jeremy Thorpe stood trial in 1979, although Thorpe’s activities were known to people in the Liberal Party – including Emlyn Hooson in Wales – by the time that Lloyd was President of the Welsh Liberal Party. Lloyd would also have known about Cyril Smith’s abuse of children; it was publicised in a local paper in Rochdale in 1979 and David Steel asked the crooked barrister George Carman QC to ensure that it never found its way into the tabloids and broadsheets because Steel feared that the Cyril Smith story would damage Jeremy Thorpe’s chances in court as well as the Liberal Party. From 1977 to 1983, Rhys Lloyd was joint Treasurer of the Liberal Party, with Monroe Palmer.
Lord Lloyd died aged 83 in 1991; his wife Phyllis outlived him, dying on 11 September 2006 aged 99. So Phyllis may have been doing the honours and suppressing scandal for many years after Lloyd died.
In March 1991, David Bellotti, Lib Dem MP for Eastbourne, tabled an Early Day Motion asking for a full investigation into Mary Wynch’s case. Everyone who signed the EDM – apart from Dafydd Wigley – were Lib Dems, although mostly very obscure ones. Like Dafydd Wigley, many of them had colluded with Dafydd Alun Jones and the gang for years anyway. Shortly after the EDM was signed, everyone lost interest in Mary’s case – except for Alex Carlile, who asked a question in the House in 1995 only to be told to piss off and then he remained silent for ever after as well -and Mary wasn’t mentioned again. David Bellotti lost his seat in 1992 and never returned to Parliament. Every other person who signed the EDM was given a peerage, even those who had made no real contribution to Parliamentary life by any standards.
One of those who signed the EDM was Geraint Howells. Howells had been a leading Welsh Lib Dem and had been his party’s spokesman on Welsh affairs, 1979-87. Yet the year after signing the EDM he unexpectedly lost his seat to Plaid Cymru. In the 1992 election when they won the seat, Plaid moved from their previous position of fourth place to first. They did this by forming an alliance with the Welsh Green Party and thus picked up a lot of non-Welsh speakers votes. (The alliance broke down in 1995 – the year of the last mention of Mary’s case in the House or indeed anywhere else.) The man who won the seat for Plaid was Cynog Dafis, who served as the Plaid MP until 2000, as well as an AM in the National Assembly of Wales between 1999 and 2003. Interestingly enough, although he was elected in an alliance with the Wales Green Party, Cynog Dafis is on record as saying that he did not consider himself the ‘first Green MP’ – although he remained a robust campaigner on matters relating to the Welsh language. Geraint Howells’ bacon was saved however because he did of course bag a peerage in return for forgetting about that EDM.
For the full details of what happened to whom with regard to the EDM in support of Mary Wynch, see post ‘A Few Of The Relevant Politicians Re Mary Wynch’s Case’.
It was Geraint Howells who succeeded Rhys Lloyd as President of the Welsh Liberal Party in 1974.
Rhys Lloyd’s predecessor as President of the Liberal Party was Trevor Jones, who was President of the Liberal Party, 1973-74. Sir Trevor Jones was born in Denbighshire and later served as a member and the Leader of Liverpool City Council. Trevor Jones was Leader of Liverpool City Council, 1981-83, but he served on the Council during the 70s, 80s, the 90s and then again, 2003-10. Liverpool was part of the empire of Dafydd and the gang. Trevor Jones’s widow, Lady Doreen Jones, is a former Lord Mayor of Liverpool. His daughter-in-law Mia Jones was a Liberal Democrat Councillor for Chester City Council. For more on Trevor and his colleagues, see post ‘He Knows Where The Bodies Are Buried’.
In the General Election of 1964, Cledwyn romped home as ever, polling 13,553 votes. John Eilian Jones the Conservative polled 7,016, the Liberal candidate E. Gwyn Jones polled 5,730 and R. Tudur Jones had another go for Plaid, polling 1,817.
In 1966, Cledwyn won with 14,874 votes; John Eilian Jones for the Tories, Cledwyn’s nearest rival, received 9,576 votes.
The General Election of 1970 on Anglesey was described as being ‘a difficult one’ for Cledwyn Hughes, ‘who was heavily criticised by Plaid Cymru supporters’ and it was said that ‘at the count there were unpleasant scenes’. I have not found out what Cledwyn Hughes was accused of by Plaid or what happened exactly at the count. If Plaid were accusing Cledwyn of ripping up the ballot papers which did not have an X by his name, he must have been a busy man, because in 1970 Cledwyn won by a good margin. Cledwyn polled 13,966, John Eilian for the Tories polled 9,220, Plaid’s John Lasarus Williams polled 7,140 and Winston Roddick for the Liberal Party raked in 2,013.
John Lasarus Williams (29 October 1924 – 15 June 2004), known as John L, was born in Llangoed on Anglesey, but lived most of his life in nearby Llanfairpwll. In his youth, he was a keen footballer and he also worked as a teacher. His activism started when he campaigned against the refusal of Brewer Spinks, an employer in Blaenau Ffestiniog, to permit his staff to speak Welsh. This inspired John L to become a founder of Undeb y Gymraeg Fyw, and through this organisation, he was the main organiser of Sioe Gymraeg y Borth (the Welsh show for Menai Bridge).
John L was a long-serving Councillor on Gwynedd County Council and he later worked at Bangor Normal College, lecturing in Welsh. Bangor Normal was a hotbed of paedophiles’ friends and the institution trained a few people who were later convicted of abusing children. One Bangor Normal lecturer who was also a Gwynedd County Councillor and, like John L stood as a Parliamentary candidate for Plaid, was Dafydd Orwig. Dafydd Orwig was directly involved in the shafting of a Hergest Unit patient who discovered that children in the Ty Newydd children’s home in Bangor were being abused and then challenged people over this. The Hergest patient was subsequently fitted up by the drugs squad, assaulted when at the police station, fitted up for arson, imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre, unlawfully held by Dafydd in Denbigh for a year and soon after that fleeced of his money and property by a group of predators. Then he was denied access to his own child who, with the blessing of Gwynedd Social Services, was brought up by the predators who had at least two sex offenders in their immediate family. A witness to the theft of the child was found dead at about the time of the Waterhouse Inquiry. Read more about the delightful Dafydd Orwig in eg. post ‘Slaves, Perfect Slaves’.
The Liberal candidate for Anglesey in 1970 was Winston Roddick, who was the Counsel General for Wales, 1998-03 and served as the Police and Crime Commissioner for North Wales, 2012-16. Roddick was Chairman of the Welsh Liberal Party in the early 1980s. Roddick grew up in Caernarfon, served as a police officer in Liverpool, subsequently qualified as a barrister in 1968 and practised among the corrupt barristers in Wales who protected Dafydd and the gang. Roddick was Counsel General for Wales during the last part of the Waterhouse Inquiry, at the time that the Waterhouse Report was published and during the aftermath. That cannot have been a coincidence. Roddick knew Ronnie Waterhouse, both through Liberal Party and legal circles. See previous posts for more information about Winston Roddick.
In the General Election of Feb 1974, Cledwyn received 14,652 votes, the Conservative Thomas Vivan Lewis received 8,898, dear old singing Dafydd Iwan for Plaid received 7,610 and the Liberal candidate received 3,882.
I cannot find any trace of a Thomas Vivan Lewis, but Thomas Vivian Lewis is a solicitor’s firm in Bangor. There is also a record of a Thomas Robin Arwel Vivian Lewis as a Director of Legal Assistance (Warwickshire) Ltd, but I do not know if these two Thomas Lewis’s are the same person. I presume that it was Thomas Vivian Lewis the solicitor who stood for the Conservatives on Anglesey in Feb 1974.
Whoever Vivan or Vivian was, it does sound as though the poor sods on Anglesey didn’t have much of a choice when it came to voting for an MP; they could vote for a friend of Dafydd (Lab), or a friend of Dafydd (Con), or a friend of Dafydd (Plaid) or a friend of Dafydd (Lib). The electorate probably were greater men than sheep but they were firmly shackled.
Were things any better in the General Election of Oct 1974 for Anglesey? Not really. They could vote for Dafydd’s friend Cledwyn (13,947 of them did), or Dafydd’s friend Vivan Lewis (7,975 were tempted), or Dafydd’s friend Dafydd Iwan (6,410 fell for that) or for a bit of variety, the Liberal candidate Mervyn Ankers (5,182 felt like a change).
Cledwyn Hughes did not stand as a candidate in the 1979 General Election, he stood down shortly before the big day. I haven’t yet found what seems to be an honest account of why Cledwyn was shoved overboard, although as an enthusiastic devolutionist, Cledwyn was ‘hugely disappointed’ when Wales voted against devolution in March 1979. The devolution vote caused a lot of friction within the Labour Party in Wales. Cledwyn was desperate for a Welsh Parliament, but the Windbag and some others in south Wales were vehemently opposed to this, including Leo Abse and the molester whom he protected, George Thomas. So was Cledwyn slaughtered by the Windbag’s Big Mates? I wouldn’t have put it past the Windbag to have sold the man who gave him his big break politically – introducing him to Jim Callaghan – down the river.
Cledwyn didn’t end up in’t shoebox in’t middle of ‘t road though, that was just for Empowered Service Users. Cledwyn was given a peerage in 1979, so he still had access to dining facilities.
Hey Glenys, we’ll be in if we keep on the right side of a gang of paedophiles.
When Captain Cled was slaughtered, Cled’s old mate Elystan Morgan aka Lord Elystan-Morgan stood as the Labour candidate. Lord Elystan-Morgan is another Welsh barrister who served Dafydd and the gang loyally for many years (see previous posts). The Tory Keith Best won Anglesey. Best polled 15,100, Elystan Morgan 12,283, John L – who was back again as the Plaid candidate – polled 7,863 and John Gwynedd Jones for the Liberals polled 3,500.
Keith Best was a barrister from Brighton, where John Allen owned brothels to which he trafficked kids in care from north Wales. Best was a hard right Thatcherite who supported capital punishment. Despite this firm law n order stance, when Best was involved in a road accident, in which his personal assistant was killed, shortly after Best’s election to the Commons – Best was driving at the time – Best was not executed or even imprisoned. Best was cleared of all responsibility…
Best soon became a Minister at the Welsh Office where he played a full part in concealing the crimes of Dafydd and the gang, which Best was happy to continue doing when I went to see him in 1985 re the north Wales mental health services. Best was small and grey with a round face and he wore a blue blazer and I must have spent no more than 3 mins in his office. Best spent more time introducing me to his research assistant – who was also wearing a blue blazer – than he did listening to my account of the problems that I was having with the mental health services. I wish that I could remember the name of Best’s assistant, because that Tory boy will have been in it up to his eye-balls as well.
I’m fairly sure that Best knew that I would be going to see him, which might explain why he didn’t need to listen to the details of my complaint and that he seemed to know exactly what he would be doing with my complaint before I had opened my mouth. When I had the confrontation with Tony Francis which led to me paying a visit to Best’s surgery, Francis had yelled at me ‘you can complain to whoever you want, you can even write to the Secretary of State’. The Secretary of State at the time – the summer of 1985 – was Nicholas Edwardes (see previous posts eg. ‘The Cradle Of Filth’ and ‘ Corruption Bay Special’) and Francis knew damn well that the whole bloody Welsh Office were fully on board with the gang. I imagine that Francis got to the Welsh Office before I did, they probably drew up the action plan with him, particularly because in the summer of 1985 Mary Wynch won her appeal to the Master of the Rolls which received widespread coverage in the London-based press.
At the 1983 General Election, Keith Best held Ynys Mon, as the constituency was now called. Best polled 15,017, but faced a strong challenge from the Plaid candidate, Ieuan Wyn Jones, the corrupt solicitor who was from Denbigh, as was his Angel wife Eirian Llwyd (see previous posts). Ieuan was mates with Dafydd – indeed Ieuan’s Nonconformist Minister dad had been mates with Gwynne and Dafydd – and Ieuan had stood as the Plaid candidate for Denbigh in Oct 1974 and 1979. Ieuan polled 13,333, the Labour candidate Tudor Williams polled 6,791 and the SDP candidate David Thomas netted 4,947. The Gang Of Four all knew about the Westminster Paedophile Ring and their knowledge of it informed the their target seats (see post ‘We’ve Been Expecting You…’). Dr Death personally knew some of the Top Docs in north Wales who facilitated Dafydd’s gang.
Poor old Anglesey.
Best didn’t stand in the 1987 General Election, because he was embroiled in scandal after being charged with fraud; in Sept 1987 Best was convicted of fraud with regard to his applications for BT shares and was imprisoned. The Tory candidate for Ynys Mon in 1987 was barrister Roger Evans. Dafydd’s ancestral pal Ieuan Wyn Jones polled 18,580, Roger Evans polled 14,282, Labour’s Colin Parry polled 7,252 and the SDP’s Ieuan Wilson Evans bagged 2,863.
During the 1987 General Election campaign, Dafydd et al were carrying out a carefully co-ordinated plan to fit me up for a serious offence which was supposed to result in my incarceration in Risley Remand Centre days after the General Election. Risley Remand Centre were on board with the plan, as was the Mental Health Act Commission, as well as Gwynedd and Gwynedd Health Authorities. It backfired when Sgt Morgan at Bangor Police Station and Jeff Crowther, a nursing officer at Ysbyty Gwynedd, didn’t tell as many lies as were required. However Dafydd et al didn’t realise that Sgt Morgan had Rebelled and I now have copies of letters sent to the Mental Health Act Commission from Clwyd Health Authority explaining that I was now in Risley Remand Centre after attacking a junior doctor with a knife. Even better, David Ewart of the Mental Health Act Commission’s Liverpool Office wrote back to Clwyd Health Authority thanking them for letting him know that I was in Risley Remand Centre, so he would of course be sending a brief response to my complaint about Dafydd et al to my address at Chepstow Road in Leicester, knowing that I would not receive it. It gets better. Unbeknown to David Ewart, I WAS at Chepstow Road, I lived there with Brown and my friends between May 1987 and April 1988 and no, Ewart did not send any replies to me there re my complaint about Dafydd et al.
Lie after lie after lie, accompanied by perjury and conspiracy. Douglas Hurd was Home Secretary at the time; Norman Fowler was Health Secretary when Dafydd et al planned the dirty deed but John Moore was Health Secretary by the time that they actually had me arrested and started writing to each other telling themselves that I was in Risley. See previous posts eg. ‘Security, Security’ and ‘Additional Security Measures’ for further details.
I now know that all the Ynys Mon candidates who stood in the 1987 General Election knew what was happening to me. Ieuan Wyn Jones was a friend of Dafydd as well as of Alwyn Jones, my solicitor in Bangor – who was married to a lawyer who worked for Gwynedd County Council; Roger Evans was mates with the crooked barristers who were part of it; the Windbag knew Tony Francis who had called the police and reported that I had ‘tried to stab a junior doctor’ and demanded my arrest; the SDP candidate knew the other Top Docs involved.
The result of this cross-Party, interdisciplinary Plot? It was this:
Anyone for watching some vintage clips of that ridiculous old Windbag telling everyone how much he wants to rid the UK of the evil of Thatcher? Not if it involved helping a group of young lefties expose the wrongdoing in north Wales, including the abuse of kids in care by Thatch’s friend and Minister Peter Morrison though eh Neil?? Because Glenys and her mum and dad and their mates had been concealing it for decades.
If I was the PM of Denmark I’d dissociate myself from those in-laws and quickly.
|26th Prime Minister of Denmark|
Roger Evans subsequently served as the Tory MP for Monmouth, 1992-97, throughout the years of the flat denials from the North Wales Police that there was a VIP paedophile ring operating in north Wales/Cheshire which was being concealed at the highest levels of Gov’t, as well as throughout the duration of the Jillings Investigation and the launch of the Waterhouse Inquiry. Days after Roger was elected, the Brighton firebomb killed five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).
Roger served as a junior Social Services Minister, 1994-97, under Secretary of State Peter Lilley. While the cover-up re the escalating wrongdoing in north Wales continued, while lies were told about Dafydd ‘retiring’ and the North Wales Hospital ‘closing down’ and while the Head of Bryn Estyn Matt Arnold, Dafydd’s mate the corrupt Home Office mandarin Bing Spear and Peter Morrison were found dead. And of course as some people were imprisoned for the abuse of children in north Wales, but only social workers and teachers, not anyone important.
Ieuan won the day again at Ynys Mon at the General Election of 1992, as the body count regarding those who had Spilt The Pints of the gang mounted up. Ieuan polled 15,984. His nearest rival was the Tory candidate Gwynn Rowlands (14,878). The Labour candidate polled 10,126 and the Lib Dem 1,891.
Ieuan continued to reign supreme. In May 1997, after the Waterhouse Inquiry had begun and when things could only get better – but obviously not while Miranda was in Number 10 – Ieuan netted 15,756 votes. Labour’s Owen Edwards polled 13, 275 and the Conservative Gwilym Owen polled 8,569. The Lib Dem candidate, Deric Burnham, received 1,537 votes.
I suspect that Deric is a relation of the wonderful Eleanor Burnham, known for her red lipstick and a splendid public performance at a meeting of the Court of Bangor University some years ago, in which she hurled insults at the VC and Lord Dafydd Elis-Thomas, the then Chancellor and accused them of being Men. Not only that, but they were so guilty of being Men that Eleanor did not believe that they had allowed any Wimmin to sit on the University Council. Dafydd El confirmed that there were Wimmin on the Council and the VC tried to lighten the rather fraught atmosphere by telling everyone that he had attended the first Wimmin’s Liberation Conference in Oxford. That was not a good idea, Eleanor just blew, she screamed ‘and look what happened to you’ and exited the room at speed. I had no idea who the angry lady in red lipstick was but I later discovered that she was Eleanor Burnham, a Lib Dem AM.
- What are Eleanor’s credentials for advancing the cause of Wimmin? Er, Eleanor worked as a ‘social services manager’ in north Wales and sat on Mental Health Tribunals for the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. So she didn’t notice all the illegally imprisoned victims of the paedophile gang sitting in Denbigh or the pregnant women who’s babies disappeared without explanation then.
After losing her seat in the Welsh Assembly, Eleanor became a leading light in the North Wales Community Health Council, where she campaigned vigorously for things that she needed – such as joint replacements – and ignored the slaughter of mental health patients. See previous posts.
[That’s enough Eleanor – Ed.]
Ieuan didn’t stand in the 2001 General Election on Ynys Mon. This was not because the crooked bastard had been outed as an accomplice of a gang of traffickers, it was because in 1999 Ieuan became the AM for Ynys Mon. In 2001, 22 years after Cledwyn was decapitated, Albert Owen won Ynys Mon back for Labour. Albert polled 11,906 Eilian Williams polled 11,106 for Plaid and the Tory Albie Fox polled 7,653 votes.
Albert Owen has a cheeky little grin and appears in the local papers supporting Community Things, but Albert knows as much about the crime and corruption on Anglesey as anyone. Albert grew up in Holyhead and went to Holyhead School. In 2001, I was living on Anglesey – and as ever was being threatened and harassed by the gang – and undertook a teacher training placement in Albert’s old school. That school had very serious problems which were clear to the student teachers, known to the tutors at Bangor University and hundreds of kids had been withdrawn from Holyhead School by their parents and were sent to schools in Bangor. The problems at Holyhead School were entirely the result of the fuckwit of the Headmistress Margaret Chantrelle and her sidekick, Deputy Head Gerald Hewitson. The classroom teachers – most of whom were doing a good job – were in despair and no-one at County Council or Assembly level would listen to the teachers or the parents as Chantrelle destroyed the place and Hewitson just insulted people. See previous posts. Albert didn’t mention a word, but instead was happy to advertise himself as a Successful Old Boy. Bugger the kids who were suffering under Chantrelle then Albert; I used to hear the classroom teachers fuming and openly saying that the kids were being ‘cheated out of an education’ by Chantrelle.
There was also a massive heroin problem in Llangefni by 2001. Thanks to the local ‘drugs team’ – which were the domain of Dafydd. Dafydd lives about four miles outside of Llangefni.
Albert held Anglesey in 2005. He polled 12,278, and the Plaid candidate Eurig Wyn (see previous posts) polled 11,036. Albert has held Anglesey at every General Election since, although only by just over 200 votes in 2015. Having fallen from grace and stepped down as the AM for Ynys Mon in 2013, Ieuan attempted a come-back in 2017 and stood again as the Westminster candidate. Albert beat him, but by less than 200 votes.
Anglesey has been in crisis now for years and it does not get any better. There have never really been many functioning ‘services’ on Anglesey, but there did used to be a few old folks homes run by Anglesey County Council, at least of one which was very good. They were flogged off- including the very good one -to the private sector a few years ago. The person who led Anglesey into such a crisis that they couldn’t even run an old folk’s home was the Director of Community Services, Gwenan Carrington. Gwenan had previously been Director of Gwynedd Social Services and had been obliged to move on to pastures new after Gwynedd Social Services received the worst imaginable inspection report some years ago. The inspectors stated that Gwenan did not understand the policies which she was supposed to be implementing and that under her ‘leadership’, the Services would be incapable of improvement. Not that Gwenan left immediately, she hung on until, as the inspection report predicted, the ‘Services’ were no more. Gwenan was faced with a lot of hostile media coverage and a TV expose and she announced her retirement. But Dafydd-like, that retirement involved moving down the road to an equally senior post arranged for her by her mates.
Anglesey Community Services have functioned as a dustbin before. Rob Evans, who was Gwynedd Social Services senior manager responsible for children’s homes while the paedophile gang made merry in them, was subsequently given responsibility for mental health services. It was Rob Evans who in the mid-1990s, was called upon to resolve the problem of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team constantly threatening me and having me arrested for ludicrous reasons. Rob did meet with me and he gave me a lecture on Changing Social Work Practice. I’m not sure why, but at least it meant that Rob did not have to discuss the outrageous misconduct and criminality of the Arfon CMHT. I now have the document which Rob compiled after I met him. Rob wrote that before meeting me, he asked Keith Fearns, the psychopath who ‘led’ the Arfon CMHT, what Fearns wanted ‘done’ with me. Fearns replied ‘lock her up’. Rob told Fearns that was not possible. Fearns repeated ‘lock her up’. Rob noted that he was ‘leaving this job tomorrow’ and could see no resolution to the problems between the Arfon CMHT and me.
I only found out much later where Rob had gone. He had been appointed as the Director of Community Services on Anglesey! Rob gave evidence at the Waterhouse Inquiry. He told Waterhouse that the community mental health services in Gwynedd were ‘probably the best in Europe’. Rob also told Waterhouse that yes, he had been responsible for children’s services when the kids had been battered and abused, but he wouldn’t be working for much longer because ‘changes in the service’ meant that Rob would not be able to find suitable employment in north Wales.
Rob Evans was still employed at a senior level in the social services in north west Wales in 2012. I bumped into him in Tesco and asked him if he felt that he should have done more to help me in the face of Fearns’s constant aggression. Rob told me that if I didn’t stop ‘arrassin him, he’d call the police. As I left Tesco, Keith fucking Fearns appeared from behind and ‘arrassed me.
I had the meeting with Rob Evans in the mid-1990s because Ella Fisk, the Angel who ran the Day Centre at the Hergest Unit, was trying to resolve the constant problems with the Arfon CMHT. I always liked Ella, as did many of the other patients, but she was undoubtedly intimidated by those we know and love and did not feel able to challenge them. Her husband was a senior technician at Ysbyty Gwynedd and they knew how serious the wrongdoing was. Ella was also very obviously not allowed to use her abilities to their full potential. She was just told what to do by the gang and was used to silence serious complaint. Ella’s Day Dentre was closed down by Alun Davies – the corrupt manager of the Hergest Unit – at the behest of the Arfon CMHT during the Waterhouse Inquiry and a great many patients became destitute and died. Which was one way of dealing with witnesses. Ella was given a new job, in the Anglesey Community Mental Health Team. Ella did not drive and her new role involved visiting patients at home now that the Day Centre had closed. So Ella spent most of her time travelling between client’s houses on the rather inadequate bus service across Anglesey. Ella saw about three clients a day. Everyone, including Ella, knew that it was grossly inefficient. Who was ultimately responsible for Community Services on Anglesey at the time? Rob Evans.
When Rob gave me his lecture on Changing Social Work Practice, he told me that when he took children to children’s homes he used to take their shoes away to stop them running away. When some of the people involved in the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were finally prosecuted for sexual assaults on children, the former kids in care told the court that they had run away after the first sexual assaults but then the social workers had taken their shoes away so that they couldn’t escape.
Rob Evans worked in a number of different regions before North Wales. He did his social work training in Leicester in the 1970s (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’). Where a big paedophile ring operated in the children’s homes which was linked to Dafydd’s gang in north Wales.
North Wales Police who found No Evidence Of A Paedophile Ring: Rob Evans was a monster, a real monster. Didn’t you notice what happened wherever that man went? Clients were threatened, sexually assaulted, battered or found dead. He ran every fucking service where this consistently happened, do you think that there might have been a clue there?
There was a problem with the police at Llangefni Police Station on Anglesey in that many of them were mates with Dafydd, who was running his crime empire from his house down the road. In the 1970s, Elfed Roberts was the Sgt at Llangefni. Years later Elfed was obliged to leave the North Wales Police after the Chief Constable Richard Brunstrom – who desperately tried to clean up a totally rotten force – had a conversation with Elfed about the perks and privileges that Elfed was enjoying and his affluent lifestyle which was beyond the means of a police officer. The police were using the slogan ‘If You See Bling, Give Us A Ring’, at the time, so they obviously followed their own advice and made enquiries about Elfed’s bling. Elfed did have a lot of bling, his penismobile for a start, but he also owned houses everywhere, bungaloids, which he let out. People openly joked about Elfed’s wealth and asked ‘how the hell can he afford that on a police officer’s salary?’
Elfed used to enjoy staying at an hotel in the Loire in France, Chateau de Cop Choux.
After Elfed left the North Wales Police under the major cloud, he was appointed Chair of the North West Wales NHS Trust. Obviously the ideal job for an bent ex-copper. Elfed also fed the ‘Daily Mail’ stories about Richard Brunstrom and told the Mail how hated Brunstrom was, although some of us were very grateful to Mr Brustrom for kicking Elfed out of the police force, but the ‘Daily Mail’ never printed that. That’s why the Mail kept reporting on Mr Brunstrom’s alleged insanity and how he was known as ‘the Mad Mullah of the Traffic Taliban’. Which wasn’t what Richard Brunstrom was known as at all, Elfed and his racist old mates probably just made that one up down at Bangor Golf Club over the gin.
Elfed spent a number of years as Chair of the NW Wales NHS Trust – which came with an automatic place on the Council of Bangor University – during which time he absolutely disgraced himself, including by having me arrested for ridiculous offences, such as having pink hair and calling his car a penismobile.
Elfed became such an embarrassment that Edwina Hart the then Health Minister was finally forced to restructure the NHS in north Wales and Elfed was not given a place on the new Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board. I presumed that Edwina had realised how totally unsuitable Elfed was for any public appointment, but no, my trust was once again misplaced. Edwina quietly gave Elfed a place on the Board of the Welsh Ambulance Trust. Which of course is in bits, with people dying while they wait four hours for an ambulance.
Despite bagging yet another public appointment that he should not have had, Elfed decided to declare war on the newly created Betsi Board, mainly because he hated the new Chairman, the former VC of Bangor University and the new CEO, Mary Burrows. Elfed’s battle was over the source of sandwiches which were sold in the WRVS cafe in Ysbyty Gwynedd. The WRVS had changed their order and instead of buying the sandwiches from the Menai Deli in Menai Bridge, the WRVS dared buy them from Ginsters in Leicester. Elfed began WW III: ENGLISH sandwiches on sale in a WELSH hospital, the Menai Deli, a local Welsh firm losing business. Elfed organised a protest, a march, intimidation of WRVS HQ, he rang all the newspapers, he appeared on TV, there was hate mail sent to the Betsi Board…
Elfed did not mention a crucial factor re the Menai Deli. It was owned by his friends – it might even have been his son-in-law- but that Deli was definitely owned by a mate of Elfed’s from Bangor Golf Club. As with everything when Elfed had Chaired the NHS Trust, the contract for the cafe sandwiches had been given to one of Elfed’s mates. Elfed’s wife worked in the WRVS cafe and TOLD the other volunteers to boycott the Leicester sarnies. So I went in and purchased a Leicester sandwich and was subjected to an attempt to threaten me. Until another old bag behind the counter realised who I was and there was much trauma.
While Leading The Protest In Defence Of A Small Welsh Business, as Elfed manned the barricades, he tried to rent out one of his bungaloids to another protester. There’s commitment for you.
The Betsi Board and WRVS HQ stood their ground and the Menai Deli were not asked to supply the Ysbyty Gwynedd WRVS cafe again. Then someone discovered that the WRVS contract was the only contract that the Menai Deli had. Small local business Elfed? Or another scam brought to the folk of Gwynedd by Elfed Roberts? I’m the Chair of the Trust, would one of my friends or relatives like to set up a Deli which will be guaranteed a contract from the WRVS cafe at Ysbyty Gwynedd?
After Butty Wars – as the Daily Post termed the saga starring the Menai Deli – there was an attempt at a repeat performance, this time involving a Lovely Little Welsh Company, Blas ar Fwyd, who supplied the snacks for the patients’ trolley on the wards at Ysbyty Gwynedd. The Lovely Little Welsh Company were heart-broken when they were told that they too would have to competitively tender for the contract. There was press coverage which explained that the Little Company was Welsh, located in the Heart Of Welsh Wales In Llanrwst, that the products were Healthy, Nutritious and Organic – actually they’ve got even more sugar than Mr Kripling cakes – and the owner of the company was appalled that a Welsh Hospital couldn’t support a Lovely Little Welsh Company. Who owned the Lovely Little Welsh Company? One Deiniol ap Dafydd. Dafydd’s son. Dafydd set Deiniol up in business years ago, with his Bistro in Llanwrst and the Deli. One of my mates has longed believed that Blas ar Fwyd is one of Dafydd’s money-laundering companies and someone else thinks that it might have a sideline in flogging recreational chemicals. Either way, Dafydd is at the root of it. There was a Facebook campaign to turn Deiniol into a TV star a few years ago as well, but that flopped.
One constituency that flip flopped between various paedophiles’ friends as Dafydd’s mates of different political hues scrapped between themselves was Conway. Conway was formed in 1950 from the old constituencies of Caernarvon Boroughs and Caernarvonshire and lasted until 2010, when it became Aberconwy. The constituency of Conway included Bangor – and thus of course UCNW – Llandudno and Llanfairfechan. Llanfairfechan was the location of Bryn-y-Neuadd, the old hospital for the ‘mentally handicapped’ and was part of Dafydd’s domain. Llanfairfechan was a hotspot for Dafydd’s gang because the staff of Bryn-y-Neuadd all lived there. So Conway constituency included a lot of professionals who were abusing clients or keeping quiet about that abuse. It also included Bethesda, an area which housed a lot of the victims of the gang. That always really pissed Bethesda off; Bethesda people would remark with incredulity that they were in with Llandudno which is why we kept getting Thatch’s poodle Wyn Roberts as our MP.
For much of its existence Conway was a marginal seat. In 1950 Sir Elwyn Edwards won Conway for Labour. Jones polled 15,176 and his nearest rival, the Tory David Price-White, polled 14,373. Emlyn Hooson for the Liberals received 9,937.
Sir William Elwyn Edwards Jones aka Sir Elwyn Jones (4 January 1904 –1989) was a solicitor who served as town clerk of Bangor, 1939-69.
Sir Elwyn was the son of the Rev Robert William Jones, a Minister with the Calvinistic Methodists at Bootle and Elizabeth Jane, his wife. Sir Elwyn was educated at Bottle Secondary School, Ffestiniog Grammar School and then UCNW and after that London University.
Elwyn Jones qualified as a solicitor in 1927, was appointed clerk to the Bangor magistrates in 1934. Jones was a member of the Caernarfonshire County Council, 1945-69. Lucille worked as a children’s social worker for Caernarfonshire County Council. Many of the older senior managers and social workers who ended up in Gwynedd County Council in the 1970s,80s and 90s had served in various capacities with Caernarfonshire County Council. Sir Elwyn served as a member of the National Parks Commission, 1966-68 and of the Countryside Commission for Wales, 1968-71. Sir Elwyn was a member of the Court and Council of UCNW from 1943, serving as Treasurer from 1970 and then Vice-President, 1977-82.
Lord Lloyd Kenyon was President of UCNW when Sir Elwyn was involved with that institution. Lord Kenyon’s son Thomas was known to be sexually abusing boys in the care of the Social Services and on one occasion in 1978 Thomas admitted it. At the same time, Thomas reported the boy for theft. The boy was sent to a detention centre. Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon faced no charges. Part of Thomas’s complaint was that the boy had stolen Polaroid porn photos of them both together. Thomas died of AIDS in the early 1990s. Lord Kenyon, among many other things, was a member of the North Wales Police Authority, Chairman of Clwyd Health Authority, the most senior Freemason in north Wales and a Director of Lloyd’s Bank. See previous posts.
Part of Mary Wynch’s case was her assertion that there was a ring of corrupt solicitors in the Caernarfon and Bangor area who were all working together to shaft everyone else.
Elwyn Jones married, in 1936 to Dyddgu, the daughter of Rev Dr E. Tegla Davies. Edward Tegla Davies was a Wesleyan Minister who was born in Denbighshire and later served as a Minister at a variety of locations across north Wales, including at Denbigh. Elwyn Jones and his family lived at Glyngarth, Menai Bridge (the posh bit of Menai Bridge). He died in July 1989, so he was around to help Dafydd out for a long while.
Sir Elwyn Jones had one son and two daughters. Sir Elwyn’s son, also Elwyn, took over his father’s solicitor’s practice in Bangor. I don’t know whether Sir Elwyn was one of the ring of corrupt solicitors named by Mary Wynch, but I do know that his son Elwyn was corrupt. Elwyn Jones was the solicitor who acted for the predators who fleeced the Hergest patient mentioned above who was also victimised by Dafydd Orwig – Dafydd Orwig sat on the old Caernarfonshire County Council, as well as the post-1974 Gwynedd County Council. I saw the letters that Elwyn Jones wrote to the patient who was taken to the cleaners and I know that Elwyn Jones knew that he was acting for a bunch of lying, thieving abusers. I always wondered why Elwyn Jones did act for them, because they spent all the dosh that they had liberated from the Hergest patient, they didn’t have any money to pay Elwyn and I know that on some occasions Elwyn Jones didn’t actually charge them for his services. I suspect that Elwyn was simply providing a service to Dafydd’s gang; after all the Hergest patient under attack had witnessed what was happening to the boys in Ty Newydd, he had possibly witnessed a murder in Risley and he had much info about the wrongdoing of Dafydd as well as white collar crime committed by Top Docs in Surrey before he ever moved to north Wales.
I used to see Elwyn Jones in Bangor Magistrates Court in the late 1980s and 1990s, looking on as victims of Dafydd’s gang were fitted up. Elwyn Jones would be representing some of them and he did not give a stuff. He would turn up to Court seconds before their cases began, he would chat to the other solicitors about how he would be going onto the golf course as soon as Court finished and he’d be out of the door as soon as his clients were sentenced. Elwyn was the most boring old fart imaginable, although he might have led a more exciting life than I thought because in those days I didn’t realise that Bangor Golf Club was a meeting place for the traffickers. Elwyn could well have been raking in the ill-gotten gains, but if he was I don’t know why he was spending his days in Bangor wearing a nylon suit. If I was a gangster I’d want more than that.
As well as inheriting his dad’s solicitor’s firm, Elwyn Jones also inherited his dad’s job as Treasurer of UCNW, Elwyn held that post for years. UCNW always had very serious financial problems, so someone should probably have relieved Elwyn of that role, the dosh might have been going towards a supply of nylon suits and drinks at Bangor Golf Club. Trebles All Around, paid for by UCNW.
The Tory MP for Clwyd West, the solicitor David Jones, used to work in Elwyn Jones’s practice and David Jones has a great deal of knowledge regarding the wrongdoing in north Wales (see post ‘The Right Honourable David Jones MP’).
The Conway Tory candidate who came a close second to Sir Elwyn in the 1950 General Election, David Archibald Price-White, was also a solicitor. Price-White was the Tory MP for Caernarvon Boroughs, 1945-50, ousting the Liberal MP Seaborne Davies who had only recently succeeded David Lloyd George in the seat. His father, Price Foulkes White (1873–1952) was a Welsh international footballer. David Price-White was educated at Friars School – a training ground for the paedophiles’ friends of Bangor -and then at UCNW, before qualifying as a solicitor in 1932. During WW II Price-White served with the British Army.
In 1934, Price-White married Gwyneth Harris, daughter of James Lewis Harris of Caernarvon.
Emlyn Hooson, the Liberal candidate for Conway in 1950 was yet another corrupt barrister who worked in Wales/Chester. Hooson was a big mate of Ronnie Waterhouse and served as the Liberal MP for Montgomeryshire, 1962-79. Hooson was originally from Denbighshire and went to Denbigh Grammar School. When Hooson died in 2012, Ieuan Wyn Jones waxed lyrical about their long friendship and how Hooson never lost touch with people in Denbighshire.
In the 1951 General Election, the Tory candidate Peter Thomas took Conway from Sir Elwyn. Thomas polled 17,115, Sir Elwyn 16,532 and Emlyn Hooson 5,791.
Peter Thomas served as Secretary of State for Wales, 1970-74, under Ted Heath. Thomas was the son of a Llanwrst solicitor. Peter Thomas went to school in north Wales, then read law at Jesus College, Oxford, a popular destination for the grander paedophiles’ friends; the crooked judge Huw Daniel read law at Jesus College, Oxford. Thomas worked for the security services during WWII and became a barrister. Like Ronnie Waterhouse, Thomas was a member of Middle Temple. Thomas sat as a Crown Court Recorder, 1974-88.
Peter Thomas was bilingual and a member of the Gorsedd.
Thomas accessed a useful network re oiling the wheels of corruption when he married Tessa Dean, the daughter of actor and film and theatrical producer Basil Dean and and his wife, Lady Mercy Greville. Like Ronnie Waterhouse, Peter Thomas had many contacts in showbiz and in the theatre. Thomas died in 2008, yet another accessory who hung around on earth throughout many an investigation and Inquiry, who ensured that there was no danger of the truth emerging.
Peter Thomas became Baron Thomas of Gwydir, after the 1987 General Election. He probably thought that I’d be in prison by then, but whoops that plan went pear-shaped. Like Peter Thomas, Dr Peter Higson grew up in Llanwrst. Higson was a clinical psychologist at the North Wales Hospital and then became the manager of that institution at some point in the mid-1980s. Higson was one of those who knew about the plan to frame and imprison me shortly after the 1987 General Election. Higson has recently stepped down as Chair of the Betsi Board. Higson’s sister Ruth Hussey spent a number of years as Chief Medical Officer for Wales. See post ‘Topsy and Tim’.
For further details of Peter Thomas, see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’.
Peter Thomas held Conway in the General Election of 1955, polling 18,705 votes to Sir Elwyn’s 13,881. The Liberal candidate was Herbert Mostyn Lewis (3,217) and the Wales-wide paedophiles’ – and Lord Max Beloff’s – friend Ioan Bowen Rees brought up the rear for Plaid with 3,019. After Ioan graduated from Queen’s College, Oxford and began his career as a solicitor working for County Councils in Wales which allowed paedophile rings to operate within their children’s homes, Ioan stood unsuccessfully as the Plaid candidate in Conway in 1955 and 1959 and then in Merthyr Tydfil in 1964. Just to ensure that he was fully networked, Ioan also worked as a solicitor for Lancashire County Council.
In 1959, Peter Thomas polled 17,795 votes against Labour’s Silvan Jones’s 13,260. Ioan stood for Plaid again. Peter Thomas prevailed again in 1964, receiving 18,753 votes against Gwilym Roberts for Labour who polled 15,234. The Plaid candidate was Gwilym Hughes.
Gwilym Edffrwd Roberts was educated at Brynrefail Grammar School and the University of Wales. He lectured in scientific management techniques and served as a Councillor on Luton Borough Council from 1965, before serving as the Labour MP for South Bedfordshire, 1966-70. Gwilym Roberts then served as the Labour MP for Cannock, Feb 1984-1983. There was a trafficking gang operating in the Cannock/Staffordshire area with links to Dafydd’s gang.
Gwilym remained very much in business following his Westminster defeat in 1983. He became Leader of Cannock Chase District Council, although he eventually lost his seat in 2002. Gwilym then served as a Labour councillor on Staffordshire County Council, retiring from membership of the County Council in 2010. Like all good paedophiles’ friends, not only did Gwilym Roberts not mention the abuse of children in Staffordshire – which became public in the 1980s with the Staffordshire Pindown Scandal – or the local genocidal NHS, but Gwilym was an enthusiastic supporter of that corrupt, dangerous NHS and was always happy to be involved in ensuring that the neglect and abuse continued. See post ‘The Human Stain’ for more background on Gwilym who died earlier this year.
In the General Election of 1966, Ednyfed Hudson Davies won Conway for the Labour Party, polling 18,203 votes against the 17,622 votes of Peter Thomas, the Tory.
Ednyfed Hudson Davies was born in Llanelli, the son of a Minister of religion. The family moved to Bangor when Ednyfed was a child. Hudson Davies went to Dynevor Grammar School in Swansea, Swansea University and then Balliol College, Oxford. He worked as a lecturer and broadcaster. He was the Labour MP for Conway, 1966-70 and was elected as the Labour MP for Caerphilly in 1979. Hudson Davies ran away and joined Dr Death’s crew in 1981.
Hudson Davies was another MP with links to showbiz and other exotic folk as a result of his marriage to Amanda Barker-Mill in 1972. Hudson-Davies remained active in public life after he left politics as Chairman of a museum trust in the New Forest. His first marriage ended in divorce in 1994 and in 2016 he married Sue Owen. Hudson Davies died on 11 January 2018, aged 88, serving the paedophiles’ friends until the end. See previous posts for further information.
It was in the General Election of 1970 that the paedophiles’ bestest friend the dreadful Wyn – later Lord – Roberts began his reign over Conway. Wyn Roberts won the seat with 16,927 votes, over Ednyfed Hudson Davies, the Labour candidate, who polled 16,024. Lord Dafydd Elis-Thomas – later the Plaid MP for Meirionydd Nant Conwy, 1974-92 and at present the Plaid AM for Dwyfor Meirionydd – stood for Plaid.
Wyn Roberts held Conway until he retired in 1997 and was given the obligatory peerage to loyal paedophiles’ friends at Westminster. Wyn Roberts was truly toxic. He became a Welsh Office Minister under Thatcher and remained so for many years. Thatch always treated Roberts as a minion, but it is interesting to note when he did get his titbits. Wyn Roberts was promoted to Minister of State at the Welsh Office after the 1987 General Election and he picked up his knighthood in 1990, the year that members of Dafydd’s gang repeatedly perjured themselves in High Court cases with regard to me.
Roberts had a background in the security services and in broadcasting and for years he deflected every complaint about Dafydd’s gang. Roberts really maxed out on being a Welsh speaker and was Thatch’s token Welshman who was wheeled out when someone Welsh was needed to tick a box which would result in consequences seriously detrimental to the Welsh and everyone else. Wyn Roberts wasn’t the Welsh rural pauper who’s English was a bit shaky as he liked to pretend, he was born into, by north Wales standards, an influential family on Anglesey who were comfortably off. Wyn Roberts’s family were a fairly typical example of the dominant elite of north Wales at the that time, Liberal Nonconformists, Wyn Roberts’s father being a Minister of religion.
In the early 1990s, to the surprise of everyone, Wyn Roberts was incredibly helpful to a group of English hippies and other alternative people who were successful in stopping the building of a by-pass around Bethesda, although the by-pass was fully supported by local people and influential Councillors on Gwynedd County Council. The hippies believed that they had won everyone over with their arguments re preserving the oak woodland at Bethesda. Er, no. One of those leading the Stop The Bethesda By-pass campaign was Ed Ingram, a part-time stats tutor in the Psychology Dept of Bangor University, who was sexually abusing school girls and married to a porn queen who had starred in a grumble vid called ‘The Farm’, which included scenes of bestiality. Filthy Ed, as he was known, could have named a great many people involved with Dafydd’s gang. Furthermore, although Filthy Ed had long been a degenerate, but he was of Posh Origins, from an upmarket family in Hampshire and when Wyn Roberts was helping Filthy Ed’s campaign, Filthy Ed’s upper crust mum was still alive and was on occasions spotted in Bethesda.
One other point. I was one of those who attended the early meetings of the Stop The Bethesda By-pass Campaign. At the same time I was writing to Wyn Roberts and others about Dafydd’s gang. Oh and the North Wales Police investigation into the possibility of a VIP paedophile ring operating in north Wales/Cheshire was drawing to an end, which by 1992, had ‘found no evidence of a paedophile ring’ in north Wales/Cheshire. What better than dear old Wyn showing a bunch of hippies WHO KNEW ME – but not very well – that of course there was no serious wrongdoing in high places and that he was an OK man?
The cauldron was stirred by two of the wimmin who were on the fringes of the Alternative Crowd in Bethesda who worked for Dafydd’s gang: Alison Greenaway, who ran the MIND Centre in Bangor and who later became a psychiatric social worker and Rosie Waite, another social worker. Alison and Rosie knew exactly what was happening to kids in care and psych patients. Rosie was a rather better actor then Alison, Rosie herself discussed the abuse of patients with me and stated that her friendship with Alison was being seriously affected because of Alison’s role in the abuse and neglect of psych patients. I had many chats with Rosie about those we know and love and named names, providing details of exactly what I had witnessed. In turn Rosie told me about a teenaged client of hers who had developed a very inappropriate relationship with Dafydd and who was staying nights and weekends at Dafydd’s house and was being told by Dafydd that he loved her. Rosie was working for Conwy Social Services at the time – in 1999 – and told me that she was leaving social work because she could not bear to be part of what was going on any longer.
In 2002, when the paedophiles’ friends were in full cry once more and trying to imprison me, Rosie Waite cut off all contact with me, except for a rude letter in which she demanded that I repay her £100 which had been lent to and spent by someone else. Rosie then bagged herself a job as a social work trainer. In Conwy. I imagine that every bit of info that I gave Rosie re the abuse of clients was fed straight back to someone senior at Conwy Social Services. Conwy Social Services ran the Inspection Unit which ignored the serious abuse, physical harm and even the disappearance of clients of Prestwood People Trafficking Ltd (see previous posts eg. ‘A Convenient Arrangement With The Private Sector’). When I reported my concerns about Prestwood Homes to the Inspection Unit, I was asked what I did for a living and then threatened. I went to see that Unit not long before I was arrested for ‘threats to kill’ and forced out of my teaching job at Hillgrove School on the basis of gossip and rumour from Keith Fearns and the Arfon Community Mental Health Team (see previous posts).
Rosie is Lesbian Feminist Who Is An Empowered Older Woman!
Before Rosie Waite qualified as a social worker at Coleg Menai – where she commented upon the dreadful standards and the qualifying of some very unsuitable students as social workers – she worked in Bangor University’s library, which for some reason, although I never found out why, was a hot spot for supporters of Dafydd’s gang. Nothing will have escaped Rosie’s eyes and ears when she worked there, all info will have been added to her armoury.
Rosie now works as a humanist funeral celebrant, but what rich pickings there are for her in that line of work I cannot imagine.
In Feb 1974 Wyn Roberts held Conway with 16,763 votes, against the 12,214 votes of paedophiles’ friend the Labour candidate D. Ben Rees. The Plaid candidate was Michael Farmer.
David Benjamin Rees, Dr D. Ben Rees, was born in Ceredigion in west Wales, has been a Minister in the Presbyterian Church of Wales since 1962 and is a leader of the Welsh community in Liverpool. D. Ben Rees leads one of Liverpool’s five remaining Welsh chapels His small publishing house, Modern Welsh Publications Ltd, was established in 1963 and until 1968 it operated from Abercynon in south Wales. Since 1968 it has operated from Liverpool. Being a paedophiles’ friend, D. Ben Rees is of course a Man Of Peace and has published extensively about pacifism and pacifists. See previous post for more information about D. Ben Rees.
His dedication to the language was recognised in the invitation, in 2009, to join the Welsh Bardic Circle as a Derwydd (Bard). His Bardic name was Ustus o’r Glyn (Justice from “Glyn” — a reference to his childhood home at Glynllifon, north Wales). He was due to give the main address for the Law Society of Wales at the National Eisteddfod in Wrexham in August this year.
As a judge, Farmer could be impatient with lawyers, believing that they were highly paid people who ought be capable of doing their jobs properly – and those who did not got short shrift. But he displayed the utmost patience and kindness to litigants.
Pryce Michael Farmer was born on May 20 1944 and educated at Ysgol Dyffryn Nantlle, Pen y Groes… He… won a place at King’s College, London, where he read English before deciding that his future lay elsewhere…
In order to raise the funds for his legal studies he taught English for four years at St David’s College, Llandudno , then studied at Gray’s Inn.
There was abuse of some of the pupils at St David’s College and as a member of Gray’s Inn, Michael Farmer knew Dafydd and Ronnie Waterhouse’s Big Mate Sir William Mars-Jones.
He was called to the Bar in 1972, and began practice on the then Wales and Chester Circuit, having accepted an offer of pupillage and later tenancy at Sedan House, Lord Hooson’s chambers in Chester.
So Michael Farmer joined the endemically corrupt Wales and Chester Circuit, in the Chambers of Ronnie’s mate Emlyn Hooson, who concealed Dafydd’s gang for decades and defended some of them when they were finally charged… Michael Farmer will have known ’em all, including Dafydd’s pal Huw Daniel.
From 1973 to 1995 he practised common law in north Wales and Cheshire and was involved in many high profile cases in both the civil and criminal jurisdictions; he also chaired numerous public inquiries . In 1993 he became an assistant recorder, and two years later took Silk. Instead of pursuing his career in London, however, Farmer elected to remain in Chester as head of Chambers at Sedan House , which he established as north Wales’s leading provider of Welsh language advocates.
Also in 1995, Farmer was appointed a Recorder of the Crown Court, a post he held until he was elevated to the Circuit bench in 2001. In 2004 he was appointed the Designated Family Judge for North Wales as well as deputy Liaison Judge for the Welsh language on the Wales and Chester Circuit.
A Family Judge?? Right in the thick of it, all those parents standing accused and judged by social workers who were part of a trafficking gang.
In 2004 he was appointed Deputy Senior Judge for the Sovereign Base areas of Dhekelia and Akrotiri in Cyprus and regularly spent several weeks a year on the island…
Dr D.G.E. Wood, Dafydd’s accomplice, has been holding ‘surgeries’ on Cyprus for a few years now.
Farmer was appointed a Deputy Lieutenant for Clwyd in 2010. A devout Roman Catholic who converted to the faith in his teenage years, he considered it a great privilege to be asked to read a bidding prayer in Welsh during the papal visit to Britain in September 2010 at Cofton Park, Birmingham…An enthusiastic player and supporter of rugby, he was president of his local rugby club, Clwb Rygbi Yr Wyddgrug, from 2001 to 2005.
Wyddgrug is the Welsh name for Mold. Ronnie Waterhouse’s stronghold…
Michael Farmer is survived by his wife, Olwen (née Roberts), whom he married in 1975, and by their son and daughter, both practising barristers at their father’s old chambers in Chester.
Michael Farmer also had an obit published in the ‘Cheshire News’, in which he was described as ‘the best legal mind in Wales’. Most dead judges suddenly become the best legal minds of their country; I look forward to Huw Daniel dying and his obit telling us that he was as thick as yak shit, had zilch biological knowledge which he used to good effect when he prosecuted the Rev Emyr Owen for offences which were a physiological impossibility (see previous posts), achieved his job solely as a result of his father’s position and was corrupt.
I’ll be paying tribute to you on this blog as well Huw!
Michael Farmer died at 66 yrs old, of a suspected heart attack. He died just as Operation Pallial opened and as it became clear that there would be some sort of Review of the Waterhouse Inquiry undertaken soon.
Farmer’s son is Sion ap Mihangel and his daughter is Mair ap Mihangel and both are Chester-based barristers, working from their father’s old chambers. I see Sion’s name a lot in press reports of criminal trials, but not Mair’s.
I have never encountered Michael Farmer or his children. Michael Farmer might have been a really nice bloke who was appalled at the conduct of his colleagues; after all, I used to work in the same Bangor University Dept as some of Dafydd’s mates. However, Michael Farmer knew what his colleagues were doing, he spent his whole career among them. They were so bent that there was no way that it could have escaped his notice. He personally knew Huw Daniel, John Roch, Malcolm Pill, Crispin Masterman, Ian Murphy and all the others whom I watched ignore the most damning evidence of serious organised crime while they were in Court and their names are on even more damning documents in my possession (see previous posts). Michael Farmer spent a career in Chambers and on the Bench in Wales/Chester during the years when the entire legal system in that region dedicated itself to the facilitation of a massive trafficking gang.
The same candidates stood for Conway in Oct 1974: Wyn Roberts (15,614), D. Ben Rees (12,808) and Michael Farmer.
In 1979, the year of Thatch’s landslide, Wyn polled 18,142 and the Labour candidate Gerson Wyn Davies 12,069. The Liberal candidate was Roger Roberts and Emyr Price stood for Plaid.
Roger Roberts is a leading figure in the Methodist Church in the Llandudno area and is a paid-up paedophiles’ friend who for no explicable reason became Lord Roger Roberts in 2004. Roger went to school in Llandudno and studied at UCNW and the Handsworth Methodist College in Birmingham. For many years he was the President of the Welsh Liberals and then the Welsh Liberal Democrats. Roberts served as a Councillor on Aberconwy Borough Council and has tried to become the MP for Conway five times. See previous posts.
Emyr Price, who died in 2009, was born in Bangor in 1944 and brought up in Pwllheli and Porthmadog. His family was ‘staunchly radical’, one side of his family supporting the Liberal Party and, on his father’s side, supporting the Independent Labour Party. Educated at UCNW, Price took his first job as Head of the history department at Ysgol Brynrefail in Llanrug, staying there until 1973 when he was appointed as a lecturer at the Normal College in Bangor. Price also at some point studied at the LSE.
Emyr Price edited the Transactions of the Caernarfonshire Historical Society, 1981-84. In 1983 Price was appointed Editor of ‘Y Faner’ (‘The Flag’), the Welsh-language newspaper, though Price continued to hold classes under the auspices of the WEA and the extramural department at Bangor. In 1984 ‘Y Faner’ took a lead in collecting money for the Welsh Language Centre at Nant Gwrtheyrn, on the tip of the Llyn Peninsula and for the striking miners of south Wales. Price’s editorship of ‘Y Faner’, however, coincided with the nadir of the paper’s fortunes: he stayed only three years and, losing readers, the weekly folded shortly after the Arts Council withdrew its subsidy.
Emyr Price then found work as a producer and scriptwriter of current affairs programmes for HTV, notably ‘Canrif y Werin’ (‘The People’s Century’) and documentaries about such luminaries as Gwynfor Evans and Cledwyn Hughes, Leaders of Plaid Cymru and the Labour Party in Wales, both of whom he admired greatly. Price was also a scriptwriter for S4C.
Price was active in Plaid in north west Wales, ‘but found himself sympathising with the Labour Party, too. A percipient critic of the nationalists from a left-wing point of view and of Labour for its reluctance to deliver devolution, he deplored the fact that Plaid Cymru had consistently failed to make common cause with the quarrymen of north Wales and the miners and steelworkers of the south, which, Price believed, would have brought forward self-government for Wales by decades’.
It might have escaped Price’s attention, but when Wales was given a National Assembly, it did not contain quarrymen or steelworkers and it still doesn’t. It is full of ex-social workers and/or Councillors who served on notoriously corrupt Councils which had paedophile gangs operating within their children’s homes.
Emyr Price was also a Trustee of the Lloyd George Museum. Price is the father of Angharad Price of Bangor University’s School of Welsh. I was told by two high achieving first language Welsh academics who grew up in north Wales and who were both forced out of Bangor University by the paedophiles’ friends that standards at the School of Welsh were terrible, but it was a hub of the well-connected in north Wales, so no-one dared touch them and they spent their entire time giving each other prizes and medals and writing glowing reviews of each others books. Shortly after I was told this, the School of Welsh in Bangor was ranked the worst performing Celtic Studies Dept in the UK; it was deemed to be worse than Cambridge University’s Celtic Studies, which is based in England.
I had the pleasure of meeting Angharad once. It was surreal. I was chatting to a friend in the University one lunch-time – one of the high performers who was forced out of her job at Bangor for being a little too excellent and making a few too many others look embarrassingly mediocre – when a woman arrived, ignored me and started talking to, or rather ordering around, my friend. After issuing instructions, the woman asked after my friend’s little boy. She then literally began a 10 minute conversation about nappies and how lovely little babies are, conducted in the tone that one uses when talking to toddlers and ignored all attempts by my friend to return to matters academic. The vacuous idiot walked off and did not acknowledge me at any point. I said to my friend ‘who the fuck was that?’ My friend replied ‘That is a woman of no substance.’ My friend explained that the vacuous idiot was indeed a vacuous idiot but a very sharp-elbowed one and the reason why she held a conversation about lovely little babies with my friend was that it was the woman of no substance’s way of telling my friend that all that would be discussed with her were babies. Nothing intellectually taxing, because my friend was not worthy of inclusion in such conversations. My friend observed that the woman of no substance had no ability but her dad was very influential and it was accepted that a Chair would be on its way to the woman of no substance very soon.
The woman of no substance was of course Angharad Price. Angharad et al successfully elbowed my friend out of her job a few weeks after I witnessed the exchange about babies. Angharad is now Professor Angharad and she has won lots of prizes and awards after being judged as brilliant by her dad’s mates. The School of Welsh is still performing very badly on a UK-wide basis. Angharad went to Jesus College, Oxford.
A Woman Of No Substance:
- Recommended Reading For One Of The Highest Performing Academics At Bangor University, Until She Was Elbowed Out:
One of Emyr Price’s obits mentioned that his daughter Angharad is ‘a distinguished prose writer and literary theorist: in 2002 she won the Prose Medal at the National Eisteddfod, a triumph which filled him with the better part of pride.’
Plus ca change…
There really is nothing radical about this bunch who rely on nepotism and cronyism for absolutely everything. It is ironic that some of them did have grandparents or great-grandparents who fought long and hard battles and who were admirable people. One looks at their complacent entitled descendants who plagiarise and shaft everybody else and have been told since they were 10 years old that of course they will one day have a Chair at a Welsh university and one just feels very sad really. If I was one of the freedom fighting rebels of a previous generation I’d be ashamed of the line…
In 1997, Things Could Only Get Better because unfortunately Betty won Conway, with 14,561 votes. Roger Roberts polled 12,965 and David Jones for the Tories polled 10,085. Rhodri Davies for Plaid came fourth. The vile Wyn had been kicked upstairs to the Lords, so David Jones, the nasty solicitor pal of Elwyn Jones, stood as the Conservative candidate.
Operation Goldfinch was highly controversial for its method of ‘trawling’ for witnesses and evidence. In 2002, the Home Affairs Select Committee pointed out that it and similar operations run by more than 30 police forces across England and Wales ran the ‘unusually high’ risk of causing miscarriages of justice. One reason for concern was the opportunity to apply for compensation.
It may be the case that some people do jump on the bandwagon if/when they hear that an investigation is underway into the abuse of residents at institutions in which they were housed. Some people will do pretty much anything for money. However, I suspect that the iceberg really involves the opposite; that huge numbers of people who were abused by the state while in ‘care’ contexts not only never apply for compensation but don’t even know that an investigation is underway, if indeed an investigation is ever held. I have heard of no investigation into Denbigh. The only person who ever sued Dafydd and Denbigh was Mary Wynch and just look what she had to go through; after Dafydd et al fessed up and agreed compensation, they then simply refused to pay, telling Mary that she would have to return to court to enforce payment. Mary did try and pursue her case. She was completely stuffed over by Home Secretary Michael Howard and left ruined, as an old lady.
The Waterhouse Inquiry was deliberately not widely advertised in north Wales. Most of the hundreds and hundreds of kids who had passed through children’s homes in north Wales – of those who were still alive – had no idea that it was even happening. I was barely aware of it, until Ronnie published his report and Lucille Hughes appeared on the TV, snapping ‘I am not resigning, I am retiring’ and we all yelled ‘look, it’s Lucille, Dafydd’s mistress’. I spent much of the time during the Waterhouse Inquiry sitting in the Hergest Unit with people who had been kids in care in north Wales. No-one even discussed that Inquiry, let alone asked if anyone wanted to give evidence.
One former kid in care whom I knew, Mandy Currie, constantly seriously injured and tried to kill herself and in the end Hergest refused to admit her because she was ‘manipulative’. She was, but she was also desperate. Tony Francis then arranged for her to ‘begin a new life’ in the south of England, where she had never lived and didn’t know anyone. We later heard that Mandy had been in the south of England for three weeks when she threw herself off of a bridge and broke her back. Mandy had been in children’s homes in north Wales and had then been fostered by two social workers who lived near Caernarfon, Blod and Brian. According to Mandy they violently assaulted her.
I don’t remember anyone mentioning the forthcoming Waterhouse Inquiry to Mandy. Instead, just before it began, Tony Francis transported her to England where he must have known that she would try and kill herself within days.
What I do remember doing during the late 1990s, was campaigning with other patients against the retraction of services of the Day Centre in the Hergest Unit and then against its total closure. It did close, in spite of Empowered Service Users repeatedly overwhelmingly voting to keep it open. The Day Centre was at one point the only part of the ‘service’ which was any good, everyone went there because they were trying to avoid the thugs of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team and their laughable ‘service’. Who wanted the Day Centre closed? The Arfon Community Mental Health Team. Because it provided an alternative to them and hundreds of people voted with their feet and opted for the Day Centre, not for a gang of sociopaths.
After the Day Centre closed down, numerous patients became destitute or died.
There was, years later, an investigation into the Arfon CMHT and three of them were dismissed for neglecting patients. No-one told the Empowered Service Users that those bastards were under investigation, we’d have queued all night to give evidence if necessary. And no-one was ever invited to apply for compensation because of what they experienced at the hands of Keith Fearns and his henchmen.
Keith Fearns, Maggie Fookes and Julie Evans were dismissed from the Arfon CMHT. They all immediately set themselves up in business as therapists. They are all still working as therapists.
If the police have been trawling for evidence and offering compensation, they’ve never dragged their net in my direction or in the direction of anyone whom I know.
When the Home Affairs Select Committee were expressing their concerns about the police going on fishing expeditions, I was under attack once more by the gang in north Wales and had been arrested and charged with ‘threatening to kill Alun Davies’ on the basis of the perjury of Davies and some eight or nine Angels. Davies made eight calls to the police in one day demanding that they arrest me. He was sitting in the National Assembly with Jane Hutt, the then Minister for Health and her officials at the time and I was sitting in a locked ward in the Herget Unit, having been injured by four Angels who had assaulted me. Tony Roberts refused to give me access to the police to report the assault. As soon as the bruises faded, Roberts waddled in and stated that he would be discharging me because I had a Borderline Personality Disorder. I told him that I’d report the assault upon me to the police. Roberts snapped that I might as well not leave immediately because the police were on their way to arrest me. I told him to take a running jump and I hitch hiked back home before I was assaulted by Angels again. Within an hour of me arriving home, two police officers turned up and arrested me for threatening to kill Alun Davies.
The case finally came to Court more than a year later. The charges were withdrawn on the first day of the trial, when it became clear that industrial scale perjury had taken place. By which time I had been forced out of my job at Hillgrove School and had lost my home.
Trawling??? Compensation?? Don’t make me laugh, most of us never get anywhere near it.
In response to the fears of the Home Affairs Select Committee, Carol Floris, advice and support manager of Voices From Care Cymru, stated that she ‘believes compensation was an important part of the healing process for many of the alleged victims’.
Voices From Care Cymru was established upon the recommendation of Ronnie Waterhouse. The Patron of Voices from Care Cymru was one Sir Ronald Waterhouse. Voices From Care Cymru ended up in the middle of a scandal after one of its officers, Steve Messham, stole the funds. Steve was the former Bryn Estyn resident who wrongly named Lord McAlpine as being one of the men who abused him at Bryn Estyn, which resulted in the most almighty BBC scrap and McAlpine suing a few folk for libel.
So Steve Messham was involved with Ronnie’s charity. I don’t know anyone else who’s life was ruined by that gang who was. No wonder Steve got invited onto the TV, he could be relied upon to name the wrong people and cause a row which would result in allegations that the Bryn Estyn kids were all lying criminals and there was no abuse. There was, but no-one asked the real victims who could provide details. Instead they did all that they could to ensure that they weren’t still alive by the time that the Waterhouse Inquiry began.
There is a Facebook group for the former residents of Neath Farm School. It is clear from the comments that they didn’t really know what Operation Goldfinch was about and only one of them mentioned being interviewed. Here are two of the photos that former residents of Neath Farm School put on Facebook:
Peter Hain was the Labour MP for Neath, 1991-2015, but by the time that Lord Hain held the seat, Neath Farm School was pretty much gone. However, Lord Hain’s predecessor knew all about Neath Farm School.
Donald Richard Coleman (19 September 1925 – 14 January 1991) was the Labour MP for Neath, 1964-91. Coleman was born in Barry, the son of a coal miner. Coleman was educated at Cadoxton Boys’ School and Cardiff Technical College. He later attended what became Swansea University as a mature student between 1950-54. Coleman held a number of technical positions at laboratories at Cardiff and Swansea before securing an appointment in 1954 as metallurgist to the Research Department of the Steel Company of Wales, Abbey Works, Port Talbot, in which position he remained until his election to Parliament in 1964. Coleman had joined the Labour Party in November 1948 and became a member of the Co-operative Party in 1955. He had also stood as a Labour candidate for Swansea Borough Council in 1960.
Until the 1960s, Neath was regarded as a predominantly coal mining constituency, as a seat where the nominee of the NUM would have a considerable advantage at the selection. Both of Coleman’s long-serving predecessors had been NUM nominees. However, Coleman, against expectations, was chosen at the fourth ballot and thus inherited one of the safest Labour seats in the whole of Britain. I’d be interested to know how that happened.
Coleman served as PPS to the molester George Thomas, Secretary of State for Wales. Coleman also worked for Protector of the Paedophiles Baroness Eirene White (see previous posts) and the Windbags’ mate – or their mate until they knifed him – Lord Cledwyn.
Coleman was an Assistant Opposition Whip, 1970-74, Lord Commissioner of the Treasury, 1974-78, Vice-Chamberlain of the Household, 1978-79 – which involved writing a daily parliamentary report for Lilibet – an Opposition Whip in 1979 and Opposition Spokesman on Welsh Affairs, 1981–83. Coleman also served as delegate to the Council of Europe, 1968-73.
Coleman was regarded as being on the right wing of the Labour Party and in September 1983 he backed Peter Shore rather than the Windbag for Party leader and Denzil Davies for Deputy Leader. Following the Windbag’s election as Leader, Coleman did not hold another front bench position.
Coleman announced in early 1990 that he intended to stand down from Parliament at the next General Election.
Coleman was especially prominent in the public life of Neath, Swansea and West Glamorgan and his leisure interests included membership of the chorus of the Welsh National Opera. He was also involved with the Swansea Amateur Opera Company.. He was a member of the Select Committee on Overseas Aid and was Parliamentary Adviser to the Institute of Medical Sciences. In 1984 Don Coleman was appointed a member of the Panel of Chairmen of the House of Commons, a notably powerful body at Westminster.
Coleman had been appointed a JP for the County Borough of Swansea in 1962. He was appointed Deputy Lieutenant for West Glamorgan in 1985.
‘We Didn’t Know’