Over the past few weeks I have been given a great deal of information that finally convinced me – I was very sceptical at first – that it is indeed true that I was personally targeted by members of Thatch’s Cabinet from quite a young age because of my grandfather’s denouncement of Edward du Cann’s business practices and the ‘immorality’ of a faction of the Liberal Party.
I have also known for a while that in the early 1980s, the Tory Party was infiltrated by people who very effectively disguised themselves as hard-right ruthless greedy unscrupulous Thatcherites with the aim of destroying that Party. I know who some of them are and I won’t be naming them because I don’t want them or their families to die the next time that they seek medical advice. I am greatly entertained by them and it is interesting that Thatch and her inner circle didn’t notice a thing…
I began receiving info sometime ago that this was done because it had been noted by some what was happening to me at UCNW and then further digging revealed that du Cann and pals had knowingly targeted my grandfather’s favourite grandchild and when he was dying sent a paedophile linked to Dafydd’s Gang after me as the ultimate revenge. I’ve also been told that me ending up in Scum Street Comprehensive full of vindictive teachers who hated me because my family were Tories and where Dafydd’s spotters were in operation wasn’t entirely a coincidence.
I do remember that because of the terrible experiences that one of my siblings had at a Bridgwater school, my grandfather firmly expressed the opinion ‘the others are not going there. No way.’ My grandpa wanted to send me to Millfield, I can remember being shown the bumph that Millfield sent, but then realised that he could never afford it. I presumed for years that grandpa simply never had the money that he imagined that he did, but the info is coming in that money was stolen from him by crooked bankers, accountants etc as soon as he had his stroke and wasn’t in a position to operate as he had previously.
So it seems that a Grand Plan was formulated to destroy the Tory Party because it dawned on people that Thatch’s contingent were so bad that a child had been targeted in the early 1970s because of her grandfather’s opposition to a serious criminal who was a leading light in the Tory Party.
Much as I appreciate the concern, can I make this point: why was the nuclear bomb only planned after the child of a high profile Tory activist was targeted? Gwynne, Dafydd, Edward du Cann et al had been ruining the lives of the plebs since before I was born, didn’t the others who preceded me matter enough?
Gwynne should have been stopped back in the 1950s and Dafydd should never have been allowed to get going in the first place…
The Tory Party bombs knew where the real problem lay; it was the Top Doctors. Brown and I could have done with a bit more help when we were in our early 20s and we began gaining the evidence that would have nailed Gwynne et al and brought down Thatch at the same time… The Top Docs should have been bombed BEFORE Thatch!
BTW, Mr Charles Moore’s book serialised in the Torygraph recently reveals that one of Denis’s close friends was businesswoman Mandy Foreman. She had previously been known as Mandy Rice-Davies and had been mates with Denis for years; Mandy knew the Thatchers well because Thatch was mates with a former politician, John Profumo….
Denis was Vice-Chairman of a company called Attwoods, partly owned by Michael Ashcroft of David Cameron and the allegation re the pig’s head at Oxford fame. Ashcroft also founded and bankrolled ‘Crimestoppers’, the crimefighters who flatly refused to act on direct evidence given to them re Dafydd and his drug dealers in the 1990s. The Chairman of Attwoods was Mandy’s husband Ken Foreman. Denis used to attend board meetings of the parent company in Florida and stay with Mandy and Ken over there. Mandy and Ken also had a flat in Lowndes Square, London and Denis often dropped in. Ken Foreman attended a Christmas party at Chequers; Denis asked Mandy not to attend because Profumo was going to be there, so Ken went alone…
Mr Charles Moore’s book mentions that ‘the press’ never got hold of Mandy’s pre-Mrs Foreman identity. Well that’s weird Mr Charles Moore, because I knew that post-Profumo Mandy had enjoyed a ‘successful career as a businesswoman’ and had married… It’s just that no-one told me that Mandy and her husband were in business with Denis and Michael Ashcroft and they were always nipping over to each others houses to borrow a cup of sugar…
Can Mr Charles Moore tell us what Mandy used the cottage for that she purchased in the Polden Hills, ‘Moon Cottage’ near Cossington, in Tom King’s constituency? Everyone knew that Mandy owned it but ‘didn’t ever live there’. A man who worked for my grandpa’s company bought Moon Cottage off Mandy. That man had a lot of unfortunate things happen to him and died when he was still in middle age, after a few breakdowns. Can Tom King tell us who Dan Lewis’s Top Doctor was and why Dan had such ‘bad luck’ compared to his brother Richard? King knew Richard and Dan, they were both in the Tory Party in Somerset. Knowing what I know now, I’d suggest that Dan was targeted by some unpleasant people…
I think that Dan died when I was still at Bridgwater College. I hadn’t seen him for years, but I remembered him helping me with sparklers at firework nights at my grandpa’s when I was still at Chedzoy School. Dan was much nicer than his brother Richard, or it seemed so to me…
Along with Dan’s other problems, I seem to remember that he lost a lot of money and the Tories of Bridgwater drooled over the decline of Danny Lewis, but well he was always hopeless wasn’t he.
Dan and Richard’s father, Old Dan Lewis, was known in Bridgwater for being a self-made man. He was a railway porter who made a lot of money and was the first person in Bridgwater to have a personalised number plate, LDL 1. It stood for Lewis Dan Lewis 1. It was only when I was older that I was told that Old Dan was an awful man, he was crooked and involved with ‘gambling and prostitutes’.
Richard was old Dan’s favourite son, although Danny was the eldest child.
Moon Cottage is not a million miles away from the village of Chilton Polden. The Principal of Bridgwater College, J.C. Miles, lived at Chilton Polden, as did the predatory teacher who taught me at Chilton Trinity School, Ray Stanlake, who was linked to Dafydd’s Gang.
Tom King I am sure can shed light on the mysteries surrounding Dan Lewis’s bad luck.
Kenneth Stowe –
Lord Robert Armstrong – has admitted that he knew about Morrison, peter Hayman, knew that Michael Havers was blocking prosecutions of VIP molesters
knew about everything, du cann etc
Linked with Duncan Tanner’s death – cardiologists at Ysbyty Gwynedd
Duncan was Queen Mary Univ of London alumnus – Hennessey
Duncan’s friend when he was doing his PhD – NAME?? France, son of the Civil Service Mandarin called France who covered up for Gwynne and Dafydd years ago – France was in the Admiralty before Health??
Duncan had the shit on them all in south Wales (and elsewhere), Windbag et al – Duncan knew Frances Jones the bent lawyer – don’t know how much Frances Jones will have told Duncan
Robert Owen – his daughter moved to Shapwick just before his first meeting with me re my complaint about Dafydd – in 1988 sometime. Shapwick/Levels crowd – Glitter – Ned Sherrin’s family – Frankie Howard moved down that way as well, he was mates with Cilla – the bent prison guvnor who held the investigation into the Risley Riots -the bent civil servant who worked with Savile etc
Tom King might know something about another matter that involved even more suffering than that caused by the ring run by Edward du Cann who targeted Dan Lewis, my grandfather, my father and Uncle John, me and others…
I’m thinking of the bomb in Enniskillen on 8 Nov 1987 Tom, when you were N Ireland Secretary and the Cunning Plan on the part of the Gang to have me imprisoned for a serious offence in July of that year had fallen apart when the lies of a junior doctor to the police became evident. Dafydd followed that up with a phone conversation when I got back to Chepstow Road in Leicester, a house that I was sharing with Brown and others, including a girl from Bridgwater whom I’d known from Chilton School. Dafydd offered me a place at Liverpool Medical School in return for dropping my complaint about him. I was so gobsmacked that I just ended the call. Brown was listening in and wrote to Gwynedd Health Authority. His letter was ignored as was a follow up letter from Brown…
Because Clwyd and Gwynedd Health Authorities were refusing to investigate my complaints and simply arrested me constantly, after Dafydd’s attempts at bribery I rang Clwyd Health Authority to try and get answers. I was told that no-one was available to answer my questions, certainly not Dafydd. I’d had a bellyful of the constant lies and excuses so I said ‘OK then, when you do finally locate Dafydd, tell him that I have a meeting arranged with a tabloid newspaper tomorrow and I’ll tell them everything that I know about Dafydd’. Dafydd rang me himself within 20 mins. He refused to answer my questions or agree to reply to my letters of complaint. The call ended.
I did not of course have a meeting with a journo planned, I just wanted to see if Dafydd could be contacted if it was necessary. Of course he could, but I had already known that. Dafydd was available 24 hours a day to the right people and Denbigh ALWAYS had a number for him for certain matters. Such as celebs being arrested or urgent calls from crooked professionals or politicians.
It was in the summer of 1987 that I placed my advert in ‘Private Eye’ for info about Dafydd. It seen by many and Dafydd knew who had placed the advert, he joked about it to me. I didn’t realise that the Eye crowd were part of Dafydd’s network.
The Remembrance Day bombing (also known as the Enniskillen bombing or Poppy Day massacre) took place on 8 November 1987 in Enniskillen, County Fermanagh. An IRA bomb exploded near the town’s war memorial during a Remembrance Sunday ceremony, which was being held to commemorate British military war dead. Ten civilians and a police officer were killed, many of them elderly, and 63 were injured. The IRA said it had made a mistake and that its target had been the British soldiers parading to the memorial.
The bombing was strongly condemned by all sides and undermined support for the IRA and Sinn Féin. It also facilitated the passing of the Extradition Act, which made it easier to extradite IRA suspects from the Republic of Ireland to the UK. Loyalist paramilitaries responded to the bombing with revenge attacks on Catholic civilians. The bombing is often seen as a turning point in the Troubles, an incident that shook the IRA “to its core” and spurred on new efforts by Irish nationalists towards a political solution to the conflict.
The IRA said that the bombing was an attempt to kill British soldiers. It has also been suggested that it was partly a retaliation for the alleged harassment of Republican memorial services by the security forces. A week before the bombing, the RUC clashed with mourners at the funeral of IRA volunteers Eddie McSheffrey and Paddy Deery. When an IRA gunman fired a three-volley salute over the coffins, police baton charged and fired plastic bullets into the crowd. One of the coffins was knocked to the ground and a number of civilians and officers were injured.
The bombing was thought by the British and Irish security forces to have involved at least two IRA units, from both sides of the border. Although IRA units were given “a degree of operational autonomy” at the time, they believed that such a bombing must have been sanctioned by IRA Northern Command. However, a high-ranking IRA member said that it was suggested by IRA men at the local level and sanctioned by a “middle level” officer.
Denzil McDaniel, author of Enniskillen: The Remembrance Sunday Bombing, later interviewed security and IRA contacts, putting together an account of the bombers’ movements. He wrote that the 40-pound (18 kg) bomb was made in Ballinamore, County Leitrim and brought to Enniskillen by up to 30 IRA volunteers, moving in relay teams to avoid security patrols. It is thought to have taken over 24 hours to transport the bomb. On the night of 7 November, the bomb – hidden in a sports bag – was left at the gable wall inside the town’s Reading Rooms, and set to explode at 10:43 am the next day, minutes before the ceremony was to start. The security forces searched the route of the planned military parade for explosives, but did not search the Reading Rooms as it was thought to be a “secure area”.
The bomb exploded as a parade of UDR soldiers was making its way to the memorial and as people waited for the ceremony to begin. It blew out the wall of the Reading Rooms – where many of the victims were standing -burying them under rubble and hurling masonry towards the gathered crowd.
The dead were Wesley and Bertha Armstrong (aged 62 and 55), Kit and Jessie Johnston (aged 71 and 62), William and Agnes Mullan (aged 74 and 73), John Megaw (67), Alberta Quinton (72), Marie Wilson (20), Samuel Gault (49) and Edward Armstrong (52). Edward Armstrong was a serving RUC officer and Gault had recently left the force. Gordon Wilson, whose daughter Marie died in the blast and who was himself injured, went on to become a peace campaigner and member of Seanad Éireann. The twelfth fatality, Ronnie Hill, died after spending 13 years in a coma. Sixty-three people were injured, including 13 children, some of them permanently. Ulster Unionist politicians Sammy Foster and Jim Dixon were among the crowd; the latter received extensive head injuries but recovered. All the victims were Protestant.
A few hours after the blast, the IRA called a radio station and said it had abandoned a 150-pound (68 kg) bomb in Tullyhommon, 20 miles away, after it failed to detonate. That morning, a Remembrance Sunday parade (which included many members of the Boys’ and Girls’ Brigades) had unwittingly gathered near the Tullyhommon bomb. Soldiers and RUC officers had also been there and the IRA said it attempted to trigger the bomb when soldiers were standing beside it. It was defused by security forces and was found to have a command wire leading to a firing point across the border.
The IRA apologised, saying it had made a mistake and that the target had been the UDR soldiers who were parading to the memorial.
Denzil McDaniel, author of Enniskillen: The Remembrance Sunday Bombing, commented: “I don’t believe the IRA set out to specifically kill civilians. I think they made mistakes, probably with their intelligence on the timetable for the service, but the IRA was reckless about civilian life”. RUC Detective Chief Superintendent Norman Baxter said: “Their intention was to inflict casualties. The only mistake in the operation was that the bomb went off before the parade arrived”. Many Irish nationalists and Republicans were horrified by the bombing and described it as a blow to the Republican cause. Sinn Féin’s weekly newspaper, An Phoblacht, criticised the bombing, calling it a “monumental error” that would strengthen the IRA’s opponents. The IRA disbanded the unit responsible.
The bombing led to an outcry among politicians in the Republic of Ireland and the UK. Thatch said: “It’s really desecrating the dead and a blot on mankind”. The Secretary of State for N Ireland, Tom King, denounced the “outrage” in the Commons as did the Irish Minister for Foreign Affairs, Brian Lenihan in Dáil Éireann (the lower house of the Oireachtas, the Republic’s legislature), while in Seanad Éireann Senator Maurice Manning spoke of people’s “total revulsion”. Many public figures used terms such as “barbarism” and “savagery” to describe the bombing.
The bombing was seen by many N Irish Protestants as an attack on them, and loyalist paramilitaries retaliated with attacks on Catholic civilians. The day after, five Catholic teenagers were wounded in a shooting in Belfast and a Protestant teenager was killed by the UDA after being mistaken for a Catholic. In the week after the bombing, there were 14 gun and bomb attacks on Catholics in Belfast.
Irish band U2 were holding a concert in Denver, Colorado the same day. During a performance of their song “Sunday Bloody Sunday”, singer Bono passionately condemned the bombing, stating “fuck the revolution” in his mid-song speech, as well as criticising the armchair republicanism of many Irish-Americans and stating that the majority of people in his country did not want “the revolution”. The footage is included in U2’s rockumentary ‘Rattle and Hum’. Simple Minds scored a number 1 single in the UK with ‘Belfast Child’, inspired by the bomb. So rock stars benefited from that bomb nearly as much as St Bob and Midge Ure benefited from the Ethiopian famine or Tracy Chapman benefited from Nelson Mandela’s imprisonment. Of course, rockers can only benefit from Tragedies if they or those around them have dirt on politicians, the best dirt in those days being anything to do with Thatch’s links to or knowledge of Dafydd et al. So Paula Yates having lived in north Wales as a child and gone to school in Rowen, the village in which the Gang’s good mate Lord Wyn Roberts lived was always useful, as were the Gang’s friends who knew Nelson Mandela and anyone who had the gen on Kincora, Mountbatten or the Duke of Westminster, one of the family estates being in Fermanagh. Robert Grosvenor – MPs – details
The bombing is often seen as a turning point in the Troubles. It undermined support for the IRA’s campaign, both locally and internationally. Crucially, the Gaddafi regime in Libya withdrew its support and with it the supply of weapons and ammunition to the IRA. The bombing also harmed Sinn Féin’s electoral support. In 1989, in the first local elections held after the bombing, Sinn Féin lost four of its eight seats on Fermanagh District Council and was overtaken by the SDLP as the biggest Irish nationalist party there. It was not until 2001, 14 years after the bombing, that Sinn Féin support returned to its 1985 level. The bombing drove new efforts by Irish nationalists towards a political solution to the conflict. It led to the resumption of talks between Sinn Féin leader Gerry Adams and SDLP leader John Hume, paving the way for formal talks between the two parties and the beginnings of the N Ireland peace process. In 1997, Gerry Adams apologised for the bombing on behalf of the Republican movement.
Enniskillen’s Remembrance Day service was re-staged two weeks after the bombing and attended by about 5,000 people, including Thatch. The site of the bomb, which was owned by the Catholic Church, was rebuilt as The Clinton Centre, a youth hostel, in 2002. The hostel was opened by and named after former US President Bill Clinton.
Under the Thirty Year Rule (my medical notes were obviously subject to the same legislation) a letter sent after the bombing was released by the Irish Government. The author was anonymous but claimed to be working for MI5, and the letter was sent to then Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Brian Lenihan. It claimed that MI5 had advance knowledge of the Remembrance Day bombing but allowed it to go ahead, so that the public could turn against the Provisional IRA and new security measures could be justified.
duke of west
Sheila n tony – – mrs fels etc
aids – acheson
REMEMBER – Kings Cross fire